Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Collective Violence and Criminal Justice System
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration
2016 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Collective Violence and Criminal Justice System
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration
2016 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 13 August 2026.
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Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.
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The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2016 examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
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The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2016 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 14 questions answered
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
Q.P. Code 12294, BB-Con. 7445-15, page 1 of the scan. Attempt any four questions, all questions carry equal marks
any four of seven · 100 Marks
Answer
For full marks, cover: the second limb is the distinctive one on this paper, and it should organise the whole answer. "Judicial approaches" is not a request for a list of cases; it asks how the courts' attitude has changed, so set out the phases of judicial approach in order and put a leading case in each. The first limb, the forms of violence, should be given compactly at the start so that each judicial phase can be attached to a real problem.
Violence against women in India occurs across five settings. In the marital home, as cruelty and dowry harassment under sections 85 and 86 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 and as dowry death under section 80, supported by the presumption in section 118 of the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, 2023. As sexual violence, under sections 63 to 70, with section 65(2) for a victim below twelve and section 70 for gang rape.
In public and at work, as assault to outrage modesty under section 74, sexual harassment under section 75, disrobing under section 76, voyeurism under section 77, stalking under section 78 and acid attack under section 124. In custody and institutions, under section 68, which punishes sexual intercourse by a public servant, jail superintendent or hospital staff with a woman in his charge and does not require proof of force. And in the community, as honour crime and as witch hunting, the latter reached only by State statutes.
The first approach treated the complainant's account with suspicion and the trial court's assessment of her behaviour as unreviewable. Tuka Ram v. State of Maharashtra, (1979) 2 SCC 143, the Mathura case, is the low point. Two policemen were acquitted of raping a young tribal girl inside a police station, the Supreme Court reasoning that there were no marks of injury, that she had not raised an alarm and that what had occurred was therefore passive submission rather than rape. The decision provoked an open letter from four law teachers, and the resulting campaign produced the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1983, which created the offence of custodial rape, shifted the burden on consent in custodial cases, and provided for in camera trial.
The second approach dismantled the presumptions that had made conviction nearly impossible. State of Punjab v. Gurmit Singh, (1996) 2 SCC 384 is the leading authority. A schoolgirl was abducted and raped; the trial court acquitted, disbelieving her because of delay in the complaint and because her conduct did not match its expectations. Setting the acquittal aside, the Supreme Court held that the evidence of a prosecutrix in a sexual offence stands on the same footing as that of an injured witness, that corroboration is not a rule of law but at most a rule of prudence, that delay in lodging a complaint in such cases must be understood against social reality rather than treated as fatal, and that such trials should ordinarily be held in camera and, where practicable, before a woman judge.
Bodhisattwa Gautam v. Subhra Chakraborty, (1996) 1 SCC 490 added the constitutional dimension, holding that rape is not merely an offence against the person but a violation of the right to life with dignity under Article 21, and that a criminal court may direct interim compensation to the victim during the pendency of the trial, which was then a novel proposition.
The third approach is the most striking, and it is the one that distinguishes Indian constitutional practice. Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan, (1997) 6 SCC 241 arose from the gang rape of Bhanwari Devi, a saathin employed under a Rajasthan Government programme, in reprisal for her attempt to prevent a child marriage, and from the failure of the resulting prosecution. The petition was brought not on those facts but on the absence of any law on sexual harassment at work.
The Supreme Court held that the right to practise any profession under Article 19(1)(g) and the right to life with dignity under Article 21 include a safe working environment; that Article 51(c) read with Article 253 permitted it to draw on the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which India had ratified; and that in the absence of legislation its guidelines would be binding under Article 141. They held the field for sixteen years, were applied to disciplinary proceedings in Apparel Export Promotion Council v. A.K. Chopra, (1999) 1 SCC 759, where the Court restored the dismissal of a superior and held that physical contact is not essential to sexual harassment, and had to be enforced against defaulting States and universities in Medha Kotwal Lele v. Union of India, (2013) 1 SCC 297.
The fourth approach reframes the woman as a rights-holder rather than as an object of protection. Independent Thought v. Union of India, (2017) 10 SCC 800 held that the marital rape exception, insofar as it protected a husband having sexual intercourse with a wife aged between fifteen and eighteen, was arbitrary, discriminatory and irreconcilable with the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012, and read the age in the exception up to eighteen.
Joseph Shine v. Union of India, (2019) 3 SCC 39 struck down the offence of adultery, holding that a provision which treated a wife as her husband's property and gave the husband alone a remedy denied the woman's sexual autonomy and violated Articles 14, 15 and 21; the significance for this question is the reasoning rather than the result, since the Court identified the ownership model of marriage as the source of the harm.
