munotes®

Public Authorities and Power Holders Notes | LL.M. Semester 3 | Mumbai University | munotes

Official Notes by munotes.in

Public Authorities and Power Holders

LL.M. · SEMESTER 3

Strictly as per the University of Mumbai LL.M. syllabus in force

For LL.M. students of the University of Mumbai and all its affiliated law colleges

Open the book ↓

Public Authorities and Power Holders

Copyright © 2026 munotes.in. All rights reserved.

Written and first published by munotes.in, 2026.

This book is free for individual students to read at munotes.in. No part of it may be reproduced, distributed, stored, translated or used for institutional or classroom purposes in any form without a prior written licence from munotes.in.

Licensing and permissions: contact@munotes.in

The text of statutes and of judgments reproduced in this book is in the public domain under section 52(1)(q) of the Copyright Act 1957. The commentary, arrangement, examples and questions are the original work of munotes.in.

munotes.in is an independent study resource for MU students. It is not affiliated with, endorsed by, or officially connected to the University of Mumbai. Course names and university references describe the students and syllabus the material relates to.

munotes.in

Contents

Module I

  1. What Maladministration Is 1
  2. Where the Ombudsman Begins: Sweden, 1809 6
  3. The Classical Model Spreads: Denmark and New Zealand 10
  4. Britain's Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration 14
  5. What Makes an Ombudsman an Ombudsman 18
  6. India Before the Lokpal: the Santhanam Committee 23
  7. The First Administrative Reforms Commission and the Lokpal Proposal 27
  8. Forty-Five Years of Failed Bills 31
  9. The Agitation of 2011 and the Making of the Act 35
  10. The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013: the Architecture 39
  11. The Lokpal Established: Composition and Qualifications 44
  12. Tenure, Salary, Removal and Staff 49
  13. The Inquiry Wing and the Prosecution Wing 54
  14. Who the Lokpal May Inquire Into, Including the Prime Minister 59
  15. Benches, Transfer of Cases, and Decision by Majority 65
  16. Complaint, Preliminary Inquiry and the Right to be Heard 69
  17. Sanction for Prosecution, and Action Against a Minister 75
  18. The Lokpal's Powers: Supervision, Search and the Powers of a Civil Court 80
  19. Attachment, Confiscation, and the Rest of the Powers 85
  20. Special Courts, and the Letter of Request 91
  21. Complaints Against the Lokpal Itself, and the Money 95
  22. The Declaration of Assets, and the Amendment of 2016 101
  23. Offences, Penalties, and the Reports 106
  24. Protections, Limitation, and the Bar of Jurisdiction 112
  25. The Rest of the Lokpal Act 117
  26. Section 63 and the Duty of Every State to Establish a Lokayukta 123
  27. Why the First Lokpal Took Office Only in 2019 127
  28. The Lokayuktas of the States 132
  29. Maharashtra's Act of 1971: the Office 137
  30. Maharashtra's Act of 1971: What It May Investigate, and How 143
  31. The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023: What Has Changed 149
  32. The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Jurisdiction and Benches 155
  33. The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Inquiry, Investigation and Hearing 161
  34. The Maharashtra Act of 2023: the Rest, and the Repeal 167
  35. Is the Central Vigilance Commission an Ombudsman 172
  36. The Ombudsman's Weakness: Recommendation Without Power 177
  37. Grievance Redress, and the Statute India Never Passed 181
  38. A Worked Comparison: Lokpal, Lokayukta and the Ombudsman Abroad 186
  39. What a Commission of Inquiry Is For 190
  40. The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, and Its Repeal 195
  41. The English Model: the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921 200
  42. The Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952: Extent and Definitions 205
  43. Appointing a Commission: Section 3 210
  44. The Commission's Composition, Staff and Assessors 216
  45. The Powers of a Civil Court: Section 5 221
  46. Statements Before a Commission: Sections 6 and 6A 226
  47. Vacancy, Cesser and the Continuity of an Inquiry 231
  48. Sections 8B and 8C: the Right to be Heard and to Cross-Examine 236
  49. Additional Powers, Search and Seizure 241
  50. Offences Before a Commission, and the Rule-Making Power 246
  51. The Commission Is Not a Court 251
  52. The Report Is Recommendatory: Proprio Vigore 256
  53. How Much Natural Justice Is Owed Before a Commission 261
  54. Challenging the Notification 266
  55. What Happens to the Report 272
  56. What a Report Cannot Do to the Criminal Process 276
  57. The Great Indian Commissions and What Became of Their Reports 281
  58. Delay, Cost and the Practical Case Against the Present Act 285
  59. The Reforms This Act Needs 290

Module II

  1. What Vigilance Means in Indian Administration 295
  2. Before 2003: the Resolution of 1964 299
  3. Vineet Narain and the Direction to Give the CVC Statutory Status 303
  4. The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003: the Architecture 310
  5. The Constitution of the Commission: Section 3 314
  6. Appointment, and the Doctrine of Institutional Integrity 319
  7. Terms of Office, the Oath, and Removal 325
  8. The Functions and Powers of the Commission 332
  9. Sections 8A, 8B and 11A: What the Lokpal Act Put Into This Act 339
  10. Proceedings, and the Powers of a Civil Court 346
  11. Expenses, the Annual Report, and Protection 353
  12. Reports, Information, and Consultation 359
  13. Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act 365
  14. The Chief Vigilance Officer 374
  15. First and Second Stage Advice 379
  16. State Vigilance Commissions 384
  17. The Commission and the Lokpal 390
  18. What Corruption Is in Law 396
  19. Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute 404
  20. The Weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission 413
  21. What the Central Bureau of Investigation Actually Is 420
  22. The War-Time Origin 426
  23. The Act of 1946, Read Section by Section 431
  24. Superintendence: Section 4 437
  25. The Director, and the Committee 443
  26. Offences, and the Extension of Powers 450
  27. The Consent of the State 455
  28. The Agency Without Consent 460
  29. Section 6A, Struck Down Twice 466
  30. The Organisation of the Agency 473
  31. How a Case Begins 479
  32. The Court-Monitored Investigation 485
  33. The Caged Parrot 490
  34. The Agency and the Right to Information 496
  35. The Challenge to the Agency's Existence 500
  36. Further Investigation and Fresh Investigation 506
  37. The Other Central Agencies 511
  38. How an Agency Is Insulated 517
  39. The Case for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act 524

Module III

  1. Why a Legislature Inquires 530
  2. The Two Sources 535
  3. Articles 105 and 194 540
  4. Privilege and Fundamental Rights 547
  5. Contempt of the House 553
  6. The Financial Committees 560
  7. The Public Accounts Committee and the Comptroller and Auditor General 565
  8. The Standing Committees 570
  9. Select and Joint Committees 575
  10. The Committee of Privileges 581
  11. The Committee on Subordinate Legislation 587
  12. The Other Scrutiny Committees 592
  13. The Powers of a Committee 597
  14. The Limits of a Committee Inquiry 602
  15. Judicial Review of Privilege 608
  16. Bribery, and the Immunity That Ended 614
  17. A Committee Report in a Court 621
  18. Where the Committee System Is Written 627
  19. The Weaknesses of the Committee System 633
  20. What Legislative Control Means 639
  21. Responsible Government 644
  22. The Question Hour 650
  23. The Zero Hour and the Notices 655
  24. No-Confidence and Censure 660
  25. The Executive's Duty to Inform 665
  26. Control Through the Purse 670
  27. Why Delegated Legislation 676
  28. The Essential Legislative Function 680
  29. The Laying Procedure 686
  30. Is Laying Mandatory? 691
  31. Publication and Previous Publication 697
  32. Legislative Control Through Audit 703
  33. Why Legislative Control Is Weak 708
  34. Legislative Control in a State 714
  35. The Three Controls Compared 720

Module IV

  1. What Financial Control Is 726
  2. No Tax and No Spending Without Law 731
  3. The Annual Financial Statement 736
  4. Demands, Appropriation and Finance 741
  5. Supplementary and Excess Grants 747
  6. Money Bills 753
  7. The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General 760
  8. The Safeguards of Independence 766
  9. Duties and Powers: Article 149 772
  10. The Form of Accounts 778
  11. The Audit Reports: Article 151 784
  12. The Act of 1971: The Duties 789
  13. Audit of Receipts and Stores 794
  14. Audit of Companies and Corporations 800
  15. The Powers of Inspection 806
  16. The Three Audits 813
  17. How Far Audit Reaches 819
  18. What Happens to an Audit Report 826
  19. The Auditor and Policy 834
  20. The Fiscal Responsibility Act 841
  21. Review Reports and Rules 849
  22. Financial Control in a State 856
  23. The Finance Commission and Net Proceeds 862
  24. The Weaknesses of Financial Control 868
  25. What a Judicial Inquiry Is 875
  26. Why Judges Are Treated Differently 880
  27. Article 124(4): The Ground and the Procedure 886
  28. Article 124(5) and the Act 892
  29. The Motion and the Committee 897
  30. The Inquiry and the Report 903
  31. The Procedure on the Report 909
  32. The Investigation Stage and the Political Stage 915
  33. A Motion Does Not Lapse on Dissolution 921
  34. The Judge's Right to the Report, and Review Before the House 927
  35. Bias in the Composition of the Committee 934
  36. The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full 941
  37. Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document 949
  38. Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure 957
  39. The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps 965
  40. The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report 974
  41. A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption 982
  42. Contempt as the Last Resort 991
  43. Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge 998
  44. Inquiry BY a Judge: the Judicial Commission of Inquiry 1006
  45. Should a Serving Judge Head a Commission of Inquiry 1012
  46. Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter 1019
  47. What Judicial Inquiries Are Worth: the Honest Assessment 1027
munotes.in

Module I

munotes.in

Chapter One

What Maladministration Is

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Maladministration is bad government that is not necessarily illegal: the delay, the arbitrariness, the inaction, the bias, the rudeness and the abuse of a discretion that a citizen meets when dealing with the State, and which the ordinary courts are badly placed to correct.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: maladministration means administrative action or inaction which, though frequently within the letter of the law, is unjust, oppressive, improperly discriminatory, unreasonably delayed, based on irrelevant considerations, or otherwise so defective in procedure or motive that it causes injustice to a person, and for which the ordinary remedies of a court are either unavailable or disproportionate.

Why this paper begins here

The University's own title for this paper is "Public Authorities and Power Holders : Controls on Mal Administration". Everything in the eight labels is a control, and a control is only intelligible once you know what it controls. So the first chapter states the disease and the rest of the book states the remedies, in the order MU sets them.

The word is worth taking seriously because it is easy to shrink it. A student who reads maladministration as a synonym for corruption will write half an answer. Corruption is one species of maladministration, the one the criminal law reaches; the rest of it is lawful in the narrow sense and injurious all the same, and most of what an ombudsman actually deals with belongs to that larger, quieter part.

The classic list, and where it comes from

The most quoted description in the common law world is the one Richard Crossman gave in the House of Commons in 1966, while introducing the Bill that became the Parliamentary Commissioner Act 1967. Asked what maladministration meant, he offered what has ever since been called the Crossman catalogue: bias, neglect, inattention, delay, incompetence, ineptitude, perversity, turpitude and arbitrariness.

The list is not a statutory definition and was never meant to be one. Crossman's point was that a definition would be narrower than the mischief, so the Bill left the word undefined and let the Commissioner build the meaning case by case. The British Act still contains no definition, and neither does the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013.

Sir Cecil Clothier, a later British Commissioner, added the sentence that best captures the difference between this subject and administrative law proper. Maladministration, he said, is not about the merits of a decision but about the quality of the process by which it was reached. A decision may be perfectly lawful and still be reached in a way that wrongs the person it affects.

The Indian vocabulary: allegation and grievance

Indian statutes do not use the word maladministration. They split the ground into two statutory categories, and a student who knows the split can organise an answer on any Lokayukta Act in the country.

munotes.in1

What Maladministration Is

An allegation, in the Lokayukta Acts, is an assertion that a public servant has abused his position for gain or favour, or to cause harm to another; or that he was actuated by personal interest or improper motive; or that he is guilty of corruption, lack of integrity or want of probity. It is the culpable end of the range, and its consequence is an inquiry into the officer.

A grievance is a claim that the complainant sustained injustice or undue hardship in consequence of maladministration. This is the ordinary citizen's complaint about delay or refusal or muddle, and its consequence is a recommendation that the department put the matter right.

The distinction runs through the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971, and the point to notice is what the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 did with it. That Act took the allegation half and left the grievance half out altogether. India's central ombudsman is a corruption body, and the citizen with a grievance about delay has no ombudsman at all. Chapter 330 takes that gap up.

Why the ordinary courts are a poor remedy

Standing and cost. A person kept waiting eleven months for a pension is not going to file a writ petition. The lawyer costs more than the pension, and the wrong is too small for the machinery.

The ground of review, not the merit. A court exercising judicial review asks whether a decision was within power, whether the procedure was fair and whether the decision was so unreasonable that no reasonable authority could have reached it. It does not ask whether the decision was a good one, and most maladministration is a series of decisions no court would call unreasonable.

Delay compounding delay. The remedy for administrative delay cannot itself take four years, and litigation does.

Nothing is fixed for anybody else. A writ petition corrects one file. It rarely changes the practice that produced the file, because the court is deciding a case and not auditing a department.

And the courts themselves have said so. The whole apparatus of this paper exists because the Constitution's remedies, articles 32 and 226, are necessary and not sufficient. The ombudsman, the vigilance commission, the audit report and the parliamentary committee are all attempts to reach what a writ cannot.

Article 12 and who this paper is about

Article 12 says that in Part III, unless the context otherwise requires, "the State" includes the Government and Parliament of India, the Government and the Legislature of each of the States, and all local or other authorities within the territory of India or under the control of the Government of India.

munotes.in2

What Maladministration Is

Every body in this paper is inside that definition. The Lokpal, the Central Vigilance Commission, the Central Bureau of Investigation, a Commission of Inquiry, a parliamentary committee and the Comptroller and Auditor-General are all authorities within the territory of India, and the fundamental rights therefore bind each of them.

That is not a technicality, and it decides real cases. When section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 was struck down, it was struck down under article 14, which applies because the establishment is the State. When the appointment of a Central Vigilance Commissioner was quashed, it was quashed on an article 32 petition. The controls in this paper are themselves controlled, and article 12 is where that begins.

The three families of control, and the map of this book

MU's eight labels fall into three families, and a student who sees the families will never lose the thread of the paper.

Specialised watchdogs, outside the three organs and answerable to none of them in the ordinary way. The Ombudsman, the Commission of Inquiry, the Vigilance Commission and the investigating agency. These are Modules I and II.

The legislature controlling the executive. Inquiries by legislative committees, legislative control proper, and financial control with the Comptroller and Auditor-General as its instrument. These are Module III and the first half of Module IV.

The judiciary, both as a controller and as a subject of control. Judicial review runs through every chapter, and judicial inquiries, the eighth label, are the point at which the controller becomes the controlled.

A worked example

Mrs Salunkhe retires on 30 April from a State transport corporation after thirty-one years. Her pension papers go to the accounts branch on 2 May. In September she has received nothing.

Step one, what has actually gone wrong. Her file was sent to the wrong section, sat there for six weeks, came back for a signature that had already been obtained, and is now with a clerk who is on long leave and whose desk nobody has been asked to cover. No rule has been broken. Every officer involved would say, correctly, that they followed the procedure.

Step two, what a court could do. She could file a writ petition for a mandamus. She would need a lawyer, a few thousand rupees she does not have, and eighteen months. The Court would direct the corporation to decide her claim within a stated period. It would not ask why the file went to the wrong section, and it would not touch the practice that will do the same thing to the next retiree.

Step three, what this is called. Not corruption, because nobody took anything. Not illegality, because no provision was broken. It is a grievance, in the statutory sense: injustice and undue hardship in consequence of maladministration.

munotes.in3

What Maladministration Is

Step four, what an ombudsman could do. Under the Maharashtra Act of 1971 she may complain to the Lokayukta, without a lawyer and without a fee. The Lokayukta may call for the file, ask the corporation to explain, and report. The report cannot order anybody to pay her, and that is the institution's central weakness, taken up in chapter 320.

Step five, and this is the sting. If she lived in a State with no functioning Lokayukta, or if her complaint were against a Union department, she would have nowhere at all to take it, because the Lokpal Act deals with allegations of corruption and not with grievances.

What maladministration does NOT mean

It does not mean an unpopular decision. A Government may lawfully decide to close a bus route or refuse a licence, and a citizen who dislikes the decision has not suffered maladministration. What matters is how the decision was reached and how the citizen was treated, not whether it went their way.

It does not mean only corruption. Corruption is the part of the field that the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 and the criminal courts reach. Most maladministration is not criminal, which is precisely why a separate control was invented.

It does not mean illegality. An act that is plainly illegal is a matter for a court. Maladministration is the larger and more elusive category of conduct that survives a legality test and still causes injustice.

And it is not confined to the lower ranks. The eight labels in this syllabus reach the Prime Minister, a Chief Minister, a judge of the Supreme Court and the Comptroller and Auditor-General. That is what the title's other half, "power holders", is doing.

Quick revision

Maladministration is defective administrative process causing injustice, whether or not the act is unlawful. No Indian statute defines it.

The Crossman catalogue, 1966: bias, neglect, inattention, delay, incompetence, ineptitude, perversity, turpitude, arbitrariness.

Clothier's distinction: not the merits of the decision but the quality of the process.

Indian statutory vocabulary: an allegation is abuse of position, personal interest or corruption; a grievance is injustice or undue hardship from maladministration. The Lokpal Act 2013 covers allegations only.

Why courts are not enough: cost and standing, review of legality rather than merit, delay, and relief that fixes one file rather than a practice.

Article 12 puts every authority in this paper inside the definition of the State, so the controls are themselves subject to Part III.

The three families: specialised watchdogs, legislative control including financial control, and the judiciary as controller and as controlled.

munotes.in4

What Maladministration Is

Test yourself

1. Define maladministration and say why no Indian statute defines it. It is administrative action or inaction, often lawful in the narrow sense, which is unjust, oppressive, improperly discriminatory, unreasonably delayed or defective in procedure or motive and causes injustice. It is left undefined for the reason Crossman gave in 1966: any definition would be narrower than the mischief, so the meaning is built case by case.

2. Distinguish an allegation from a grievance, and say why the difference matters in India today. An allegation asserts abuse of position, personal interest or corruption against a public servant, and leads to an inquiry into the officer. A grievance asserts injustice or undue hardship from maladministration, and leads to a recommendation putting the matter right. It matters because the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 covers allegations only, so a citizen with a grievance against a Union department has no ombudsman.

3. Give three reasons why judicial review is an inadequate answer to maladministration. The cost and difficulty of standing put it out of reach for small wrongs; a court reviews the legality and reasonableness of a decision rather than its merits, and most maladministration passes that test; and litigation is itself slow and corrects a single file rather than the practice that produced it.

4. Why does article 12 appear in a chapter on maladministration? Because it fixes who this paper is about. Every institution in the eight labels is an authority within the territory of India and is therefore the State for Part III, so the fundamental rights bind each of them. That is why the Single Directive and section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act could be tested against article 14 and struck down.

5. Is all maladministration corruption? Answer with reasons. No. Corruption is one species of maladministration, the species the criminal law reaches through the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. The larger part is delay, inattention, bias and muddle, which break no provision and cause real injustice, and it is that larger part which explains why an ombudsman was thought necessary in addition to the courts and the police.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in5

Chapter Two

Where the Ombudsman Begins: Sweden, 1809

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The ombudsman is a Swedish invention of 1809: an officer appointed by Parliament, independent of the Government, whose job is to receive complaints from ordinary people about officials and to investigate them.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the office of Ombudsman originated in Sweden, where the Instrument of Government of 1809 created the Justitieombudsman, a Parliamentary Commissioner for Justice appointed by and answerable to the Riksdag, independent of the executive, empowered to supervise the observance of the laws by courts and officials and to prosecute those who failed in their duties; the model has since been adopted, with modifications, in more than a hundred countries.

Why the office was invented

Sweden had a king, and the king had officials, and there was no way for a subject to complain about an official except to the king who had appointed him. The office of Justitiekansler, the Chancellor of Justice, existed from 1713 to supervise officials, but the Chancellor was the king's man.

The Instrument of Government of 1809 followed a constitutional crisis: Gustav IV Adolf had been deposed in a coup in March 1809, and the new constitution divided power between the Crown and the Riksdag. The Riksdag wanted its own supervisor of officialdom, so that the supervision would not depend on the goodwill of the executive it was supervising.

That is the founding idea and it has never changed. An ombudsman is answerable to the legislature and not to the Government, because a watchdog appointed and paid by the person being watched is not a watchdog. Every argument in this book about the selection committee for the Lokpal, the Central Vigilance Commissioner and the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation is that same idea in Indian dress.

What the word means

The Swedish word ombud means an agent, a representative, a person who is authorised to act for another. Ombudsman is the man who is that agent. It is nobody's title in the sense of an honour; it describes a function.

Two consequences follow, and students who miss them lose marks.

The office is representative, not judicial. The ombudsman acts for the citizen and for the Parliament that appointed him. He is not an arbiter between two parties in the way a judge is, which is why an ombudsman may take up a case on his own motion and a judge may not.

The word carries no gender in Swedish usage, and the international usage has kept the word as it is. The Indian statutes avoid the difficulty altogether by using Lokpal and Lokayukta, both coined in the 1960s from Sanskrit roots meaning, roughly, protector of the people and officer of the people.

munotes.in6

Where the Ombudsman Begins: Sweden, 1809

What the Justitieombudsman could do in 1809

Appointed by the Riksdag, not by the king, for a fixed term, and removable by the Riksdag.

Independent of the Government and of the courts, with his own staff and his own budget.

A jurisdiction over courts as well as over officials. This is the feature that surprises a common law reader. The Swedish ombudsman supervises the observance of the laws by judges too, which no Indian institution does and which the eighth label of this syllabus, judicial inquiries, has to solve in a quite different way.

Access without a lawyer, without a fee and without a form. A complaint could be a letter. This is the feature that most distinguishes the institution from a court.

A power to prosecute. The Justitieombudsman could institute proceedings against an official who had broken the law. This is not the modern pattern; most later ombudsmen recommend rather than prosecute, and India's Lokpal, unusually, can do both.

A duty to report annually to the Riksdag, in public. This is the sanction that actually works, and every statute in this book copies it: the Lokpal's annual report, the Central Vigilance Commission's annual report and the Comptroller and Auditor-General's report are all descendants of this obligation.

A hundred and forty-six years of nothing

The single most examinable fact about the early history is that nobody copied it for a very long time. Finland took the institution in 1919, when it separated from Russia and drew on Swedish constitutional practice. After that, silence until 1955.

Why the delay is a question worth answering in an exam. Three reasons are usually given.

The institution looks unnecessary where the courts are strong. Nineteenth century Britain believed the ordinary courts and ministerial responsibility to Parliament were sufficient, an argument associated with Dicey's account of the rule of law.

The State was small. An officer to supervise officials matters in proportion to how many officials there are and how much discretion they hold. The administrative state that makes an ombudsman necessary is a twentieth century creation.

Sweden's constitutional position was unusual. An officer of a parliament with authority over judges did not fit either the French model of separate administrative courts or the English model of a single hierarchy of ordinary courts.

A worked example

Anders is a shopkeeper in Uppsala in 1830. A customs official has seized his stock on a suspicion he thinks is baseless, and has kept it for four months without deciding anything.

Before 1809 his options are two. Petition the king, whose officer the customs man is; or sue, which is slow, costly, and in practice hopeless against the Crown's servants.

After 1809 there is a third. He writes a letter to the Justitieombudsman. It costs him a sheet of paper.

munotes.in7

Where the Ombudsman Begins: Sweden, 1809

What the Ombudsman does. He calls for the file, asks the officer to explain, and finds that the seizure was made without the authority the regulations required and that nothing has been done since. He may direct that proceedings be taken against the officer, and he records the case in his annual report to the Riksdag.

What Anders gets. His stock, an official finding that he was wronged, and the knowledge that the case is in a public report.

What everybody else gets, and this is the point. The report is read in the Riksdag. The customs administration knows that its handling of seizures is being examined and published. That is a control on a practice, which is what a lawsuit could never have delivered.

What this has to do with India

Every feature of the 1809 office reappears in the Indian debate of the 1960s, and it reappears because the First Administrative Reforms Commission went and looked at it.

Appointment by, and reporting to, the legislature becomes the Lokpal's Selection Committee and its annual report to the President, laid before both Houses.

Independence from the executive becomes the charge on the Consolidated Fund and the removal only on a reference to the Supreme Court.

Access without cost becomes the complaint provisions of the Lokayukta Acts.

Supervision of judges does not survive the journey. India's judiciary is kept out of the Lokpal's jurisdiction altogether, and MU's eighth label exists because the problem had to be solved another way.

Prosecution is the feature India revived. The Lokpal has a Prosecution Wing, which is closer to 1809 than to the British model of 1967.

What the Swedish origin does NOT mean

It does not mean the Indian institution is a copy. India took the name and the founding idea and built something much larger and much more criminal in character. Saying the Lokpal is the Indian ombudsman is true; saying it is the Swedish ombudsman in Indian conditions is not.

It does not mean the office is only Scandinavian. By the time India legislated in 2013 the institution existed in well over a hundred countries, in the European Union, and in specialised forms such as banking and insurance ombudsmen.

And it does not mean 1809 is the whole answer to an evolution question. A candidate who writes only about Sweden has answered a fifth of MU's second question. The rest is chapters 30 to 100.

Quick revision

Origin: Sweden, Instrument of Government of 1809, the office of Justitieombudsman, created after the deposition of Gustav IV Adolf.

Predecessor: the Justitiekansler of 1713, but he was the king's officer, which is exactly the defect the 1809 office cured.

munotes.in8

Where the Ombudsman Begins: Sweden, 1809

The word: ombud, an agent or representative.

Six features: appointment by the Riksdag; independence of the executive; jurisdiction over courts as well as officials; free and informal access; a power to prosecute; and a public annual report to Parliament.

Spread: Finland 1919, then nothing until Denmark in 1955.

Why the delay: strong ordinary courts, a small State, and an office that fitted neither the French nor the English model.

Test yourself

1. When and where did the office of Ombudsman originate, and what was the immediate constitutional occasion? Sweden, in the Instrument of Government of 1809, adopted after Gustav IV Adolf was deposed in the coup of March 1809. The Riksdag wanted a supervisor of officialdom answerable to itself rather than to the Crown, because the existing supervisor, the Chancellor of Justice of 1713, was the king's officer.

2. What does the word ombudsman mean, and what follows from the meaning? It means an agent or representative. It follows that the office is representative rather than judicial: the ombudsman acts for the citizen and for the legislature, which is why he may act on his own motion, unlike a judge who must wait for a case.

3. Name four features of the 1809 office and say which of them India did not adopt. Appointment by and answerability to the legislature; independence from the executive; free, informal access without a lawyer; a public annual report; and jurisdiction over the courts. India adopted the first four in substance and did not adopt jurisdiction over the judiciary, which is kept outside the Lokpal Act altogether.

4. Why did no country copy the institution for nearly a century and a half? Because it looked unnecessary where the ordinary courts were thought sufficient, because the State was small enough that officials exercised little discretion, and because an officer of a parliament with authority over judges fitted neither the French system of administrative courts nor the English system of a single ordinary hierarchy. The administrative state that made the office necessary is a twentieth century development.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in9

Chapter Three

The Classical Model Spreads: Denmark and New Zealand

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Denmark took the Swedish office in 1955 and changed it into something a modern State could use; New Zealand took the Danish version in 1962 and became the first common law country to have an ombudsman, which is how the institution reached India.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the modern spread of the institution begins with the Danish Ombudsman established under the Constitution of 1953 and the Ombudsman Act of 1954, who took office in 1955 and, unlike his Swedish counterpart, had jurisdiction over the administration only and worked by recommendation and publicity rather than by prosecution; the New Zealand Parliamentary Commissioner (Ombudsman) Act 1962 adopted that model for a Westminster system and made it the pattern that Britain, and through Britain India, considered.

Why Denmark matters more than the dates suggest

The Swedish office was 146 years old and had been copied once. The Danish office was copied within a decade by New Zealand, Norway, Britain, Guyana, Mauritius, Canada's provinces and, in draft, by India. Something in the Danish version travelled where the Swedish one had not.

Three changes account for it, and a student who can name them has the analytical half of an evolution question already written.

The Dane dropped jurisdiction over the courts. Stephan Hurwitz, the first Danish Ombudsman, supervised the administration and not the judiciary. That single change made the office acceptable in countries with an independent judiciary and a strong tradition of judicial separateness, which is every common law country and, later, India.

The Dane worked by recommendation, not prosecution. His weapons were the report, the recommendation and the publicity that followed. This looks like a weakening and it was in fact what made the office spread: a body that recommends threatens nobody's jurisdiction, so no minister and no judge had a reason to resist it.

The Dane was a lawyer with a public voice. Hurwitz was a professor of criminal law who made the office visible, wrote about it and travelled to explain it. The institution spread partly because he sold it, which is a fact about history rather than about law but is worth a sentence in an answer.

The Danish office in detail

Constitutional footing. Section 55 of the Danish Constitution of 1953 provides for the Folketing to appoint one or two persons to supervise the civil and military administration of the State. The Ombudsman Act followed in 1954, and Hurwitz took office on 1 April 1955.

Appointment and tenure. Appointed by the Folketing after each general election, and removable by it if he loses its confidence. The office is therefore parliamentary in the strict sense.

Jurisdiction. The civil and military administration of the State. Ministers are included. The courts are excluded. Local government was originally excluded and was brought in later.

munotes.in10

The Classical Model Spreads: Denmark and New Zealand

Powers. To call for documents, to require explanations, to inspect institutions, to investigate on his own initiative, and to report.

Outcome. A recommendation, a criticism, a report to the Folketing, and in a proper case a recommendation that legal aid be granted so the citizen can litigate.

Access. Direct. A citizen writes to the Ombudsman without a lawyer and without a filter, which is a difference from the British model that the next chapter turns on.

New Zealand: the model crosses into the common law

New Zealand passed the Parliamentary Commissioner (Ombudsman) Act 1962 and Sir Guy Powles became the first Ombudsman outside Scandinavia in the common law world. The Act was consolidated in the Ombudsmen Act 1975.

The significance for this paper is not the New Zealand statute's detail but the fact that it was possible at all. Until 1962 the standard objection in Westminster systems was that an ombudsman would cut across ministerial responsibility to Parliament: if a Minister answers to the House for his department, an officer who investigates the department displaces the House.

New Zealand's answer became the standard one and it is worth learning. The ombudsman does not replace ministerial responsibility; he supplies Parliament with the facts on which ministerial responsibility can actually be enforced. A member of Parliament who receives a constituent's complaint has no power to see the file. The ombudsman has, and reports what he finds to Parliament. The control is strengthened, not bypassed.

Two features New Zealand added that matter for the Indian story. The jurisdiction was drawn to cover departments and specified organisations listed in a schedule, so that the reach of the office is a matter of statutory listing rather than of general words. And the Ombudsman was given the power to investigate a decision, recommendation, act or omission relating to a matter of administration and affecting a person in his personal capacity.

The classical model, stated as a definition

By the middle of the 1960s a recognisable type had formed, and the literature calls it the classical or parliamentary ombudsman. Its features are the ones the First Administrative Reforms Commission had before it when it reported in 1966.

Constituted by statute or by the constitution, and not by an executive order.

Appointed by the legislature or on its advice, for a fixed term, removable only for cause.

Independent in salary, tenure and staff.

Jurisdiction over the administration, usually not over the judiciary and often not over the legislature.

Access by direct complaint from an aggrieved person, free of cost, plus a power to act on his own motion.

munotes.in11

The Classical Model Spreads: Denmark and New Zealand

Investigative powers to call for files and examine officials.

No power to quash or to substitute a decision. The output is a report and a recommendation.

Publicity as the sanction, through an annual report to the legislature.

A worked example

A Danish citizen, Mr Jensen, is refused a building permit in 1958. The refusal is lawful. But the file shows that the officer never told Mr Jensen what objection he had to meet, decided on a ground raised by a neighbour that Mr Jensen was never shown, and took eleven months.

What Mr Jensen writes. A letter to the Ombudsman. No lawyer, no fee, no form.

What the Ombudsman does. He calls for the file. He asks the municipality to comment. He finds that the decision was within power and that the procedure was defective, because a man is entitled to know the case against him.

What the Ombudsman cannot do. He cannot grant the permit, cannot set the refusal aside, and cannot award Mr Jensen a rupee. This is the classical model's central limitation and it is deliberate.

What he does instead. He states his criticism, recommends that the decision be reconsidered on a proper procedure, and records the case in his annual report.

And the practical result. In the great majority of cases the department accepts the recommendation, because a department that refuses one is answering to Parliament for the refusal. That is what is meant by saying the sanction is publicity.

Distinctions worth keeping straight

Sweden, 1809Denmark, 1955New Zealand, 1962
Appointed byRiksdagFolketingParliament, on the House's recommendation
Courts within jurisdictionYesNoNo
Main weaponProsecution and reportRecommendation and reportRecommendation and report
AccessDirectDirectDirect
Legal systemCivil lawCivil lawCommon law
Significance for IndiaThe founding ideaThe workable modern formProof it fits a Westminster system

What this does NOT mean

It does not mean the classical ombudsman is weak. A body whose recommendations are accepted in the great majority of cases is not weak; it is differently powerful. The Indian argument that an ombudsman needs prosecution powers is an argument about Indian conditions, not a criticism of the model in general.

It does not mean India followed New Zealand. India considered the Danish and New Zealand models, took the two-tier idea from nowhere in particular, and ended in 2013 with a body far more criminal in character than either. The evolution is a line of influence, not a line of descent.

And it does not mean the classical model has no Indian counterpart. The Lokayukta Acts of the States are much closer to the classical model than the Lokpal Act is, because most of them cover grievances as well as allegations and most of them work by recommendation.

munotes.in12

The Classical Model Spreads: Denmark and New Zealand

Quick revision

Denmark: Constitution of 1953, section 55; Ombudsman Act 1954; Stephan Hurwitz takes office 1955. Jurisdiction over the administration, not the courts. Works by recommendation and publicity.

Three Danish changes that made the institution travel: no jurisdiction over judges; recommendation instead of prosecution; and an office that explained itself.

New Zealand: Parliamentary Commissioner (Ombudsman) Act 1962, Sir Guy Powles, the first in the common law world; consolidated in the Ombudsmen Act 1975.

The New Zealand answer to the ministerial responsibility objection: the ombudsman does not displace responsibility to Parliament, he supplies the facts that make it enforceable.

The classical model: statutory, appointed by the legislature, independent, jurisdiction over the administration, free direct access, investigative powers, no power to quash, publicity as the sanction.

Test yourself

1. Name three changes Denmark made to the Swedish model and explain why each mattered. Jurisdiction over the courts was dropped, which made the office acceptable where the judiciary is independent; prosecution was replaced by recommendation and publicity, which meant the office threatened no existing jurisdiction and so met little resistance; and the office was made visible and explained publicly, which is why other countries came to look at it.

2. Why is 1962 a more important date than 1955 for a student of Indian law? Because New Zealand's Act showed that the institution could work inside a Westminster system with ministerial responsibility to Parliament, which was the standing objection in every common law country including India. Once that objection was answered, Britain legislated in 1967 and the Indian Administrative Reforms Commission recommended a Lokpal in 1966.

3. State the standard answer to the objection that an ombudsman cuts across ministerial responsibility. The ombudsman does not replace the responsibility of a Minister to the House. He supplies the House with facts it cannot otherwise obtain, because a member has no power to call for a departmental file and the ombudsman has. Ministerial responsibility is thereby made enforceable rather than displaced.

4. List the features of the classical parliamentary ombudsman. Created by statute or constitution; appointed by or on the advice of the legislature for a fixed term and removable only for cause; independent in salary, tenure and staff; jurisdiction over the administration and usually not over the judiciary; free and direct access for a complainant with a power to act suo motu; power to call for files and examine officials; no power to quash or substitute a decision; and publicity through an annual report to the legislature as the operative sanction.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in13

Chapter Four

Britain's Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Britain created its ombudsman in 1967, called him the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration, and added one feature no other country had: a citizen cannot approach him directly but must go through a Member of Parliament.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Parliamentary Commissioner Act 1967 established the office of Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration in the United Kingdom, appointed by the Crown, holding office during good behaviour until retiring age, with jurisdiction to investigate complaints of injustice in consequence of maladministration in the exercise of administrative functions by the departments and authorities listed in Schedule 2; a complaint reaches him only through a Member of the House of Commons, and his report goes to that Member and, in a case of unremedied injustice, to Parliament.

Why Britain resisted the idea, and then took it

The intellectual obstacle was Dicey. The English constitutional tradition held that the ordinary courts protected the citizen against officials and that ministerial responsibility to the House protected the citizen against the Government, and that a separate machinery for administrative complaints was therefore both unnecessary and a step towards the French system of separate administrative courts, which Dicey regarded as a denial of the rule of law.

Two things dissolved the obstacle.

