Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Collective Violence and Criminal Justice System
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration
2018 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Collective Violence and Criminal Justice System
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration
2018 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 13 August 2026.
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The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2018 examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2018 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 7 questions answered
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
Q.P. Code 04618. Attempt any four questions, all questions carry equal marks
any four of seven · 100 Marks
Answer
For full marks, cover: organise the first limb by who the perpetrator is, because that is the variable that determines which law applies, what evidence is available and why cases fail. Violence by an intimate partner, by the wider family, by an acquaintance, by a stranger, by an institution and by the community are six different legal problems, not one. Then take the government measures in order of the year they were made and assess each. Keep case law for testing whether the measure worked.
By the intimate partner. This is the largest category by a wide margin in every survey. The criminal law addresses it through section 85 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, which punishes cruelty by a husband or his relative, with cruelty defined by section 86 to include conduct likely to drive the woman to suicide or to cause grave injury, and harassment with a view to coercing an unlawful demand for property.
Section 80 deals with dowry death within seven years of marriage, deeming the husband or relative to have caused the death where it is shown that soon before it she was subjected to cruelty in connection with a dowry demand. The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 supplies a civil remedy that does not depend on prosecution, and its definition of domestic violence extends to physical, sexual, verbal, emotional and economic abuse.
By the wider family and the community. Dowry harassment by in-laws; honour crimes for marrying outside caste or community; and the branding and killing of women as witches, whose victims are disproportionately widows and older women, and which is governed only by State statutes because there is no central law.
By an acquaintance. The overwhelming majority of rape prosecutions in India involve a person known to the complainant, which is why consent rather than identity is the contested issue at trial and why the definition of consent inserted in 2013, an unequivocal voluntary agreement, matters more than the length of the sentence.
By a stranger. Sexual assault in public places, acid attack under section 124, stalking under section 78 and voyeurism under section 77.
By an institution. Section 68 punishes sexual intercourse by a public servant, a jail superintendent, or the management or staff of a hospital or remand home with a woman in custody or under charge, and it does not require proof of force, because consent in such a relationship is not meaningful. Section 75 addresses harassment at work, alongside the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013.
By the market and by medicine. Trafficking, addressed by the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956 and the trafficking provisions of the Sanhita, and sex selection before birth, addressed by the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act, 1994.
1961 and 1986: the first statutes. The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961 and the Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act, 1986 were declaratory and almost unenforced; the Dowry Act's principal legacy is the definition of dowry that later provisions borrow.
1983 and 1986: the amendments that created the offences that actually work. Section 498A and section 304B of the Indian Penal Code, now sections 85 and 80 of the Sanhita, together with the presumption as to dowry death now in section 118 of the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, 2023, are still the provisions under which the largest number of cases against husbands and their relatives are registered.
2005: the civil remedy. The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act is the most innovative Indian measure in this field, because it gives the woman a right of residence in the shared household and allows a Magistrate to make protection, residence, monetary relief, custody and compensation orders without any prosecution at all. Its weakness is administrative: enforcement depends on Protection Officers appointed under section 8, and in most States the post is held as an additional charge by an officer with other full time duties.
2012 and 2013: the two large reforms. The Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 created a gender-neutral, age-graded code for child sexual offences. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013, enacted on the report of the Committee under Justice J.S. Verma constituted on 23 December 2012 and reporting on 23 January 2013, redefined rape, created discrete offences of acid attack, sexual harassment, disrobing, voyeurism and stalking, and defined consent. The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act of the same year gave statutory form to what Vishaka had directed sixteen years earlier.
2018 and after: severity. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2018 introduced the death penalty for rape of a girl below twelve and graded minimum sentences. The procedural guarantees now sit in the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023: recording of information by a woman police officer under the proviso to section 173(1), medical examination under section 184, completion of investigation within two months under section 193(2), a forensic team at the scene of any offence punishable with seven years or more under section 176(3), the bar on arresting a woman after sunset under section 43(5), and victim compensation, treatment of victims and a witness protection scheme under sections 396 to 398.
Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan, (1997) 6 SCC 241 is the test of whether government acts at all without judicial compulsion. Bhanwari Devi, a saathin employed under a Rajasthan Government development programme, was gang-raped in 1992 in reprisal for attempting to stop a child marriage, and the prosecution collapsed. On a petition brought by women's organisations, the Supreme Court held that Articles 19(1)(g) and 21 include the right to a safe working environment, used Articles 51(c) and 253 to draw on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and laid down guidelines binding under Article 141 until legislation was made. Legislation took sixteen years, and in Medha Kotwal Lele v. Union of India, (2013) 1 SCC 297 the Court had to issue further directions to States and universities that had not complied in the interim.
State of Punjab v. Gurmit Singh, (1996) 2 SCC 384 is the test of whether the trial works. A schoolgirl was abducted and raped, and the trial court acquitted because it disbelieved her, relying on delay in the complaint and on its own expectations of how a victim behaves. Setting the acquittal aside, the Supreme Court held that the evidence of the prosecutrix stands on the same footing as that of an injured witness, that corroboration is not a rule of law, that delay must be understood against social reality, and that such trials should ordinarily be held in camera and, where practicable, before a woman judge. Much of this became statutory only in 2013.
Lalita Kumari v. Government of U.P., (2014) 2 SCC 1 is the test of whether the case is registered at all. A Constitution Bench held that registration of an FIR is mandatory under what was then section 154 of the Code where the information discloses a cognizable offence, that no preliminary enquiry is permissible in such a case, and that action must be taken against officers who fail to register. Non-registration remains the single largest point of loss in this class of case, which is why this decision matters more to outcomes than the definition of any offence.
| Measure | What it achieved | Where it fails |
|---|---|---|
| Sections 85, 86 and 80 of the Sanhita | The most used provisions against the marital home | Compounding and settlement pressure; long trials |
| Domestic Violence Act, 2005 | Remedies without prosecution | Protection Officers hold the post as an additional charge |
| POSH Act, 2013 | Duty on every employer with ten or more employees | Local Complaints Committees barely exist; the unorganised sector is untouched |
| Criminal Law Amendment Acts, 2013 and 2018 | Offences named and graded; consent defined | Severity preferred to certainty; marital rape exception retained |
| BNSS procedure | Timelines, woman officer, forensic visit, compensation | No consequence attached to breach of a timeline |
Two criticisms are decisive. The first is the exception Parliament kept. The Verma Committee recommended removing the marital rape exception, removing the sanction requirement for prosecuting armed forces personnel for sexual offences in disturbed areas, and introducing command responsibility; none was accepted, and Exception 2 to section 63 of the Sanhita still provides that sexual acts by a man with his own wife, she not being under eighteen, are not rape. It was read down for wives between fifteen and eighteen in Independent Thought v. Union of India, (2017) 10 SCC 800, and the challenge in respect of adult wives is pending. The second is money and personnel: the Nirbhaya Fund has been persistently under-utilised, fast track courts are frequently existing courts renamed, and the two month investigation deadline in section 193(2) has no sanction attached to its breach.
Conclusion. Violence against women in India is best analysed by the relationship between victim and perpetrator, because that determines the applicable law and the evidentiary problem: the intimate partner category is the largest and is met by sections 80, 85 and 86 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and by the civil machinery of the Act of 2005; the acquaintance category makes consent the contested issue and is why the 2013 definition matters; and the institutional category is met by section 68, which dispenses with proof of force.
The government's measures have moved from declaratory statutes in 1961 and 1986 to real ones in 2005, 2012 and 2013 and to procedural guarantees in 2023, and the pattern across them is consistent: they are strong where they declare and weak where they require staff and money, and each of the three large advances followed judicial compulsion in Vishaka, Gurmit Singh and Lalita Kumari rather than preceding it. The single measure the government has declined to take, on the marital rape exception, remains the sharpest criticism available.
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