The most recent approach turns the inquiry inward. Aparna Bhat v. State of Madhya Pradesh, 2021 SCC OnLine SC 230 arose from a High Court bail order requiring a man accused of molesting his neighbour to present himself at her house so that she could tie a rakhi on his wrist. Setting the condition aside, the Supreme Court held that bail conditions must not mandate or permit contact between the accused and the victim, that judgments must not use language about a woman's dress, behaviour or past conduct, that stereotypes such as the notion that a real victim resists or complains immediately have no place in judicial reasoning, and it directed gender sensitisation modules in judicial academies and in the syllabus for the Bar examination.
The same corrective runs through Attorney General for India v. Satish, (2022) 5 SCC 545, which set aside the holding that groping a child over her clothing was not sexual assault for want of skin to skin contact, and through State of Jharkhand v. Shailendra Kumar Rai, (2022) 14 SCC 299, which reiterated the prohibition on the two-finger test laid down in Lillu v. State of Haryana, (2013) 14 SCC 643 and directed that conducting it should amount to misconduct.
| Phase | Attitude | Leading case | What changed |
|---|---|---|---|
| One | Deference and suspicion | Tuka Ram, 1979 | Nothing judicially; Parliament acted in 1983 |
| Two | Correcting evidentiary assumptions | Gurmit Singh, 1996 | Prosecutrix treated as an injured witness |
| Three | Legislating in the vacuum | Vishaka, 1997 | Binding guidelines until the Act of 2013 |
| Four | Dignity and autonomy | Independent Thought, 2017 | Exception read down; ownership model rejected |
| Five | Correcting judicial conduct | Aparna Bhat, 2021 | Bail conditions, language and stereotypes regulated |
Three limits should be stated. Courts act on the cases that reach them, and the largest losses in this field occur before any court is involved, at the point of registration, which is why Lalita Kumari v. Government of U.P., (2014) 2 SCC 1 had to hold that registration of an FIR is mandatory where the information discloses a cognizable offence. Guidelines are not administration: Vishaka was in force for sixteen years and Medha Kotwal Lele shows how patchily it was obeyed. And the courts have not touched the exception Parliament kept, since Independent Thought expressly left the position of adult wives open and the challenge to Exception 2 to section 63 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita remains pending, with the Union having opposed its removal.
A judicial approach has boundaries, and naming them is part of answering the question properly.
Courts cannot create procedure that binds an investigating officer at three in the morning. That had to come from the legislature, and it did, in three instalments: the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1983 after Tuka Ram, the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013 after the Verma Committee reported on 23 January 2013, and the procedural guarantees now in the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023.
Those guarantees are worth listing because they are the working law. Information from a woman complaining of a sexual offence must be recorded by a woman police officer under the proviso to section 173(1); her medical examination is governed by section 184; investigation into offences under sections 64 to 71 must be completed within two months under section 193(2); a forensic team must attend the scene of any offence punishable with seven years or more under section 176(3); and a woman may not be arrested after sunset or before sunrise except in exceptional circumstances under section 43(5).
Courts cannot fund an institution. Nipun Saxena v. Union of India, (2019) 2 SCC 703 is the illustration: the Court held that the identity of a victim of a sexual offence must not be disclosed, that the prohibition extends to a deceased victim and to a victim of unsound mind, and directed the establishment of One Stop Centres in every district and the keeping of identity in sealed cover. The prohibition on disclosure worked immediately because it operates on courts and the press; the One Stop Centres arrived slowly because they required money and staff, and the difference between the two halves of the same judgment is the clearest available measure of what judicial direction can and cannot achieve.
Courts decide the cases that reach them, and the largest attrition in this class of case occurs earlier, at the police station, which is why Lalita Kumari v. Government of U.P., (2014) 2 SCC 1 had to hold that registration of an FIR is mandatory where the information discloses a cognizable offence and that no preliminary enquiry is permissible.
Conclusion. Violence against women in India runs across the marital home, sexual violence, public and workplace harassment, custodial exploitation and community violence, and Indian law now names each of them. The judicial approach has moved through five distinct phases: deference and suspicion in Tuka Ram, correction of the evidentiary assumptions in Gurmit Singh and Bodhisattwa Gautam, outright legislation in the vacuum in Vishaka, a reframing around dignity and autonomy in Independent Thought and Joseph Shine, and finally the regulation of judicial conduct itself in Aparna Bhat.
The trajectory is real and it has been the principal engine of reform, since each of the three great legislative advances, in 1983, in 2013 and in the procedural guarantees of 2023, followed a judicial or public reckoning rather than preceding it. Its limits are equally clear: courts cannot register a case, cannot administer a scheme, and have not been willing to remove the one exception that the Verma Committee identified as the most important.
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