The administrative state grew. The Crichel Down affair of 1954, in which land compulsorily acquired before the war was not returned to its owner and the handling was found to have been high-handed, showed that a citizen could be gravely wronged by conduct no court would touch and that only a special inquiry brought the facts out.

Justice reported. The British section of the International Commission of Jurists set up a committee under Sir John Whyatt, and the Whyatt Report of 1961, "The Citizen and the Administration", recommended an ombudsman on the Scandinavian and New Zealand model. The Government of the day rejected it. The Labour Government elected in 1964 adopted it, and Richard Crossman, Lord President of the Council, introduced the Bill.

The Act of 1967 in outline

The office. A Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration, appointed by the Crown on the advice of the Prime Minister, holding office during good behaviour to retiring age and removable only on addresses from both Houses. The tenure is deliberately modelled on a judge's.

Independence. Salary charged on the Consolidated Fund, so it does not require an annual vote. The same device appears in India for the Comptroller and Auditor-General, for the Central Vigilance Commission and for the Lokpal, and for the same reason: a body whose money must be voted every year can be starved.

Jurisdiction. Government departments and authorities listed in Schedule 2 to the Act, in the exercise of administrative functions. The list is amendable by Order in Council, so the reach of the office is fixed by a schedule and not by general words.

munotes.in14

Britain's Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration

The trigger. A written complaint by a member of the public who claims to have sustained injustice in consequence of maladministration.

The exclusions. Matters in which the complainant has or had a right of appeal to a tribunal or a remedy in a court of law, unless the Commissioner is satisfied it is not reasonable to expect him to resort to it. Also excluded are foreign affairs, extradition, the investigation of crime and national security, contractual and commercial transactions, and personnel matters in the armed forces and the civil service.

The output. A report to the Member who referred the complaint, a report to the department, and where injustice has been caused and not remedied, a special report to both Houses.

The Select Committee. The House of Commons appointed a Select Committee on the Parliamentary Commissioner to consider his reports, which gives the office a parliamentary partner in exactly the way the Public Accounts Committee is the partner of the Comptroller and Auditor-General. Chapter 1010 develops that comparison.

The MP filter, and the argument about it

What it is. A complaint must be sent to a Member of the House of Commons, and the Member must refer it to the Commissioner with the complainant's consent. There is no direct access.

The argument for it. It preserves the constitutional position that a citizen's grievance against a department is raised through his representative, so the ombudsman reinforces rather than displaces the House. It also filters out complaints that a Member can settle with a letter, which is most of them, and keeps the Commissioner's workload manageable.

The argument against it. It puts a political officer between a citizen and an independent investigator. A citizen who does not know his Member, or whose Member declines, has no remedy. Every other country in the world has managed without it, and the Justice-All Souls review of 1988 recommended its abolition.

Why it matters here. India considered the filter and rejected it. The Lokayukta Acts and the Lokpal Act allow a citizen to complain directly. When a question asks you to compare the Indian institution with the British one, the filter is the first difference to name and the most defensible one to have rejected.

A worked example

Mrs Hollis is refused a disability allowance in 1975. The refusal is within the rules. The file shows the department lost her medical evidence, decided without it, told her nothing for seven months and then wrote a letter that did not answer her question.

Step one. She cannot write to the Commissioner. She writes to her Member of Parliament.

munotes.in15

Britain's Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration

Step two. The Member writes to the department. In most cases this ends the matter, because a departmental official answering a Member's letter reads the file properly, perhaps for the first time.

Step three. The department's answer is unsatisfactory, so the Member refers the complaint to the Parliamentary Commissioner with Mrs Hollis's consent.

Step four. The Commissioner obtains the file, interviews the officers, and finds maladministration: the loss of evidence, the decision taken without it, and the delay.

Step five. He reports to the Member and to the department. The department apologises, reconsiders, and makes a payment for the delay.

Step six, if it had refused. The Commissioner would lay a special report before both Houses. The Select Committee would take evidence from the permanent secretary in public. That is the machinery, and its force is entirely political.

Distinctions: Britain against Denmark, and against India

Denmark 1955Britain 1967India, Lokpal Act 2013
AccessDirectThrough a Member of ParliamentDirect complaint
Appointed byFolketingThe Crown on the Prime Minister's advicePresident, on a Selection Committee's recommendation
Covers grievancesYesYesNo, allegations of corruption only
Covers corruption as a crimeNoNoYes, with an Inquiry Wing and a Prosecution Wing
Can prosecuteNoNoYes
Parliamentary partnerFolketingSelect Committee on the Parliamentary CommissionerNone equivalent

What beginners get wrong

That the British Commissioner is appointed by Parliament. He is not. He is appointed by the Crown on the Prime Minister's advice, which is an executive appointment, and his parliamentary character comes from the filter, the Select Committee and the reporting duty rather than from the manner of appointment. Students who write that Britain's ombudsman is appointed by Parliament have made a factual error that a careful examiner will notice.

That maladministration is defined in the Act. It is not. The Act uses the word and leaves it undefined, deliberately, for the reason Crossman gave in the debate.

That the office can overturn a decision. It cannot. It reports. Every classical ombudsman is in the same position, and the Indian departure from it in 2013 is the interesting thing about the Indian statute.

Quick revision

Statute: the Parliamentary Commissioner Act 1967. Office: Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration.

Preceded by: the Crichel Down affair of 1954 and the Whyatt Report of 1961, "The Citizen and the Administration", from Justice.

Appointment: by the Crown on the Prime Minister's advice; good behaviour to retiring age; removable on addresses from both Houses; salary charged on the Consolidated Fund.

Jurisdiction: departments and authorities in Schedule 2, in the exercise of administrative functions; excluded where a court or tribunal remedy exists, and in foreign affairs, crime, security, commercial transactions and service matters.

munotes.in16

Britain's Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration

The trigger: injustice in consequence of maladministration, undefined in the Act.

The MP filter: no direct access; complaint through a Member of the House of Commons.

The partner: the Select Committee on the Parliamentary Commissioner.

Test yourself

1. What was the constitutional objection to an ombudsman in Britain, and what overcame it? The Diceyan position that the ordinary courts plus ministerial responsibility to Parliament were a complete protection, and that separate administrative machinery was a step towards the French system. It was overcome by the Crichel Down affair of 1954, which showed a citizen could be gravely wronged without any legal remedy, and by the Whyatt Report of 1961 recommending the Scandinavian and New Zealand model.

2. Explain the MP filter and state the argument on each side. A complaint may reach the Parliamentary Commissioner only through a Member of the House of Commons, who refers it with the complainant's consent. For: it preserves the constitutional route of the citizen's grievance through his representative, reinforcing rather than displacing the House, and it filters out complaints a Member can settle himself. Against: it interposes a political officer between the citizen and an independent investigator, and a citizen whose Member declines has no remedy.

3. Give three differences between the British Commissioner and the Indian Lokpal. Access: through a Member in Britain, direct in India. Subject matter: injustice from maladministration in Britain, allegations of corruption in India. Powers: report and recommendation in Britain, and in India an Inquiry Wing, a Prosecution Wing, attachment and confiscation and trial in special courts.

4. Who appoints the British Parliamentary Commissioner, and why is the answer a trap? The Crown, on the advice of the Prime Minister, so it is an executive appointment. It is a trap because the office is called parliamentary and students assume Parliament appoints him; its parliamentary character comes instead from the MP filter, the duty to report and the Select Committee that examines those reports.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in17

Chapter Five

What Makes an Ombudsman an Ombudsman

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

An ombudsman is an independent officer, created by law and answerable to the legislature, whom any citizen may approach free of cost, who can demand the government's own files, and who has no power to give an order, only to report.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the essential attributes of an ombudsman are constitutional or statutory creation; appointment by or on the advice of the legislature with security of tenure and salary; independence from the executive he investigates; jurisdiction over administrative action; direct, informal and costless access for an aggrieved citizen together with a power to act suo motu; full powers of investigation including access to official records; the absence of any power to quash, modify or substitute a decision; and publicity through a report to the legislature as the operative sanction.

Why a checklist is worth building

Because the word is used loosely. India calls a Lokpal an ombudsman, a Lokayukta an ombudsman, and a banking ombudsman an ombudsman, and the Central Vigilance Commission is regularly described as one. Some of those descriptions are right and some are not, and the only way to tell is to have a list and apply it.

Examiners rely on this. A question that asks whether the Central Vigilance Commission is an ombudsman, or whether India had an ombudsman before 2013, cannot be answered by narrating a statute. It has to be answered by comparison, and comparison needs criteria.

The eight attributes

One: created by law. By the constitution, as in Denmark and Sweden, or by statute, as in Britain, New Zealand and India. An officer created by an executive resolution is not an ombudsman, because the executive that made him can unmake him. This single criterion decides the status of the Central Vigilance Commission between 1964 and 2003, and chapter 570 works it out.

Two: appointed by or on the advice of the legislature. The appointment must not be in the gift of the Government alone. Sweden and Denmark have direct parliamentary appointment; Britain has appointment by the Crown with a parliamentary Select Committee behind the office; India uses a Selection Committee in which the Government is in a minority or at least not alone.

Three: security of tenure and of salary. A fixed term, removal only for cause and by a special procedure, and a salary charged on the Consolidated Fund so that it does not depend on an annual vote. Take these away and the independence is decorative.

Four: independence from the executive. Not only formal independence but working independence: his own staff, his own budget, and a bar on further employment under the Government after office, so that the prospect of a post-retirement appointment cannot influence him.

munotes.in18

What Makes an Ombudsman an Ombudsman

Five: jurisdiction over administrative action. The subject matter is the administration. Whether the judiciary and the legislature are inside is a design choice: Sweden says yes to the courts, everybody else says no.

Six: access that costs nothing and needs nobody. A complaint on plain paper, no lawyer, no fee, no prescribed form in most systems, and a power to take up a matter on his own motion when nobody complains. The suo motu power matters most where the victims are least able to complain.

Seven: powers of investigation, and no power of decision. He may call for any file, examine any officer, enter any office and require any explanation. He may not quash, modify, substitute or order. This combination is the institution's signature and it is what distinguishes it from a court and from a tribunal.

Eight: publicity as the sanction. He reports, and the report goes to the legislature and to the public. A department that ignores a recommendation must explain itself in a forum it cannot control.

A ninth, and whether it belongs

Some writers add a ninth attribute: that the ombudsman investigates and reports, and does not prosecute. On the classical model that is correct. But Sweden began with a power to prosecute and India's Lokpal has a Prosecution Wing and can attach and confiscate property, so a criterion that excludes both the original and the largest modern example is a poor criterion.

The better way to put it in an answer is this. The classical ombudsman recommends. A statute may add prosecution powers, and where it does the body becomes a hybrid: an ombudsman in appointment, independence and access, and an anti-corruption prosecutor in output. India's Lokpal is exactly that hybrid, and saying so is worth more than saying it is or is not a true ombudsman.

Ombudsman, court and tribunal

CourtTribunalOmbudsman
Comes into actionOnly on a case being filedOnly on a case being filedOn complaint or on his own motion
Who may approachA person with standing, usually through a lawyerA person with standingAny aggrieved person, no lawyer needed
CostCourt fee and lawyerUsually lower, still realNone
Question askedWas the decision lawfulWas the decision correct on the merits, within its statuteWas the citizen treated properly
ProcedureAdversarial, in open court, bound by evidence rulesAdversarial, less formalInquisitorial, in private, not bound by evidence rules
Access to the official fileOnly through discovery, and often refusedLimitedAs of right
OutputA binding judgmentA binding orderA report and a recommendation
EnforcementContempt, executionAppeal, executionPublicity and the legislature

The row that carries the most marks is the fourth. A court asks a question about legality. An ombudsman asks a question about treatment. That is why an act can survive judicial review and still be maladministration, and it is why the two institutions are not substitutes.

munotes.in19

What Makes an Ombudsman an Ombudsman

The row that carries the second most is the sixth. A citizen cannot see the file that decided his case; the ombudsman can. Most maladministration is invisible from outside the department, and this is the power that makes it visible.

A worked example

Two people are refused the same benefit on the same day by the same officer.

Mr Rao goes to the High Court under article 226. The Court asks whether the officer had the power, whether he followed the prescribed procedure, and whether the decision is so unreasonable that no reasonable officer could have reached it. The answer to all three is that the refusal was in order. The petition is dismissed. Mr Rao has spent eighteen months and a lawyer's fee to be told that a decision he believes was unfair was lawful.

Mrs Fernandes goes to the Lokayukta. She writes a letter. The Lokayukta calls for the file, and the file shows that the officer decided on a departmental note she was never shown, that her own representation was never put before him, and that he took nine months. None of that makes the refusal unlawful. All of it is maladministration.

The outcome for Mrs Fernandes. A report recommending that the case be reconsidered after showing her the note. She may still be refused, and this time she will know why and will have been heard.

The outcome for everybody else. The report names the practice. If the department keeps deciding on notes it does not disclose, the next report will say so, and a legislature will read it.

What the example proves. The two institutions are answering different questions. A student who writes that an ombudsman is a cheap substitute for a court has not understood either.

What an ombudsman is NOT

Not an appellate authority. He does not sit above the officer and re-decide. If he could, he would be a tribunal.

Not a court of law. He does not follow the Evidence Act, does not sit in public, and issues no order that can be executed.

Not a prosecutor, on the classical model. Where a statute makes him one, as India's does, that is an addition to the model and should be identified as such.

Not a grievance cell of the department. The whole point is that he is outside the department. An internal complaints officer, however diligent, fails attributes two, three and four.

And not, by himself, a cure. An ombudsman with no staff, no budget and no publicity is a letterhead. Several Indian State Lokayuktas have been exactly that, and chapter 240 sets out which.

munotes.in20

What Makes an Ombudsman an Ombudsman

Quick revision

Eight attributes: created by law; appointed by or on the advice of the legislature; security of tenure and salary; independence from the executive; jurisdiction over administrative action; free, direct, informal access plus a suo motu power; full investigative powers with no power to decide; publicity through a report to the legislature.

The signature combination: he can see everything and order nothing.

Against a court: a court asks whether the decision was lawful, an ombudsman whether the citizen was treated properly.

Against a tribunal: a tribunal re-decides on the merits and binds; an ombudsman reports and recommends.

The hybrid point: prosecution powers do not disqualify a body, they make it a hybrid. Sweden had them in 1809 and India's Lokpal has them now.

Test yourself

1. List the essential attributes of an ombudsman. Creation by constitution or statute; appointment by or on the advice of the legislature; security of tenure and of salary, with removal only for cause; independence from the executive, including own staff and budget and a bar on later government employment; jurisdiction over administrative action; free, direct and informal access for any aggrieved person together with a power to act on his own motion; full powers of investigation with no power to quash or substitute a decision; and publicity through a report to the legislature.

2. Distinguish an ombudsman from a court on three grounds. The court acts only when a case is filed and by a person with standing, at cost and through lawyers, whereas the ombudsman may act on a letter or on his own motion at no cost. The court asks whether the decision was lawful; the ombudsman asks whether the citizen was properly treated. The court's judgment binds and is executable; the ombudsman's report recommends and is enforced by publicity and by the legislature.

3. Does a power to prosecute disqualify a body from being an ombudsman? No. The original Swedish office of 1809 could prosecute, and India's Lokpal has a Prosecution Wing and powers of attachment and confiscation. The better analysis is that such a body is a hybrid: an ombudsman in its appointment, independence and access, and an anti-corruption prosecutor in its output.

4. Why is the power to call for the official file the most important investigative power? Because most maladministration is invisible from outside the department. A citizen refused a benefit cannot see the note on which the refusal was based, cannot know how long the file sat unattended and cannot know what was never put before the deciding officer. The ombudsman can see all of it as of right, which is why he can find wrongs that no court would ever discover.

munotes.in21

What Makes an Ombudsman an Ombudsman

5. Apply the list: is a departmental grievance cell an ombudsman? No. It may satisfy the criterion of accessibility, but it fails appointment by or on the advice of the legislature, fails security of tenure and salary, and fails independence from the executive, because it sits inside the department it examines and its officers answer to the officers it would have to criticise.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in22

Chapter Six

India Before the Lokpal: the Santhanam Committee

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Before there was any talk of a Lokpal, India appointed a committee under K. Santhanam to find out why corruption was growing, and its report of 1964 produced the Central Vigilance Commission.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Committee on Prevention of Corruption, appointed by the Government of India in June 1962 under the chairmanship of K. Santhanam and reporting in March 1964, examined the causes and extent of corruption in the public services and recommended, among much else, the constitution of a Central Vigilance Commission as an apex body for vigilance administration in the Union; the Commission was set up by a Government of India resolution of 11 February 1964 and functioned without a statute for thirty-nine years.

Why a committee, and why then

Independent India had built a large State quickly. Licensing, permits, quotas, controls on foreign exchange and on capacity, public sector undertakings and a vast programme of public works all put discretion in the hands of officials, and discretion is where corruption grows.

By the late 1950s the political temperature had risen. The Mundhra affair of 1957 and 1958, in which the Life Insurance Corporation had bought shares in companies controlled by a Calcutta industrialist, led to an inquiry by Justice M.C. Chagla and to the resignation of the Finance Minister. That inquiry was itself an early example of the technique Module I's second label is about.

The Government appointed the Committee on Prevention of Corruption in June 1962. K. Santhanam was a member of the Constituent Assembly and a former Minister, and the Committee had five members. It reported on 31 March 1964.

What the Committee found

That corruption was widespread and that its causes were structural. The Committee identified the scope for delay, the complexity of rules, the width of discretion, the absence of supervision, low salaries in some grades and, above all, the absence of a real risk of detection.

That the machinery was scattered. The Administrative Vigilance Division of the Home Ministry, the Delhi Special Police Establishment, and the vigilance units of individual Ministries all did parts of the work, and nobody coordinated them or held them to a standard.

That the sanction procedure protected the guilty. The requirement of previous sanction to prosecute a public servant, then in section 6 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1947, was being used to delay and to refuse, a complaint that has never gone away and which chapter 740 takes up under the present Act.

That the higher services and the political level were not being reached at all. This finding is the one that matters for label 1, because it is what made an ombudsman-type institution seem necessary in addition to a vigilance body.

munotes.in23

India Before the Lokpal: the Santhanam Committee

What the Committee recommended

The report is long and its recommendations run to hundreds. Four matter here.

A Central Vigilance Commission. An apex body, headed by a Central Vigilance Commissioner of the status of a Chairman of the Union Public Service Commission, to exercise general check and superintendence over vigilance and anti-corruption work in the Ministries and in public sector undertakings, to advise on disciplinary cases, and to have its own machinery for inquiry.

A Chief Vigilance Officer in every Ministry and Department, to be the Commission's arm inside the organisation. Chapter 690 explains how that arrangement works and why the officer's dual loyalty is its weak joint.

Reform of the sanction and disciplinary procedure, to cut the delay between detection and consequence.

A code of conduct and a system of property returns for public servants, the ancestor of section 44 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013.

What the Government did

The Central Vigilance Commission was constituted by a Government of India resolution dated 11 February 1964, and Nittoor Srinivasa Rau, a retired Chief Justice of the Mysore High Court, was appointed the first Central Vigilance Commissioner.

The word to notice in that sentence is resolution. Not an Act of Parliament. An executive order of the Government, creating a body to supervise the vigilance work of that same Government.

Apply the checklist from chapter 50 and the consequence is immediate. Attribute one, creation by law, fails. Attribute two, appointment by or on the advice of the legislature, fails. Attribute three, security of tenure and salary by law, fails. The Commission that India created in 1964 was a useful body and was not an ombudsman, and it remained in that position until the Act of 2003.

That is the answer to a favourite examination question, and chapter 310 states it as an argument.

Why the Santhanam Committee did not recommend an ombudsman

It is a fair question and the answer is instructive. The Committee's terms of reference were about corruption in the services. It was looking at officials, at the machinery for catching them, and at the procedure for punishing them.

An ombudsman is a different instrument aimed at a different problem: the citizen's grievance against the administration, and the accountability of Ministers rather than of clerks. That problem was picked up two years later by a body with a much wider mandate, the Administrative Reforms Commission, and chapter 70 takes the story there.

The sequence is worth stating plainly in an answer, because students frequently merge the two. Santhanam 1964 gives India its vigilance machinery. The Administrative Reforms Commission 1966 gives India the Lokpal idea. Two committees, two years apart, two different institutions, and India got the first almost immediately and the second forty-nine years later.

munotes.in24

India Before the Lokpal: the Santhanam Committee

A worked example

A Deputy Secretary in a Ministry is suspected in 1966 of taking money to move a file.

Who can act. The Ministry's own vigilance unit, under its Chief Vigilance Officer. If the case looks criminal, the Delhi Special Police Establishment. The Central Vigilance Commission advises on whether a departmental inquiry should be held and on the punishment.

What happens in practice. The Commission gives advice. The Ministry is not bound by it. If the Ministry disagrees it records its reasons, and the disagreement appears in the Commission's annual report.

Where the machinery stops. If the suspicion is against the Minister rather than the Deputy Secretary, none of this reaches him. The Commission's jurisdiction is over public servants of the Union. A Minister is not a public servant in that sense, and the Delhi Special Police Establishment needs sanction to prosecute.

And that gap is the whole point. The vigilance machinery of 1964 reaches the administration. It does not reach the political executive. The demand for a Lokpal is a demand for an institution that does, and every one of the eight failed Bills was resisted at exactly that point.

What this chapter does NOT say

It does not say the Santhanam Committee was a failure. It produced a working institution within a year of reporting, which is more than the Lokpal proposal managed in five decades.

It does not say the Central Vigilance Commission was powerless before 2003. It was influential, its advice was usually followed, and its annual reports were read. The point is narrower and legal: a body created by resolution can be altered or wound up by resolution, and that is a difference in kind and not in degree.

And it does not say the two lines never met. They met in 1997, when the Supreme Court directed that the Commission be given statutory status, and that direction is what produced the Act of 2003. Chapter 580 works that case in full.

Quick revision

Committee on Prevention of Corruption, appointed June 1962, chairman K. Santhanam, reported 31 March 1964.

Findings: structural causes, scattered machinery, a sanction procedure that protected the guilty, and no reach into the higher services or the political level.

Recommendations: a Central Vigilance Commission; a Chief Vigilance Officer in every Ministry; reform of sanction and discipline; a code of conduct and property returns.

The Commission was created by a Government of India resolution of 11 February 1964, not by an Act, and Nittoor Srinivasa Rau was the first Central Vigilance Commissioner.

Apply the checklist: created by resolution, appointed by the Government, no statutory tenure. Not an ombudsman.

munotes.in25

India Before the Lokpal: the Santhanam Committee

The sequence: Santhanam 1964 gives the vigilance machinery; the Administrative Reforms Commission 1966 gives the Lokpal idea.

Test yourself

1. What was the Santhanam Committee and what was its most important institutional recommendation? The Committee on Prevention of Corruption, appointed in June 1962 under K. Santhanam and reporting in March 1964. Its most important institutional recommendation was the constitution of a Central Vigilance Commission as an apex body to exercise general check and superintendence over vigilance and anti-corruption work in the Union, supported by a Chief Vigilance Officer in each Ministry.

2. How was the Central Vigilance Commission created, and why does the manner of creation matter? By a Government of India resolution dated 11 February 1964, that is by an executive order and not by legislation. It matters because a body created by resolution can be altered, weakened or abolished by resolution of the same Government it supervises, so it fails the first three attributes of an ombudsman: creation by law, appointment on the advice of the legislature, and statutory security of tenure and salary.

3. Why did the Santhanam Committee not recommend an ombudsman? Because its terms of reference were corruption in the public services. It was concerned with officials, with detection and with disciplinary procedure. The citizen's grievance against the administration and the accountability of the political executive are different problems, and they were taken up in 1966 by the Administrative Reforms Commission, whose mandate was much wider.

4. Identify the gap in the 1964 machinery that the Lokpal proposal was meant to fill. The vigilance machinery reached public servants of the Union but not the political executive. A Minister was outside the Commission's jurisdiction, and prosecution of a public servant required previous sanction, which was itself used to delay and refuse. An institution that could inquire into Ministers, and ultimately into the Prime Minister, is what the Lokpal proposal was for, and it is the point at which every Lokpal Bill was resisted.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in26

Chapter Seven

The First Administrative Reforms Commission and the Lokpal Proposal

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

In 1966 a commission headed by Morarji Desai looked at the ombudsman institutions of Sweden, Denmark, New Zealand and Britain, and recommended that India create two of them: a Lokpal at the Centre and a Lokayukta in every State.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Administrative Reforms Commission, constituted by the Government of India in January 1966 and chaired first by Morarji Desai and then by K. Hanumanthaiya, issued as its first report an Interim Report on Problems of Redressal of Citizens' Grievances in October 1966, recommending a two-tier institution consisting of a Lokpal at the Centre to deal with complaints against Ministers and Secretaries and a Lokayukta in each State and at the Centre to deal with complaints against other officials, both to be independent of the executive and the judiciary, appointed on a non-partisan basis, with proceedings conducted in private and in an informal manner and with a duty to report annually to Parliament.

Why an interim report, and why this subject first

The Commission was set up to examine the whole of public administration, a task that took it five years and twenty reports. It chose to deal with citizens' grievances first and to issue an interim report on it within nine months.

The reason it gave is worth quoting in substance. Administrative reform is a long business and the citizen's ordinary experience of the State is immediate: delay, discourtesy, inaction and the sense that there is nowhere to complain. A reform programme that produced nothing usable for five years would not carry public confidence, so the Commission took the problem that touched the ordinary person and dealt with it first.

That reasoning matters for an answer because it explains the character of what was proposed. The Lokpal of 1966 was a grievance institution first and an anti-corruption institution second. The Lokpal of 2013 is an anti-corruption institution and not a grievance institution at all. The transformation between those two dates is the real content of MU's second question, and chapter 100 onwards traces it.

The design the Commission proposed

Two tiers, with a division by rank. The Lokpal at the Centre would deal with complaints against Ministers and Secretaries, at the Union and at the State level. The Lokayukta, one at the Centre and one in each State, would deal with complaints against other officials. The division is by the seniority of the person complained against, not by the subject matter.

Both to be independent of the executive and of the judiciary.

Appointment on a non-partisan basis. The Commission's suggestion was appointment by the President on the advice of the Prime Minister, given after consultation with the Chief Justice of India and the Leader of the Opposition. The three-cornered consultation is the ancestor of every selection committee in this book: the Central Vigilance Commissioner's committee under the Act of 2003, the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation's committee under section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, and the Lokpal's own Selection Committee under section 4 of the Act of 2013.

munotes.in27

The First Administrative Reforms Commission and the Lokpal Proposal

Both allegations and grievances. This is the feature the Act of 2013 abandoned. The Commission proposed that the institution deal with allegations, meaning abuse of position, corruption, favouritism and improper motive, and with grievances, meaning injustice or hardship from maladministration. Chapter 10 explained the difference and chapter 330 explains what its loss cost.

Informal, private proceedings. Not a court, no lawyers as of right, no rules of evidence, and inquiries conducted in private so that a person against whom nothing is found is not damaged by the inquiry.

A duty to report annually to Parliament, which is the classical sanction.

Both to be free from executive interference in their functioning, with their own staff and a charge on the Consolidated Fund.

Where the names come from

Neither word existed before 1966 in this sense. Lokpal was coined from lok, the people, and pal, protector or guardian: protector of the people. Lokayukta was coined from lok and ayukta, an officer or commissioner: the people's commissioner. L.M. Singhvi is generally credited with proposing them, in the Lok Sabha debate on the subject in 1963 and afterwards.

The coining matters for a reason beyond etymology. It shows that the Commission was not proposing to import an office but to naturalise it, and the naturalisation is why the two-tier design has no exact foreign parallel. Neither Sweden nor Britain divides its ombudsmen by the rank of the person complained against.

A worked example of the two-tier design as intended

Suppose the design of 1966 had been enacted as proposed.

A citizen complains that a Block Development Officer has sat on his application for eleven months. That is a grievance against an official below the level of Secretary. It goes to the Lokayukta of his State.

A citizen complains that a State Minister granted a licence to a relative. That is an allegation against a Minister. It goes to the Lokpal, because the Lokpal's jurisdiction covers Ministers at the Union and the State level alike.

A citizen complains that a Secretary to the Government of India decided a tender on an irrelevant consideration. Secretaries are with the Lokpal.

Notice what the design achieves. One institution deals with the political and administrative summit, where the pressure to protect is greatest and where distance from the State Government is therefore essential. The other deals with the mass of ordinary complaints close to where they arise, where volume matters more than distance.

munotes.in28

The First Administrative Reforms Commission and the Lokpal Proposal

And notice what happened instead. The States legislated for Lokayuktas from 1971 onwards, each on its own terms, with jurisdiction over Ministers as well as officials. The Centre passed nothing until 2013, and when it did it created a Lokpal that deals with allegations of corruption and leaves grievances to nobody. The design was never built as designed.

What the Commission got right, and what it missed

Right: that independence has to be built into appointment, tenure and money. Every Indian institution in this book that works has those three, and every one that does not, does not.

Right: that the institution must reach Ministers. The Commission said so in 1966 and it took forty-seven years to legislate, and the resistance was always at that point.

Right: that proceedings should be informal and private. Section 25 of the Lokpal Act's predecessor drafts and the hearing requirements in the modern Acts descend from this.

Missed: the machinery of investigation. The Commission did not confront the problem that an ombudsman in India would need investigators, and that investigators in India belong to the police. Every failure of an Indian Lokayukta since has turned on that, and the Act of 2013 answered it only partly by creating an Inquiry Wing while leaving the actual investigation with agencies it does not control.

Missed: the States. It recommended a Lokayukta for every State and could not compel one. The gap was closed only by section 63 of the Act of 2013, forty-seven years later, and even that requires the State to legislate.

What this proposal was NOT

It was not a Bill. The Commission recommends; Parliament legislates. Chapter 80 is the record of what Parliament did with the recommendation, which for a very long time was nothing.

It was not a proposal for a prosecuting body. The 1966 Lokpal would report and recommend. The prosecution powers in the Act of 2013 are an Indian addition made almost half a century later, under quite different pressure.

And it was not a proposal to bring the judiciary in. The Commission proposed independence from the judiciary, not jurisdiction over it. India has never given an ombudsman jurisdiction over judges, which is why the eighth label of this syllabus needs a wholly separate answer.

Quick revision

Body: the Administrative Reforms Commission, constituted January 1966. Chairman Morarji Desai, later K. Hanumanthaiya.

Report: the Interim Report on Problems of Redressal of Citizens' Grievances, October 1966, its first report.

Proposal: a two-tier institution. Lokpal at the Centre for Ministers and Secretaries; Lokayukta at the Centre and in each State for other officials.

munotes.in29

The First Administrative Reforms Commission and the Lokpal Proposal

Features: independence of executive and judiciary; non-partisan appointment after consultation with the Chief Justice of India and the Leader of the Opposition; jurisdiction over allegations and grievances both; informal and private proceedings; annual report to Parliament.

Names: Lokpal, protector of the people; Lokayukta, the people's commissioner. Coined in the Indian debate, not borrowed.

What was missed: the machinery of investigation, and any means of compelling the States to act.

Test yourself

1. What did the Administrative Reforms Commission recommend in 1966, and why did it deal with this subject first? It recommended a two-tier institution, a Lokpal at the Centre for complaints against Ministers and Secretaries and a Lokayukta at the Centre and in every State for complaints against other officials, both independent, non-partisan in appointment, informal and private in procedure and reporting annually to Parliament. It took the subject first because administrative reform is slow and the citizen's grievance is immediate, so a programme that produced nothing usable for years would not carry public confidence.

2. On what basis did the proposal divide work between the Lokpal and the Lokayukta? By the rank of the person complained against, not by subject matter. Ministers, at the Union and in the States, and Secretaries were for the Lokpal; all other officials were for the Lokayukta.

3. Which feature of the 1966 proposal did the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 abandon, and with what consequence? Jurisdiction over grievances. The 1966 design covered both allegations of corruption and abuse and grievances of injustice or hardship from maladministration. The Act of 2013 covers allegations only, so a citizen complaining of delay or unfairness by a Union department has no ombudsman to go to.

4. Where do the words Lokpal and Lokayukta come from, and why does it matter? They were coined in the Indian debate of the 1960s from lok, the people, with pal, protector, and ayukta, commissioner. It matters because it shows the Commission was naturalising the institution rather than importing it, which is why the two-tier division by rank has no exact parallel in Sweden, Denmark, New Zealand or Britain.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in30

Chapter Eight

Forty-Five Years of Failed Bills

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Between 1968 and 2011 a Lokpal Bill was introduced in Parliament eight times and passed none of those times, and the reason it kept failing is the reason it was needed.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: following the Administrative Reforms Commission's Interim Report of 1966, Lokpal Bills were introduced in 1968, 1971, 1977, 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998 and 2001, and every one of them lapsed on the dissolution of the House or was withdrawn; the Bill of 1968 alone was passed by the Lok Sabha, and it lapsed when that House was dissolved in 1969; the institution was finally created by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, which received the assent of the President on 1 January 2014 and came into force on 16 January 2014.

The list

1968. The first Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill, introduced in the Fourth Lok Sabha. It was passed by the Lok Sabha in 1969 and was pending in the Rajya Sabha when the Lok Sabha was dissolved. It lapsed. This is the closest any Bill came for forty-four years, and a candidate who knows that one fact is ahead of most.

1971. Reintroduced in the Fifth Lok Sabha. Lapsed on dissolution.

1977. Introduced by the Janata Government, whose Prime Minister was Morarji Desai, the man who had chaired the Commission that proposed the institution. Lapsed on the dissolution of 1979.

1985. Introduced and then withdrawn.

1989. Introduced by the National Front Government. Lapsed.

1996, 1998 and 2001. Introduced by successive Governments; each lapsed on the dissolution of the House in which it was pending, the 2001 Bill lapsing in 2004.

2011. The Lokpal Bill of 2011 was introduced, referred to the Standing Committee, and became the Bill that eventually passed at the end of 2013.

The pattern, which is what an examiner wants

Every Bill died the same way. Not by defeat on a vote. By lapse. A Bill pending in the Lok Sabha lapses when that House is dissolved, and a Bill passed by the Lok Sabha and pending in the Rajya Sabha lapses too, under article 107(5) of the Constitution. So a Government that did not want a Bill to pass never had to vote it down; it only had to let time run.

The disputed point was always the same. Whether the Prime Minister should be inside the jurisdiction. The 1968 Bill included him; several later Bills excluded him or included him with conditions; and the Act of 2013 includes him with substantial safeguards, which chapter 140 sets out.

The second disputed point was the investigating machinery. Whether the Lokpal should have its own investigating force or should use the Central Bureau of Investigation, and if the latter, who controls the Bureau. That question is still not settled, and it is the reason Modules I and II of this syllabus have to be read together.

munotes.in31

Forty-Five Years of Failed Bills

The third was the reach downwards. Whether the institution should cover the whole civil service, which makes it unmanageable, or only the top, which makes it symbolic. The Act of 2013 covers a very wide range of public servants and puts them in classes with different procedures.

Why it kept failing: three explanations, and which to prefer

The political explanation. An institution designed to investigate Ministers has to be created by Ministers, and the incentive runs the wrong way. This is the explanation the movement of 2011 used and it has obvious force.

The institutional explanation. India already had a Central Vigilance Commission from 1964, a Central Bureau of Investigation, a Comptroller and Auditor-General, parliamentary committees and an active judiciary exercising judicial review. Each new proposal had to answer the question what a Lokpal would add, and successive Governments answered it by saying, not enough.

The federal explanation. A Bill that covered State Ministers raised the objection that public order and services are State subjects and that Parliament was legislating into the States' field. This is why the two-tier design of 1966 was never enacted as designed, and why section 63 of the Act of 2013 ends by requiring States to legislate rather than by legislating for them.

Which to prefer. In an answer, give all three and say that they are not alternatives. The political explanation says why nobody pushed; the institutional explanation gave the refusal a respectable form; the federal explanation limited what could be drafted even when the will existed.

What the States did while the Centre did nothing

This is the part of the story students most often leave out, and it is a real gap in an answer.

Maharashtra legislated in 1971, and the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act came into force in 1972, making it among the first States in the country to have the institution. Odisha had passed an Act in 1970. Rajasthan, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Assam, Gujarat, Delhi, Punjab, Kerala, Haryana and others followed over the next three decades.

So the two-tier design was built upside down. The lower tier came into existence across most of the country while the upper tier did not exist at all, and each State designed its lower tier differently. Chapters 240 to 300 deal with what that produced, and chapter 250 with Maharashtra's own Act.

A worked example: how a Bill lapses

The mechanics are worth working once, because MU's question asks about evolution and lapse is the mechanism of the whole story.

munotes.in32

Forty-Five Years of Failed Bills

A Bill is introduced in the Lok Sabha in year one. It is referred to a Standing Committee, which takes evidence and reports in year two.

The Bill is taken up, debated and passed by the Lok Sabha in year three, with amendments.

It goes to the Rajya Sabha. The Rajya Sabha refers it to a Select Committee.

The Lok Sabha is dissolved in year four, at the end of its term or earlier.

Article 107(5) applies. A Bill pending in the Lok Sabha lapses on dissolution. A Bill passed by the Lok Sabha and pending in the Rajya Sabha also lapses. Only a Bill pending in the Rajya Sabha and not passed by the Lok Sabha survives, and a Bill for which a joint sitting has been notified survives.

The result. Everything done in four years is gone. The next Government must start again with a fresh introduction, a fresh committee and a fresh debate.

That is what happened to the Bill of 1968, which had cleared the Lok Sabha, and to six more after it. No majority ever had to be found against a Lokpal. It was enough for a House to end.

What this history does NOT show

It does not show that Parliament was unanimously hostile. The Lok Sabha passed the Bill in 1969. Successive Governments of different parties introduced Bills. The obstruction was quieter than hostility and more effective.

It does not show that nothing was happening. The States were legislating throughout, the Central Vigilance Commission was working, and from 1997 the Supreme Court began building the machinery by direction in the hawala case.

And it does not show that the Act of 2013 settled everything. It created the institution and left the questions about investigating machinery and about the States where they were. The first Lokpal took office in March 2019, which chapter 230 explains.

Quick revision

Eight Bills: 1968, 1971, 1977, 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998, 2001, then the Bill of 2011 that became the Act.

The 1968 Bill alone passed the Lok Sabha, in 1969, and lapsed in the Rajya Sabha on dissolution.

The mechanism of failure: lapse under article 107(5), not defeat on a vote.

The three recurring disputes: the Prime Minister's inclusion; the investigating machinery and control of the Central Bureau of Investigation; and how far down the services the jurisdiction should reach.

Three explanations: political incentive, institutional duplication, and federal objection. Give all three.

Meanwhile the States legislated: Odisha 1970, Maharashtra 1971, and most others over the following three decades, so the lower tier existed while the upper tier did not.

munotes.in33

Forty-Five Years of Failed Bills

Test yourself

1. How many Lokpal Bills were introduced before the Act of 2013, and how did they fail? Eight, in 1968, 1971, 1977, 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998 and 2001, together with the Bill of 2011 that eventually became the Act. None was defeated on a vote. Each lapsed on the dissolution of the House in which it was pending, under article 107(5), or was withdrawn, so a Government that did not want the measure had only to let time run.

2. Which Bill came closest, and what happened to it? The Bill of 1968. It was passed by the Lok Sabha in 1969 and was pending in the Rajya Sabha when the Lok Sabha was dissolved, so it lapsed. No later Bill was passed by either House until 2013.

3. Name the three recurring points of dispute. Whether the Prime Minister should be within the jurisdiction; what investigating machinery the institution should have and who should control the Central Bureau of Investigation; and how far down the public services the jurisdiction should extend.

4. Give three explanations for the repeated failure and say how they relate. The political explanation, that an institution to investigate Ministers must be created by Ministers, so the incentive runs the wrong way. The institutional explanation, that India already had a vigilance commission, an investigating agency, an auditor, parliamentary committees and judicial review, so each proposal had to justify the addition. The federal explanation, that covering State Ministers trespassed on State subjects. They are not alternatives: the political explanation says why nobody pushed, the institutional explanation gave the refusal a respectable form, and the federal explanation limited what could be drafted.

5. What were the States doing during this period? Legislating. Odisha passed an Act in 1970 and Maharashtra in 1971, and most States followed over the next three decades, each on its own terms. The result was that the lower tier of the 1966 design existed across most of the country while the upper tier did not exist at all, and the lower tier was built to a different pattern in every State.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in34

Chapter Nine

The Agitation of 2011 and the Making of the Act

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

A Bill that had failed eight times in forty-three years passed within two years of a public agitation, and the Act that resulted is a compromise between the Government's draft and the movement's draft.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 was the product of the India Against Corruption movement of 2011, in which Anna Hazare and his associates pressed for the enactment of an alternative draft known as the Jan Lokpal Bill; the Government's Lokpal Bill 2011 was introduced in the Lok Sabha, referred to the Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice, passed by the Lok Sabha in December 2011, referred by the Rajya Sabha to a Select Committee, and finally passed by both Houses in December 2013, receiving the assent of the President on 1 January 2014 as Act 1 of 2014 and coming into force on 16 January 2014.

Why 2011 and not any earlier year

Three things came together, and an answer that names all three is doing analysis rather than narration.

A run of very large disclosures. The Comptroller and Auditor-General's reports on the allocation of second generation spectrum and on the allocation of coal blocks, and the controversy over the Commonwealth Games of 2010, put figures of a size the public had not seen before into general circulation. Notice that these are audit reports, which is Module IV's subject: the sequence from an audit paragraph to a public agitation to a statute is the clearest single demonstration in this book that the eight labels are one system.

A demonstration that the existing machinery could be moved. The court-monitored investigations of the 1990s and 2000s had shown that institutions could be made to act, but only when a court pushed. That produced a widespread view that the institutions were sound and their independence was not.

An organised campaign with a draft in its hand. The movement did not merely demand action; it produced the Jan Lokpal Bill, a complete alternative draft. A demand with a text behind it is much harder to absorb than a demand without one.

The two drafts, and what separated them

QuestionGovernment's Bill 2011Jan Lokpal draft
The Prime MinisterInside, with exclusionsInside, with fewer exclusions
Higher judiciaryOutsideInside
Members of Parliament and conduct in the HouseOutside, following article 105Inside
Investigating agencyReference to existing agenciesThe Lokpal's own investigating wing, with the Central Bureau of Investigation's anti-corruption wing merged into it
Lower bureaucracyClasses with different proceduresAll public servants
Removal of the LokpalReference to the Supreme CourtReference to the Supreme Court
Citizens' charter and grievancesSeparate BillInside the same Act
StatesLeft to the StatesLokayuktas required
munotes.in35

The Agitation of 2011 and the Making of the Act

The single biggest difference is the fourth row. A Lokpal that must ask another agency to investigate is dependent on that agency; a Lokpal with its own force is a new police organisation answerable to nobody elected. The Act of 2013 chose neither cleanly: it created an Inquiry Wing and a Prosecution Wing of its own, and left investigation to be directed to an existing agency, with supervisory powers over that agency while it investigates on the Lokpal's reference. Chapter 160 works out what those supervisory powers amount to.

What the Standing Committee did

The Bill of 2011 went to the Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice under Abhishek Singhvi. This is a legislative committee doing exactly the work Module III's fifth label is about, and it is worth pointing at when a question asks for an example of a committee inquiry with a real result.

The Committee took evidence, including from the movement, and reported in December 2011. Its report is why the Act contains the Selection Committee it does, why the Lokpal is a multi-member body with judicial members, and why the classes of public servant in section 14 are graded rather than uniform.

Then the Rajya Sabha referred the Bill to a Select Committee, which reported in November 2012. The Select Committee's recommendations produced the provisions on the States in section 63 and the changes to the powers of search and attachment.

The lesson to draw in an answer. The Act was not written by the movement and it was not written by the Government. It was written, in substantial part, by two parliamentary committees, which is what those committees exist for.

What the Act took from the movement, and what it refused

Took: a multi-member body, not a single officer. The Jan Lokpal draft wanted a bench-like institution and the Act created a Chairperson and up to eight Members.

Took: judicial members. Not fewer than half the Members must be judicial members.

Took: a Prosecution Wing and the power to attach and confiscate. These are far beyond the classical model.

Took: coverage of a very wide class of public servants, including societies and trusts receiving foreign contribution above a threshold.

Refused: the higher judiciary. Judges are outside the Lokpal Act. India's answer to judicial accountability is the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 and the in-house procedure, which is Module IV's second half.

Refused: conduct inside Parliament. Anything said or any vote given in Parliament is protected by article 105(2), and the Act does not attempt to reach it. Chapter 1100 explains how far that protection now goes after the decision of 4 March 2024.

munotes.in36

The Agitation of 2011 and the Making of the Act

Refused: its own police force. Investigation remains with the agencies.

Refused: grievances. The citizens' charter and the redress of grievances went into a separate Bill, the Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill 2011, and that Bill lapsed. Chapter 330 is about the hole this left.

A worked example: reading the Act as a compromise

Take one provision and see both drafts inside it.

Section 14(1)(a) brings the Prime Minister within the Lokpal's jurisdiction. That is the movement's point, and the point on which every Bill since 1968 had foundered.

The provisos take most of it back. No inquiry into the Prime Minister in matters relating to international relations, external and internal security, public order, atomic energy and space. An inquiry may be held only if the Full Bench considers initiating it and at least two-thirds of the Members approve. The hearing is to be held in camera, and if the Full Bench decides the complaint should be dismissed the records are not published or made available to anyone.

Read the two together and the compromise is visible. The Prime Minister is inside, so the principle is conceded; the conditions are such that an inquiry into a Prime Minister is a rare and heavily guarded event, so the fear is answered. Whether the balance is right is a legitimate question in an answer; that it is a balance and not a victory for either side is the observation that shows understanding.

What this chapter does NOT claim

It does not claim the movement wrote the Act. It did not, and saying so is a common error. The movement made the subject unavoidable; the committees wrote the provisions.

It does not claim the Act is a strong statute or a weak one. That judgment belongs at the end of the module, after the provisions have been read, and chapter 320 makes it.

And it does not claim that an agitation is how laws should be made. The observation to make is narrower and more interesting: a Bill that had lapsed eight times passed when the political cost of letting it lapse a ninth time exceeded the cost of passing it. That is a fact about how the constitutional machinery actually responds to pressure, and it is worth a sentence.

Quick revision

Trigger: the disclosures of 2010 and 2011, including the Comptroller and Auditor-General's reports on spectrum and coal, and the India Against Corruption movement led by Anna Hazare.

The movement's draft: the Jan Lokpal Bill.

Route: Government's Lokpal Bill 2011, to the Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice, passed by the Lok Sabha in December 2011, referred by the Rajya Sabha to a Select Committee which reported in November 2012, passed by both Houses in December 2013.

munotes.in37

The Agitation of 2011 and the Making of the Act

Assent 1 January 2014, as Act 1 of 2014. In force 16 January 2014.

Taken from the movement: a multi-member body, judicial members, a Prosecution Wing, attachment and confiscation, wide coverage.

Refused: the higher judiciary, conduct in Parliament, an own police force, and grievances.

Test yourself

1. Why did a Bill that had failed eight times pass in 2013? Because three things converged: very large disclosures in audit reports and public controversies in 2010 and 2011 which put the subject in general circulation; a widespread view that the existing institutions acted only when a court compelled them; and an organised campaign that produced a complete alternative draft, the Jan Lokpal Bill, so that the demand could not be absorbed by promising to consider the matter.

2. Name the two parliamentary committees that shaped the Act and say what each contributed. The Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice, which reported in December 2011 and is the source of the Selection Committee, the multi-member composition with judicial members and the graded classes of public servant; and the Rajya Sabha Select Committee, which reported in November 2012 and is the source of the provisions on the States in section 63 and of changes to the powers of search and attachment.

3. State four things the Act refused to take from the Jan Lokpal draft. Jurisdiction over the higher judiciary; jurisdiction over anything said or any vote given in Parliament, which article 105(2) protects; an investigating force of the Lokpal's own with the Central Bureau of Investigation's anti-corruption wing merged into it; and jurisdiction over citizens' grievances, which was put into a separate Bill that lapsed.

4. Show how section 14 embodies the compromise. It brings the Prime Minister within jurisdiction, which concedes the principle every Bill since 1968 had fought over. It then excludes matters of international relations, external and internal security, public order, atomic energy and space; requires the Full Bench to consider initiating the inquiry with at least two-thirds of the Members approving; requires the hearing to be in camera; and forbids publication of the records if the complaint is dismissed. The principle is granted and the conditions make its exercise rare and guarded.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in38

Chapter Ten

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013: the Architecture

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The Act runs to sixty-three sections in three Parts, with fifteen chapters inside the second Part, and it does four things: it creates a body, gives it people to inquire into, gives it a procedure, and gives it teeth.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, Act 1 of 2014, received the assent of the President on 1 January 2014, extends to the whole of India, applies to public servants in and outside India, came into force on 16 January 2014, and provides for the establishment of a body of Lokpal for the Union and Lokayukta for States to inquire into allegations of corruption against certain public functionaries and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.

Why a map chapter comes first

An Act of sixty-three sections cannot be learnt from the beginning forwards. A student who starts at section 1 and reads on will be lost by section 20 and will remember nothing. The way to learn a statute is to hold its shape and then fill it in, which is how the next eleven chapters are arranged.

There is a second reason, and it is a warning. The shape of this Act is not the shape a reader would guess. Its jurisdiction chapter also contains the provisions on benches; its powers chapter contains attachment and confiscation; and the special courts, the removal of the Lokpal's own Chairperson and the assessment of loss each get a chapter to themselves. Guessing produces an inaccurate map, and an inaccurate map is worse than none.

The preamble, which is worth reading

The Act's preamble recites that the Constitution established a Democratic Republic to ensure justice for all, that India has ratified the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, that the Government's commitment to clean and responsive governance has to be reflected in effective bodies to contain and punish acts of corruption, and that it is expedient to enact a law for more effective implementation of the said Convention.

The reference to the Convention matters in two ways. It supplies the Act with an international obligation as part of its justification, which is unusual for an Indian anti-corruption statute. And it explains features that look excessive by classical ombudsman standards: the Convention requires States to have preventive anti-corruption bodies, to criminalise bribery and to provide for the freezing, seizure and confiscation of proceeds, and the attachment and confiscation chapter of this Act is India doing that.

The shape of the Act

PART I, PRELIMINARY: section 1.

PART II, LOKPAL FOR THE UNION: sections 2 to 62, in fifteen chapters.

ChapterHeadingSections
IDefinitions2
IIEstablishment of Lokpal3 to 10
IIIInquiry Wing11
IVProsecution Wing12
VExpenses of Lokpal to be charged on Consolidated Fund of India13
VIJurisdiction in respect of inquiry14 to 19
VIIProcedure in respect of preliminary inquiry and investigation20 to 24
VIIIPowers of Lokpal25 to 34
IXSpecial Courts35 and 36
XComplaints against Chairperson, Members and officials of Lokpal37 and 38
XIAssessment of loss and recovery thereof by special court39
XIIFinance, accounts and audit40 to 43
XIIIDeclaration of assets44 and 45
XIVOffences and penalties46 and 47
XVMiscellaneous48 to 62
munotes.in39

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013: the Architecture

PART III, ESTABLISHMENT OF THE LOKAYUKTA: section 63.

THE SCHEDULE.

Three things to notice about that table, because each is examinable.

The Inquiry Wing, the Prosecution Wing and the charge on the Consolidated Fund each get a whole chapter to themselves, for one section apiece. A drafter gives a single section its own chapter when he wants it to be conspicuous, and these three are the features that mark this institution off from a classical ombudsman: it inquires with its own wing, prosecutes with its own wing, and is paid without an annual vote.

Chapter VI is called jurisdiction and contains the benches. Sections 16 to 19 constitute benches, distribute business, allow the Chairperson to transfer cases and provide for decision by majority. A body that sits in benches and decides by majority is being built to look like a court, and the drafter has put that fact inside the jurisdiction chapter rather than in a separate one.

Chapter X is about complaints against the Lokpal itself. The institution that inquires into everybody has a chapter about who inquires into it, which is the point chapter 180 develops.

Section 1: extent, application and commencement

Section 1(1) gives the short title. Section 1(2) provides that the Act extends to the whole of India. Section 1(3) provides that it shall apply to public servants in and outside India. Section 1(4) provides that it shall come into force on such date as the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint.

The footnote to section 1(4) records the notification: 16 January 2014, by S.O. 119(E) of that date. That is the date to remember. It is the date from which the five-year wait in chapter 230 is measured, and it is what the Supreme Court relied on in 2017 when it held that a law duly enacted and brought into force must be given effect to.

Section 1(3) is easy to skip and worth a sentence in an answer. A public servant does not escape the Act by being posted abroad. The Convention the preamble recites requires exactly that reach, and section 36's letter of request to a contracting State is the machinery that makes it usable.

munotes.in40

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013: the Architecture

A note on the title. The Act is called the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act although it establishes only the Lokpal. Part III, one section long, requires the States to establish Lokayuktas by law. A student who notices this has read the Act rather than a summary of it.

Section 2: the definitions that decide the Act's reach

"Competent authority" is defined at length and is the authority whose sanction or permission is needed at various points: for the Prime Minister the House of the People, for a Minister of the Union the Prime Minister, for a member of either House the Chairman or the Speaker, and for other public servants the Government or the authority prescribed. The definition matters because the Act repeatedly requires a competent authority to act, and the identity of that authority is where political control over the process actually sits.

"Complaint" means a complaint alleging that a public servant has committed an offence punishable under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. That definition alone tells you what kind of institution this is: an anti-corruption body, not a grievance body.

"Public servant" is defined by reference to the classes in section 14, which is why chapter 140 has to be long: the Act does not carry a self-contained definition of who may be inquired into, it puts the whole of it in the jurisdiction section.

"Preliminary inquiry" and "investigation" are kept apart throughout. A preliminary inquiry asks whether a prima facie case exists; an investigation is investigation in the sense of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Chapter 150 works out the difference and why it decides the shape of Chapter VII.

"Special Court" means the court of a special judge appointed under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, which is where a prosecution the Lokpal sanctions is tried.

A worked example: placing a section without the contents page

A question mentions "the Lokpal's power to attach property provisionally". Where is it?

Step one, ask what kind of provision it is. It is a power exercised in aid of an inquiry, and it concerns property.

Step two, use the map. Powers of the Lokpal are Chapter VIII, sections 25 to 34. Special Courts are Chapter IX.

Step three, narrow inside Chapter VIII. The chapter runs from supervisory powers through search and seizure and the powers of a civil court to provisional attachment, confirmation of attachment, confiscation, the recommendation of transfer or suspension, directions to prevent the destruction of records, and delegation.

Step four, check. Section 29 is provisional attachment of assets, section 30 is confirmation of attachment and section 31 is confiscation. Chapter 170 reads them.

munotes.in41

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013: the Architecture

Why this matters in an examination. A three-hour paper with seven questions rewards a candidate who can navigate. A candidate who has memorised a dozen section numbers and lost the shape will misplace the thirteenth; a candidate who holds the shape will place a section they have half forgotten.

Distinctions: the Act against its two neighbours

Lokpal Act 2013CVC Act 2003Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952
CreatesA standing bodyA standing bodyA body for one matter, which then ceases
SubjectOffences under the Prevention of Corruption ActOffences under that Act, and vigilance generallyAny definite matter of public importance
OutputInquiry, sanction for prosecution, attachment, confiscationAdvice, and superintendence of an agencyA report and recommendations, not enforceable of their own force
Own machineryInquiry Wing and Prosecution WingNoneMay use officers under section 5A
Reaches MinistersYes, and the Prime MinisterNoYes, if the terms of reference say so
MoneyCharged on the Consolidated FundCharged on the Consolidated FundVoted

What beginners get wrong about this Act

That the Lokpal is a court. It is not. It inquires and sanctions prosecution; the trial is before a Special Court under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. That it sits in benches and decides by majority makes it look judicial and does not make it a court.

That the Lokpal handles complaints about bad service. It does not. A complaint under the Act is an allegation of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

That the Act created Lokayuktas. It did not. Part III requires the States to establish them by law.

That the Act is confined to India. Section 1(3) applies it to public servants in and outside India, and section 36 provides for a letter of request to a contracting State.

Quick revision

Act 1 of 2014. Assent 1 January 2014. In force 16 January 2014, by S.O. 119(E).

Preamble recites the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, which India has ratified.

Section 1: (1) short title, (2) extends to the whole of India, (3) applies to public servants in and outside India, (4) commencement by notification.

Structure: Part I preliminary, s.1. Part II, Lokpal for the Union, ss.2 to 62 in fifteen chapters. Part III, establishment of the Lokayukta, s.63. Plus the Schedule.

Chapters to remember: II establishment ss.3 to 10; III Inquiry Wing s.11; IV Prosecution Wing s.12; V expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund s.13; VI jurisdiction and benches ss.14 to 19; VII procedure ss.20 to 24; VIII powers ss.25 to 34; IX Special Courts ss.35 and 36; X complaints against the Lokpal's own people ss.37 and 38; XIII declaration of assets ss.44 and 45; XV miscellaneous ss.48 to 62.

munotes.in42

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013: the Architecture

Definitions that decide the reach: competent authority; complaint, meaning an allegation of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988; public servant, defined through section 14; and the preliminary inquiry against investigation distinction.

Test yourself

1. Give the Act's number, the date of assent and the date it came into force. Act 1 of 2014. Assent on 1 January 2014. It came into force on 16 January 2014, on a notification under section 1(4), S.O. 119(E) of that date.

2. Set out the Act's three Parts and say what is in each. Part I, Preliminary, is section 1 alone. Part II, Lokpal for the Union, runs from section 2 to section 62 in fifteen chapters, covering definitions, establishment, the Inquiry Wing, the Prosecution Wing, the charge on the Consolidated Fund, jurisdiction and benches, procedure, powers, Special Courts, complaints against the Lokpal's own people, assessment of loss, finance and audit, declaration of assets, offences and penalties, and miscellaneous. Part III is section 63, requiring the States to establish Lokayuktas.

3. Why do the Inquiry Wing, the Prosecution Wing and the charge on the Consolidated Fund each have a chapter of their own for a single section? Because a drafter gives one section its own chapter to make it conspicuous, and these three are precisely the features that distinguish this institution from a classical ombudsman: an inquiring arm of its own, a prosecuting arm of its own, and money that does not depend on an annual vote and so cannot be withheld by the executive it investigates.

4. What does the preamble's reference to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption explain? It supplies part of the Act's justification and accounts for features that look excessive by classical ombudsman standards. The Convention requires States to maintain preventive anti-corruption bodies, to criminalise bribery and to provide for the freezing, seizure and confiscation of proceeds of corruption, and Chapter VIII's attachment and confiscation provisions and section 36's letter of request to a contracting State are India giving effect to those requirements.

5. What does the definition of "complaint" tell you about the character of the institution? That it is an anti-corruption body and not a grievance body. A complaint under the Act alleges an offence punishable under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, so a citizen aggrieved by delay, discourtesy or unfairness has no complaint to make under this Act at all, and the grievance half of the 1966 design has no home.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in43

Chapter Eleven

The Lokpal Established: Composition and Qualifications

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The Lokpal is a body of up to nine people, at least half of them judges, chosen by a committee of five in which the Government does not have a majority.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 3 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 establishes a body called the Lokpal consisting of a Chairperson who is or has been a Chief Justice of India or a Judge of the Supreme Court or an eminent person of the prescribed qualification, and not more than eight Members of whom fifty per cent shall be Judicial Members; section 4 provides that they shall be appointed by the President on the recommendations of a Selection Committee consisting of the Prime Minister as Chairperson, the Speaker of the House of the People, the Leader of Opposition in the House of the People, the Chief Justice of India or a Judge of the Supreme Court nominated by him, and one eminent jurist nominated by the President, with a Search Committee under it.

Why composition is the first question about any watchdog

Chapter 50 built a checklist and the second item on it was that appointment must not be in the gift of the Government alone. A body that investigates Ministers and is chosen by Ministers has a problem it cannot argue its way out of, and every one of the eight failed Bills was fought over exactly this.

So the composition provisions are not administrative detail. They are where the institution's independence is either created or lost, and an examiner asking about the Lokpal is usually asking about them.

Section 3: what the Lokpal is

Section 3(1) provides that on and from the commencement of the Act there shall be established, for the purposes of the Act, a body to be called the Lokpal.

Section 3(2) fixes the composition:

  1. A Chairperson, who is or has been a Chief Justice of India, or is or has been a Judge of the Supreme Court, or is an eminent person who fulfils the eligibility specified in clause (b) of sub-section (3).
  2. Such number of Members, not exceeding eight, of whom fifty per cent shall be Judicial Members.

The proviso to section 3(2) requires that not less than fifty per cent of the Members shall be from among persons belonging to the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, Minorities and women.

Section 3(3) fixes eligibility:

  1. A Judicial Member must be, or have been, a Judge of the Supreme Court, or be, or have been, a Chief Justice of a High Court.
  2. A Member other than a Judicial Member must be a person of impeccable integrity and outstanding ability having special knowledge and expertise of not less than twenty-five years in matters relating to anti-corruption policy, public administration, vigilance, finance including insurance and banking, law and management.
munotes.in44

The Lokpal Established: Composition and Qualifications

Section 3(4) disqualifies. The Chairperson or a Member shall not be a member of Parliament or of a State or Union territory legislature; a person convicted of an offence involving moral turpitude; a person under forty-five years of age on the date of assuming office; a member of a Panchayat or Municipality; or a person who has been removed or dismissed from the service of the Union or a State.

And section 3(4) goes on to require that the Chairperson or a Member shall not hold any office of trust or profit other than his office, be affiliated with any political party, carry on any business or practise any profession. Before entering office he must resign any office of trust or profit, sever his connection with the management of any business, and cease to practise any profession.

Reading section 3 as a design

Nine at most, and at least half of them judges. The multi-member design came from the Standing Committee, and it is what allows the Lokpal to sit in benches under section 16. A single officer, which is the classical ombudsman, could not have carried the volume of a jurisdiction that reaches every Group A, B, C and D public servant.

Half judicial is the compromise. It answers the objection that a body with prosecution and attachment powers should have judicial minds in it, and it stops short of making the Lokpal a court.

Twenty-five years for a non-judicial Member is a high bar deliberately set, and it means the non-judicial Members are in practice retired civil servants, auditors and bankers.

The reservation proviso is unusual in a statute creating a constitutional-style office and is worth noticing in an answer, because it is one of the few provisions in this book that treats the composition of a watchdog as a question of representation as well as of competence.

The bar on practising a profession matters for a retired judge, who would otherwise arbitrate. It is a real financial sacrifice and it is part of what makes recruitment to these offices difficult.

Section 4: how they are chosen

Section 4(1) provides that the Chairperson and Members shall be appointed by the President after obtaining the recommendations of a Selection Committee consisting of:

  1. The Prime Minister, Chairperson of the Committee.
  2. The Speaker of the House of the People, Member.
  3. The Leader of Opposition in the House of the People, Member.
  4. The Chief Justice of India or a Judge of the Supreme Court nominated by him, Member.
  5. One eminent jurist, recommended by the four above and nominated by the President, Member.
munotes.in45

The Lokpal Established: Composition and Qualifications

Count the votes and the design is visible. The Government of the day has the Prime Minister. The Speaker comes from the majority party. That is two. The Leader of Opposition, the Chief Justice or his nominee and the eminent jurist are three, and the eminent jurist is chosen by all four of the others. No Government commands this committee, and that is the whole point.

Section 4(2) provides that no appointment of a Chairperson or a Member shall be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy in the Selection Committee. Nine words that decided the most important Lokpal case there has been, because for years the Government's answer to why no Lokpal had been appointed was that there was no Leader of Opposition. Chapter 230 works it.

Section 4(3) requires the Selection Committee to constitute a Search Committee of at least seven persons of standing with special knowledge and expertise in anti-corruption policy, public administration, vigilance, policy making, finance including insurance and banking, law and management, or any other matter useful in making the selection. The first proviso requires that not less than fifty per cent of the Search Committee be from the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, Minorities and women. The second proviso allows the Selection Committee to consider a person other than those the Search Committee recommends.

Section 4(4) requires the Selection Committee to regulate its own procedure in a transparent manner for selecting the Chairperson and Members.

Section 4(5) leaves the term of the Search Committee, the fees and allowances of its members and the manner of selecting the panel to be prescribed by rules.

A worked example

Suppose a vacancy arises in the office of a Judicial Member.

Step one, section 5. The President must take, or cause to be taken, all necessary steps for the appointment at least three months before the term expires. Chapter 120 reads that section.

Step two, section 4(3). The Selection Committee constitutes a Search Committee of at least seven, half of them from the categories the proviso names.

Step three. The Search Committee prepares a panel. Under the second proviso the Selection Committee may look outside that panel, so the Search Committee filters without binding.

Step four, section 4(1) and 4(4). The Selection Committee, five members, regulates its own procedure transparently and recommends a name.

Step five, section 3(3)(a). The candidate must be, or have been, a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Chief Justice of a High Court. Nothing else will do for a Judicial Member.

Step six, section 3(4). Before entering office the appointee resigns any office of profit, severs business connections and stops practising.

munotes.in46

The Lokpal Established: Composition and Qualifications

Step seven, section 6. The President appoints by warrant under his hand and seal. Chapter 120 takes it from there.

Now change one fact. Suppose the House of the People has no recognised Leader of Opposition, because no party in opposition has a tenth of the seats. Does the process stop? Section 4(2) says it does not: a vacancy in the Selection Committee does not invalidate an appointment. That sentence is the answer to five years of delay.

Distinctions: three selection committees compared

Lokpal, s.4Central Vigilance Commissioner, CVC Act s.4Director, CBI, DSPE Act s.4A
SizeFiveThreeThree
From the GovernmentPrime Minister, SpeakerPrime Minister, Home MinisterPrime Minister
From the OppositionLeader of OppositionLeader of OppositionLeader of Opposition, or leader of the single largest opposition party
Judicial elementChief Justice of India or his nomineeNoneChief Justice of India or his nominee
OtherOne eminent juristNoneNone

The row that matters is the fourth. The Central Vigilance Commissioner is chosen by a committee with no judicial member at all, two of whose three members are Ministers. That is the weakest of the three, and it is worth saying so when a question asks you to compare these institutions.

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal must have a judge as Chairperson. Section 3(2)(a) allows an eminent person meeting the section 3(3)(b) qualification. In practice the Chairpersons have been judges, but the Act does not require it.

That the Selection Committee appoints. It recommends. The President appoints, on that recommendation, by warrant under his hand and seal.

That the Search Committee's panel binds. The second proviso to section 4(3) says the Selection Committee may consider a person outside it.

That fifty per cent judicial means four of eight. It means fifty per cent of the Members, and the Members are "not exceeding eight". If six Members are appointed, three must be Judicial Members.

Quick revision

Section 3(1): establishes the Lokpal.

Section 3(2): a Chairperson plus not more than eight Members, of whom fifty per cent are Judicial Members; proviso, not less than fifty per cent of Members from SC, ST, OBC, Minorities and women.

Section 3(3): Chairperson, a serving or former Chief Justice of India or Judge of the Supreme Court, or an eminent person; Judicial Member, a serving or former Judge of the Supreme Court or Chief Justice of a High Court; other Member, impeccable integrity and twenty-five years in anti-corruption policy, public administration, vigilance, finance, law or management.

Section 3(4): disqualifications, including under forty-five years of age, and the bar on office of profit, political affiliation, business and practice.

munotes.in47

The Lokpal Established: Composition and Qualifications

Section 4(1): appointment by the President on the recommendation of a Selection Committee of five: Prime Minister as Chairperson, Speaker of the House of the People, Leader of Opposition in the House of the People, Chief Justice of India or his nominee, and one eminent jurist.

Section 4(2): a vacancy in the Selection Committee does not invalidate an appointment.

Section 4(3): a Search Committee of at least seven, whose panel does not bind. Section 4(4): transparent procedure.

Test yourself

1. Set out the composition of the Lokpal. A Chairperson and not more than eight Members. The Chairperson is or has been a Chief Justice of India or a Judge of the Supreme Court, or is an eminent person qualified under section 3(3)(b). Fifty per cent of the Members must be Judicial Members, that is serving or former Judges of the Supreme Court or Chief Justices of High Courts. Not less than fifty per cent of the Members must be from the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, Minorities and women.

2. Name the five members of the Selection Committee and explain what the composition is designed to achieve. The Prime Minister as Chairperson, the Speaker of the House of the People, the Leader of Opposition in the House of the People, the Chief Justice of India or a Judge of the Supreme Court nominated by him, and one eminent jurist recommended by those four and nominated by the President. The design denies the Government of the day a majority: it holds the Prime Minister and, in practice, the Speaker, while the Leader of Opposition, the judicial member and the jurist are outside its control and the jurist is chosen by all four.

3. What does section 4(2) provide, and why has it mattered so much? That no appointment of a Chairperson or Member shall be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy in the Selection Committee. It mattered because between 2014 and 2019 the Government's explanation for appointing no Lokpal was that the House of the People had no recognised Leader of Opposition, and section 4(2) is the answer to that: a vacancy does not stop the Committee acting.

4. Does the Search Committee's panel bind the Selection Committee? No. The second proviso to section 4(3) expressly allows the Selection Committee to consider a person other than those recommended by the Search Committee, so the Search Committee filters and advises but does not confine the choice.

5. What must a person do before entering office as Chairperson or Member? Under section 3(4) he must resign any office of trust or profit he holds, sever his connection with the conduct and management of any business he carries on, and cease to practise any profession. He must also not be affiliated with any political party. The restrictions exist because the office is meant to be free of any interest that could be worked on.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in48

Chapter Twelve

Tenure, Salary, Removal and Staff

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Five years or seventy, a Chief Justice's salary that cannot be cut, removal only through the Supreme Court, and a bar on almost every job afterwards: these are the six sections that make the office safe to hold and unsafe to lean on.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: sections 5 to 10 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 secure the independence of the office by requiring steps for filling a vacancy three months in advance, fixing a term of five years or up to the age of seventy, equating the salary and conditions of service of the Chairperson with those of the Chief Justice of India and of a Member with those of a Judge of the Supreme Court and forbidding their variation to his disadvantage, imposing wide restrictions on employment after office, providing for the senior-most Member to act in the Chairperson's absence, and giving the Lokpal its own Secretary, Director of Inquiry, Director of Prosecution, officers and staff.

Why these sections are not filler

A student reading a statute for the first time skips this kind of section, and an examiner setting a question on the independence of the Lokpal is asking about nothing else. Independence is not a sentence in a preamble. It is a term that cannot be shortened, a salary that cannot be reduced, a removal that the Government cannot effect and a staff the Government does not appoint. Take away any one of those four and the sentence in the preamble is decoration.

Section 5: the vacancy must be anticipated

Section 5 requires the President to take, or cause to be taken, all necessary steps for the appointment of a new Chairperson and Members at least three months before the expiry of the term, in accordance with the procedure laid down in the Act.

Why a section for this. Because the commonest way to weaken a watchdog is not to abolish it but to leave it vacant. A body of nine with four vacancies decides less, sits in fewer benches and takes longer, and nobody has to defend a decision. Section 5 converts an omission into a breach of a statutory duty.

What it does not do. It does not say what follows if the three months pass and nothing is done. The remedy is a petition, and chapter 230 is the case in which one was brought.

Section 6: the term

Five years from the date on which he enters upon his office, or until he attains the age of seventy years, whichever is earlier. Appointment is by the President, on the recommendations of the Selection Committee, by warrant under his hand and seal.

munotes.in49

Tenure, Salary, Removal and Staff

The proviso allows him to resign by writing addressed to the President, or to be removed in the manner provided in section 37.

Three things to notice. The term is fixed, so it cannot be shortened administratively. There is no reappointment, which section 8 makes explicit, so nobody can be influenced by the hope of another term. And the warrant under the President's hand and seal is the same formality used for a Judge of the Supreme Court, the Comptroller and Auditor-General and the Central Vigilance Commissioner: a deliberate signal about the class of office this is.

Section 7: the salary

The Chairperson gets the salary, allowances and other conditions of service of the Chief Justice of India. Other Members get those of a Judge of the Supreme Court.

The first proviso deals with a person already in receipt of a pension for previous service under the Union or a State: his salary is reduced by the amount of that pension, and where he has commuted part of it, by the amount of the commuted portion. This is the standard rule against drawing pay and pension for the same public service twice.

The second proviso is the one that matters constitutionally. The salary, allowances and pension payable to, and other conditions of service of, the Chairperson or a Member shall not be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment.

Read that against article 148(4) for the Comptroller and Auditor-General and against section 5 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003. It is the same guarantee, and it exists because a Government that can reduce a watchdog's pay after appointing him has a lever on him. Note the difference from the CAG: the CAG's salary is charged on the Consolidated Fund by the Constitution, whereas the Lokpal's charge is by section 13 of an ordinary Act, which Parliament can amend.

Section 8: what he may not do afterwards

On ceasing to hold office the Chairperson and every Member is ineligible for:

  1. Reappointment as Chairperson or Member of the Lokpal.
  2. Any diplomatic assignment, appointment as administrator of a Union territory, and any other assignment or appointment required by law to be made by the President by warrant under his hand and seal.
  3. Further employment to any other office of profit under the Government of India or the Government of a State.
  4. Contesting any election of President or Vice-President, or of a member of either House of Parliament, of either House of a State legislature, of a Municipality or of a Panchayat, within a period of five years from the date of relinquishing the post.

Section 8(2) makes one exception: a Member may be appointed Chairperson if his total tenure as Member and Chairperson does not exceed five years.

munotes.in50

Tenure, Salary, Removal and Staff

Why this is the sharpest of the six sections. The classical criticism of Indian watchdog offices is the post-retirement appointment: a body that can be rewarded afterwards is not independent while it sits. Section 8 closes governorships, diplomatic posts, tribunal chairs and offices of profit, and it closes elective office for five years, which is unusual and is aimed at a specific temptation. Compare section 8 with the CAG's position under article 148(4), which bars further office under the Union or a State and says nothing about contesting an election.

Section 9: who acts when the Chairperson cannot

Section 9(1). On a vacancy in the office of Chairperson by death, resignation or otherwise, the President may by notification authorise the senior-most Member to act as Chairperson until a new Chairperson is appointed.

Section 9(2). When the Chairperson is unable to discharge his functions owing to absence on leave or otherwise, the senior-most Member available, as the President may authorise, shall discharge his functions until he resumes.

The point to notice. The successor is fixed by seniority, not chosen. A Government that could pick the acting Chairperson could effectively appoint one without the Selection Committee, and section 9 shuts that door.

Section 10: the staff, and who appoints them

Section 10(1). A Secretary to the Lokpal in the rank of Secretary to the Government of India, appointed by the Chairperson from a panel of names sent by the Central Government.

Section 10(2). A Director of Inquiry and a Director of Prosecution, not below the rank of Additional Secretary to the Government of India or equivalent, appointed by the Chairperson from a panel sent by the Central Government. These two head the Inquiry Wing and the Prosecution Wing that chapter 130 reads.

Section 10(3). Other officers and staff are appointed by the Chairperson, or by such Member or officer as he directs. The proviso lets the President require, by rule, that appointments to specified posts be made after consultation with the Union Public Service Commission.

Section 10(4). Conditions of service of the Secretary and other officers and staff are as the Lokpal specifies by regulations, subject to any law made by Parliament, and the proviso subjects the salary parts of those regulations to the approval of the Central Government.

Read section 10 honestly and it is a compromise. The Chairperson appoints, which is the independence point; but he appoints from a panel the Central Government sends, and the pay parts of his regulations need the Government's approval. That is not the position of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, who under section 23 of his own Act makes rules subject to the President's approval but is not handed a panel. It is a real and examinable limitation on the Lokpal's autonomy.

munotes.in51

Tenure, Salary, Removal and Staff

A worked example

A Chairperson is appointed on 1 April 2019 at the age of sixty-eight.

Term. Five years would run to 31 March 2024. But section 6 also fixes seventy as the outer limit, so the term ends on his seventieth birthday in 2021, whichever is earlier being the rule.

Salary. That of the Chief Justice of India. If he is drawing a pension as a retired Judge of the Supreme Court, the first proviso to section 7 reduces his salary by the amount of that pension and by the commuted portion.

During his tenure the Government proposes to revise allowances downward. The second proviso to section 7 forbids variation to his disadvantage after appointment. It cannot be done to him.

He falls ill and takes three months' leave. Section 9(2): the senior-most Member available, authorised by the President, discharges his functions.

He retires in 2021. Section 8 now bites. He may not be reappointed; may not be made a Governor or given a diplomatic assignment or any office required to be filled by warrant; may not take any office of profit under the Union or a State; and may not contest an election to Parliament, a State legislature, a Municipality or a Panchayat until 2026.

And the vacancy. Section 5 required steps for filling it to begin at least three months before the term ended.

What beginners get wrong

That the term is five years, full stop. It is five years or seventy, whichever is earlier, so an appointee of sixty-eight serves two.

That the Lokpal appoints its own people freely. The Chairperson appoints, from a panel the Central Government sends.

That section 8 is only about jobs. It also bars contesting an election for five years, which no comparable Indian office does.

That removal is dealt with here. It is not. Section 6's proviso points to section 37, which is in Chapter X, and chapter 180 reads it.

Quick revision

s.5 steps to fill a vacancy at least three months before expiry.

s.6 term of five years or age seventy, whichever is earlier; appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal; may resign to the President or be removed under section 37.

s.7 salary of the Chief Justice of India for the Chairperson and of a Judge of the Supreme Court for a Member; pension set off; not to be varied to his disadvantage after appointment.

s.8 after office: no reappointment; no diplomatic assignment or administratorship or any post filled by warrant; no office of profit under the Union or a State; no contesting elections for five years. Exception: a Member may become Chairperson if the total does not exceed five years.

munotes.in52

Tenure, Salary, Removal and Staff

s.9 the senior-most Member acts on a vacancy or during absence.

s.10 Secretary, Director of Inquiry, Director of Prosecution and staff appointed by the Chairperson from panels sent by the Central Government; conditions by regulations, salary parts needing Government approval.

Test yourself

1. State the term of office of the Chairperson and Members and how it ends. Five years from the date of entering office or until attaining the age of seventy, whichever is earlier. It ends by efflux of time, by resignation in writing addressed to the President, or by removal in the manner provided in section 37.

2. What is the second proviso to section 7 and why does it matter? It provides that the salary, allowances and pension payable to, and the other conditions of service of, the Chairperson or a Member shall not be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment. It matters because a Government able to reduce a watchdog's remuneration after appointing him holds a lever over him, and the same guarantee appears for the Comptroller and Auditor-General in article 148(4) and for the Central Vigilance Commissioner in the Act of 2003.

3. List the restrictions section 8 imposes after office and explain the reasoning. No reappointment as Chairperson or Member; no diplomatic assignment, administratorship of a Union territory or other post required to be filled by warrant of the President; no further office of profit under the Union or a State; and no contesting any election to the offices of President or Vice-President, either House of Parliament or of a State legislature, a Municipality or a Panchayat for five years. The reasoning is that an officer who may be rewarded after office is not independent during it, and the election bar addresses the particular temptation of a political career built on the office.

4. Who appoints the Lokpal's Secretary and its two Directors, and what is the limitation on that power? The Chairperson appoints all three: the Secretary in the rank of Secretary to the Government of India, and the Director of Inquiry and the Director of Prosecution not below the rank of Additional Secretary. The limitation is that in each case he appoints from a panel of names sent by the Central Government, and that the salary provisions of the regulations governing staff need the Central Government's approval.

5. What happens if the Chairperson dies in office? Under section 9(1) the President may, by notification, authorise the senior-most Member to act as Chairperson until a new Chairperson is appointed. The successor is fixed by seniority rather than chosen, so that an acting appointment cannot be used to bypass the Selection Committee. Section 5 separately obliges the President to have begun the steps for filling the vacancy.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in53

Chapter Thirteen

The Inquiry Wing and the Prosecution Wing

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The Lokpal has an arm that inquires and an arm that prosecutes, and its money comes off the Consolidated Fund without an annual vote: these three things together are why it is not a classical ombudsman.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 11 requires the Lokpal to constitute an Inquiry Wing headed by the Director of Inquiry for the purpose of conducting preliminary inquiry into any offence alleged against a public servant punishable under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988; section 12 requires it to constitute a Prosecution Wing headed by the Director of Prosecution to prosecute such public servants before the Special Court, a case so filed being deemed a police report under section 173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure; and section 13 charges the administrative expenses of the Lokpal upon the Consolidated Fund of India.

Why these three sections carry the argument of the module

Chapter 50's checklist ended with an ombudsman who can see everything and order nothing. Sections 11 and 12 break that. A body with a Prosecution Wing that files a case deemed to be a police report is not recommending; it is initiating a criminal trial.

And section 13 is the answer to the question a sceptic asks about every Indian watchdog: who pays for it. A body whose budget must be voted every year by the Government it investigates can be starved without anybody voting to abolish it.

So an evaluative question on whether the Lokpal is a real ombudsman or something else is answered from these three sections and not from the preamble.

Section 11: the Inquiry Wing

Section 11(1) opens with a non obstante clause, "notwithstanding anything contained in any law for the time being in force", and requires the Lokpal to constitute an Inquiry Wing headed by the Director of Inquiry for the purpose of conducting preliminary inquiry into any offence alleged to have been committed by a public servant punishable under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

A non obstante clause is a provision that says a section applies notwithstanding other law, so that where the two conflict this one prevails. It appears here because constituting an inquiry body that examines public servants would otherwise run into the service rules and the police statutes.

The proviso is important and is usually skipped: until the Inquiry Wing is constituted, the Central Government shall make available such number of officers and staff from its Ministries or Departments as the Lokpal requires for conducting preliminary inquiries.

Read the proviso as a fact about the institution's first years. A new body has no staff. Section 11's proviso means that in the beginning the Lokpal's inquiries are conducted by officers lent by the very Government whose Ministers it may inquire into. That is a real criticism and it is the honest answer to a question about the Lokpal's effectiveness after 2019.

munotes.in54

The Inquiry Wing and the Prosecution Wing

Section 11(2) gives officers of the Inquiry Wing not below the rank of Under Secretary to the Government of India the same powers as are conferred upon the Inquiry Wing of the Lokpal under section 27, which is the section giving the Lokpal the powers of a civil court. Chapter 160 reads section 27.

Section 12: the Prosecution Wing

Section 12(1) requires the Lokpal, by notification, to constitute a Prosecution Wing headed by the Director of Prosecution for the purpose of prosecution of public servants in relation to any complaint by the Lokpal under the Act, with the same proviso about officers lent by the Central Government until the Wing exists.

Section 12(2). The Director of Prosecution, after having been so directed by the Lokpal, files a case in accordance with the findings of the investigation report before the Special Court, and takes all necessary steps in respect of the prosecution for an offence punishable under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

Section 12(3) is the sentence that changes the character of the institution. The case filed under section 12(2) shall be deemed to be a report, filed on completion of investigation, referred to in section 173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973.

What that deeming does. A criminal trial for a Prevention of Corruption Act offence normally begins when the police file a report under section 173 of the Code, commonly called a charge sheet, and the court takes cognizance on it. Section 12(3) gives the Lokpal's Director of Prosecution the same standing. The Lokpal is therefore not asking a police agency to file a case and hoping it will; it files one itself, through its own officer, and the court must treat it as the completed report of an investigation.

Set that against the classical model and the distance is obvious. A Danish or British ombudsman writes a report. The Lokpal writes a report, sanctions prosecution under section 23, and then prosecutes.

Section 13: the money

Section 13 provides that the administrative expenses of the Lokpal, including all salaries, allowances and pensions payable to or in respect of the Chairperson, Members, Secretary and other officers and staff, shall be charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India, and that any fees or other moneys taken by the Lokpal shall form part of that Fund.

What "charged upon the Consolidated Fund" means, in plain terms. Expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India falls into two classes under article 112(3) of the Constitution. Charged expenditure is not submitted to the vote of Parliament, although it may be discussed. Voted expenditure is submitted to the House as demands for grants, which the House may reduce or refuse. Chapter 1320 works this distinction out in full, because it is the heart of Module IV.

munotes.in55

The Inquiry Wing and the Prosecution Wing

So the practical effect is that no Minister can propose, and no majority can vote, a cut in the Lokpal's budget as a way of expressing displeasure. The same device protects the salary of a Judge of the Supreme Court, of the Comptroller and Auditor-General under article 148(6), of the Chairman of the Union Public Service Commission and of the Central Vigilance Commission under section 13 of its own Act.

And notice the limitation. Article 148(6) charges the CAG's expenses on the Consolidated Fund by the Constitution. Section 13 charges the Lokpal's by an ordinary Act, which Parliament may amend by a simple majority. The protection is real and it is one rung lower than the CAG's.

A worked example

A complaint alleges that a Joint Secretary took money to clear a licence.

Step one, section 20. The Lokpal decides there is a prima facie case to proceed and orders a preliminary inquiry.

Step two, section 11. The preliminary inquiry is conducted by the Inquiry Wing under the Director of Inquiry. If the Wing is not yet constituted, officers lent by the Central Government under the proviso do it.

Step three, section 11(2) with section 27. Those officers, being not below the rank of Under Secretary, may summon and enforce attendance, require documents, receive evidence on affidavit and requisition public records.

Step four. On the preliminary inquiry report the Lokpal may order an investigation by an agency, which is a different thing and is chapter 150's subject.

Step five, section 23. On the investigation report the Lokpal may grant sanction for prosecution. It does not have to ask the Government, and chapter 155 explains why that single fact matters more than almost anything else in the Act.

Step six, section 12. The Lokpal directs the Director of Prosecution, who files the case before the Special Court.

Step seven, section 12(3). The court treats that filing as a report under section 173 of the Code and proceeds to trial.

Now ask who paid for all of it. Section 13: the Consolidated Fund, charged, not voted.

Distinctions: what each wing does

Inquiry Wing, s.11Prosecution Wing, s.12
Headed byDirector of InquiryDirector of Prosecution
Appointed byChairperson, from a Government panel, s.10(2)Chairperson, from a Government panel, s.10(2)
Stage of the processPreliminary inquiry, before any investigationAfter investigation, on the Lokpal's direction
PowersThose of the Lokpal under s.27, for officers of and above Under Secretary rankTo file and conduct a case before the Special Court
ProductA preliminary inquiry reportA case deemed to be a s.173 report
Until constitutedOfficers lent by the Central GovernmentOfficers lent by the Central Government
munotes.in56

The Inquiry Wing and the Prosecution Wing

What beginners get wrong

That the Inquiry Wing investigates. It conducts a preliminary inquiry, which the Act keeps distinct from an investigation throughout Chapter VII. Investigation is directed to an agency.

That the Prosecution Wing decides to prosecute. It does not. Section 12(2) says the Director acts after having been so directed by the Lokpal, and the sanction comes from the Lokpal under section 23.

That the Lokpal has its own police. It does not, and the argument about whether it should is chapter 940's.

That charged expenditure cannot be discussed. It can be discussed in the House; it cannot be voted on.

Quick revision

s.11 Inquiry Wing, headed by the Director of Inquiry, for preliminary inquiry into Prevention of Corruption Act offences; proviso, Central Government lends officers until it is constituted; s.11(2) gives officers of and above Under Secretary rank the s.27 powers.

s.12 Prosecution Wing, headed by the Director of Prosecution; files the case before the Special Court after being directed by the Lokpal; s.12(3) deems that filing a report under section 173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

s.13 administrative expenses charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India, so not submitted to the vote; fees taken form part of the Fund.

The three together are why the Lokpal is a hybrid and not a classical ombudsman: it inquires with its own arm, prosecutes with its own arm, and is paid without an annual vote.

Test yourself

1. Distinguish the Inquiry Wing from the Prosecution Wing. The Inquiry Wing under section 11 is headed by the Director of Inquiry and conducts the preliminary inquiry into an alleged offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act, before any investigation is ordered; its officers of and above the rank of Under Secretary have the Lokpal's section 27 powers. The Prosecution Wing under section 12 is headed by the Director of Prosecution and comes in at the other end: on the Lokpal's direction it files the case on the findings of the investigation report before the Special Court and conducts the prosecution.

2. What is the effect of section 12(3)? It deems the case filed by the Director of Prosecution to be a report filed on completion of investigation under section 173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973. The Special Court must therefore treat it as it would a police charge sheet and may take cognizance on it, so the Lokpal initiates the trial itself rather than asking a police agency to do so.

munotes.in57

The Inquiry Wing and the Prosecution Wing

3. Explain what it means that the Lokpal's expenses are charged on the Consolidated Fund, and state the limitation on that protection. Charged expenditure under article 112(3) is not submitted to the vote of Parliament, though it may be discussed, whereas voted expenditure goes to the House as demands for grants which may be reduced or refused. So the Lokpal's budget cannot be cut by a vote of the House. The limitation is that the charge is made by section 13 of an ordinary Act, which Parliament may amend by simple majority, whereas the Comptroller and Auditor-General's charge is made by article 148(6) of the Constitution itself.

4. What does the proviso to section 11 reveal about the Lokpal's early working? That until the Inquiry Wing is constituted, the preliminary inquiries are conducted by officers and staff made available by the Central Government from its own Ministries and Departments. A body created to inquire into Ministers and senior public servants therefore begins by inquiring through officers lent by the executive, which is a genuine limitation on its independence and one that a good answer on the Lokpal's effectiveness should name.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in58

Chapter Fourteen

Who the Lokpal May Inquire Into, Including the Prime Minister

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Everyone from a serving Prime Minister down to a Group D clerk of the Union, plus anybody who bribed them, with three exclusions that matter.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 14 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 confers jurisdiction on the Lokpal to inquire into any matter involved in, arising from or connected with an allegation of corruption made in a complaint against a present or former Prime Minister, a present or former Minister of the Union, a present or former member of either House of Parliament, Group A, B, C and D officers and officials serving in connection with the affairs of the Union, and the office bearers and employees of bodies established by an Act of Parliament or wholly or partly financed or controlled by the Central Government, together with societies and trusts receiving Government or foreign donations above prescribed limits; the jurisdiction over the Prime Minister is hedged by two provisos, conduct within Parliament protected by article 105(2) is excluded, and a matter complained of to the Lokpal may not be referred to a Commission of Inquiry.

Why this section is the whole political history in one place

Chapter 80 recorded that every Lokpal Bill from 1968 onwards foundered on the same question: is the Prime Minister inside. Section 14(1)(a) answers yes and then spends two provisos making the answer safe. Reading those provisos closely is the difference between an answer that says the Prime Minister is covered and an answer that shows what being covered actually amounts to.

Section 14(1): the list

Subject to the other provisions of the Act, the Lokpal shall inquire, or cause an inquiry to be conducted, into any matter involved in, arising from or connected with any allegation of corruption made in a complaint in respect of:

(a) any person who is or has been a Prime Minister, subject to the two provisos below.

(b) any person who is or has been a Minister of the Union.

(c) any person who is or has been a member of either House of Parliament.

(d) any Group A or Group B officer or equivalent or above, from among the public servants defined in sub-clauses (i) and (ii) of clause (c) of section 2 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, serving or having served in connection with the affairs of the Union.

(e) any Group C or Group D official or equivalent, from the same definition, serving or having served in connection with the affairs of the Union, subject to section 20(1).

(f) any person who is or has been a chairperson, member, officer or employee in any body, Board, corporation, authority, company, society, trust or autonomous body established by an Act of Parliament or wholly or partly financed by the Central Government or controlled by it.

munotes.in59

Who the Lokpal May Inquire Into, Including the Prime Minister

(g) the corresponding clause for societies, trusts and other entities in receipt of donations above the prescribed thresholds, including foreign contribution above ten lakh rupees a year.

The Explanation to clauses (f) and (g) clarifies that any entity or institution by whatever name called, corporate, society, trust, association of persons, partnership, sole proprietorship or limited liability partnership, whether registered under any law or not, is covered; and the proviso deems any person referred to in the clause to be a public servant under section 2(c) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, so that Act applies to him.

Read clause (e) with the reference to section 20(1) and the graded design appears. Group C and D officials are inside the jurisdiction, but complaints against them are routed to the Central Vigilance Commission, which reports back to the Lokpal. A body of nine cannot personally inquire into every clerk in the Union, and the Act says so by cross-reference rather than by exclusion.

The two provisos on the Prime Minister

Proviso one, clause (i): subject matter. The Lokpal shall not inquire into any allegation of corruption against the Prime Minister in so far as it relates to international relations, external and internal security, public order, atomic energy and space.

Proviso one, clause (ii): procedure. No inquiry unless a full bench of the Lokpal consisting of its Chairperson and all Members considers the initiation of the inquiry and at least two-thirds of its Members approve of it.

Proviso two: secrecy. Any such inquiry shall be held in camera, and if the Lokpal concludes that the complaint deserves to be dismissed, the records of the inquiry shall not be published or made available to anyone.

In camera means behind closed doors, with the public and the press excluded.

How to assess these in an answer. They are a genuine compromise and both readings are respectable. In favour: an office whose holder can be paralysed by an inquiry into his handling of a border crisis is a national security problem, and a dismissed complaint that leaves a public record damages a Prime Minister who has been cleared. Against: the excluded subjects are exactly the areas where the largest contracts are placed, defence procurement lying squarely inside external security; and a two-thirds vote of a body the Government's own Selection Committee helped choose is a high bar.

Section 14(2): what the Lokpal may not touch in Parliament

The Lokpal shall not inquire into any allegation of corruption against a member of either House in respect of anything said or a vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof, covered under clause (2) of article 105 of the Constitution.

munotes.in60

Who the Lokpal May Inquire Into, Including the Prime Minister

This is the Act deferring to the Constitution, and it is the point at which Module I joins Module III. Article 105(2) provides that no member shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof.

And the law under article 105(2) has changed since this Act was passed. When the Act was drafted, the leading decision held that a member who took a bribe and then voted was immune from prosecution. On 4 March 2024 a bench of seven judges overruled that. Chapter 1100 works the change in full. The consequence for section 14(2) is a real question worth raising in an answer: the sub-section excludes what article 105(2) covers, and what article 105(2) covers is now narrower than it was, because bribery is not "in respect of" the vote at all.

Section 14(3): the outsider who paid

The Lokpal may inquire into the act or conduct of any person other than those in sub-section (1) if that person is involved in abetting, bribe giving or bribe taking or conspiracy relating to an allegation of corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 against a person in sub-section (1).

The proviso: no action against a person serving in connection with the affairs of a State without the consent of the State Government.

Two points. The bribe giver is inside, which matters because the 2018 amendment to the Prevention of Corruption Act made bribe giving an offence in its own right. And the proviso is a federal safeguard of the same family as section 6 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, which chapter 820 reads.

Section 14(4): no Commission of Inquiry on the same matter

No matter in respect of which a complaint has been made to the Lokpal under this Act shall be referred for inquiry under the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952.

This is one section joining MU's first label to its second, and it is worth a paragraph in any answer that touches either. The reason is not tidiness. A Commission of Inquiry produces a report that binds nobody, and section 6 of the 1952 Act makes a statement to a Commission inadmissible against its maker. If a matter could be moved from the Lokpal to a Commission, a Government facing a corruption inquiry with prosecution at the end of it could convert it into an inquiry with nothing at the end of it. Section 14(4) shuts that door.

munotes.in61

Who the Lokpal May Inquire Into, Including the Prime Minister

The Explanation to section 14: only conduct in office

A complaint under the Act shall only relate to a period during which the public servant was holding or serving in that capacity. Conduct before appointment and after demitting office is outside.

Section 15: matters already elsewhere

Where a matter or proceeding relating to an allegation of corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 was pending before any court, or before a committee of either House of Parliament, or before any other authority, either before the Act commenced or before an inquiry begins under it, that matter or proceeding shall be continued before that court, committee or authority.

So the Lokpal does not take over pending matters. Notice again the interaction with Module III: a committee of either House is named in terms, so a matter already before a parliamentary committee stays there.

A worked example

A complaint alleges that a Minister of the Union took money to award a defence contract, that a Joint Secretary processed the file, and that a private company paid.

The Minister: clause (b), inside, and no special safeguard applies. Only the Prime Minister has the provisos.

The Joint Secretary: clause (d), a Group A officer serving in connection with the affairs of the Union, inside.

The company that paid: section 14(3), inside as a bribe giver, and by the proviso to the Explanation deemed a public servant for the purposes of the Prevention of Corruption Act.

Now make the allegation against the Prime Minister instead. Clause (a) brings him in, but proviso (i) excludes matters relating to external security and a defence contract may well be argued into that exclusion. Even if it is not, proviso (ii) requires a full bench and a two-thirds vote before the inquiry may begin, proviso two requires it to be in camera, and a dismissal seals the record.

Now suppose the allegation is that the Minister said something corrupt in a speech in the Lok Sabha. Section 14(2) with article 105(2) keeps the Lokpal out of anything said or any vote given in the House.

And suppose the Government would prefer a retired judge to look at the whole affair. Section 14(4) forbids referring the matter to a Commission of Inquiry once a complaint has been made to the Lokpal.

What beginners get wrong

That the Prime Minister is excluded. He is not. He is included with conditions, and the conditions are what an answer must state.

That Group C and D officials are outside. They are inside, under clause (e), but routed through the Central Vigilance Commission by section 20(1).

That only Government servants are covered. Clauses (f) and (g) reach bodies financed or controlled by the Government and societies and trusts taking donations above the prescribed limits, and section 14(3) reaches the private bribe giver.

munotes.in62

Who the Lokpal May Inquire Into, Including the Prime Minister

That the Lokpal can look at a person's whole life. The Explanation confines a complaint to the period during which the person was holding or serving in that capacity.

That the Lokpal takes over pending cases. Section 15 says the opposite.

Quick revision

s.14(1): (a) Prime Minister, present or former; (b) Union Minister; (c) member of either House; (d) Group A and B; (e) Group C and D, routed via s.20(1); (f) bodies established by an Act of Parliament or financed or controlled by the Centre; (g) societies and trusts above the prescribed donation thresholds.

Prime Minister, proviso one: excluded subjects are international relations, external and internal security, public order, atomic energy and space; and no inquiry without a full bench and the approval of at least two-thirds of the Members. Proviso two: in camera, and on dismissal the records are not published.

s.14(2): nothing said or any vote given in Parliament or a committee, per article 105(2).

s.14(3): abettors, bribe givers, bribe takers and conspirators outside the list; proviso, consent of the State Government for a State servant.

s.14(4): a matter complained of to the Lokpal may not be referred to a Commission of Inquiry.

Explanation: only conduct while holding or serving in that capacity.

s.15: matters already before a court, a committee of either House or another authority continue there.

Test yourself

1. Is the Prime Minister within the Lokpal's jurisdiction? Answer fully. Yes, under section 14(1)(a), whether serving or former, but subject to two provisos. The first excludes allegations in so far as they relate to international relations, external and internal security, public order, atomic energy and space, and forbids an inquiry unless a full bench consisting of the Chairperson and all Members considers initiating it and at least two-thirds of the Members approve. The second requires the inquiry to be held in camera and forbids publication of the records if the complaint is dismissed.

2. What does section 14(4) provide, and why? That no matter in respect of which a complaint has been made to the Lokpal may be referred for inquiry under the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952. The reason is that a Commission's report binds nobody and a statement made to a Commission is inadmissible against its maker under section 6 of that Act, so allowing a transfer would let a corruption inquiry that can end in prosecution be converted into one that can end in nothing.

3. How does section 14(2) interact with the current law on legislative privilege? Section 14(2) excludes from the Lokpal's jurisdiction anything said or any vote given by a member in Parliament or a committee, in so far as article 105(2) covers it. Article 105(2) was construed in 1998 to confer immunity on a member who took a bribe and voted, but that construction was overruled by seven judges on 4 March 2024, which held that bribery is complete on acceptance and is not in respect of the vote. The exclusion in section 14(2) is therefore narrower now than when the Act was drafted.

munotes.in63

Who the Lokpal May Inquire Into, Including the Prime Minister

4. Are Group C and Group D officials within the jurisdiction? Yes, under section 14(1)(e), but the complaint is dealt with through the Central Vigilance Commission by virtue of the reference to section 20(1), which reports its findings back to the Lokpal. The design keeps them inside the Act while preventing a nine-member body from being submerged in the volume.

5. Can the Lokpal inquire into a private company that paid a bribe? Yes. Section 14(3) allows an inquiry into the act or conduct of any person outside sub-section (1) who is involved in abetting, bribe giving or bribe taking, or in a conspiracy, relating to an allegation of corruption against a person inside sub-section (1). Where the person is serving in connection with the affairs of a State, the proviso requires the consent of the State Government.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in64

Chapter Fifteen

Benches, Transfer of Cases, and Decision by Majority

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The Lokpal does not sit as nine people round one table; it sits in benches, like a court, with at least one judge on each, and when a bench splits the Chairperson breaks the tie.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: sections 16 to 19 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 provide that the jurisdiction of the Lokpal may be exercised by benches constituted by the Chairperson with two or more Members, every bench ordinarily consisting of at least one Judicial Member and being presided over by the Chairperson where he sits and otherwise by the Judicial Member; that the Chairperson distributes business among the benches and may transfer a case on application after hearing the party; and that where an evenly constituted bench differs, the point is referred to the Chairperson and decided by the opinion of the majority of the Members who have heard the case.

Why an ombudsman needs benches at all

Because of section 14. A jurisdiction that reaches a former Prime Minister, every Union Minister, every member of either House, every Group A to D official of the Union and every body financed or controlled by the Centre is a jurisdiction of enormous volume. A single officer, which is what a classical ombudsman is, cannot carry it.

So the Act borrows the shape of a tribunal. That borrowing is what makes the Lokpal look judicial, and it is also what makes the standard examination question, is the Lokpal a court, worth answering carefully. Benches, a presiding member, transfer of cases and decision by majority are all court furniture; and yet the Lokpal decides nothing between two parties, gives no judgment executable of its own force and conducts an inquiry rather than a trial. It has the shape of a court and not the function of one.

Section 16: constituting a bench

Section 16(1) provides, subject to the Act:

  1. (a) the jurisdiction of the Lokpal may be exercised by benches;
  2. (b) a bench may be constituted by the Chairperson with two or more Members as he deems fit;
  3. (c) every bench shall ordinarily consist of at least one Judicial Member;
  4. (d) where a bench consists of the Chairperson, he presides;
  5. (e) where a bench consists of a Judicial Member and a non-Judicial Member, the Chairperson not being on it, the Judicial Member presides;
  6. (f) benches shall ordinarily sit at New Delhi and at such other places as the Lokpal specifies by regulations.

Section 16(2) requires the Lokpal to notify the areas in relation to which each bench may exercise jurisdiction.

Section 16(3) provides that notwithstanding sub-section (2), the Chairperson has power to constitute or reconstitute benches from time to time.

munotes.in65

Benches, Transfer of Cases, and Decision by Majority

Section 16(4) allows a case to be moved up: if at any stage of a hearing it appears to the Chairperson or a Member that a case is of such a nature that it ought to be heard by a bench of three or more Members, the case may be transferred by the Chairperson, or referred to him for transfer, to such bench as he deems fit.

The word ordinarily in clauses (c) and (f) is doing work. A bench must ordinarily have a Judicial Member, which admits of exceptions; and benches ordinarily sit in Delhi, which allows the Lokpal to sit elsewhere by regulation. Statutory drafting uses "ordinarily" where a rule is intended to hold in the general run of cases without being absolute.

Section 17: distributing the work

Where benches are constituted, the Chairperson may from time to time, by notification, make provisions for the distribution of the business of the Lokpal among the benches, and provide for the matters that may be dealt with by each bench.

Note the parallel with a High Court's roster, which the Chief Justice controls as master of the roster. The Act gives the Chairperson the same control, and the same criticism attaches to it: the person who decides which bench hears which case has real influence over outcomes, and the Act supplies no criteria.

Section 18: transferring a case

On an application for transfer made by the complainant or the public servant, the Chairperson, after giving an opportunity of being heard to whichever of them applied, may transfer any case pending before one bench to any other bench.

Two things worth noticing. The right to apply belongs to both sides, which is even-handed. And the Chairperson must hear the applicant before deciding, which is the audi alteram partem rule, meaning hear the other side, appearing in a small procedural provision.

Section 19: when a bench divides

If the Members of a bench consisting of an even number of Members differ in opinion on any point, they shall state the point or points on which they differ and make a reference to the Chairperson, who shall either hear the point himself or refer it for hearing to one or more other Members; and the point shall be decided according to the opinion of the majority of the Members of the Lokpal who have heard the case, including those who first heard it.

Work the arithmetic, because this is where students go wrong. A bench of two divides one to one. The point goes to the Chairperson. Suppose he hears it himself and agrees with Member A. The majority is then counted among all who have heard the case: A, B and the Chairperson, that is two to one in favour of A's view. The original Members' opinions are not discarded; they are counted.

munotes.in66

Benches, Transfer of Cases, and Decision by Majority

Why the section speaks only of an even number. A bench of three cannot divide without a majority emerging. The provision is only needed where the numbers can deadlock.

A worked example

A complaint is made against a Secretary to the Government of India serving in Mumbai.

Step one, section 16(2). The Lokpal has notified the areas each bench covers. The complaint goes to the bench with jurisdiction.

Step two, section 16(1)(b) and (c). The Chairperson has constituted that bench with two Members, one Judicial and one non-Judicial.

Step three, section 16(1)(e). The Chairperson is not on it, so the Judicial Member presides.

Step four, section 18. The Secretary applies for transfer, saying a Member of that bench was until recently the Secretary of the very Ministry in which he serves. The Chairperson hears him and transfers the case.

Step five, section 16(4). At the hearing the new bench forms the view that the matter raises a question of the reach of section 14(1)(f) over an autonomous body, which ought to be settled by a larger bench. It is referred to the Chairperson, who transfers it to a bench of three.

Step six, section 19 is not needed. A bench of three cannot deadlock. Had the bench remained at two and divided, the point would have gone to the Chairperson and been decided by the majority of all who heard it.

Distinctions: the Lokpal's benches against a court's

A High Court benchA Lokpal bench
Who constitutes itThe Chief Justice as master of the rosterThe Chairperson, s.16(1)(b) and 16(3)
Minimum compositionOne judgeTwo or more Members, ordinarily one Judicial
Who presidesThe senior judgeThe Chairperson if on it, else the Judicial Member
On a differenceReference to a third judge or a larger benchReference to the Chairperson, s.19
OutputA judgment binding the partiesAn inquiry and a decision on how to proceed
AppealTo a Division Bench or the Supreme CourtNone provided by the Act

The last row is the one to make in an answer. The Act creates a court-like structure and provides no appeal within it. Judicial review under article 226 or article 32 remains, but the Act itself contemplates no rehearing.

What beginners get wrong

That every bench must have a Judicial Member. Section 16(1)(c) says ordinarily.

That the Chairperson must be on a bench. He need not; clause (e) provides for a bench without him.

That section 19 applies to any difference of opinion. It applies to a bench of an even number of Members.

munotes.in67

Benches, Transfer of Cases, and Decision by Majority

That the Chairperson decides the split himself. He may hear it himself or refer it to other Members, and either way the point is decided by the majority of all who have heard the case.

Quick revision

s.16: jurisdiction exercised by benches; constituted by the Chairperson with two or more Members; ordinarily at least one Judicial Member; Chairperson presides if on the bench, otherwise the Judicial Member; benches sit ordinarily at New Delhi; the Lokpal notifies each bench's area; the Chairperson may constitute or reconstitute at will; a case may be moved to a bench of three or more.

s.17: the Chairperson distributes business by notification.

s.18: transfer on the application of the complainant or the public servant, after hearing him.

s.19: an even bench that differs states the points and refers to the Chairperson, who hears them or refers them on; decided by the majority of all who have heard the case, including those who first heard it.

Test yourself

1. How is a bench of the Lokpal constituted and who presides? The Chairperson constitutes it with two or more Members as he deems fit, and every bench ordinarily consists of at least one Judicial Member. Where the bench includes the Chairperson he presides; where it consists of a Judicial Member and a non-Judicial Member without the Chairperson, the Judicial Member presides.

2. Explain the procedure when a bench of two Members differs. Under section 19 they state the point or points on which they differ and refer them to the Chairperson. He may hear the point himself or refer it to one or more other Members. The point is then decided according to the opinion of the majority of the Members of the Lokpal who have heard the case, including the two who first heard it, so the original opinions are counted and not set aside.

3. Who may apply for the transfer of a case, and what must the Chairperson do before deciding? Either the complainant or the public servant may apply. The Chairperson must give the applicant an opportunity of being heard before transferring the case from one bench to another, which is the rule of hearing the other side appearing in a procedural provision.

4. Does the bench structure make the Lokpal a court? No. It gives the Lokpal the shape of a court: benches, a presiding member, distribution of business, transfer and decision by majority. But the Lokpal decides no dispute between two parties, gives no judgment enforceable of its own force, and conducts an inquiry rather than a trial, the trial being before the Special Court under section 35. It has the form of a court and not the function of one, and the Act provides no appeal against its decisions.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in68

Chapter Sixteen

Complaint, Preliminary Inquiry and the Right to be Heard

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

A complaint arrives; the Lokpal decides whether to look; if it looks it holds a preliminary inquiry, hears the public servant, and only then decides whether to order a real investigation.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 20 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 governs the whole route from complaint to charge sheet, providing for a preliminary inquiry by the Inquiry Wing or an agency to ascertain whether a prima facie case exists, for the reference of complaints against Group A, B, C and D public servants to the Central Vigilance Commission, for the public servant's explanation before an investigation is ordered, for the consideration of every report by a bench of not less than three Members after hearing the public servant, and for time limits of sixty days for a report, ninety days extendable by ninety for a preliminary inquiry, and six months extendable by six months at a time for an investigation.

The two words that organise the section

Preliminary inquiry and investigation are different things and the Act keeps them apart in every sub-section.

A preliminary inquiry asks a single question: is there a prima facie case for proceeding. Prima facie means at first sight, so a prima facie case is one that would justify going further, not one that is proved. The inquiry gathers material, asks the public servant and the competent authority for comments, and reports.

An investigation is investigation in the sense of the Code of Criminal Procedure. It is done by an agency, it ends in a report under section 173 of the Code, and it can lead to a charge sheet.

A student who merges the two will misstate the time limits, the body that acts and the consequence, so it is worth fixing the distinction before reading the section.

Section 20(1): the two doors

On receipt of a complaint, if it decides to proceed further, the Lokpal may order:

  1. (a) a preliminary inquiry against any public servant, by its Inquiry Wing or any agency including the Delhi Special Police Establishment, to ascertain whether there exists a prima facie case for proceeding; or
  2. (b) an investigation by any agency including the Delhi Special Police Establishment, when there exists a prima facie case.

So a preliminary inquiry is not compulsory. Where a prima facie case already exists on the material, the Lokpal may go straight to investigation.

The four provisos to section 20(1) are where the real design is.

First proviso. If the Lokpal decides to proceed with a preliminary inquiry it shall, by general or special order, refer complaints against public servants of Group A, B, C or D to the Central Vigilance Commission constituted under section 3(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003.

munotes.in69

Complaint, Preliminary Inquiry and the Right to be Heard

Second proviso. On such a reference the Commission, after preliminary inquiry, submits its report to the Lokpal in the case of Group A and B; and in the case of Group C and D it proceeds under its own Act instead.

Third proviso. Before ordering an investigation under clause (b), the Lokpal shall call for the explanation of the public servant so as to determine whether a prima facie case for investigation exists.

Fourth proviso. Seeking that explanation shall not interfere with any search and seizure required to be undertaken by an agency under the Act.

Read the first two provisos together and you have the answer to a question examiners like. The Lokpal and the Central Vigilance Commission are not rivals; the Act makes the Commission the Lokpal's inquiring arm for the civil service, keeps Group A and B answerable back to the Lokpal, and leaves Group C and D wholly to the Commission's own machinery. Chapter 720 develops the division.

And the third proviso is a real protection. A public servant is heard before an investigation is even ordered, which is more than the ordinary criminal law gives anybody. The fourth proviso stops that protection being used to empty a cupboard.

Section 20(2) to (4): the preliminary inquiry

Sub-section (2). During the preliminary inquiry the Inquiry Wing or the agency conducts the inquiry, and on the material, information and documents collected seeks the comments of the public servant and of the competent authority; after obtaining them it submits a report to the Lokpal within sixty days from the date of receipt of the reference.

Sub-section (3). A bench of not less than three Members shall consider every such report and, after giving an opportunity of being heard to the public servant, decide whether a prima facie case exists, and proceed with one or more of:

  1. (a) investigation by an agency or the Delhi Special Police Establishment;
  2. (b) initiation of departmental proceedings or other appropriate action by the competent authority;
  3. (c) closure of the proceedings against the public servant, and to proceed against the complainant under section 46.

Sub-section (4). A preliminary inquiry shall ordinarily be completed within ninety days, and for reasons recorded in writing within a further ninety days from the date of receipt of the complaint.

Clause (c) is the most criticised sentence in the Act and chapter 200 works it. A closure of the case against the public servant is coupled with the possibility of prosecuting the complainant for a false complaint. The intention is to deter malicious complaints; the effect that critics point to is to deter complaints altogether.

munotes.in70

Complaint, Preliminary Inquiry and the Right to be Heard

Section 20(5) to (12): the investigation and after

Sub-section (5). The Lokpal directs an agency to investigate as expeditiously as possible and to complete the investigation within six months from the date of its order, extendable by a further period not exceeding six months at a time for reasons recorded in writing.

Sub-section (6). Notwithstanding section 173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, the agency shall, in cases referred by the Lokpal, submit the investigation report under that section to the court having jurisdiction and forward a copy to the Lokpal.

Sub-section (7). A bench of not less than three Members considers every such report and, after obtaining the comments of the competent authority and the public servant, may:

  1. (a) grant sanction to its Prosecution Wing or the investigating agency to file a charge sheet, or direct the closure report before the Special Court; or
  2. (b) direct the competent authority to initiate departmental proceedings or other appropriate action.

Sub-section (8) allows the Lokpal, after deciding under sub-section (7), to direct its Prosecution Wing or the investigating agency accordingly.

Sub-section (9). The Lokpal may pass orders for the safe custody of documents during a preliminary inquiry or investigation.

Sub-section (10). The Lokpal's website shall display to the public the status of the number of complaints pending and disposed of, in the manner specified by regulations.

Sub-section (11). The Lokpal may retain original records and evidence likely to be required in the inquiry, the investigation or the conduct of a case by it or by the Special Court.

Sub-section (12). The manner and procedure of a preliminary inquiry or investigation, including what material and documents are to be made available to the public servant, is as specified by regulations.

Sub-section (10) is a small provision with a large idea in it. Publicity is the classical ombudsman's sanction, and here it appears as a statutory duty to publish caseload. It is the only place in the Act where the Lokpal must tell the public anything without waiting for its annual report.

Section 21: the person who is not accused

If at any stage the Lokpal considers it necessary to inquire into the conduct of any person other than the accused, or is of opinion that the reputation of any person other than an accused is likely to be prejudicially affected by the preliminary inquiry, it shall give that person a reasonable opportunity of being heard in the preliminary inquiry and to produce evidence in his defence, consistent with the principles of natural justice.

This is section 8B of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 in a different statute, and the resemblance is not accidental. Chapter 440 reads section 8B, and a good answer on either institution should notice that Indian law has settled on the same protection for anyone whose reputation an inquiry may damage, whether or not they are the target.

munotes.in71

Complaint, Preliminary Inquiry and the Right to be Heard

Section 22: the power to require information

For the purposes of any preliminary inquiry or investigation, the Lokpal or the investigating agency may require any public servant or any other person who in its opinion is able to furnish information or produce documents relevant to the inquiry or investigation, to furnish that information or produce those documents.

Notice the breadth. Any person, not only a public servant. This is the power chapter 50 identified as the one that makes maladministration visible: the ombudsman can see the file that decided the case.

A worked example

A complaint alleges that a Group A officer of a Ministry took two lakh rupees to clear a bill.

Day 0. The complaint is received. The Lokpal decides to proceed and orders a preliminary inquiry: section 20(1)(a).

First proviso. The officer is Group A, so the complaint must be referred to the Central Vigilance Commission.

Within sixty days of the reference. The Commission conducts the preliminary inquiry, seeks the comments of the officer and of his competent authority, and reports to the Lokpal: section 20(2) with the second proviso.

Ninety days, extendable by ninety. That is the outer limit for the preliminary inquiry itself: section 20(4).

A bench of three or more. It considers the report, hears the officer, and finds a prima facie case: section 20(3).

Third proviso to section 20(1). Before ordering an investigation the Lokpal calls for the officer's explanation.

Investigation ordered. Six months, extendable by six at a time: section 20(5). The agency files its section 173 report with the court having jurisdiction and copies it to the Lokpal: section 20(6).

A bench of three or more again. It obtains the comments of the competent authority and the officer, and grants sanction for a charge sheet: section 20(7)(a) with section 23.

Now change the finding. Suppose the bench at the section 20(3) stage finds no prima facie case. It closes the proceedings, and it may proceed against the complainant under section 46.

And change the rank. Had the officer been Group C, the second proviso would have sent the matter to the Central Vigilance Commission to be dealt with under its own Act, and it would not have come back to the Lokpal at all.

What beginners get wrong

That every complaint leads to a preliminary inquiry. Section 20(1)(b) allows the Lokpal to order an investigation directly where a prima facie case already exists.

That the Lokpal itself inquires into every public servant. The first proviso makes reference to the Central Vigilance Commission compulsory for Groups A to D once a preliminary inquiry is decided on.

munotes.in72

Complaint, Preliminary Inquiry and the Right to be Heard

That the public servant is heard once. He is heard at least three times: for comments under section 20(2), on the report under section 20(3), and by way of explanation under the third proviso before an investigation is ordered.

That the ninety day and sixty day limits are the same clock. Sixty days runs from receipt of the reference by the inquiring body; ninety days runs from receipt of the complaint.

Quick revision

s.20(1): preliminary inquiry or investigation. Four provisos: reference of Groups A to D to the Central Vigilance Commission; Groups A and B report back, Groups C and D stay with the Commission; the public servant's explanation before an investigation; and no interference with search and seizure.

s.20(2): report within sixty days of the reference, after comments from the public servant and the competent authority.

s.20(3): a bench of not less than three, after hearing the public servant, orders investigation, departmental proceedings, or closure with action against the complainant under section 46.

s.20(4): preliminary inquiry ninety days, extendable by ninety.

s.20(5): investigation six months, extendable by six at a time.

s.20(6): the agency files the section 173 report with the court, copy to the Lokpal.

s.20(7): a bench of three or more grants sanction for a charge sheet or directs departmental action.

s.20(10): the website displays complaints pending and disposed of.

s.21: a person other than the accused whose reputation may be prejudicially affected must be heard.

s.22: power to require information or documents from any person.

Test yourself

1. Distinguish a preliminary inquiry from an investigation under the Act. A preliminary inquiry, under section 20(1)(a), is conducted by the Inquiry Wing or an agency to ascertain whether a prima facie case exists; it must be completed ordinarily in ninety days, extendable by ninety, and produces a report to the Lokpal within sixty days of the reference. An investigation, under section 20(1)(b) and (5), is investigation in the sense of the Code of Criminal Procedure, done by an agency within six months extendable by six months at a time, and ends in a report under section 173 filed with the court having jurisdiction.

2. What happens to a complaint against a Group C official? Under the first proviso to section 20(1) it must be referred to the Central Vigilance Commission. Under the second proviso the Commission, in the case of Group C and Group D public servants, proceeds in accordance with the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 rather than reporting back to the Lokpal, which is the position for Group A and B.

munotes.in73

Complaint, Preliminary Inquiry and the Right to be Heard

3. How many times is the public servant heard before a charge sheet is filed? At least three times. His comments are sought during the preliminary inquiry under section 20(2); he is given an opportunity of being heard by the bench considering the report under section 20(3); and his explanation is called for under the third proviso to section 20(1) before an investigation is ordered. His comments are also obtained again by the bench considering the investigation report under section 20(7).

4. Who else must be heard, and under which section? Under section 21, any person other than the accused whose conduct the Lokpal considers it necessary to inquire into, or whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected by the preliminary inquiry, must be given a reasonable opportunity of being heard and to produce evidence in his defence, consistent with the principles of natural justice.

5. What may the Lokpal do if it finds no prima facie case? Under section 20(3)(c) it may close the proceedings against the public servant and proceed against the complainant under section 46, which provides for prosecution for a false complaint and compensation to the public servant. That coupling is the most criticised feature of the Act's procedure, because a deterrent aimed at malicious complaints also deters honest ones.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in74

Chapter Seventeen

Sanction for Prosecution, and Action Against a Minister

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The single obstacle that had defeated corruption prosecutions in India since 1947 was that the accused public servant's own Government had to permit the prosecution; section 23 takes that permission away from the Government and gives it to the Lokpal.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 23(1) of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 provides that notwithstanding section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 or section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, the Lokpal shall have the power to grant sanction for prosecution under section 20(7)(a); section 23(2) forbids a prosecution or the taking of cognizance without the Lokpal's previous sanction where the offence is alleged to have been committed while acting or purporting to act in the discharge of official duty; section 23(3) excepts persons holding constitutional office for whose removal the Constitution prescribes a procedure; and section 23(4) preserves article 311 and article 320(3)(c).

Why sanction is the whole problem

What sanction is. Indian law protects a public servant from being prosecuted for something done in the discharge of his official duty unless a designated authority permits it. Section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure is the general provision; section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 is the special one for corruption offences.

Why it exists. The reason is respectable. An officer who takes a hard decision, refuses a licence, orders a demolition or seizes goods will be prosecuted by the aggrieved party if anybody may prosecute him, and the administration would seize up. Sanction is a filter against vexatious prosecution of officials for doing their jobs.

Why it became the problem. The authority that grants sanction is the Government that employs the officer. So the decision whether a Minister's or a Secretary's prosecution may proceed rested with the political executive of which he was part. The Santhanam Committee said so in 1964; chapter 60 records it. Sanction was refused, or not decided, and cases died in files.

The scale of it. This is the reason that every Indian anti-corruption reform since 1964 has been, in substance, an attempt to get the sanction decision away from the accused's own department. Chapter 580 shows the Supreme Court attacking it from one direction in 1997 and chapter 840 shows the same obstacle re-enacted as section 6A and struck down again in 2014.

Section 23(1): the Lokpal grants the sanction

Notwithstanding section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, or section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, or section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, the Lokpal shall have the power to grant sanction for prosecution under section 20(7)(a).

munotes.in75

Sanction for Prosecution, and Action Against a Minister

A non obstante clause, "notwithstanding anything contained in", means that where this provision and the named provisions conflict, this one prevails.

Three statutes named, and each is a separate lock. Section 197 of the Code is the general protection for a public servant. Section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act is the special one for corruption. Section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act required prior approval before the Central Bureau of Investigation could even inquire into a senior officer, and it was struck down as violative of article 14 in May 2014, four months after this Act came into force.

So in a Lokpal case the sanction decision belongs to the Lokpal. The Government does not decide whether its own Minister may be prosecuted. Once that sentence is understood, most of what people say about the Lokpal being toothless has to be reconsidered.

Section 23(2): and nobody else's sanction will do

No prosecution shall be initiated against a public servant accused of an offence alleged to have been committed while acting or purporting to act in the discharge of his official duty, and no court shall take cognizance of such an offence, except with the previous sanction of the Lokpal.

Read (1) and (2) together. Sub-section (1) gives the Lokpal the power to sanction. Sub-section (2) makes that sanction the only one that counts in the cases the Act covers. The Lokpal's sanction is not an additional permission on top of the Government's; it replaces it.

"Purporting to act" is worth explaining, because it is doing work. A corrupt act is never truly in the discharge of official duty. If sanction were required only for acts genuinely in the discharge of duty, no corruption case would ever need one and the protection would be empty. The words "purporting to act" bring in the officer who was ostensibly performing his function, and the courts have long read the sanction provisions that way.

Section 23(3): the constitutional office holders

Nothing in sub-sections (1) and (2) applies in respect of persons holding office in pursuance of the provisions of the Constitution and in respect of which a procedure for removal has been specified therein.

Who that means. A Judge of the Supreme Court or a High Court, whose removal is governed by article 124(4) read with article 217 and 218. The Comptroller and Auditor-General, whose removal follows the same route under article 148(1). The Chief Election Commissioner, under article 324(5). The Chairman and members of the Union Public Service Commission, under article 317.

Why the exception. Because the Constitution has already provided how those persons are to be dealt with, and an ordinary Act cannot substitute a different route. It is the same principle that keeps the judiciary out of the Lokpal Act altogether and sends MU's eighth label to the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 instead.

munotes.in76

Sanction for Prosecution, and Action Against a Minister

What it does not mean. It does not mean such a person cannot be prosecuted at all. It means section 23 does not govern the sanction. For a judge the position is the one settled in 1991 and worked in chapter 1700: he is a public servant under the corruption law, the President sanctions, and no case may be registered without consulting the Chief Justice of India.

Section 23(4): article 311 and article 320(3)(c) survive

Sub-sections (1) to (3) are without prejudice to the generality of article 311 and article 320(3)(c).

Article 311 protects a civil servant against dismissal, removal or reduction in rank except after an inquiry in which he has been informed of the charges and given a reasonable opportunity of being heard. Article 320(3)(c) requires the Union or a State Public Service Commission to be consulted on disciplinary matters affecting a civil servant.

So the Act does not touch the departmental route. A criminal prosecution under the Prevention of Corruption Act and a departmental proceeding under article 311 run on separate tracks, and section 20(3)(b) and section 20(7)(b) both allow the Lokpal to direct the departmental route instead of, or as well as, the criminal one.

Section 24: the Prime Minister, Ministers and members of Parliament

Where, after the conclusion of the investigation, the findings of the Lokpal disclose the commission of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 by a public servant referred to in clause (a), (b) or (c) of section 14(1), that is a present or former Prime Minister, a Minister of the Union, or a member of either House, the Lokpal may file a case in the Special Court and shall send a copy of the report together with its findings to the competent authority.

Why the highest three get their own section. Because for them there is no departmental authority to direct. A Secretary can be proceeded against departmentally; a Minister cannot. So the Act gives the Lokpal a direct route: file the case, and inform the competent authority, which under section 2 is the House of the People for a Prime Minister, the Prime Minister for a Union Minister and the Speaker or Chairman for a member.

Notice what the competent authority receives. A copy of the report and the findings. Not a request for permission. The political authority is informed, not consulted, and that is the difference between this Act and everything that preceded it.

munotes.in77

Sanction for Prosecution, and Action Against a Minister

A worked example

The Lokpal completes an investigation into a Minister of the Union and finds a prima facie offence under section 7 of the Prevention of Corruption Act.

Under the old law, before 2014, the prosecution would have needed sanction under section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act from the authority competent to remove the Minister from office, which in practice meant the political executive. Cases waited years for it.

Under section 23(1), the Lokpal grants the sanction itself, and the three named provisions do not stand in the way.

Under section 23(2), no court may take cognizance except on that sanction, so nobody can argue that some other sanction was also required.

Under section 24, the Lokpal may file the case in the Special Court and must send a copy of the report and findings to the Prime Minister, who is the competent authority for a Union Minister.

Under section 12(2) and (3), the Director of Prosecution files it and the filing is deemed a report under section 173 of the Code.

Now change the accused to a Judge of the High Court. Section 23(3) takes the matter out of section 23 altogether, because the Constitution prescribes a removal procedure for him. And in any case a judge is not within section 14 at all.

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal's sanction is in addition to the Government's. It is instead of it. Section 23(2) makes the Lokpal's the only sanction that counts.

That section 23 abolished sanction. It did not. It moved the decision. The filter against vexatious prosecution of officials remains; it is simply operated by a body that is not the accused's employer.

That section 23(3) makes constitutional office holders immune. It makes section 23 inapplicable to them. Their prosecution is governed by the ordinary law and, for judges, by the safeguards laid down in 1991.

That section 24 requires anybody's permission. It requires the Lokpal to send a copy of its report to the competent authority. Sending a copy is not asking.

Quick revision

s.23(1): notwithstanding s.197 CrPC, s.6A DSPE Act and s.19 Prevention of Corruption Act, the Lokpal grants sanction under s.20(7)(a).

s.23(2): no prosecution and no cognizance for an offence committed while acting or purporting to act in the discharge of official duty except with the previous sanction of the Lokpal.

s.23(3): does not apply to holders of constitutional offices for whose removal the Constitution prescribes a procedure.

s.23(4): without prejudice to article 311 and article 320(3)(c).

s.24: for a present or former Prime Minister, Union Minister or member of either House, the Lokpal may file the case in the Special Court and shall send the report and findings to the competent authority.

munotes.in78

Sanction for Prosecution, and Action Against a Minister

The historical point: sanction had rested with the accused's own Government since 1947 and was the standing obstacle the Santhanam Committee identified in 1964. Section 23 moves it.

Test yourself

1. What is sanction for prosecution, why does it exist, and why did it become a problem? It is the requirement that a designated authority permit the prosecution of a public servant for an act done in the discharge of official duty, in section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act. It exists to protect officials from vexatious prosecution for taking hard decisions. It became a problem because the authority granting it was the Government employing the accused, so the political executive decided whether its own Ministers and Secretaries could be prosecuted, and sanction was refused or simply not decided.

2. State the effect of section 23(1) and (2). Section 23(1) gives the Lokpal the power to grant sanction for prosecution under section 20(7)(a), notwithstanding section 197 of the Code, section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act and section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act. Section 23(2) provides that no prosecution may be initiated and no court may take cognizance of an offence alleged to have been committed while acting or purporting to act in the discharge of official duty except with the Lokpal's previous sanction. Together they move the sanction decision from the Government to the Lokpal and make the Lokpal's sanction the only one required.

3. Why do the words "purporting to act" appear in section 23(2)? Because a corrupt act is never genuinely in the discharge of official duty, so a protection confined to acts truly in the discharge of duty would never apply to a corruption case and would be empty. The words bring within the provision the officer who was ostensibly performing his function, which is how the sanction provisions have long been read.

4. Who is excepted by section 23(3) and why? Persons holding office in pursuance of the Constitution for whose removal the Constitution itself prescribes a procedure, such as Judges of the Supreme Court and the High Courts, the Comptroller and Auditor-General, the Chief Election Commissioner and members of the Public Service Commissions. The reason is that an ordinary Act cannot substitute its own route where the Constitution has laid one down.

5. What does section 24 permit the Lokpal to do about a Minister, and what does it require? Where the findings after investigation disclose an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act by a present or former Prime Minister, Union Minister or member of either House, the Lokpal may file a case in the Special Court. It must send a copy of the report together with its findings to the competent authority, which is the House of the People for a Prime Minister, the Prime Minister for a Union Minister and the Speaker or Chairman for a member. The competent authority is informed; its permission is not sought.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in79

Chapter Eighteen

The Lokpal's Powers: Supervision, Search and the Powers of a Civil Court

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Over a case it has referred, the Lokpal supervises the Central Bureau of Investigation and may direct it, but it may not tell it what conclusion to reach.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 25 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 confers on the Lokpal, notwithstanding section 4 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 and section 8 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, powers of superintendence over and to give direction to the Delhi Special Police Establishment in respect of matters referred by it for preliminary inquiry or investigation, with a proviso that it shall not require an agency to investigate and dispose of a case in a particular manner; section 26 gives it powers of search and seizure; section 27 gives its Inquiry Wing the powers of a civil court and deems its proceedings judicial proceedings; and section 28 allows it to use the services of officers and agencies of the Central or a State Government.

Why section 25 is the hinge of the whole syllabus

MU prints eight labels as though they were eight subjects. Section 25 shows they are one system.

Section 8 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 gives the Commission superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment in corruption cases. That is the arrangement the Supreme Court directed in 1997 and Parliament enacted in 2003, and chapter 630 reads it.

Section 4 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 vests superintendence of the establishment in the Central Government, except in matters under the Prevention of Corruption Act where it vests in the Commission. Chapter 790 reads it.

Section 25 of this Act overrides both, but only over the matters the Lokpal has itself referred. So India now has three bodies with superintendence over the same police force, each in a defined class of case: the Lokpal over what it refers, the Central Vigilance Commission over corruption cases generally, and the Central Government over everything else.

A question asking who controls the Central Bureau of Investigation cannot be answered with one name, and a candidate who gives all three with the classes attached has answered it properly.

Section 25 in detail

Section 25(1). Notwithstanding section 4 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 and section 8 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, the Lokpal shall have the powers of superintendence over, and to give direction to, the Delhi Special Police Establishment in respect of the matters referred by the Lokpal for preliminary inquiry or investigation under this Act.

The proviso is the limit and it is a real one. While exercising superintendence or giving directions, the Lokpal shall not exercise powers in such a manner so as to require any agency to investigate and dispose of any case in a particular manner.

munotes.in80

The Lokpal's Powers: Supervision, Search and the Powers of a Civil Court

What that distinction means. The Lokpal may direct that a case be investigated, may set the pace, may require reports, may say the inquiry is inadequate. It may not tell the agency what to find or how to dispose of the case. It is the same line the Supreme Court drew for itself in the hawala matter when it monitored an investigation without directing its content, and chapter 870 works that out.

Section 25(2). The Central Vigilance Commission shall send a statement, at such intervals as the Lokpal directs, on action taken on complaints referred to it under the second proviso to section 20(1); and on receiving it the Lokpal may issue guidelines for the effective and expeditious disposal of such cases.

Notice the asymmetry. Over the Delhi Special Police Establishment the Lokpal has superintendence and may direct. Over the Central Vigilance Commission it receives statements and may issue guidelines. The Commission is a statutory body of the same standing and the Act does not subordinate it.

Section 26: search and seizure

Section 26(1). If the Lokpal has reason to believe that documents useful for or relevant to an investigation are secreted in any place, it may authorise the agency to which the investigation has been given to search for and seize them.

Section 26(2). If satisfied that a seized document may be used as evidence and that it is necessary to retain it, the Lokpal may retain it or direct an authorised officer to retain it till the completion of the investigation. The proviso allows a document to be returned after retaining duly authenticated copies.

Two points for an answer. The power is exercised through the investigating agency, not by the Lokpal's own officers, which is another instance of the institution depending on machinery it does not own. And "reason to believe" is an objective standard: it requires material, not suspicion, and it is the phrase courts examine when a search is challenged.

Section 27: the powers of a civil court

Section 27(1). For the purpose of any preliminary inquiry, the Inquiry Wing shall have all the powers of a civil court under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908 while trying a suit, in respect of:

  1. (i) summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person and examining him on oath;
  2. (ii) requiring the discovery and production of any document;
  3. (iii) receiving evidence on affidavits;
  4. (iv) requisitioning any public record or copy from any court or office;
  5. (v) issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or documents, the proviso limiting a commission for a witness to a case where the witness is not in a position to attend;
  6. (vi) such other matters as may be prescribed.
munotes.in81

The Lokpal's Powers: Supervision, Search and the Powers of a Civil Court

Section 27(2) deems any proceeding before the Lokpal to be a judicial proceeding within the meaning of section 193 of the Indian Penal Code, which is the offence of giving false evidence.

What "the powers of a civil court in respect of the following matters" means. It does not make the body a civil court. It borrows six specific powers, and only those six. This drafting device appears in almost every Indian statute creating an inquiring body, including section 5 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 and section 11 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, and chapter 410 compares them.

Why section 27(2) matters practically. Lying to a body whose proceedings are deemed judicial is perjury. Without that deeming a witness could mislead an inquiry with no criminal consequence.

A limitation worth noticing. Section 27(1) gives these powers for the purpose of a preliminary inquiry. At the investigation stage the powers are the agency's under the Code of Criminal Procedure, not the Lokpal's.

Section 28: borrowed officers

Section 28(1). For conducting any preliminary inquiry or investigation, the Lokpal may utilise the services of any officer or organisation or investigating agency of the Central Government or any State Government.

Section 28(2). Such an officer, organisation or agency may, subject to the superintendence and direction of the Lokpal, summon and enforce attendance and examine any person, require the discovery and production of documents, and requisition any public record.

Section 28(3). It shall inquire or investigate and submit a report to the Lokpal within the period the Lokpal specifies.

This section and the proviso to section 11 are the same admission twice. The Lokpal does not have an investigative force of its own and works through officers of the Governments it investigates. Section 28(2)'s phrase "subject to the superintendence and direction of the Lokpal" is the protection, and how much protection it is in practice is the question a good answer raises.

A worked example

The Lokpal refers a case against a Secretary to the Delhi Special Police Establishment for investigation.

Section 25(1). From the moment of that reference the Lokpal has superintendence over the establishment in that matter, notwithstanding section 4 of the 1946 Act and section 8 of the 2003 Act.

It may therefore direct that the investigation be completed within the six months section 20(5) allows; that a report be filed with it; that a particular line be examined; that officers not be changed.

It may not direct that the Secretary be charge sheeted, or that the case be closed. The proviso forbids requiring the agency to investigate and dispose of the case in a particular manner.

munotes.in82

The Lokpal's Powers: Supervision, Search and the Powers of a Civil Court

Section 26. Told that account books are hidden at a farmhouse, the Lokpal, having reason to believe it, authorises the establishment to search and seize. It retains the books until the investigation ends, returning the originals against authenticated copies.

Section 27. At the earlier preliminary inquiry stage the Inquiry Wing had summoned the Secretary's subordinate and examined him on oath, and requisitioned the file from the Ministry.

Section 27(2). The subordinate lied. Because the proceeding is deemed judicial for section 193 of the Penal Code, he has committed an offence.

Section 28. The Lokpal, needing an accountant, uses the services of an officer of the Ministry of Finance, who works subject to its superintendence and reports within the time it fixes.

Distinctions: three bodies' civil court powers

Lokpal, s.27Commission of Inquiry, s.5 of the 1952 ActCVC, s.11 of the 2003 Act
When availableFor a preliminary inquiryWhen the appropriate Government says s.5 appliesFor an inquiry under the Act
Summon and examine on oathYesYesYes
Discovery and production of documentsYesYesYes
Evidence on affidavitYesYesYes
Requisition public recordsYesYesYes
Commissions for examinationYes, with a provisoYesYes
Proceedings deemed judicialYes, s.27(2)Yes, s.9Yes, s.12

The row that differs is the first, and it is the difference between a standing body and a body created for one matter.

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal controls the Central Bureau of Investigation. It has superintendence over matters it has referred. Everything else is with the Central Vigilance Commission or the Central Government.

That superintendence means direction of the outcome. The proviso to section 25(1) says the opposite.

That the Lokpal can search premises itself. It authorises the investigating agency to do it.

That section 27 makes the Lokpal a civil court. It borrows six enumerated powers of one.

Quick revision

s.25(1): superintendence over and direction to the Delhi Special Police Establishment in matters the Lokpal has referred, notwithstanding s.4 DSPE Act and s.8 CVC Act; proviso, no requiring an agency to investigate and dispose of a case in a particular manner.

s.25(2): the Central Vigilance Commission sends statements on referred complaints; the Lokpal may issue guidelines.

s.26: search and seizure through the investigating agency on reason to believe documents are secreted; retention till the investigation ends, originals returnable against authenticated copies.

s.27: the Inquiry Wing has six enumerated powers of a civil court for a preliminary inquiry; proceedings deemed judicial proceedings under section 193 of the Penal Code.

s.28: services of any officer, organisation or agency of the Central or a State Government, subject to the Lokpal's superintendence, reporting within the time it fixes.

munotes.in83

The Lokpal's Powers: Supervision, Search and the Powers of a Civil Court

Test yourself

1. What powers does section 25 give the Lokpal over the Central Bureau of Investigation, and what is the limit? Powers of superintendence over, and to give direction to, the Delhi Special Police Establishment in respect of matters the Lokpal has referred for preliminary inquiry or investigation, notwithstanding section 4 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 and section 8 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003. The limit is the proviso: the Lokpal may not exercise those powers so as to require the agency to investigate and dispose of any case in a particular manner, so it may control the process and not the conclusion.

2. Who has superintendence over the Central Bureau of Investigation? Three bodies, in defined classes of case. The Lokpal, over matters it has referred, under section 25 of the Lokpal Act. The Central Vigilance Commission, over the investigation of offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act, under section 8 of the CVC Act 2003 read with the proviso to section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act. The Central Government, over everything else, under section 4(1) of that Act.

3. List the powers of a civil court the Inquiry Wing has and say what section 27(2) adds. Summoning and enforcing attendance and examining on oath; requiring discovery and production of documents; receiving evidence on affidavit; requisitioning any public record or copy from a court or office; issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or documents, a commission for a witness only where he cannot attend; and such other matters as may be prescribed. Section 27(2) deems any proceeding before the Lokpal to be a judicial proceeding within section 193 of the Indian Penal Code, so that giving false evidence before it is perjury.

4. What does section 28 reveal about the Lokpal's investigative capacity? That it has none of its own for the most part. The Lokpal may use the services of any officer, organisation or investigating agency of the Central or a State Government, who then exercises powers of summoning, discovery and requisition subject to the Lokpal's superintendence and reports within the time the Lokpal fixes. Read with the proviso to section 11, it means the institution relies on officers of the Governments it exists to inquire into, which is the standing criticism of its design.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in84

Chapter Nineteen

Attachment, Confiscation, and the Rest of the Powers

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The Lokpal can freeze a suspect's property for ninety days, ask the Special Court to keep it frozen until the trial ends, have it confiscated, and recommend that the officer be moved out of his post while the inquiry runs.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: sections 29 to 34 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 empower the Lokpal to provisionally attach the proceeds of corruption for a period not exceeding ninety days in the manner provided in the Second Schedule to the Income-tax Act 1961, to apply within thirty days to the Special Court for confirmation of the attachment until the proceedings conclude, and provide for confiscation by the Special Court on prima facie evidence until acquittal, for restoration with benefits or with interest at five per cent per annum where the public servant is acquitted, for a recommendation of transfer or suspension which the Central Government shall ordinarily accept, for directions to prevent the destruction of records, and for delegation of administrative and financial powers.

Why an ombudsman has these powers at all

The classical answer is that it should not. Chapter 50's checklist ended with a body that can see everything and order nothing, and attachment of property is very much an order.

The Indian answer is in the preamble. India has ratified the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, and the Convention requires States Parties to enable the identification, tracing, freezing, seizure and confiscation of the proceeds of corruption. A statute enacted to implement that obligation has to contain these powers somewhere, and Parliament put them in the ombudsman rather than creating a separate body.

The consequence for an examination answer. When asked whether the Lokpal is an ombudsman, point at Chapter VIII. An institution with attachment and confiscation powers is a hybrid, and saying so with the sections is worth more than a bare yes or no.

Section 29: provisional attachment

The three conditions in section 29(1). The Lokpal, or an officer it authorises, must have reason to believe, the reason to be recorded in writing, on the basis of material in his possession, that:

  1. (a) any person is in possession of any proceeds of corruption;
  2. (b) such person is accused of having committed an offence relating to corruption; and
  3. (c) such proceeds are likely to be concealed, transferred or dealt with in a manner that may frustrate proceedings for confiscation.

All three, not any one. The word is "and". A person may hold proceeds of corruption and not be accused, or be accused and not be dealing with the property, and in neither case may the property be attached under this section.

The order. By order in writing, provisionally attaching the property for a period not exceeding ninety days, in the manner provided in the Second Schedule to the Income-tax Act 1961, the Lokpal and the officer being deemed officers under rule 1(e) of that Schedule.

munotes.in85

Attachment, Confiscation, and the Rest of the Powers

Why the Income-tax Act's Schedule. Because attaching property requires machinery, and India already had a worked-out set of rules for attaching and selling property to recover tax. Rather than write a new code, Parliament borrowed one. This is a common drafting technique and worth naming in an answer as legislation by reference.

Section 29(2). Immediately after attachment the Lokpal or the authorised officer forwards a copy of the order, with the material in his possession, to the Special Court.

Section 30: confirmation by the Special Court

Section 30(1). Within thirty days of a provisional attachment the Lokpal shall direct its Prosecution Wing to file an application before the Special Court stating the facts and praying for confirmation of the attachment until the proceedings against the public servant conclude.

Section 30(2). The Special Court may, if of the opinion that the property was acquired through corrupt means, confirm the attachment until the proceedings conclude.

Section 30(3). If the public servant is subsequently acquitted, the property shall, subject to the court's orders, be restored to him together with the benefits that accrued during the attachment.

Section 30(4). If he is subsequently convicted, the proceeds relatable to the offence are dealt with accordingly.

The design in one sentence. The Lokpal may freeze for ninety days on its own; anything longer requires a court, and the court must form an opinion that the property came from corruption. That is the safeguard, and it is the reason the attachment power is defensible in a body that is not a court.

Section 31: confiscation

Section 31(1). Without prejudice to sections 29 and 30, where the Special Court, on prima facie evidence, has reason to believe or is satisfied that assets, proceeds, receipts and benefits have arisen or been procured by means of corruption by the public servant, it may authorise their confiscation till his acquittal.

Section 31(2). Where a confiscation order is modified or annulled by the High Court, or the public servant is acquitted by the Special Court, the property shall be returned; and where return is not possible for any reason, he shall be paid the price, including the money confiscated, with interest at five per cent per annum from the date of confiscation.

Two things to notice. The power is the court's, not the Lokpal's, which is a real distinction from section 29. And section 31(2) provides a compensation rule, which most Indian confiscation statutes do not, with a stated rate.

munotes.in86

Attachment, Confiscation, and the Rest of the Powers

Section 32: transfer or suspension

Section 32(1). Where the Lokpal, while making a preliminary inquiry, is prima facie satisfied on the evidence available that:

  1. (i) the continuance of the public servant in his post while the preliminary inquiry is being conducted is likely to affect the inquiry adversely; or
  2. (ii) he is likely to destroy or tamper with evidence or influence witnesses,

it may recommend to the Central Government the transfer or suspension of that public servant for the period specified.

Note the persons covered: clause (d), (e) or (f) of section 14(1), that is Group A and B officers, Group C and D officials, and office bearers of bodies financed or controlled by the Centre. Not the Prime Minister, a Minister or a member of Parliament, who are clauses (a), (b) and (c). There is no power to recommend that a Minister be moved.

Section 32(2). The Central Government shall ordinarily accept the recommendation, except for reasons to be recorded in writing where it is not feasible for administrative reasons.

"Shall ordinarily accept, except for reasons recorded in writing" is a formula worth learning. It is not binding and it is not merely advisory. It creates a presumption in favour of compliance and requires a written justification for refusal, which is reviewable. The same formula recurs across Indian administrative law wherever a recommending body is meant to be taken seriously without displacing the executive's responsibility.

Section 33: preserving the record

The Lokpal may issue appropriate directions to a public servant entrusted with the preparation or custody of any document or record:

  1. (a) to protect it from destruction or damage;
  2. (b) to prevent the public servant from altering or secreting it;
  3. (c) to prevent him from transferring or alienating any assets allegedly acquired through corrupt means.

A quiet but important power. Most corruption cases are lost on documents that disappear between the complaint and the inquiry. Section 33 lets the Lokpal act before it has any case at all, which is earlier than section 29 allows.

Section 34: delegation

The Lokpal may, by general or special order in writing and subject to specified conditions and limitations, direct that any administrative or financial power conferred on it may also be exercised by such of its Members, officers or employees as the order specifies.

Read the words carefully. Administrative or financial. Not the power to inquire, to grant sanction, to attach or to recommend transfer. Those are not delegable, and the omission is deliberate.

A worked example

The Lokpal is conducting a preliminary inquiry into a Group A officer.

Section 33. On the first day it directs the Ministry's record officer to protect the relevant files and forbids the officer from altering them. No prima facie case is needed for this.

munotes.in87

Attachment, Confiscation, and the Rest of the Powers

Section 32. The officer is the head of the very division holding the files. The Lokpal is prima facie satisfied that his continuance is likely to affect the inquiry adversely and recommends his transfer. The Central Government must ordinarily accept, and must record reasons in writing if it does not.

Section 29. Material comes in showing that he holds a flat bought with the proceeds and that he has begun to sell it. All three conditions are met: proceeds of corruption, accused of an offence relating to corruption, and property likely to be dealt with so as to frustrate confiscation. The Lokpal records its reasons in writing and provisionally attaches the flat for ninety days, in the manner of the Second Schedule to the Income-tax Act 1961.

Section 29(2). A copy of the order and the material go at once to the Special Court.

Section 30(1). Within thirty days the Prosecution Wing applies to the Special Court for confirmation.

Section 30(2). The Special Court forms the opinion that the flat was acquired through corrupt means and confirms the attachment until the proceedings conclude.

Section 31. On prima facie evidence the Special Court authorises confiscation until acquittal.

And if he is acquitted. Section 30(3) restores the property with the benefits that accrued; section 31(2) requires return of confiscated assets, or payment of the price with interest at five per cent per annum from the date of confiscation.

Distinctions: attachment against confiscation

Provisional attachment, s.29Confirmation, s.30Confiscation, s.31
Who ordersThe Lokpal or its authorised officerThe Special CourtThe Special Court
StandardReason to believe, on material, reasons in writingOpinion that the property was acquired through corrupt meansPrima facie evidence, reason to believe or satisfaction
DurationNot exceeding ninety daysTill the proceedings concludeTill acquittal
On acquittalProperty restoredRestored with benefits accruedReturned, or price paid with five per cent interest

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal can confiscate. It cannot. It attaches for up to ninety days; confirmation and confiscation are the Special Court's.

That any one of the three conditions in section 29(1) will do. All three must be satisfied.

That the Lokpal can suspend an officer. It recommends; the Central Government acts, and must ordinarily accept.

That a Minister can be transferred out of the way. Section 32 covers only clauses (d), (e) and (f) of section 14(1).

That section 34 lets the Lokpal delegate its work. It permits delegation of administrative and financial powers only.

Quick revision

s.29: provisional attachment up to ninety days, on three cumulative conditions, reasons in writing, in the manner of the Second Schedule to the Income-tax Act 1961; copy and material to the Special Court at once.

munotes.in88

Attachment, Confiscation, and the Rest of the Powers

s.30: application by the Prosecution Wing within thirty days; the Special Court confirms till the proceedings conclude; on acquittal the property is restored with benefits accrued.

s.31: confiscation by the Special Court on prima facie evidence, till acquittal; on annulment or acquittal, return, or the price with interest at five per cent per annum.

s.32: recommendation of transfer or suspension for section 14(1)(d), (e) and (f) public servants; the Central Government shall ordinarily accept, except for reasons recorded in writing.

s.33: directions to protect records and to prevent alteration, secreting or alienation.

s.34: delegation of administrative or financial powers only.

Test yourself

1. State the conditions for a provisional attachment under section 29 and the period it may run. The Lokpal or its authorised officer must have reason to believe, on the basis of material in his possession and for reasons recorded in writing, that a person is in possession of proceeds of corruption, that he is accused of an offence relating to corruption, and that the proceeds are likely to be concealed, transferred or dealt with so as to frustrate confiscation proceedings. All three must be satisfied. The attachment may be for a period not exceeding ninety days, in the manner provided in the Second Schedule to the Income-tax Act 1961.

2. Who confirms an attachment and who confiscates, and what happens on acquittal? The Special Court does both. On an application by the Prosecution Wing within thirty days it may confirm the attachment until the proceedings conclude if of the opinion that the property was acquired through corrupt means, and under section 31 it may authorise confiscation on prima facie evidence until acquittal. On acquittal the attached property is restored with the benefits that accrued, and confiscated property is returned or, where return is impossible, its price is paid together with the money confiscated and interest at five per cent per annum from the date of confiscation.

3. Explain the formula "shall ordinarily accept, except for reasons to be recorded in writing". It sits between a binding direction and mere advice. It creates a presumption that the recommendation will be acted on, and it requires the Government to justify a refusal in writing, which makes the refusal examinable and reviewable. In section 32(2) it applies to a recommendation for the transfer or suspension of a public servant during a preliminary inquiry, and the only permitted ground of refusal is that compliance is not feasible for administrative reasons.

munotes.in89

Attachment, Confiscation, and the Rest of the Powers

4. Why does an ombudsman statute contain attachment and confiscation powers at all? Because the Act's preamble recites that India has ratified the United Nations Convention Against Corruption and that the law is enacted for its more effective implementation. The Convention requires States Parties to provide for the identification, tracing, freezing, seizure and confiscation of the proceeds of corruption, and Parliament placed those powers in the Lokpal rather than creating a separate body. It is also the clearest reason for calling the Lokpal a hybrid rather than a classical ombudsman.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in90

Chapter Twenty

Special Courts, and the Letter of Request

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Cases the Lokpal sends for trial go to Special Courts the Government must set up on the Lokpal's recommendation, those courts are told to finish in a year and in no case beyond two, and where the evidence is abroad the court may write to a foreign court for it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 35 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 requires the Central Government to constitute such number of Special Courts as the Lokpal recommends to hear and decide cases arising out of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 or under this Act, and requires each trial to be completed within one year, extendable for reasons recorded in writing by periods of not more than three months each up to a total of two years; section 36 empowers a Special Court, on the application of an authorised officer of the Lokpal, to issue a letter of request to a court or authority in a contracting State to obtain evidence available there.

Why the Act creates courts at all

Because the last stage of the process it designs is a criminal trial, and an ordinary criminal court's list is long. A statute that gives the Lokpal power to inquire in ninety days, investigate in six months and sanction prosecution has achieved nothing if the trial then takes eleven years.

Notice who recommends and who constitutes. The Lokpal recommends the number; the Central Government constitutes them. So the institution can say how much court capacity its work needs, and the Government must provide it. Whether that has happened in practice is a fair question for an evaluative answer, and the honest answer is that the number of Special Courts has lagged the caseload.

Section 35: the Special Courts

Section 35(1). The Central Government shall constitute such number of Special Courts, as recommended by the Lokpal, to hear and decide cases arising out of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 or under this Act.

Section 35(2). The Special Courts shall ensure completion of each trial within one year from the date of filing of the case.

The proviso. Where the trial cannot be completed within a year, the Special Court shall record reasons and complete it within a further period of not more than three months, or such further periods not exceeding three months each, for reasons recorded in writing before the end of each such period, but not exceeding a total period of two years.

Read the proviso carefully, because it is a drafting pattern worth knowing. The outer limit is two years. Inside that, the extension is granted in three month blocks, and reasons must be recorded before the end of each block rather than afterwards. A requirement to record reasons in advance is stricter than one to record them later, because it forces the court to confront the delay while it can still do something about it.

munotes.in91

Special Courts, and the Letter of Request

What happens if two years pass and the trial is not over. The Act does not say. A time limit with no consequence attached is a direction to the court rather than a bar on it, and no Indian court has held that a trial under this Act becomes void on the expiry of two years. That is a genuine weakness and an honest answer says so.

What "Special Court" means here. Section 2 defines it as the court of a special judge appointed under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. So the Act does not invent a new kind of court; it uses the existing special judge machinery and adds a timetable.

Section 36: the letter of request

When it applies. In the course of a preliminary inquiry, an investigation or a proceeding under the Act, an officer of the Lokpal authorised in that behalf may apply to a Special Court saying that evidence is required and that he is of the opinion that such evidence may be available in a place in a contracting State.

What the Special Court may do. On being satisfied that the evidence is required, it may issue a letter of request to a court or an authority in the contracting State competent to deal with it, asking that authority to examine the facts and circumstances of the case, to take such steps as the letter specifies, and to forward the evidence so taken or collected.

The non obstante clause. Section 36 operates notwithstanding anything in this Act or the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, so the general provisions of the Code on evidence taken abroad do not confine it.

"Contracting State" means a State with which India has an arrangement for mutual assistance in criminal matters, whether by a bilateral treaty or a multilateral convention. The United Nations Convention Against Corruption, which the preamble recites, is itself such a framework, and its chapter on international cooperation is the reason this section exists.

Why this matters for the institution's reach. Section 1(3) applies the Act to public servants in and outside India. That would be an empty claim without a way of getting evidence from abroad. Section 36 is the machinery, and the pair should be cited together in any answer about the Lokpal's jurisdiction.

A worked example

The Lokpal investigates a Secretary alleged to have taken money into an account in a foreign country.

Section 20(5). The investigation is directed to an agency, to be completed in six months.

munotes.in92

Special Courts, and the Letter of Request

The problem. The bank records are abroad and no Indian process reaches them.

Section 36(1). An authorised officer of the Lokpal applies to the Special Court, saying evidence is required and may be available in that country, which is a contracting State.

The Special Court is satisfied and issues a letter of request to the competent court or authority there, asking it to examine the facts, to take the steps the letter specifies, and to forward the evidence.

The evidence arrives. The investigation is completed and the report goes to the court having jurisdiction under section 20(6), with a copy to the Lokpal.

Section 20(7)(a) with section 23. The Lokpal grants sanction and directs a charge sheet.

Section 12(2). The Director of Prosecution files the case in the Special Court.

Section 35(2). That court must complete the trial within a year, and may extend only in three month blocks with reasons recorded before each block ends, to an outer limit of two years.

Section 29 and 30 in parallel. If the flat bought with the money is being sold, the Lokpal attaches it for ninety days and the Prosecution Wing applies within thirty days for confirmation.

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal tries the case. It does not. The trial is in the Special Court, which is a court of a special judge under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

That the Lokpal constitutes the Special Courts. It recommends the number; the Central Government constitutes them.

That the one year limit is absolute. It may be extended in three month blocks up to a total of two years, with reasons recorded in writing before the end of each block.

That the Lokpal issues the letter of request. The Special Court issues it, on the application of an authorised officer of the Lokpal.

Quick revision

s.35(1): the Central Government shall constitute Special Courts as recommended by the Lokpal, for cases under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 or this Act.

s.35(2): trial to be completed in one year from filing; extendable by three month periods, reasons recorded in writing before the end of each, to a maximum of two years. No consequence stated for exceeding it.

Special Court means the court of a special judge under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 (s.2).

s.36: on the application of an authorised officer of the Lokpal, the Special Court may issue a letter of request to a court or authority in a contracting State, notwithstanding this Act or the Code of Criminal Procedure, to examine the facts, take specified steps and forward the evidence.

munotes.in93

Special Courts, and the Letter of Request

Read s.36 with s.1(3), which applies the Act to public servants in and outside India.

Test yourself

1. Who constitutes the Special Courts and how many are there to be? The Central Government constitutes them, and the number is that recommended by the Lokpal. They hear and decide cases arising out of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 or under the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act. A Special Court is the court of a special judge appointed under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

2. State the time limit for a trial and how it may be extended. Each trial is to be completed within one year of the case being filed. If it cannot be, the Special Court must record reasons and complete it within a further period of not more than three months, or further such periods of not more than three months each, with reasons recorded in writing before the end of each period, subject to an outer limit of two years in total.

3. What is a letter of request and who issues it? It is a request from a court in one country to a court or competent authority in another asking it to examine the facts of a case, take specified steps and forward the evidence so obtained. Under section 36 it is issued by the Special Court, not by the Lokpal, on the application of an officer of the Lokpal authorised in that behalf who is of the opinion that the evidence may be available in a contracting State, and the section operates notwithstanding this Act or the Code of Criminal Procedure.

4. Why is section 36 necessary? Because section 1(3) applies the Act to public servants in and outside India, and a claim to reach conduct and assets abroad is worthless without a means of obtaining evidence located there. Section 36 supplies that means, and it reflects the international cooperation obligations of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, which the Act's preamble recites as part of its purpose.

5. What is the weakness of the time limit in section 35(2)? That the Act attaches no consequence to its breach. It directs the Special Court to finish within one year and, at the outside, two, but does not say what follows if the trial runs longer. A time limit with no sanction operates as a direction to the court rather than a bar on the proceedings, and no court has held that a trial under the Act becomes void on the expiry of two years.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in94

Chapter Twenty-One

Complaints Against the Lokpal Itself, and the Money

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Who watches the watchdog: the Supreme Court decides whether a Lokpal may be removed, the Lokpal itself inquires into its own staff within thirty days, and the Comptroller and Auditor-General audits its books.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 37 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 provides that the Lokpal shall not inquire into a complaint against its own Chairperson or Members, who may be removed only by order of the President on the ground of misbehaviour after the Supreme Court, on a reference by the President made on a petition signed by at least one hundred Members of Parliament, has reported that he ought to be removed; section 38 provides for complaints against the Lokpal's officers and associated agencies to be inquired into within thirty days; section 39 empowers the Special Court to assess and order recovery of loss caused to the public exchequer; and sections 40 to 43 provide for the budget, grants, the annual statement of accounts audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General, and returns to the Central Government.

Why an institution must answer for itself

Chapter 50 argued that an ombudsman's authority rests on independence. Independence without accountability is simply unaccountable power, and every one of the institutions in this syllabus faces the same question: who inquires into the inquirer.

The Act answers it three times, and the three answers are different in kind. For the Chairperson and Members, the answer is the Supreme Court. For the staff, the answer is the Lokpal itself, on a tight clock. For the money, the answer is the Comptroller and Auditor-General.

Read those three together and you have, in one chapter of one Act, the shape of the whole paper: a judicial control, an internal control and a financial control.

Section 37: removing a Chairperson or Member

Section 37(1). The Lokpal shall not inquire into any complaint made against the Chairperson or any Member. It cannot investigate itself, and the reason is obvious once stated: colleagues sitting in judgment on colleagues satisfies nobody.

Section 37(2). The Chairperson or a Member shall be removed from office by order of the President on grounds of misbehaviour, after the Supreme Court, on a reference made to it by the President on a petition signed by at least one hundred Members of Parliament, has, on an inquiry held in the prescribed procedure, reported that he ought to be removed on that ground.

Section 37(3). The President may suspend the Chairperson or a Member in respect of whom a reference has been made, on receipt of the recommendation or interim order of the Supreme Court, until he passes orders on the final report.

munotes.in95

Complaints Against the Lokpal Itself, and the Money

Count the locks. A hundred Members of Parliament must sign. The President must make the reference. The Supreme Court must inquire and must report that the person ought to be removed. Only then may the President order removal. And suspension in the meantime needs the Supreme Court's recommendation or interim order, so the executive cannot sideline a Lokpal by suspending him while a reference is pending.

Compare it with the other offices in this book. The Central Vigilance Commissioner is removed on the same pattern, a reference to the Supreme Court, under section 6 of the Act of 2003, and chapter 620 reads it. A Judge of the Supreme Court is removed by an address of both Houses after an inquiry under the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968, and chapter 1560 reads that. The Comptroller and Auditor-General is removed in the same manner as a judge, under article 148(1). The Lokpal's route is closer to the Central Vigilance Commissioner's than to the judge's: a court decides, not the House.

Section 38: complaints against the Lokpal's own people

Section 38(1). Every complaint of allegation or wrongdoing against any officer or employee, or any agency including the Delhi Special Police Establishment, under or associated with the Lokpal, for an offence punishable under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, is dealt with under this section.

Section 38(2). The Lokpal shall complete the inquiry within thirty days from the date of receipt.

Section 38(3). While inquiring, if prima facie satisfied on the evidence that the continuance of the officer, employee or agency in his post is likely to affect the inquiry adversely, or that he is likely to destroy or tamper with evidence or influence witnesses, the Lokpal may pass appropriate orders, including transfer or suspension.

Thirty days is the tightest limit in the Act. A preliminary inquiry into a Minister gets ninety days extendable to a hundred and eighty; an inquiry into the Lokpal's own clerk gets thirty. The message the drafter is sending is deliberate: a body that takes six months over its own staff has no standing to demand speed from anybody else.

Section 39: recovering the loss

If a public servant is convicted of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 by the Special Court, that court may, notwithstanding and without prejudice to any other law, make an assessment of the loss caused to the public exchequer on account of actions or decisions of that public servant not taken in good faith and for which he stands convicted, and order recovery of that loss from him, if possible or quantifiable.

The proviso. If the Special Court, for reasons recorded in writing, concludes that the loss was caused pursuant to a conspiracy with the beneficiary or beneficiaries of the public servant's actions or decisions, the loss may also be recovered from those beneficiaries proportionately.

munotes.in96

Complaints Against the Lokpal Itself, and the Money

This is unusual and worth a paragraph. Indian criminal law punishes; it rarely quantifies the public loss and orders restitution in the same proceeding. Section 39 does, and the proviso reaches the private party who gained. Read it against the coal blocks litigation, where the Comptroller and Auditor-General's estimate of loss and the question of recovery from allottees were argued for years in separate proceedings. Section 39 puts assessment and recovery in the hands of the trial court.

Note the limits. It applies only on conviction, only to actions not taken in good faith, and only where the loss is possible or quantifiable. Those three conditions are what keep it from becoming a general power to fine.

Sections 40 to 43: the money and the returns

Section 40, budget. The Lokpal prepares its budget for the next financial year in the prescribed form and at the prescribed time, showing estimated receipts and expenditure, and forwards it to the Central Government for information.

Read "for information" carefully. Not for approval. The Lokpal tells the Government what it intends to spend. That is the counterpart of section 13's charge on the Consolidated Fund.

Section 41, grants. The Central Government may, after due appropriation made by Parliament by law, make grants to the Lokpal for the salaries and allowances of the Chairperson and Members and for administrative expenses including staff salaries and pensions.

Section 40 and 41 read together are slightly awkward and a careful student should notice it. Section 13 charges administrative expenses on the Consolidated Fund, which means no vote. Section 41 speaks of grants after due appropriation by Parliament by law, which is the voted route. The reconciliation is that the charge under section 13 covers the expenses it names and the grant mechanism handles the flow of funds; but the drafting leaves room for argument, and pointing that out is the kind of observation that distinguishes an answer.

Section 42, accounts and audit. The Lokpal maintains proper accounts and prepares an annual statement of accounts in the form prescribed by the Central Government in consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India. Those accounts shall be audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General at such intervals as he specifies. In that audit he, or a person appointed by him, has the same rights, privileges and authority as he has in relation to the audit of Government accounts, and in particular the right to demand the production of books, accounts, vouchers and other documents and to inspect the offices.

munotes.in97

Complaints Against the Lokpal Itself, and the Money

Section 43, returns. The Lokpal furnishes to the Central Government, at such time and in such form as prescribed or requested, such returns, statements and particulars regarding any matter under its jurisdiction as the Government requires.

Section 43 is the one provision in this group that cuts the other way, and an evaluative answer should say so. An institution that must furnish the Central Government such particulars in regard to any matter under its jurisdiction as that Government may from time to time require is, on the face of the words, answerable to the executive for its work. The words are wide, and how narrowly they are read in practice matters.

A worked example

Allegations circulate that a Member of the Lokpal accepted a benefit.

Section 37(1). The Lokpal cannot inquire into it. Its own Member is outside its jurisdiction.

Section 37(2). A petition signed by at least a hundred Members of Parliament goes to the President, who makes a reference to the Supreme Court. The Court inquires under the prescribed procedure.

Section 37(3). The Court makes an interim recommendation that the Member be suspended. On receiving it the President may suspend him until the final report.

The Court reports that he ought to be removed. The President orders removal.

Now change the person to a Deputy Director in the Inquiry Wing. Section 38 applies. The Lokpal must complete the inquiry within thirty days, and may transfer or suspend him meanwhile if satisfied that his continuance would affect the inquiry or that he might tamper with evidence.

And change the subject to money. The Lokpal's own accounts, prepared under section 42(1) in a form settled in consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor-General, are audited by him under section 42(2) with the full rights he has over Government accounts.

Distinctions: three removals compared

Lokpal, s.37Central Vigilance Commissioner, CVC Act s.6Judge of the Supreme Court, art. 124(4)
Who initiates100 Members of Parliament, petition to the PresidentThe President, on reference100 members of the House of the People or 50 of the Council of States
Who inquiresThe Supreme CourtThe Supreme CourtA Committee under the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968
Who decidesThe President, on the Court's reportThe President, on the Court's reportBoth Houses, by address
GroundMisbehaviourMisbehaviourProved misbehaviour or incapacity
Suspension pendingBy the President on the Court's recommendationBy the PresidentNot provided

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal investigates complaints against its own Members. Section 37(1) expressly forbids it.

That Parliament removes the Lokpal. It does not. A hundred Members petition; the Supreme Court inquires and reports; the President orders.

That section 39 is a fine. It is an assessment and recovery of quantified loss to the exchequer, available only on conviction and only for actions not taken in good faith, and it can reach a conspiring beneficiary proportionately.

munotes.in98

Complaints Against the Lokpal Itself, and the Money

That the Lokpal's budget is approved by the Government. Section 40 says it is forwarded for information.

Quick revision

s.37(1): the Lokpal shall not inquire into a complaint against its own Chairperson or Members.

s.37(2): removal by the President on misbehaviour, after the Supreme Court, on a reference by the President made on a petition signed by at least one hundred Members of Parliament, reports that he ought to be removed.

s.37(3): suspension by the President on the Supreme Court's recommendation or interim order.

s.38: complaints against the Lokpal's officers, employees and associated agencies under the Prevention of Corruption Act, inquiry to be completed in thirty days, with power to transfer or suspend.

s.39: on conviction, the Special Court may assess loss to the public exchequer from acts not taken in good faith and order recovery, and by the proviso from conspiring beneficiaries proportionately.

s.40: budget forwarded to the Central Government for information. s.41: grants after appropriation by Parliament. s.42: accounts audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General with his full rights. s.43: returns and particulars to the Central Government as it requires.

Test yourself

1. How may the Chairperson or a Member of the Lokpal be removed? Only by order of the President on the ground of misbehaviour, and only after the Supreme Court has inquired and reported that he ought to be removed. The Court acts on a reference made by the President, and the President makes that reference on a petition signed by at least one hundred Members of Parliament. Pending the reference the President may suspend him, but only on the Supreme Court's recommendation or interim order.

2. Why does section 37(1) forbid the Lokpal from inquiring into complaints against its own Members? Because an institution investigating its own members satisfies nobody: the colleagues who would sit in judgment are the very people whose impartiality is in question. The Act therefore places that inquiry outside the institution altogether, with the Supreme Court, which is the same solution used for the Central Vigilance Commissioner.

3. What is the time limit for an inquiry into a complaint against the Lokpal's own officer, and what does it signify? Thirty days from receipt of the complaint, under section 38(2). It is the tightest limit in the Act, against ninety days extendable to a hundred and eighty for a preliminary inquiry into a public servant, and the difference is deliberate: a body that is slow with its own staff cannot credibly demand speed from anyone else.

munotes.in99

Complaints Against the Lokpal Itself, and the Money

4. Explain section 39 and its proviso. Where a public servant is convicted by the Special Court of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act, that court may assess the loss caused to the public exchequer by his actions or decisions not taken in good faith and for which he stands convicted, and order recovery of that loss from him where it is possible or quantifiable. By the proviso, if the court concludes for reasons recorded in writing that the loss was caused pursuant to a conspiracy with the beneficiaries of those actions, the loss may also be recovered from those beneficiaries proportionately.

5. Who audits the Lokpal, and with what powers? The Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, under section 42(2), at such intervals as he specifies. The Lokpal's annual statement of accounts is prepared in a form prescribed by the Central Government in consultation with him. In conducting the audit he, or any person appointed by him, has the same rights, privileges and authority as he has in relation to the audit of Government accounts, including the right to demand the production of books, accounts, vouchers and other documents and to inspect the offices.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in100

Chapter Twenty-Two

The Declaration of Assets, and the Amendment of 2016

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Every public servant must declare what he owns and what he owes, and if he does not, or if he lies, undisclosed assets are presumed to have been bought with corrupt money.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 44 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, as substituted by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas (Amendment) Act 2016 with effect from 16 January 2014, requires every public servant to make a declaration of his assets and liabilities in such form and manner as may be prescribed; section 45 provides that where a public servant wilfully or without justifiable reason fails to declare his assets, or gives misleading information about them and is found in possession of assets not disclosed or misdescribed, those assets shall, unless otherwise proved, be presumed to belong to him and to have been acquired by corrupt means.

Why a declaration of assets is an anti-corruption device at all

Corruption is hard to prove directly. Nobody signs a receipt for a bribe. What the money leaves behind is property, and property is visible.

So the standard technique, in India since the Prevention of Corruption Act 1947 and internationally under the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, is to make the public servant account for what he owns. Where his assets exceed what his known sources of income can explain, the law shifts the burden: he must explain, and if he cannot, the disproportion is itself the offence. That offence is criminal misconduct, now in section 13(1)(b) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, and chapter 740 reads it.

Section 44 is the reporting half of that technique and section 45 is the presumption half.

Section 44 as enacted in 2013

The original section 44 was much longer than the present one. It required every public servant to furnish, within thirty days of entering office, a declaration of his assets and liabilities and those of his spouse and dependent children, and then to file such a return annually by 31 July. It prescribed the contents in the section itself: movable and immovable property, debts and liabilities, and the sources.

And it produced a revolt. The requirement to declare the assets of a spouse and dependent children, coupled with publication, was resisted by civil service associations and by non-governmental organisations whose office bearers were brought within the definition of public servant by section 14(1)(g). The date for filing was extended by notification five times between 2014 and 2016.

What the Amendment Act of 2016 did

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas (Amendment) Act 2016, Act 37 of 2016, section 2, substituted section 44 with effect from 16 January 2014.

The substituted section is three lines. On and from the date of commencement of the Act, every public servant shall make a declaration of his assets and liabilities in such form and manner as may be prescribed.

munotes.in101

The Declaration of Assets, and the Amendment of 2016

Three consequences follow, and all three are examinable.

The statutory detail moved into rules. What must be declared, by when, in what form and with what publicity is now for the Central Government to prescribe. Parliament wrote the duty and delegated the content. That is a legitimate technique and it is also, precisely, the delegation problem Module III's sixth label is about: the substance of a citizen's or an officer's obligation now lives in a rule that no House has voted on. Chapter 1220 sets out the doctrinal limit.

The express requirement to declare a spouse's and dependent children's assets disappeared from the section. Whether it survives depends on the rules made under it, which is a very different legal position from a statutory command.

And the substitution is retrospective to 16 January 2014, the date the Act itself came into force. So the amended section is treated as having been the law from the beginning, and no public servant is in breach for not having complied with the original section during 2014 to 2016. That is the practical purpose of the retrospective date and it should be stated plainly in an answer.

Section 45: the presumption

If any public servant, wilfully or for reasons which are not justifiable, fails:

  1. (a) to declare his assets; or
  2. (b) gives misleading information in respect of such assets and is found to be in possession of assets not disclosed or in respect of which misleading information was furnished,

then such assets shall, unless otherwise proved, be presumed to belong to the public servant and shall be presumed to be assets acquired by corrupt means.

The proviso allows the competent authority to condone or exempt a public servant from furnishing information about assets not exceeding such minimum value as may be prescribed.

Reading section 45 properly

It is a rebuttable presumption, not a deeming provision. The words "unless otherwise proved" mean the public servant may displace it by evidence. A deeming provision, by contrast, would make the fact conclusive. Students lose marks by describing this as conclusive.

It presumes two things, not one. First, that the assets belong to the public servant, which matters where property is held in another name. Second, that they were acquired by corrupt means. The first presumption is about ownership, the second about origin.

The mental element is in the opening words. "Wilfully or for reasons which are not justifiable" excludes the officer who omitted an asset by oversight and can say so. A presumption of corruption triggered by carelessness would be indefensible, and the section does not do that.

munotes.in102

The Declaration of Assets, and the Amendment of 2016

Clause (b) has a conjunctive condition. Misleading information alone is not enough; the officer must also be found in possession of the assets not disclosed or misdescribed. So the presumption attaches to concrete property, not to a paperwork failure.

The proviso is a de minimis rule. De minimis, from a Latin maxim meaning the law does not concern itself with trifles, describes a rule that excludes very small matters. Here the competent authority may condone non-disclosure of assets below a prescribed minimum value, so an officer is not caught by a presumption of corruption over a bicycle.

A worked example

Mr Deshpande, a Group A officer of a Union Ministry, files his declaration under section 44 and the rules made under it. He declares a flat in Pune and a car.

Case one. During an inquiry it emerges that he also owns a plot in Nashik, purchased two years earlier, which he did not declare and which he cannot explain having forgotten, because he received rent on it and banked the rent.

Apply section 45. The failure is wilful or at least not justifiable; the asset was not disclosed; he is found in possession of it. The presumption arises: the plot is presumed to belong to him and to have been acquired by corrupt means.

What he must then do. Prove otherwise. He may show that it came from a legacy, from the sale of ancestral land, from his wife's independent income, or from a loan. The presumption is rebuttable and the burden is now his.

Case two. He fails to declare a fixed deposit of eleven thousand rupees. The proviso applies if the prescribed minimum value exceeds that sum, and the competent authority may condone the omission.

Case three. He declares the plot but describes it as agricultural land worth four lakhs when it is a commercial plot worth ninety lakhs. That is misleading information under clause (b), and he is found in possession of the asset in respect of which the misleading information was furnished, so the presumption applies.

And notice what the presumption feeds into. Assets presumed to be acquired by corrupt means are proceeds of corruption for section 29, which is the attachment power chapter 170 reads. The declaration regime, the presumption and the attachment power are one mechanism in three sections.

Distinctions: this presumption against the Prevention of Corruption Act's

Lokpal Act s.45Prevention of Corruption Act s.13(1)(b)
TriggerFailure to declare, or misleading declaration, plus possessionPossession of assets disproportionate to known sources of income
NatureRebuttable presumption of ownership and of corrupt acquisitionA substantive offence, criminal misconduct
Mental elementWilful or not justifiableCannot satisfactorily account
ConsequenceEvidentiary; feeds attachment and confiscationConviction, imprisonment and fine
munotes.in103

The Declaration of Assets, and the Amendment of 2016

The row that matters is the second. Section 45 does not create an offence. It creates a presumption that helps prove one.

What beginners get wrong

That section 44 still requires a spouse's and children's assets to be declared. The substituted section requires a declaration "in such form and manner as may be prescribed", so the answer is in the rules and not in the section.

That the presumption is conclusive. "Unless otherwise proved" makes it rebuttable.

That any non-declaration triggers it. The failure must be wilful or for reasons which are not justifiable, and under clause (b) the officer must also be found in possession.

That the 2016 amendment was cosmetic. It replaced a detailed statutory obligation with a delegated one and did so retrospectively to the date the Act came into force, which changed both the content of the duty and the position of everybody who had not complied since 2014.

Quick revision

s.44, as substituted by Act 37 of 2016, s.2, w.e.f. 16 January 2014: every public servant shall declare his assets and liabilities in such form and manner as may be prescribed.

What the amendment changed: the detail moved from the section into rules; the express reference to spouse and dependent children went out of the section; and the substitution is retrospective to the commencement of the Act.

s.45: on a wilful or unjustifiable failure to declare, or misleading information plus possession, the assets are presumed to belong to the public servant and to have been acquired by corrupt means, unless otherwise proved.

Proviso: the competent authority may condone or exempt where the assets do not exceed a prescribed minimum value.

Where it leads: assets presumed acquired by corrupt means are proceeds of corruption for section 29, attachment.

Test yourself

1. What does section 44 require, and how did the Amendment Act of 2016 change it? It requires every public servant, on and from the commencement of the Act, to make a declaration of his assets and liabilities in such form and manner as may be prescribed. The Amendment Act 2016, section 2, substituted the section with effect from 16 January 2014. The original section set out the contents of the declaration in the statute, required the assets of the spouse and dependent children, and fixed a thirty day and an annual deadline; the substituted section states the duty and leaves the whole content to rules, and it does so retrospectively to the date the Act came into force.

2. State the presumption in section 45 and its conditions. Where a public servant wilfully, or for reasons which are not justifiable, fails to declare his assets, or gives misleading information about them and is found in possession of assets not disclosed or misdescribed, those assets shall, unless otherwise proved, be presumed to belong to him and to have been acquired by corrupt means. The mental element is wilfulness or the absence of justification, and under clause (b) misleading information must be coupled with actual possession.

munotes.in104

The Declaration of Assets, and the Amendment of 2016

3. Is the presumption conclusive? Explain. No. The words "unless otherwise proved" make it rebuttable, so the public servant may displace it by evidence showing a lawful source such as inheritance, a spouse's independent income, the sale of other property or a loan. A conclusive presumption would be a deeming provision, and section 45 is not drafted that way.

4. How does the declaration regime connect to the Lokpal's power of attachment? Section 45 presumes undisclosed or misdescribed assets to have been acquired by corrupt means. Assets so acquired are proceeds of corruption, and section 29 empowers the Lokpal, on reason to believe recorded in writing and where all three of its conditions are met, to attach proceeds of corruption provisionally for up to ninety days, with confirmation and confiscation following before the Special Court under sections 30 and 31. The three provisions work as one mechanism.

5. What does the proviso to section 45 achieve? It prevents the presumption from operating over trifles. The competent authority may condone or exempt a public servant from furnishing information about assets not exceeding a prescribed minimum value, so a small omission does not expose an officer to a presumption that his property was bought with corrupt money.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in105

Chapter Twenty-Three

Offences, Penalties, and the Reports

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Make a false complaint and you can go to prison for a year and pay the officer's costs; and once a year the Lokpal must tell the President what it has done, and the President must lay it before both Houses with the Government's explanation for every piece of advice it refused.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 46 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 punishes a false, frivolous or vexatious complaint with imprisonment up to one year and fine up to one lakh rupees, cognizance being taken only by a Special Court and only on the complaint of the person against whom the false complaint was made or of an officer authorised by the Lokpal, with compensation payable to the public servant; section 47 extends liability to societies, associations and trusts and to the persons in charge of them; section 48 requires the Lokpal to present an annual report to the President, who lays it before each House with a memorandum explaining the non-acceptance of any advice; and section 49 makes the Lokpal the final appellate authority under other laws providing for the delivery of public services where the decision contains findings of corruption.

Section 46: prosecution for a false complaint

Section 46(1). Notwithstanding anything in the Act, whoever makes any false and frivolous or vexatious complaint under the Act shall, on conviction, be punished with imprisonment which may extend to one year and with fine which may extend to one lakh rupees.

Section 46(2). No court except a Special Court shall take cognizance of the offence.

Section 46(3). No Special Court shall take cognizance except on a complaint made by the person against whom the false, frivolous or vexatious complaint was made, or by an officer authorised by the Lokpal.

Section 46(4). The prosecution shall be conducted by the public prosecutor, and all expenses of it shall be borne by the Central Government.

Section 46(5). On conviction of a person, being an individual, society, association of persons or trust whether registered or not, the person shall be liable to pay compensation to the public servant against whom the false complaint was made, in addition to the legal expenses of contesting the case, as the Special Court determines.

Why section 46 is the most attacked provision in the Act

The case for it. A body with power to attach property, recommend suspension and sanction prosecution can be used as a weapon. An officer who refuses a favour can be silenced by a complaint that takes two years to disprove and ends his promotion prospects. Some deterrent against malicious complaints is not merely defensible, it is necessary if honest officers are to take hard decisions.

munotes.in106

Offences, Penalties, and the Reports

The case against it, and it is strong.

The State pays for the prosecution and the complainant pays for the defence. Section 46(4) puts the expenses of prosecuting the complainant on the Central Government. There is no corresponding provision funding a complainant who is prosecuted and acquitted. The asymmetry is stark.

The threshold words are elastic. "False and frivolous or vexatious" invites argument about whether "false" and "frivolous" are conjunctive and "vexatious" alternative, and a complaint that fails for want of evidence is easily characterised as frivolous after the event.

Section 20(3)(c) makes the coupling automatic. When a bench closes proceedings against a public servant it may in the same breath proceed against the complainant. The person who reported wrongdoing learns the outcome and the threat together.

The whistleblower is unprotected. The Whistle Blowers Protection Act 2011, Act 17 of 2014, which was to provide safeguards against victimisation of a person who discloses corruption, received assent on 9 May 2014 and has never been brought into force beyond its first section. So an Indian complainant faces section 46 with no statutory protection on the other side. That is the single most useful fact to bring into an evaluative answer on the Lokpal, and chapter 320 develops it.

A balanced conclusion for an answer. The provision is not wrong in principle and is unbalanced in design. What it lacks is not a lower penalty but a counterweight: a functioning whistleblower statute, and a rule that costs follow the event both ways.

Section 47: complaints by societies and trusts

Section 47(1). Where an offence under section 46(1) has been committed by a society, association of persons or trust, whether registered or not, every person who at the time was directly in charge of, and responsible to, it for the conduct of its business, affairs or activities, as well as the body itself, shall be deemed guilty and liable to be proceeded against and punished.

The proviso exempts such a person if he proves that the offence was committed without his knowledge or that he exercised all due diligence to prevent it.

Section 47(2). Notwithstanding sub-section (1), where the offence is proved to have been committed with the consent or connivance of, or attributable to any neglect on the part of, any director, manager, secretary or other officer, that person shall also be deemed guilty.

This is the standard vicarious liability formula in Indian regulatory statutes, and a student who has met section 141 of the Negotiable Instruments Act 1881 or section 27 of the Consumer Protection legislation will recognise it. Two limbs: the person in charge and responsible, with a due diligence defence; and separately the officer with consent, connivance or neglect.

munotes.in107

Offences, Penalties, and the Reports

Why it is here. Because section 14(1)(g) brought societies and trusts receiving donations above the prescribed limits within the Lokpal's jurisdiction. Having made such bodies liable to be complained against, the Act makes them liable for complaining falsely. Whether that even-handedness is real, given that such bodies are precisely the organisations that make corruption complaints, is a fair question.

Section 48: the annual report

It shall be the duty of the Lokpal to present annually to the President a report on the work done. On receipt, the President shall cause a copy to be laid before each House of Parliament, together with a memorandum explaining, in respect of the cases where the advice of the Lokpal was not accepted, the reasons for such non-acceptance.

This is the classical ombudsman's sanction, and it is worth recognising it as such. Chapter 20 traced it to the Swedish Justitieombudsman's duty to report to the Riksdag in 1809 and chapter 30 found it in every version of the institution since. Publicity is what makes a recommendation effective in a body that cannot order.

The memorandum is the sharp part. It is not enough to lay the report. Where the Lokpal advised something and the Government did not accept the advice, the Government must explain itself in writing, in a document laid before both Houses. A refusal that must be justified in public is a very different thing from a refusal recorded in a file.

Compare section 14 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, which requires the same memorandum for advice the Commission gave and the Government did not take. Chapter 660 reads it. The device is the same in both statutes because it works in both.

Section 49: the Lokpal as appellate authority

The Lokpal shall function as the final appellate authority in respect of appeals arising out of any other law for the time being in force providing for the delivery of public services and redressal of public grievances by any public authority, in cases where the decision contains findings of corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

This is the ghost of the grievance half of the 1966 design. Chapter 70 recorded that the Administrative Reforms Commission proposed an institution covering allegations and grievances both, and chapter 90 recorded that grievances were split into a separate Bill which lapsed. Section 49 is what survived: the Lokpal sits at the top of whatever grievance redress law exists, but only where the decision below contains a finding of corruption.

And that is why the section does very little. There is no central law providing for time bound delivery of public services and redressal of grievances; the Bill of 2011 died. Several States have such Acts. So section 49 is an appellate jurisdiction waiting for a statute below it, and chapter 330 is about the hole.

munotes.in108

Offences, Penalties, and the Reports

A worked example

A non-governmental organisation complains that a Joint Secretary took money to clear a licence.

The bench closes the case under section 20(3) for want of a prima facie case, and directs that the complainant be proceeded against under section 46.

Section 46(3). The Special Court may take cognizance only on the complaint of the Joint Secretary, or of an officer authorised by the Lokpal. The organisation cannot be prosecuted on anybody else's initiative.

Section 47(1). If the organisation is convicted, so are the persons who at the time were directly in charge of and responsible to it, unless a particular person proves that the offence was committed without his knowledge or that he exercised all due diligence.

Section 46(1). The punishment is up to one year and up to one lakh rupees.

Section 46(5). The organisation must in addition pay the Joint Secretary compensation and his legal expenses, as the Special Court determines.

Section 46(4). The Central Government pays for the prosecution of the organisation. Nobody pays for its defence.

Now change the outcome. Suppose the Lokpal had advised the Ministry to take departmental action against the Joint Secretary and the Ministry had refused. Section 48 requires the refusal to be explained in a memorandum laid before both Houses with the Lokpal's annual report.

What beginners get wrong

That any complaint that fails is a false complaint. The offence requires a false and frivolous or vexatious complaint, and a complaint that fails for want of evidence is not automatically within it.

That anyone may prosecute a false complainant. Only the person complained against or an officer authorised by the Lokpal may set section 46 in motion, and only a Special Court may take cognizance.

That section 48 merely requires a report. It requires the report and a memorandum explaining every case where the Lokpal's advice was not accepted.

That section 49 gives the Lokpal a general grievance jurisdiction. It applies only where the decision appealed from contains findings of corruption, and it needs a service delivery law below it to operate on.

Quick revision

s.46: a false and frivolous or vexatious complaint, on conviction, one year and one lakh rupees; cognizance only by a Special Court, only on the complaint of the person complained against or an officer authorised by the Lokpal; prosecution by the public prosecutor at the Central Government's expense; compensation and legal expenses to the public servant.

s.47: liability of a society, association or trust and of the person in charge and responsible, with a knowledge and due diligence defence; and separately of a director, manager, secretary or officer on consent, connivance or neglect.

munotes.in109

Offences, Penalties, and the Reports

s.48: annual report to the President, laid before each House, with a memorandum explaining non-acceptance of the Lokpal's advice.

s.49: the Lokpal as final appellate authority under other laws on delivery of public services and grievance redress, only where the decision contains findings of corruption.

The criticism of s.46: the State funds the prosecution and not the defence; the threshold words are elastic; section 20(3)(c) couples closure with prosecution of the complainant; and the Whistle Blowers Protection Act 2011 has never been brought into force, so there is no counterweight.

Test yourself

1. Set out the offence in section 46 and the safeguards around it. Making a false and frivolous or vexatious complaint under the Act, punishable on conviction with imprisonment up to one year and fine up to one lakh rupees. The safeguards are that only a Special Court may take cognizance, and only on the complaint of the person against whom the false complaint was made or of an officer authorised by the Lokpal, so a third party cannot set the prosecution in motion. On conviction the complainant must also pay the public servant compensation and legal expenses as the Special Court determines.

2. Give the case for and against section 46. For: a body that can attach property, recommend suspension and sanction prosecution can be used as a weapon against an officer who refuses a favour, and a deterrent against malicious complaints is necessary if officials are to take hard decisions. Against: section 46(4) puts the cost of prosecuting the complainant on the Central Government with no corresponding funding for his defence; the words false and frivolous or vexatious are elastic and a complaint that fails for want of evidence is easily characterised after the event; section 20(3)(c) allows closure and prosecution of the complainant in the same breath; and the Whistle Blowers Protection Act 2011 has never been brought into force, so there is no protection on the other side.

3. Explain the two limbs of liability in section 47. Under sub-section (1), where a society, association of persons or trust commits the offence, both the body and every person who at the time was directly in charge of and responsible to it for the conduct of its business are deemed guilty, subject to a defence that the offence was committed without his knowledge or that he exercised all due diligence. Under sub-section (2), independently, any director, manager, secretary or other officer with whose consent or connivance the offence was committed, or to whose neglect it is attributable, is also deemed guilty.

munotes.in110

Offences, Penalties, and the Reports

4. What must the President do with the Lokpal's annual report? Cause a copy to be laid before each House of Parliament, together with a memorandum explaining, for every case in which the Lokpal's advice was not accepted, the reasons for the non-acceptance. The requirement of a written public explanation for refusing advice is what gives a recommending body its force, and the same device appears in section 14 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003.

5. What does section 49 do, and why does it do so little? It makes the Lokpal the final appellate authority for appeals arising out of any other law providing for the delivery of public services and redressal of public grievances, but only in cases where the decision contains findings of corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. It does little because there is no central law providing for time bound delivery of public services and grievance redress; the Bill of 2011 lapsed. It is an appellate jurisdiction waiting for a statute beneath it, and it is the only surviving trace of the grievance half of the 1966 design.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in111

Chapter Twenty-Four

Protections, Limitation, and the Bar of Jurisdiction

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Good faith protects the officer and protects the Lokpal; the Lokpal's people are public servants for the Penal Code; nothing older than seven years may be inquired into; no civil court may take up what the Lokpal may decide; and the Lokpal must fund the defence of the person it is investigating.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: sections 50 and 51 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 protect from suit, prosecution or other legal proceedings anything done in good faith by a public servant in the discharge of his functions and anything done in good faith by the Lokpal, its officers, employees, agencies or any person under the Act; section 52 deems the Chairperson, Members, officers and employees to be public servants under section 21 of the Indian Penal Code; section 53 bars an inquiry or investigation into a complaint made more than seven years after the alleged offence; section 54 ousts the jurisdiction of civil courts over matters the Lokpal is empowered to determine; and section 55 requires the Lokpal to provide legal assistance, on request, to every person against whom a complaint has been made.

Sections 50 and 51: good faith, twice

Section 50 protects the public servant: no suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding under this Act shall lie against any public servant in respect of anything done in good faith, or intended to be done in good faith, in the discharge of his official functions or in the exercise of his powers.

Section 51 protects the institution: no suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding shall lie against the Lokpal, or against any officer, employee, agency or any person, in respect of anything done in good faith or intended to be done under the Act, the rules or the regulations.

Good faith is defined for general purposes by section 3(22) of the General Clauses Act 1897: a thing is deemed to be done in good faith where it is in fact done honestly, whether it is done negligently or not. So honesty is the test and carelessness does not by itself destroy the protection.

Two differences between the sections are worth noticing.

Section 50 is confined to proceedings under this Act. It does not immunise a public servant against the ordinary law. Section 51 carries no such confinement: it bars any suit, prosecution or proceeding whatever in respect of what was done in good faith under the Act.

Section 51 covers "any person". An officer of a lent agency under section 28, a witness, an assessor: anybody acting in good faith under the Act is inside it.

What the sections do not do. They do not protect bad faith, and the question whether an act was in good faith is itself justiciable. A person who says the Lokpal acted mala fide is not shut out by section 51; he must prove the mala fides.

munotes.in112

Protections, Limitation, and the Bar of Jurisdiction

Section 52: the Lokpal's people are public servants

The Chairperson, Members, officers and other employees of the Lokpal shall be deemed, when acting or purporting to act in pursuance of any provision of this Act, to be public servants within the meaning of section 21 of the Indian Penal Code.

Why a body that investigates public servants must be one. Two consequences follow, and both cut in the same direction.

They are protected. Offences against a public servant in the discharge of his duty, such as obstructing him or assaulting him, apply.

They are liable. The Penal Code's offences by public servants apply to them, and so, more importantly, does the Prevention of Corruption Act, which defines public servant in section 2(c) partly by reference to the Penal Code idea. So a Member of the Lokpal who takes a bribe commits the same offence as the Secretary he was investigating. Read section 52 with section 38, which is the machinery for complaints against the Lokpal's officers, and the picture is complete.

Section 53: seven years

The Lokpal shall not inquire or investigate into any complaint if the complaint is made after the expiry of seven years from the date on which the offence alleged in it is alleged to have been committed.

This is a limitation provision and it is absolute on its face. There is no power to condone delay, no proviso for sufficient cause, and no exception for a continuing offence or for concealment. Compare section 5 of the Limitation Act 1963, which allows an appeal or application to be admitted after the prescribed period on sufficient cause, and which has no counterpart here.

Why a limitation at all. Evidence decays, witnesses die, and a person should not be answerable indefinitely. Those are the ordinary reasons for limitation in any legal system.

Why seven years is contestable. Corruption is concealed by design, and it is frequently discovered only when the concealment fails, which may be a decade later. A rigid seven year bar therefore protects precisely the successful concealer. This is a fair and examinable criticism, and it should be put alongside the observation that section 53 speaks of the date on which the offence is alleged to have been committed, which for a continuing course of conduct is itself a question capable of argument.

Section 54: bar of jurisdiction

No civil court shall have jurisdiction in respect of any matter which the Lokpal is empowered by or under this Act to determine.

munotes.in113

Protections, Limitation, and the Bar of Jurisdiction

What this bars and what it does not. It bars the civil court. It does not, and constitutionally cannot, bar the High Court under article 226 or the Supreme Court under article 32, because the power of judicial review under those articles is part of the basic structure and an ordinary statute cannot take it away. Chapter 830 makes the same point about section 6 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, where the Supreme Court held that a restriction on the executive is not a fetter on the constitutional courts.

So a student asked whether the Lokpal's decisions are subject to judicial review should answer: yes, under articles 226 and 32, notwithstanding section 54, and the whole history of litigation about the Lokpal, from the appointment cases onwards, has proceeded on exactly that basis.

Section 55: legal assistance

The Lokpal shall provide to every person against whom a complaint has been made before it, legal assistance to defend his case before the Lokpal, if such assistance is requested for.

Read that twice. The body conducting the inquiry must, on request, fund the defence of the person it is inquiring into.

Why this is remarkable. No comparable Indian statute does it. The Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 gives a person likely to be prejudicially affected a right to be represented by a legal practitioner under section 8C, but at his own cost. Article 39A of the Constitution and the Legal Services Authorities Act 1987 provide free legal aid on a means test. Section 55 has no means test at all: the right belongs to every person against whom a complaint has been made, and the only condition is that he asks.

Why it is defensible. The inquiry can lead to attachment of property, a recommendation of suspension, sanction for prosecution and a trial. A person facing that, on a complaint anyone may make, is entitled to be heard properly, and a hearing without representation against an institution with an Inquiry Wing and a Prosecution Wing is not a real hearing.

Read section 55 against section 46 and the Act's shape becomes clear. The person complained against gets funded representation; the complainant, if his complaint fails and is characterised as frivolous, gets prosecuted at the State's expense with no funding for his own defence. Whatever one thinks of each provision alone, the pair tells you which way the Act leans.

A worked example

A complaint is made in 2026 alleging that a Secretary took a bribe in 2016.

Section 53. Ten years have passed since the offence is alleged to have been committed. The Lokpal shall not inquire or investigate. There is no power to condone the delay.

munotes.in114

Protections, Limitation, and the Bar of Jurisdiction

Change the year of the offence to 2021. Five years, so the complaint is within time.

Section 55. The Secretary requests legal assistance. The Lokpal must provide it, and no means test applies.

Section 50. The Secretary contends that the clearance he gave was a bona fide administrative decision. If it was done in good faith in the discharge of his official functions, no proceeding under this Act lies against him for it. Whether it was in good faith is the very question the inquiry must decide.

He sues in the City Civil Court for a declaration that the Lokpal has no jurisdiction. Section 54 bars the civil court.

He then petitions the High Court under article 226. Section 54 does not touch that, and the High Court will hear him, though on the limited grounds on which the decisions of a statutory authority are reviewed.

And suppose a Member of the Lokpal is himself alleged to have taken money to close the file. Section 52 makes him a public servant for the Penal Code, so the corruption law applies to him; section 37 puts his removal in the hands of the Supreme Court; and section 38 governs complaints against the officers below him.

What beginners get wrong

That section 51 protects the Lokpal absolutely. It protects what is done in good faith, and whether an act was in good faith is justiciable.

That section 54 makes the Lokpal's decisions final. It bars civil courts only. Articles 226 and 32 remain.

That section 53 is a rule of procedure that can be relaxed. It is a bar in absolute terms, with no provision for condonation.

That legal assistance under section 55 depends on means. It does not. The only condition is a request.

Quick revision

s.50 protects a public servant for anything done in good faith in the discharge of his functions, against proceedings under this Act.

s.51 protects the Lokpal, its officers, employees, agencies and any person for anything done in good faith under the Act, rules or regulations, against any proceeding.

Good faith, s.3(22) of the General Clauses Act 1897: honestly done, whether negligently or not.

s.52: the Lokpal's people are public servants under section 21 of the Indian Penal Code when acting or purporting to act under the Act.

s.53: seven years from the date the offence is alleged to have been committed. No condonation.

s.54: no civil court has jurisdiction over a matter the Lokpal may determine. Articles 226 and 32 are untouched.

s.55: legal assistance to every person complained against, on request, with no means test.

Test yourself

1. Distinguish the protection in section 50 from that in section 51. Section 50 protects a public servant against a suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding under this Act for anything done or intended to be done in good faith in the discharge of his official functions or the exercise of his powers; it is confined to proceedings under this Act and leaves the ordinary law untouched. Section 51 protects the Lokpal, its officers, employees, agencies and any person against any suit, prosecution or legal proceeding for anything done or intended to be done in good faith under the Act, the rules or the regulations, and is not confined to proceedings under the Act.

munotes.in115

Protections, Limitation, and the Bar of Jurisdiction

2. Does section 54 make the Lokpal's decisions unchallengeable? No. It bars only the jurisdiction of civil courts over matters the Lokpal is empowered to determine. It cannot bar the High Court under article 226 or the Supreme Court under article 32, because judicial review under those articles is part of the basic structure and an ordinary statute cannot take it away. The litigation over the appointment of the Lokpal proceeded on that footing.

3. State the limitation in section 53 and give the argument against it. No inquiry or investigation into a complaint made more than seven years after the date on which the offence is alleged to have been committed, with no power to condone delay. The argument against it is that corruption is concealed by design and is often discovered only when the concealment fails, which may take longer than seven years, so an absolute bar protects the successful concealer; and that the section fixes the period from the date the offence is alleged to have been committed, which for a continuing course of conduct is itself uncertain.

4. What does section 55 provide and why is it unusual? It requires the Lokpal to provide legal assistance to every person against whom a complaint has been made before it, to defend his case before the Lokpal, if he requests it. It is unusual because the investigating body funds the defence of the person it is investigating, and because there is no means test: the Commissions of Inquiry Act allows representation at the person's own cost, and legal aid under the Legal Services Authorities Act 1987 is means tested, whereas section 55 attaches only the condition of a request.

5. Why does section 52 deem the Lokpal's people to be public servants? So that the criminal law applies to them in both directions. They receive the protection the Penal Code gives a public servant in the discharge of his duty, and they are subject to the offences the Penal Code and the Prevention of Corruption Act create for public servants, so a Member who takes a bribe commits the same offence as the officer he was inquiring into. It is read with section 38, which is the machinery for complaints against the Lokpal's officers and associated agencies.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in116

Chapter Twenty-Five

The Rest of the Lokpal Act

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The tail of the Act: it overrides other laws and is also in addition to them, it amends four other statutes through its Schedule, and the rules and regulations made under it must be laid before both Houses.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 56 gives the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 overriding effect notwithstanding anything inconsistent in any other enactment or instrument; section 57 provides that its provisions are in addition to and not in derogation of any other law; section 58 amends the enactments specified in the Schedule; sections 59 and 60 confer rule making power on the Central Government and regulation making power on the Lokpal; section 61 requires every rule and regulation to be laid before each House of Parliament for thirty days subject to modification or annulment; and section 62 gives a power to remove difficulties, exercisable only within two years of commencement.

Sections 56 and 57: the apparent contradiction

Section 56. The provisions of the Act shall have effect notwithstanding anything inconsistent therewith contained in any enactment other than this Act, or in any instrument having effect by virtue of any enactment other than this Act.

Section 57. The provisions of the Act shall be in addition to, and not in derogation of, any other law for the time being in force.

Read literally they pull in opposite directions, and a careless student will say the Act contradicts itself. It does not, and explaining why is a good demonstration of statutory interpretation.

Section 56 is a non obstante clause. It operates only where there is an inconsistency. Where this Act and another Act cannot both be obeyed, this one prevails.

Section 57 is a saving clause. It operates where there is no inconsistency. It means the Act does not repeal or cut down other remedies; a person may still be prosecuted under the Prevention of Corruption Act by the ordinary machinery, still be proceeded against departmentally under article 311, still be sued.

So the two are complementary. Section 57 preserves the rest of the legal order; section 56 decides who wins where the orders collide. Courts read such pairs this way as a matter of course, and the technique is worth naming: a saving clause and a non obstante clause do different work and there is no need to choose between them.

A worked instance. Section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 requires sanction from the authority competent to remove the accused. Section 23 of this Act gives the sanction power to the Lokpal. The two cannot both apply to the same prosecution, so section 56 makes section 23 prevail. But the Prevention of Corruption Act continues to define the offences and to govern the trial, because on those points there is no inconsistency and section 57 preserves it.

munotes.in117

The Rest of the Lokpal Act

Section 58 and the Schedule

The enactments specified in the Schedule shall be amended in the manner specified therein.

The Schedule amends four statutes, and each amendment tells you something about the design of the anti-corruption architecture.

The Commission of Inquiry Act 1952 is amended, which is why chapter 380 finds that Act on the amending list.

The Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 is amended, most importantly by reconstituting the committee that recommends the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation. Chapter 800 reads the result, and the decision of January 2019 relied on precisely this: the status of that committee had been raised by the Lokpal Act, which showed Parliament's intent to insulate the office.

The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 is amended by inserting sections 8A, 8B and 11A, which is where those three lettered sections come from. Chapter 640 reads them.

The Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 is amended, including by raising the punishment in its section 15.

The point to take from section 58 into an answer. The Lokpal Act did not create a new institution beside the old ones and leave them alone. It reached into the CVC Act, the DSPE Act and the Prevention of Corruption Act and rewired them. That is why the eight labels of this syllabus cannot be studied in isolation, and it is the single best piece of evidence for saying so.

Sections 59 and 60: rules and regulations

Section 59. The Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, make rules to carry out the provisions of the Act; and in particular for the form of complaint under section 2(1)(e), the term, fees and allowances of the Search Committee and the manner of selecting the panel under section 4(5), the posts to be filled after consultation with the Union Public Service Commission under the proviso to section 10(3), and other enumerated matters.

Section 60. Subject to the Act and the rules, the Lokpal may, by notification in the Official Gazette, make regulations to carry out the provisions of the Act; and in particular for the conditions of service of the Secretary, officers and staff, the salary parts of which require the approval of the Central Government.

The distinction between a rule and a regulation is one students meet constantly and rarely have explained. Rules are made by the Government under a power the Act confers on it. Regulations are made by the statutory body itself for its own working. Both are delegated legislation; both are subordinate to the Act; and here the regulations are additionally subordinate to the rules, because section 60 opens with "subject to the provisions of this Act and the rules made thereunder".

munotes.in118

The Rest of the Lokpal Act

Which is why the split matters. The Central Government's rules can constrain the Lokpal's regulations. Put that beside section 10's panels and section 40's budget "for information", and the picture of a body independent in its decisions and dependent in its housekeeping is complete.

Section 61: the laying requirement

Every rule and regulation shall be laid, as soon as may be after it is made, before each House of Parliament, while it is in session, for a total period of thirty days which may be comprised in one session or in two or more successive sessions. If, before the expiry of the session immediately following, both Houses agree in making any modification, or both Houses agree that the rule or regulation should not be made, it shall thereafter have effect only in the modified form or be of no effect, without prejudice to the validity of anything previously done under it.

This is Module III inside Module I, and it is worth pausing on. Chapter 1230 sets out the three forms of the laying procedure, and this is the commonest: laying subject to negative resolution in its Indian form, thirty days, modification or annulment by agreement of both Houses, and past acts saved.

Two features to notice for the later chapter. The period is a total of thirty days and may be spread across sessions, so a Government cannot defeat scrutiny by laying a rule at the end of a session. And both Houses must agree, so either House can prevent an annulment by inaction, which is why annulments are almost unknown in practice. Chapter 1240 asks whether laying is mandatory or directory, and the answer there turns on precisely how a section like this is worded.

Section 62: removing difficulties

Section 62(1). If any difficulty arises in giving effect to the Act, the Central Government may, by order published in the Official Gazette, make such provisions not inconsistent with the Act as appear necessary for removing the difficulty. The proviso forbids such an order after the expiry of two years from the commencement of the Act.

Section 62(2). Every such order shall be laid before each House as soon as may be after it is made.

What a removal of difficulties clause is, and why it is watched. A new statute meets situations its drafter did not foresee, and a power to make bridging provision saves a return to Parliament for every gap. Such clauses are sometimes called Henry VIII clauses when they allow the executive to modify the parent Act itself.

munotes.in119

The Rest of the Lokpal Act

This one is carefully limited, and the limits are the answer to the objection. The order must be not inconsistent with the Act, so it may fill gaps and not rewrite. It must be published. It must be laid before each House. And it expires: no order after two years from 16 January 2014, that is after 16 January 2016. The power is therefore spent, which is a fact worth knowing when a question asks what tools remain for making the Act work.

A worked example

A rule is made under section 59 prescribing the form in which a public servant declares his assets under section 44.

Section 59. The Central Government makes it by notification in the Official Gazette.

Section 61. It is laid before each House for a total of thirty days, which may run across two sessions.

Suppose the Lok Sabha resolves to modify it and the Rajya Sabha does not. Nothing happens: section 61 requires that both Houses agree.

Suppose both agree that it should not be made. It is of no effect from then on, but anything previously done under it stands.

Now suppose the Lokpal makes a regulation under section 60 on the conditions of service of its staff. The salary provisions need the approval of the Central Government, and the regulation is subordinate to any rule the Government has made under section 59 on the same subject.

And suppose in 2015 a difficulty arose because the Act referred to a body that had been renamed. Section 62 allowed a removal of difficulties order, not inconsistent with the Act, laid before both Houses. The same difficulty arising in 2026 could not be met that way, because the power expired on 16 January 2016.

What beginners get wrong

That sections 56 and 57 contradict each other. Section 56 governs inconsistency; section 57 governs everything else.

That the Lokpal makes the rules. The Central Government makes rules under section 59; the Lokpal makes regulations under section 60, subject to the Act and to those rules.

That laying means Parliament must approve. Under section 61 the rule takes effect when made; Parliament may modify or annul it, and only if both Houses agree.

That the power to remove difficulties is still available. It expired two years after commencement, on 16 January 2016.

Quick revision

s.56 overriding effect where inconsistent. s.57 in addition to and not in derogation of other law. Read together: s.57 saves, s.56 resolves collisions.

s.58 and the Schedule amend the Commission of Inquiry Act 1952, the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 and the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

munotes.in120

The Rest of the Lokpal Act

s.59 rules by the Central Government. s.60 regulations by the Lokpal, subject to the Act and the rules, salary provisions needing Government approval.

s.61 laying before each House for a total of thirty days, modification or annulment only if both Houses agree, past acts saved.

s.62 removal of difficulties, not inconsistent with the Act, laid before each House, expired two years after commencement, on 16 January 2016.

Test yourself

1. Reconcile sections 56 and 57. Section 56 is a non obstante clause and operates only where a provision of this Act is inconsistent with another enactment or an instrument made under one, in which case this Act prevails. Section 57 is a saving clause and operates where there is no inconsistency, preserving other laws and remedies so that the Act supplements rather than replaces them. They are complementary: section 57 keeps the rest of the legal order intact and section 56 decides which provision wins where two cannot both be obeyed.

2. Which enactments does the Schedule amend, and why does that matter? The Commission of Inquiry Act 1952, the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 and the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. It matters because it shows that the Lokpal Act did not simply add an institution beside the existing ones but rewired them: it reconstituted the committee that recommends the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation and inserted sections 8A, 8B and 11A into the CVC Act, which is why the institutions in this syllabus have to be studied together.

3. Distinguish rules from regulations under this Act. Rules are made by the Central Government under section 59 by notification in the Official Gazette to carry out the provisions of the Act. Regulations are made by the Lokpal itself under section 60 for its own working, and are expressly subject to the Act and to the rules, with the salary and allowance provisions requiring the approval of the Central Government. Both are delegated legislation and both must be laid under section 61.

4. Set out the laying procedure in section 61 and identify the two features that weaken it. Every rule and regulation is laid before each House as soon as may be after it is made, while the House is in session, for a total of thirty days which may be spread over one or more sessions; if before the expiry of the session immediately following both Houses agree on a modification, or agree that it should not be made, it has effect only as modified or ceases to have effect, without prejudice to anything previously done. It is weak because the rule operates from the moment it is made rather than waiting for approval, and because both Houses must agree, so inaction by either House defeats an annulment.

munotes.in121

The Rest of the Lokpal Act

5. What is a removal of difficulties clause, and what limits does section 62 place on this one? It is a power for the executive to make bridging provision where a difficulty arises in giving effect to a new Act, so that a return to Parliament is not needed for every unforeseen gap. Section 62 limits it four ways: the order must not be inconsistent with the Act, so it may fill gaps and not rewrite; it must be published in the Official Gazette; it must be laid before each House; and no order may be made after two years from commencement, so the power expired on 16 January 2016.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in122

Chapter Twenty-Six

Section 63 and the Duty of Every State to Establish a Lokayukta

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

One section, forty-two words, requiring every State to have a Lokayukta within a year, and it is the only reason the title of the Act mentions Lokayuktas at all.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, which constitutes Part III of the Act, provides that every State shall establish a body to be known as the Lokayukta for the State, if not so established, constituted or appointed, by a law made by the State Legislature, to deal with complaints relating to corruption against certain public functionaries, within a period of one year from the date of commencement of the Act.

The text, and every phrase in it

"Every State shall establish." Mandatory in form. Not may, not should.

"A body to be known as the Lokayukta for the State." The name is fixed by Parliament. A State may not call it something else and satisfy the section.

"If not so established, constituted or appointed." The obligation does not fall on a State that already has one. Maharashtra had had a Lokayukta since 1971, so on the face of it this clause exempted it. Chapter 250 reads that Act.

"By a law made by the State Legislature." Not by executive resolution. The point of chapter 60 in a different context: an institution created by resolution can be unmade by resolution. Parliament required a statute.

"To deal with complaints relating to corruption against certain public functionaries." Corruption, not grievances. Parliament required of the States the same narrowing it had adopted for itself, and chapter 330 explains what that cost.

"Within a period of one year from the date of commencement of this Act." The Act commenced on 16 January 2014, so the year expired on 15 January 2015.

Why Parliament could not simply legislate for the States

This is the question an examiner is really asking, and it belongs to constitutional law rather than to the Act.

The Seventh Schedule. Public order and police are entries 1 and 2 of the State List. The State public services and the State Public Service Commission are entry 41. So the machinery for investigating a State's own Ministers and officers is substantially a State subject.

What Parliament could rely on. Entry 1 of the Concurrent List is criminal law, and the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 is Union legislation applying throughout India. Anti-corruption bodies at the Centre are within entry 70 of the Union List, Union public services.

So the compromise in section 63 is a federal compromise. Parliament creates the central institution itself, and as to the States it imposes an obligation to legislate rather than legislating for them. That is why the section reads as a direction to a legislature rather than as the establishment of a body.

munotes.in123

Section 63 and the Duty of Every State to Establish a Lokayukta

The obvious objection. What happens if a State does not comply? The section provides no consequence, no default provision, no power in the Centre to establish a Lokayukta for a defaulting State, and no sanction. It is a statutory obligation without a remedy attached, and the honest answer to an examination question about it says so.

What the States actually did

Many States already had Lokayuktas, some for four decades. Odisha legislated in 1970, Maharashtra in 1971, Rajasthan in 1973, Bihar in 1974, Uttar Pradesh in 1975, Madhya Pradesh in 1981, Andhra Pradesh in 1983, Himachal Pradesh in 1983, Karnataka in 1984, Assam in 1985, Gujarat in 1986, Delhi in 1995, Punjab in 1996, Kerala in 1999, Haryana in 2002 and others since.

Several legislated after 2013, and the new Acts are visibly modelled on the Lokpal Act rather than on the older Lokayukta pattern: multi-member bodies with judicial members, selection committees, inquiry and prosecution wings, and powers of attachment. The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023 is exactly such a statute and chapter 270 reads it.

And the resulting position is uneven, which is chapter 240's subject. The name is uniform because section 63 fixed it; almost nothing else is.

Why section 63 matters more than its length suggests

It is the only place where the two-tier design of 1966 becomes law. Chapter 70 recorded the First Administrative Reforms Commission's proposal for a Lokpal at the Centre and a Lokayukta in every State. The Centre took forty-seven years to build the upper tier, and section 63 is the moment it required the lower tier to exist everywhere.

It is the recital in the preambles of the new State Acts. The Maharashtra Act of 2023 opens by reciting that section 63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act provides that every State shall establish a Lokayukta, and that it is necessary to enact a new law on the lines of that Act. So the section is doing work: States that legislate now say in their own preambles that they are doing it because Parliament told them to.

And it fixes the subject matter of the State institution as corruption. A State that wanted a grievance ombudsman is not prevented from having one, because section 57 preserves other laws, but what section 63 obliges it to establish is a corruption body.

A worked example

Take two States on 16 January 2015, the day the year expired.

State A has had a Lokayukta since 1975 under its own Act, dealing with allegations of corruption and with grievances. Section 63's opening words, "if not so established, constituted or appointed", mean the obligation does not bite. Its existing body satisfies the section.

munotes.in124

Section 63 and the Duty of Every State to Establish a Lokayukta

State B has no Lokayukta. It is in breach of a statutory obligation. Nothing in the Act says what follows. A citizen might petition the High Court under article 226 for a direction to the State to legislate, and the Court would meet the objection that it cannot compel a legislature to make a law. Chapter 230 shows the Supreme Court declining to interfere with a pending legislative exercise for precisely that reason.

Now move forward to 2025 and take Maharashtra. It had a Lokayukta from 1971 and so was never in breach. It nonetheless enacted a new Act in 2023, published in 2025, whose preamble recites section 63 and says the object is to enact a law on the lines of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 and to enlarge the scope of the 1971 Act and entrust more powers to the Lokayukta. So section 63 operated on a State that did not need it, as a model rather than as a command.

What beginners get wrong

That section 63 created the Lokayuktas. It did not. It obliges the States to create them by their own law, and most States already had one.

That the Act applies to State public servants. It does not, except through section 14(3)'s proviso for a person serving in connection with the affairs of a State, which needs the State Government's consent.

That a State may satisfy section 63 by executive order. The section requires a law made by the State Legislature.

That there is a sanction for non-compliance. There is none in the Act.

Quick revision

s.63, the whole of Part III: every State shall establish a body called the Lokayukta for the State, if not already established, constituted or appointed, by a law made by the State Legislature, to deal with complaints relating to corruption against certain public functionaries, within one year of commencement, that is by 15 January 2015.

Why not direct legislation: public order, police and State services are State subjects under the Seventh Schedule, so Parliament obliged the States to legislate rather than legislating for them.

No consequence is provided for a State that does not comply.

Effect in practice: the section is recited in the preambles of the new State Acts, including the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023, which says its object is to enact a law on the lines of the Lokpal Act and to enlarge the scope of the Act of 1971.

Test yourself

1. State section 63 and identify each of its requirements. Every State shall establish a body to be known as the Lokayukta for the State, if not already so established, constituted or appointed, by a law made by the State Legislature, to deal with complaints relating to corruption against certain public functionaries, within one year of the commencement of the Act. The requirements are therefore: a body, bearing the name Lokayukta, created by State legislation rather than executive order, with a jurisdiction over corruption, established by 15 January 2015 unless one already existed.

munotes.in125

Section 63 and the Duty of Every State to Establish a Lokayukta

2. Why did Parliament oblige the States to legislate instead of legislating for them? Because public order and police are entries 1 and 2 of the State List and the State services are entry 41, so the machinery for investigating a State's own Ministers and officers is substantially a State subject. Parliament could create the central institution under the Union List and could legislate on criminal law under the Concurrent List, but establishing a State's anti-corruption body was not open to it, so it imposed an obligation to legislate.

3. What happens if a State does not comply? Nothing is provided by the Act. Section 63 contains no default provision, no power in the Centre to establish a Lokayukta for a defaulting State and no sanction. It is a statutory obligation without a remedy attached, and a petition to compel a State legislature to enact a law meets the objection that a court will not direct a legislature to legislate.

4. Did section 63 apply to Maharashtra? Not as a command, because Maharashtra had had a Lokayukta under the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 since before the Lokpal Act commenced, and the words "if not so established, constituted or appointed" exempt such a State. It nonetheless operated as a model: the preamble of the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023 recites section 63 and states that the object is to enact a new law on the lines of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, to enlarge the scope of the 1971 Act and to entrust more powers to the Lokayukta.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in126

Chapter Twenty-Seven

Why the First Lokpal Took Office Only in 2019

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The Act came into force on 16 January 2014 and the first Lokpal was sworn in on 23 March 2019; the five years in between were spent arguing that the Act could not be worked because the House of the People had no Leader of the Opposition, and the Supreme Court held in 2017 that the Act was workable as it stood.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: notwithstanding that the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 came into force on 16 January 2014, no Lokpal was appointed for over five years, the Government's position being that the Selection Committee under section 4(1) could not be completed because the Sixteenth Lok Sabha had no recognised Leader of the Opposition and an amendment Bill to substitute the leader of the single largest opposition party was pending; in Common Cause v. Union of India (2017), (2017) 7 SCC 158, the Supreme Court declined to interfere with the pending legislative exercise on the ground of separation of powers, but held that the Act as it stands is an eminently workable piece of legislation and that there is no justification for keeping its enforcement under suspension until the proposed amendments are carried out.

The problem, stated precisely

Section 4(1)(c) puts "the Leader of Opposition in the House of the People" on the Selection Committee.

Recognition as Leader of the Opposition is a matter of the Salary and Allowances of Leaders of Opposition in Parliament Act 1977 and of the practice of the House, under which recognition has been given to the leader of the largest party in opposition having not less than one tenth of the total strength of the House. After the general election of 2014 no party in opposition reached that figure, so the Sixteenth Lok Sabha had no recognised Leader of the Opposition.

The Government's position was that without that member the Selection Committee was incomplete and could not act, and that an amendment Bill was pending to substitute, where there is no such Leader, the leader of the single largest opposition party in the House.

The obvious answer was section 4(2): no appointment shall be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy in the Selection Committee. Chapter 110 read that sub-section, and this chapter is what it was for.

The case worked in full

Facts. Common Cause v. Union of India (2017), (2017) 7 SCC 158, decided on 27 April 2017 by Ranjan Gogoi and Navin Sinha JJ, arose on a petition by a registered society seeking a direction that the Lokpal be appointed under the Act, which had been in force since 16 January 2014. The Union's answer was that the Selection Committee could not be constituted because the House of the People had no recognised Leader of the Opposition, and that a Bill to amend section 4 was pending, having been introduced in the Lok Sabha and referred to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on 25 December 2014. The amendment Bill proposed to substitute clause (c) so as to read the Leader of Opposition or, where there is none, the leader of the single largest opposition party; to insert a proviso limiting the eminent jurist to a three year non-renewable nomination; to substitute section 4(2) so that an appointment would not be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy or absence of a member; and to add a proviso saving the Search Committee's proceedings similarly. The petitioners argued in the alternative that the Court should read down section 4(1)(c) to mean the leader of the single largest opposition party, relying on the proposition that where a legislature does not carry out required structural changes it is for the Court to give the statute its meaning.

munotes.in127

Why the First Lokpal Took Office Only in 2019

Held on the amendment. The Court declined to interfere. The introduction of a Bill, its consideration by the Standing Committee, the report and the further steps and their timing are essential legislative functions which should not ordinarily be subjected to interference by the Court. The constitutional doctrine of separation of powers and the demarcation of the respective jurisdictions of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary meant that the amendment exercise then under way must be allowed to be completed without intervention. Any other view would negate the basic constitutional principle that the Legislature is supreme in the sphere of law making, and reading down a statute to make it workable while an amendment of the law is pending would not be justified either.

Held on the Act as it stands. That was not the end of the matter. The further question was whether the Act as it exists, without the proposed amendment, is so unworkable that the Court should refuse enforcement notwithstanding that it had been brought into force by notification of 16 January 2014 under section 1(4). If the Act is otherwise workable and the amendment is aimed only at more efficient working of some of its provisions, the wholesome principle that a law duly enacted and enforced must be given effect to will have to prevail, and appropriate directions must be issued. The Court concluded, quoting Krishna Iyer J in the Special Courts Bill reference, by holding that the Act as it stands today is an eminently workable piece of legislation and that there is no justification to keep the enforcement of the Act under suspension till the amendments, as proposed, are carried out.

munotes.in128

Why the First Lokpal Took Office Only in 2019

Why it matters. It settles that the absence of a Leader of the Opposition does not disable the Selection Committee, because section 4(2) provides that a vacancy does not invalidate an appointment; and it states the more general principle that a Government may not decline to work an Act it has itself brought into force on the ground that it would prefer to amend it. It is also a careful statement of the limits of judicial intervention in the legislative process, and can be cited for both propositions.

What happened afterwards

The Amendment Act came in 2016, but it did not touch section 4. Act 37 of 2016 substituted section 44, the declaration of assets, and amended section 2(1)(k), and chapter 190 reads that. The section 4 amendments the Court was told were pending were not carried.

The Selection Committee met and constituted a Search Committee. Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghose was appointed the first Chairperson of the Lokpal and was sworn in on 23 March 2019, with eight Members appointed at the same time, four judicial and four non-judicial.

Five years and two months separate the commencement of the Act from the swearing in of the institution it created.

What the episode shows, and how to use it in an answer

On the Act. Section 4(2) was drafted for exactly this situation and was ignored for three years. A statute can contain its own answer to an objection and still be stalled by the objection, because a provision only works when somebody acts on it.

On the institution. The delay is the strongest single piece of evidence for the argument in chapter 320: an ombudsman depends on the goodwill of the executive it exists to check, and the appointment stage is where that dependence is sharpest. Compare the Central Vigilance Commission, which existed from 1964 and was working within a year of the Santhanam Committee's report, and the difference is that nobody in Government was reluctant to have it.

On judicial review. The Court's two holdings sit in tension and it is worth saying so. It would not direct Parliament on the amendment, and it did direct that the existing Act be worked. The line it drew is between the making of a law, which is the legislature's, and the enforcement of a law already made, which is the executive's duty and reviewable. That distinction is worth carrying into any question about the separation of powers.

On section 63. The Centre took five years over its own Lokpal. It is difficult for a Union that missed its own appointment by five years to press States that missed the section 63 deadline of 15 January 2015, and the practical uniformity of State compliance has been correspondingly patchy. Chapter 240 sets out where the States stand.

munotes.in129

Why the First Lokpal Took Office Only in 2019

A worked example

A student is asked in an examination: "The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 is a dead letter. Discuss."

Do not simply agree. Set out the sequence.

Step one, the facts. In force 16 January 2014. First Lokpal sworn in 23 March 2019. Five years and two months.

Step two, the reason offered. No recognised Leader of the Opposition in the Sixteenth Lok Sabha, and a pending amendment Bill.

Step three, the answer in the Act itself. Section 4(2): no appointment invalid merely by reason of any vacancy in the Selection Committee.

Step four, the authority. Common Cause v. Union of India (2017), (2017) 7 SCC 158: the Act as it stands is an eminently workable piece of legislation and there is no justification for keeping its enforcement under suspension pending amendment; but the Court will not interfere with the legislative process of amendment itself.

Step five, the assessment. The delay is evidence of institutional reluctance and not of a defect in the statute, because the statute anticipated the difficulty. The genuine structural criticisms lie elsewhere: no investigating force of its own, no jurisdiction over grievances, section 46 without a whistleblower statute beside it, and a body dependent on Government panels for its staff. Chapters 130, 330 and 200 supply those.

Quick revision

In force: 16 January 2014, by S.O. 119(E). First Lokpal sworn in: 23 March 2019, Justice Pinaki Chandra Ghose, with eight Members.

The obstacle asserted: no recognised Leader of the Opposition in the Sixteenth Lok Sabha, so section 4(1)(c) could not be satisfied; and a pending amendment Bill substituting the leader of the single largest opposition party.

The answer in the Act: section 4(2), a vacancy in the Selection Committee does not invalidate an appointment.

Common Cause v. Union of India (2017), (2017) 7 SCC 158: the Court would not interfere with the pending amendment, the making of a law being an essential legislative function; but the Act as it stands is an eminently workable piece of legislation and there is no justification to keep its enforcement under suspension pending amendment.

The section 4 amendments were never carried. Act 37 of 2016 substituted section 44 instead.

Test yourself

1. Why was no Lokpal appointed between 2014 and 2019? The Government's position was that the Selection Committee under section 4(1) could not be completed because the Sixteenth Lok Sabha had no recognised Leader of the Opposition, no opposition party having reached the one tenth of the total strength by which recognition is given, and that a Bill to amend section 4 so as to substitute the leader of the single largest opposition party was pending before Parliament.

munotes.in130

Why the First Lokpal Took Office Only in 2019

2. State the two holdings in Common Cause v. Union of India (2017), (2017) 7 SCC 158. First, that the Court would not interfere with the pending exercise of amending the Act, because the introduction of a Bill, its consideration and the steps and timing thereafter are essential legislative functions and the doctrine of separation of powers requires that the legislature be supreme in the sphere of law making, so that reading the statute down while an amendment was pending would not be justified. Second, that the Act as it stands is an eminently workable piece of legislation and that there is no justification for keeping its enforcement under suspension until the proposed amendments are carried out, because a law duly enacted and brought into force must be given effect to.

3. Which provision of the Act answered the objection, and how? Section 4(2), which provides that no appointment of a Chairperson or a Member shall be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy in the Selection Committee. The absence of a Leader of the Opposition is a vacancy in the Committee, so the Committee could constitute the Search Committee, nominate the eminent jurist and recommend appointments notwithstanding it.

4. What line does the case draw on judicial intervention? Between the making of a law and the enforcement of one already made. The Court will not direct a legislature on whether or when to amend a statute, because that is an essential legislative function. It will require that a statute already enacted and brought into force be given effect to, because that is the executive's duty and is reviewable.

5. Is the delay evidence that the Act is defective? Answer with reasons. No. The Act anticipated the very difficulty asserted, in section 4(2), and the Supreme Court so held. The delay is evidence of institutional reluctance to work the Act rather than of a defect in its drafting. The genuine structural criticisms are elsewhere: the absence of an investigating force of its own, the exclusion of grievances, the coupling of closure with prosecution of the complainant under sections 20(3)(c) and 46 without a whistleblower statute in force, and dependence on Central Government panels for the Lokpal's own staff under section 10.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in131

Chapter Twenty-Eight

The Lokayuktas of the States

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Every State now has a body called a Lokayukta because section 63 required the name, and beyond the name they differ on almost everything that matters.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Lokayukta is the State level counterpart of the Lokpal, recommended by the Administrative Reforms Commission in 1966, established by the States from 1970 onwards under their own legislation, and required by section 63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 to exist in every State by law of the State Legislature within one year of that Act's commencement; the State Acts differ on jurisdiction over the Chief Minister, on the power to act on the Lokayukta's own motion, on whether grievances as well as allegations are covered, on the presence of an investigating wing, and on whether the report has any binding consequence.

Why the States got there first

Chapter 80 recorded the sequence and it is worth restating because it is counter-intuitive. The First Administrative Reforms Commission proposed a two-tier institution in 1966. The upper tier, the Lokpal, failed in Parliament eight times over forty-five years. The lower tier, the Lokayukta, was built by State after State from 1970 onwards.

Odisha legislated in 1970 and Maharashtra in 1971, which makes Maharashtra one of the earliest and its Act one of the oldest continuously operating ombudsman statutes in the country. Rajasthan followed in 1973, Bihar in 1974, Uttar Pradesh in 1975, Madhya Pradesh in 1981, Andhra Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh in 1983, Karnataka in 1984, Assam in 1985, Gujarat in 1986, Delhi in 1995, Punjab in 1996, Kerala in 1999 and Haryana in 2002, with others since.

So a student asked whether India had an ombudsman before 2013 should answer: at the Centre, no; in most States, yes, some of them for over forty years. That answer is worth more than a bare no.

The axes on which the State Acts differ

Jurisdiction over the Chief Minister. Some Acts include the Chief Minister expressly; some exclude him; some include him with conditions. This is the single most contested question in State ombudsman law, for the same reason that the Prime Minister was the contested question in every Lokpal Bill.

Grievances as well as allegations. The older Acts, Maharashtra's among them, cover both: an allegation of abuse of position or corruption, and a grievance of injustice or undue hardship from maladministration. Chapter 10 explained the difference. The Lokpal Act covers allegations only, and the newer State Acts modelled on it tend to follow.

Power to act suo motu. An ombudsman who can only wait for a complaint cannot reach the wrongs that nobody dares complain about. Some State Acts give the power to act on the Lokayukta's own motion; others require a complaint.

munotes.in132

The Lokayuktas of the States

An investigating wing. Karnataka's Lokayukta famously had a police wing and used it, which is why its Lokayukta was for a period the most visible in the country. Most States gave theirs no investigators at all, which reduces the office to correspondence.

What follows a report. In most of the older Acts the report goes to the competent authority, which must inform the Lokayukta of the action taken; the Lokayukta may then make a special report to the Governor, which is laid before the House. That is the classical publicity sanction and nothing more. The newer Acts add prosecution and attachment powers taken from the Lokpal Act.

Appointment. The older pattern is appointment by the Governor after consultation with the Chief Justice of the High Court and the Leader of the Opposition. The newer pattern is a selection committee on the Lokpal model. The difference matters, because consultation and selection are not the same thing: consultation can be formal, and chapter 320 records a decision holding that a formal consultation is no consultation at all.

The case on appointment

Facts. Justice Chandrashekaraiah v. Janekere C. Krishna, (2013) 3 SCC 117, decided on 11 January 2013 by K.S. Radhakrishnan and Madan B. Lokur JJ, concerned the appointment of an Upa-Lokayukta in Karnataka. The Karnataka Lokayukta Act 1984 required the appointment to be made by the Governor after consultation with the Chief Justice of the High Court, the Chairman of each House, the Leader of the Opposition in each House and the Chief Minister. The appointment was challenged on the ground that the consultation had not been genuine, the consultees not having been given the material on which to form a view.

Held. The appointment was set aside. Consultation under a Lokayukta Act must be effective and meaningful, made on full and identical material placed before every consultee, so that each has a real opportunity to apply his mind. A formal reference which does not supply the material or the opportunity is not consultation at all. The office being one whose whole value depends on public confidence, the selection process must be, and be seen to be, independent of the executive it is to scrutinise.

Why it matters. It is the leading case on the appointment of a State ombudsman, and it is the natural companion to the decision on the appointment of the Central Vigilance Commissioner in chapter 610. Both say the same thing under different statutes: the composition of the appointing body is the safeguard, and the courts will enforce the safeguard rather than accept a formality.

A second case: a State Lokayukta at work

Facts. Ripusudan Dayal v. State of Madhya Pradesh, (2014) 4 SCC 473, decided on 25 February 2014 by P. Sathasivam CJ, Ranjan Gogoi and Shiva Kirti Singh JJ, arose from a complaint to the Madhya Pradesh Lokayukt that a road connecting the Vidhan Sabha with Vallabh Bhawan, costing about two crore rupees, had been constructed without inviting tenders and without complying with the prescribed procedure; that officers had misused their official position to get the work regularised by the Capital Project Administration in violation of the rules, amounting to serious financial irregularity and misuse of office; and that a hundred trees had been felled without permission. The officers challenged the Lokayukt's jurisdiction to inquire.

munotes.in133

The Lokayuktas of the States

Held. The Court examined the scheme of the Madhya Pradesh Lokayukt Evam Up-Lokayukt Adhiniyam 1981 and upheld the Lokayukt's jurisdiction to inquire into the allegations against the public servants concerned, the complaint disclosing allegations of the kind the State Act commits to the Lokayukt.

Why it matters. It is a worked example of a State Lokayukta actually functioning, on facts a student can picture: a road, a tender that was not called, and trees. Most writing on the subject is about the Lokpal and about institutions on paper; this is the institution at work.

The uneven picture, stated honestly

The name is uniform, because section 63 fixed it. Beyond the name, a citizen's ombudsman in one State may have a police wing, jurisdiction over the Chief Minister and a power to prosecute, and in the next State may be a retired judge with a small office who writes letters.

Vacancies are the commonest failure. An office lying vacant for a year does not have to be defended by anyone, and chapter 230 showed the same technique at the Centre.

And the Union is poorly placed to press the States. It missed its own appointment by five years and two months. Section 63 has no sanction, as chapter 220 explained.

What would fix it. Three things are usually proposed and all three are defensible in an answer: a model State law annexed to the central Act; a fixed selection committee composition prescribed centrally; and a statutory investigating wing so that the office does not depend on the State police it is investigating.

A worked example

A citizen of Maharashtra and a citizen of a neighbouring State each complain that a Public Works Department officer awarded a contract without tender.

In Maharashtra the complaint may be an allegation, that the officer abused his position, or a grievance, that the complainant suffered injustice or undue hardship. Both are within the 1971 Act, and chapter 260 reads the provisions.

In a State whose Act follows the Lokpal model, only the allegation is within jurisdiction. A grievance about how the citizen was treated has no forum.

munotes.in134

The Lokayuktas of the States

If the officer is a Minister, the answer depends on the State Act. Where the Chief Minister is excluded, an allegation against him goes nowhere.

If nobody complains but the Lokayukta reads about it, the answer depends on whether the Act confers a suo motu power.

And if the Lokayukta reports against the officer, the answer depends on whether the Act stops at a report to the competent authority and a special report to the Governor, or gives a power to sanction prosecution.

Five questions, five different answers depending on which side of a State boundary the citizen lives. That is the honest description of the Indian ombudsman system at State level, and it is what an examiner wants to see recognised.

Quick revision

Origin: the two-tier design of the First Administrative Reforms Commission, 1966. The lower tier was built first: Odisha 1970, Maharashtra 1971, then most other States over three decades.

Section 63 of the Lokpal Act requires every State to establish a Lokayukta by State law within one year of 16 January 2014, and provides no sanction.

The axes of difference: the Chief Minister in or out; grievances as well as allegations; suo motu power; an investigating wing; what follows the report; and consultation against a selection committee.

Justice Chandrashekaraiah v. Janekere C. Krishna, (2013) 3 SCC 117: consultation must be effective and meaningful, on full and identical material; a formal reference is not consultation.

Ripusudan Dayal v. State of Madhya Pradesh, (2014) 4 SCC 473: jurisdiction of the Madhya Pradesh Lokayukt upheld over allegations of a road built without tender and trees felled without permission.

Test yourself

1. Did India have an ombudsman before 2013? At the Centre, no: eight Lokpal Bills failed between 1968 and 2001 and the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act was passed only in 2013. In the States, yes: Odisha legislated in 1970 and Maharashtra in 1971, and most States had a Lokayukta by the end of the 1990s. The two-tier design of 1966 was therefore built from the bottom up, with the lower tier operating for four decades while the upper tier did not exist.

2. Name five respects in which State Lokayukta Acts differ. Whether the Chief Minister is within jurisdiction; whether grievances of maladministration are covered as well as allegations of corruption; whether there is a power to act on the Lokayukta's own motion; whether the institution has an investigating wing of its own; and what follows a report, whether only a report to the competent authority and a special report to the Governor or a power to sanction prosecution and attach property.

munotes.in135

The Lokayuktas of the States

3. What did Justice Chandrashekaraiah v. Janekere C. Krishna decide? That consultation required by a Lokayukta Act before appointment must be effective and meaningful, made on full and identical material placed before every consultee so that each may apply his mind, and that a formal reference which does not supply the material or the opportunity is not consultation at all. The appointment of the Upa-Lokayukta in that case was set aside. The reasoning is that the office depends on public confidence, so the selection process must be and be seen to be independent of the executive it scrutinises.

4. Why is section 63 an incomplete solution to the unevenness? Because it fixes only the name, the requirement of State legislation and the subject matter of corruption, and prescribes nothing about jurisdiction, powers, appointment or machinery; and because it provides no consequence for non-compliance. A State may satisfy it with an Act that creates an office with no investigators, no suo motu power and no jurisdiction over the Chief Minister.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in136

Chapter Twenty-Nine

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: the Office

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Maharashtra has had an ombudsman since 1971: a Lokayukta appointed by the Governor after consulting the Chief Justice of the High Court and the Leader of the Opposition, with one or more Upa-Lokayuktas under him, for a five year term, removable only in the manner of a civil servant under article 311 after an inquiry by a judge.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971, Mah. XLVI of 1971, provides for the appointment by the Governor, by warrant under his hand and seal, of a Lokayukta after consultation with the Chief Justice of the High Court and the Leader of the Opposition in the Legislative Assembly, and of one or more Upa-Lokayuktas after consultation with the Lokayukta; requires each to take an oath in the form in the First Schedule; forbids him to hold any other office or to be connected with any political party or to practise any profession; fixes a term of five years; and permits removal by the Governor only on the ground of misbehaviour or incapacity, subject to article 311, after an inquiry by a person who is or has been a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Chief Justice or Judge of a High Court, whose report is laid before each House of the State Legislature.

Why Maharashtra matters in this book

Because a student sitting this paper at the University of Mumbai is a citizen and, in most cases, a future practitioner of this State. The Lokpal is where the theory is; the Maharashtra Act is where a complaint would actually go.

It is also, with Odisha's, among the earliest ombudsman statutes in India. Chapter 80 recorded that the Centre was still failing to pass its first Bill in 1971 while Maharashtra was putting one on the statute book.

Section 1: short title, extent and commencement

Section 1 gives the short title, the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act, 1971; fixes the extent as the whole of the State of Maharashtra; and provides for commencement on a date the State Government appoints by notification. The Act is Mah. XLVI of 1971, and the print used in this book is the text as on 16 April 2025.

One detail is worth a line, because it recurs in this book. The Act of 2023 that will replace it is Maharashtra Act No. XLVI of 2025. The two share a number, XLVI, fifty-four years apart. A student who writes "Mah. XLVI" without the year has not identified either.

Section 2: the definitions that shape the Act

Four definitions carry the Act, and the first two are the vocabulary chapter 10 introduced.

"Action" means action taken by way of decision, recommendation or finding or in any other manner, and includes failure to act. The last four words matter more than the rest: an ombudsman statute that did not reach inaction would miss most maladministration.

munotes.in137

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: the Office

"Allegation", in relation to a public servant, means any affirmation that he has abused his position to obtain gain or favour for himself or another or to cause undue harm or hardship to another; or was actuated by personal interest or improper or corrupt motives in discharging his functions; or is guilty of corruption or lack of integrity in his capacity as such.

"Grievance" is the companion, and the Act's coverage of both is what distinguishes it from the Lokpal Act. Chapter 260 reads the sections that use it.

"Competent authority", in relation to a public servant, means the Chief Minister in the case of a Minister or Secretary, and such authority as may be prescribed in the case of any other public servant. So the person who must act on a report about a Minister is the Chief Minister.

Section 3: appointment

Section 3(1). For the purpose of conducting investigations under the Act, the Governor shall, by warrant under his hand and seal, appoint a person to be known as the Lokayukta and one or more persons to be known as the Upa-Lokayukta or Upa-Lokayuktas.

Proviso (a). The Lokayukta shall be appointed after consultation with the Chief Justice of the High Court and the Leader of the Opposition in the Legislative Assembly; or, if there is no such Leader, a person elected in that behalf by the members of the Opposition in that House in such manner as the Speaker may direct.

Notice what proviso (a) does that the Lokpal Act did not. It anticipates the absence of a Leader of the Opposition and provides a substitute. Chapter 230 recorded five years lost at the Centre on exactly that difficulty; a State statute of 1971 had already solved it.

Proviso (b). The Upa-Lokayuktas shall be appointed after consultation with the Lokayukta.

Section 3(2). Every appointee shall, before entering upon office, make and subscribe an oath or affirmation before the Governor in the form set out in the First Schedule.

Consultation, not selection. The 1971 pattern is consultation by the Governor with two named persons. The Lokpal pattern is a Selection Committee that recommends. Chapter 240 explained why the difference matters and cited the decision holding that a consultation which supplies no material is no consultation.

Section 4: no other office

The Lokayukta or an Upa-Lokayukta shall not be a Member of Parliament or of the Legislature of any State, and shall not hold any office of trust or profit other than his own, be connected with any political party, carry on any business or practise any profession. Before entering office he must accordingly resign such membership, resign such office, sever his connection with a political party, sever his connection with the conduct and management of a business short of divesting himself of ownership, or suspend practice of his profession.

munotes.in138

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: the Office

Two details worth noticing, because they show careful drafting. A person carrying on a business need not sell it; he must sever his connection with its conduct and management. And a professional need not give up his qualification; he suspends practice. Compare section 3(4) of the Lokpal Act, which requires a person practising a profession to cease to practise, which is stricter.

Section 5: term, and who acts in a vacancy

Section 5(1). A term of five years from the date of entering office.

The proviso allows resignation by writing addressed to the Governor, and removal under section 6.

Section 5(2). If the office becomes vacant, or the holder is unable to perform his duties by reason of absence or any other reason, those duties are performed by the person the sub-section designates until a new appointment is made or the holder resumes.

Compare the Lokpal Act. Section 6 there fixes five years or age seventy, whichever is earlier. The 1971 Act fixes five years without an age cap in that sub-section.

Section 6: removal

Section 6(1). Subject to the provisions of article 311 of the Constitution, the Lokayukta or an Upa-Lokayukta may be removed from office by the Governor on the ground of misbehaviour or incapacity, and on no other ground.

The proviso requires that the inquiry which article 311(2) demands before removal shall be held:

  1. in respect of the Lokayukta, only by a person appointed by the Governor who is or has been a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Chief Justice of a High Court;
  2. in respect of an Upa-Lokayukta, by a person appointed by the Governor who is or has been a Judge of the Supreme Court or is or has been a Judge of a High Court.

Section 6(2). The person so appointed submits his report to the Governor, who shall as soon as may be cause it to be laid before each House of the State Legislature.

Section 6(3) places a further restriction on the Governor's power to remove.

Why article 311 appears in an ombudsman statute. Article 311 protects a person in the civil service of a State against dismissal, removal or reduction in rank except after an inquiry in which he has been informed of the charges and given a reasonable opportunity of being heard. By making the Lokayukta's removal subject to article 311 and requiring the inquiry to be held by a judge, the Act gives the office a protection built out of service law rather than out of the constitutional-office model.

munotes.in139

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: the Office

Compare the three patterns in this book. The Lokpal is removed by the President after the Supreme Court reports on a reference made on a petition of a hundred Members of Parliament. The Central Vigilance Commissioner is removed by the President after a reference to the Supreme Court. The Maharashtra Lokayukta is removed by the Governor after an inquiry by a judge appointed by the Governor, with the report laid before the House. The third is the weakest of the three, because the inquiring judge is chosen by the very authority that will decide, and a good answer says so.

A worked example

The Governor proposes to appoint a Lokayukta in a year when the Legislative Assembly has no Leader of the Opposition.

Section 3(1) proviso (a). The consultation is with the Chief Justice of the High Court and, in place of the Leader of the Opposition, with a person elected by the members of the Opposition in the Assembly in such manner as the Speaker directs. The appointment can proceed.

Section 3(2). The appointee takes the oath in the First Schedule before the Governor.

Section 4. He is a practising senior advocate. He suspends practice; he need not surrender his enrolment. He also holds shares in a family firm; he severs his connection with its conduct and management but need not sell his shares.

Section 5(1). He holds office for five years.

Three years in, a complaint is made against him personally. Section 6(1): he may be removed by the Governor only for misbehaviour or incapacity and on no other ground, subject to article 311, and the inquiry must be held by a person who is or has been a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Chief Justice of a High Court. Section 6(2): the report goes to the Governor and must be laid before each House.

And notice the asymmetry with the Lokpal. At the Centre the Supreme Court itself inquires, on a reference the President makes only after a hundred Members of Parliament have signed a petition. In Maharashtra the Governor appoints the inquiring judge and the Governor decides.

Distinctions: the 1971 Act against the Lokpal Act

Maharashtra 1971Lokpal Act 2013
CompositionLokayukta plus Upa-LokayuktasChairperson plus up to eight Members, half judicial
AppointmentGovernor, after consultation with the Chief Justice of the High Court and the Leader of the OppositionPresident, on the recommendation of a five member Selection Committee
No Leader of the OppositionExpressly provided for: a person elected by the Opposition membersAnswered only by s.4(2), and litigated
TermFive yearsFive years or seventy, whichever is earlier
RemovalGovernor, after inquiry by a judge he appoints, subject to article 311, report laid before the HousePresident, after the Supreme Court reports on a reference made on a petition of 100 Members of Parliament
Business and professionSever management, suspend practiceSever management, cease to practise
munotes.in140

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: the Office

What beginners get wrong

That the Governor appoints at his discretion. He appoints after consultation with two named persons, and the consultation must be real.

That there is no answer to a missing Leader of the Opposition. Proviso (a) to section 3(1) supplies one.

That the Lokayukta must give up his profession permanently. Section 4(e) requires him to suspend practice.

That removal is by the House. It is by the Governor, after an inquiry by a judge, with the report laid before each House. The House is informed, not the deciding body.

Quick revision

Act: Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971, Mah. XLVI of 1971.

s.2: action includes a failure to act; allegation covers abuse of position, personal interest or improper or corrupt motives, and corruption or lack of integrity; competent authority for a Minister or Secretary is the Chief Minister.

s.3: appointment by the Governor by warrant; Lokayukta after consultation with the Chief Justice of the High Court and the Leader of the Opposition, or, if none, a person elected by the Opposition members as the Speaker directs; Upa-Lokayuktas after consultation with the Lokayukta; oath in the First Schedule.

s.4: no other office, no political party, no business management, profession suspended.

s.5: five years; resignation to the Governor; removal under section 6.

s.6: removal by the Governor for misbehaviour or incapacity and on no other ground, subject to article 311, after inquiry by a serving or former Judge of the Supreme Court or Chief Justice of a High Court for the Lokayukta; report laid before each House.

Test yourself

1. How is the Maharashtra Lokayukta appointed? By the Governor, by warrant under his hand and seal, after consultation with the Chief Justice of the High Court and the Leader of the Opposition in the Legislative Assembly, or, where there is no such Leader, with a person elected in that behalf by the members of the Opposition in that House in such manner as the Speaker may direct. Upa-Lokayuktas are appointed by the Governor after consultation with the Lokayukta, and each appointee takes an oath before the Governor in the form in the First Schedule.

munotes.in141

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: the Office

2. What does the 1971 Act do about a missing Leader of the Opposition, and why is that notable? Proviso (a) to section 3(1) provides that where there is no such Leader, the consultation is with a person elected in that behalf by the members of the Opposition in the Assembly as the Speaker directs. It is notable because the absence of a recognised Leader of the Opposition was the reason given at the Centre for appointing no Lokpal for five years after the Act of 2013 came into force, a difficulty a State statute of 1971 had already anticipated and solved.

3. State the removal procedure and compare it with the Lokpal's. The Governor may remove the Lokayukta or an Upa-Lokayukta on the ground of misbehaviour or incapacity and on no other ground, subject to article 311, and the inquiry article 311(2) requires must be held by a person appointed by the Governor who is or has been a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Chief Justice of a High Court; the report goes to the Governor and is laid before each House. The Lokpal's Chairperson or Member is removed by the President only after the Supreme Court itself has inquired and reported, on a reference the President makes on a petition signed by at least a hundred Members of Parliament. The Maharashtra route is weaker because the inquiring judge is chosen by the authority that will decide.

4. What restrictions does section 4 place, and how do they differ from the Lokpal Act's? The Lokayukta may not be a member of Parliament or of any State legislature, hold any office of trust or profit, be connected with a political party, carry on business or practise a profession; before entering office he must resign the membership or office, sever his political connection, sever his connection with the conduct and management of a business short of divesting ownership, and suspend practice of his profession. The Lokpal Act is stricter on the last point: section 3(4) requires a person practising a profession to cease to practise.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in142

Chapter Thirty

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: What It May Investigate, and How

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The Lokayukta investigates Ministers and Secretaries and the Upa-Lokayukta investigates everybody else; a citizen may complain of a grievance or an allegation without a lawyer; the report recommends and does not order; and the sanction is that the competent authority must answer within a month and the Governor must lay a special report before the House.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: sections 7 to 22 of the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 divide jurisdiction between the Lokayukta over Ministers, Secretaries and notified classes and the Upa-Lokayukta over other public servants; exclude specified matters and matters for which a tribunal or court remedy exists; allow a grievance to be complained of by the person aggrieved and an allegation by any person other than a public servant; require the public servant and the competent authority to be given a copy and an opportunity to comment before any investigation; confer the powers of a civil court; require a report recommending redress to which the competent authority must respond within one month; and provide for a special report to the Governor which is laid before each House of the State Legislature.

Section 7: who may be investigated

Section 7(1), the Lokayukta. He may investigate any action taken by, or with the general or specific approval of, a Minister or a Secretary; any public servant of the kind specified in section 2(k)(iii); or any other public servant of a class or sub-class notified by the State Government in consultation with the Lokayukta; in any case where a complaint involving a grievance or an allegation is made in respect of that action, or where the action could in the Lokayukta's opinion have been the subject of one.

Section 7(2), the Upa-Lokayukta. He may investigate any action taken by, or with the approval of, any public servant who is not a Minister, Secretary or other public servant within sub-section (1), on the same footing.

The division is by rank, which is the 1966 design of chapter 70 appearing in a State Act: the senior officer deals with the senior functionaries. Note also the closing words of both sub-sections, which let the Lokayukta take up an action that could have been the subject of a complaint. That is the suo motu power, expressed obliquely.

Section 8: what may not be investigated

Section 8(1) excludes, in the case of a complaint involving a grievance, any action:

  1. (a) relating to a matter specified in the Third Schedule;
  2. (b) where the complainant has or had a remedy by way of proceedings before a tribunal or court, and the rest of the exclusions the sub-section sets out.
munotes.in143

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: What It May Investigate, and How

The remedy exclusion is the classical ombudsman rule, and chapter 40 met it in the British Act of 1967: an ombudsman is not a substitute for a court, so where the citizen has a legal remedy he is generally sent to it. The qualification, in the British Act and in the Indian ones, is that the ombudsman may still act where it is not reasonable to expect him to use it.

Section 9: who may complain

Section 9(1)(a), a grievance: by the person aggrieved. A grievance is a personal complaint of injustice or undue hardship, so only the person who suffered it may bring it.

Section 9(1)(b), an allegation: by any person other than a public servant. An allegation is about the integrity of the administration and anybody has an interest in it.

The proviso: where the person aggrieved is dead or unable for any reason to act for himself, the complaint may be made by his legal representative or by a person he authorises.

Section 9(2) requires the complaint to be in the prescribed form and accompanied by the prescribed affidavits.

Why "any person other than a public servant" for an allegation. It prevents the Act being used as a weapon inside the service, where one officer settles scores with another through the Lokayukta. Whether that exclusion is wise is arguable, since public servants are the people most likely to know of corruption, and it is a fair point to make in an answer.

Section 10: the procedure

Section 10(1). Where the Lokayukta or an Upa-Lokayukta proposes, after such preliminary inquiry as he deems fit, to conduct an investigation, he:

  1. (a) shall forward a copy of the complaint, or, where he acts on his own motion, a statement of the grounds, to the public servant concerned and the competent authority;
  2. (b) shall afford the public servant an opportunity to offer his comments on the complaint or statement.

Section 10(2) provides for the conduct of the investigation, in private, with a proviso governing disclosure.

Two features are the classical model exactly. The public servant is told and heard before the investigation, not after; and the investigation is conducted in private, so that a person against whom nothing is found is not damaged by the process. Chapter 30 identified both as features of the Danish office of 1955.

Section 11: evidence and the powers of a civil court

Section 11(1). For the purpose of any investigation, including any preliminary inquiry, the Lokayukta or an Upa-Lokayukta may require any public servant or any other person who in his opinion can furnish information or produce relevant documents to do so.

Section 11(2). For the same purpose he shall have all the powers of a civil court while trying a suit under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908 in respect of the enumerated matters, which are the familiar five: summoning and enforcing attendance and examining on oath, discovery and production of documents, evidence on affidavit, requisitioning public records, and issuing commissions.

munotes.in144

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: What It May Investigate, and How

This is the power chapter 50 called the signature of the institution: he can see the file. Compare section 27 of the Lokpal Act and section 5 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, which use the same drafting device.

Section 12: the report, and what follows

Section 12(1), a grievance. If after investigating an action complained of as a grievance the Lokayukta or Upa-Lokayukta is satisfied that the action has resulted in injustice or undue hardship to the complainant or any other person, he shall by a report in writing recommend to the public servant and the competent authority that the injustice or undue hardship be remedied or redressed in such manner and within such time as the report specifies.

Section 12(2). The competent authority to whom such a report is sent shall within one month inform the Lokayukta or Upa-Lokayukta of the action taken.

And where the recommendation is not accepted, the Act provides for a special report to the Governor, which the Governor causes to be laid before each House of the State Legislature together with an explanatory memorandum.

That chain is the classical ombudsman sanction and nothing more. No order, no execution, no contempt. A recommendation, a one month clock, and if the recommendation is refused, publicity in the House. Chapter 320 asks whether that is enough.

Sections 13 to 22: the rest of the Act

Section 13, staff. The Lokayukta may appoint, or authorise an Upa-Lokayukta or a subordinate officer to appoint, officers and employees; their categories, salaries and conditions are prescribed after consultation with the Lokayukta.

Section 14, secrecy. Information obtained in the course of an investigation is confidential, and notwithstanding the Indian Evidence Act 1872 no court may compel the Lokayukta, an Upa-Lokayukta or a public servant to give evidence about it or produce it, subject to the exceptions in sub-section (2). This is what makes a private investigation genuinely private, and it is the counterpart of section 6 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 that chapter 420 reads.

Section 15, insult and disrepute. Intentionally offering insult to, or causing interruption of, the Lokayukta or an Upa-Lokayukta while conducting an investigation is punishable with simple imprisonment up to six months, or fine, or both; and so is publishing a statement or doing an act calculated to bring him into disrepute.

munotes.in145

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: What It May Investigate, and How

Section 16, protection. No suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding lies against the Lokayukta, the Upa-Lokayuktas or their officers for anything done in good faith under the Act; and no proceeding is bad for want of form, nor, except on the ground of jurisdiction, is any proceeding or decision liable to be challenged.

Section 17, additional functions. The Governor may, by notification and after consultation with the Lokayukta, confer additional functions relating to the redress of grievances and eradication of corruption; and by order, powers of a supervisory nature over agencies set up by the State Government for the redress of grievances. Section 17 is how the office could grow without amendment, and it is worth pointing at when a question asks whether a State ombudsman can be strengthened administratively.

Section 18, exclusions. The State Government may, on the recommendation of the Lokayukta and on being satisfied that it is necessary in the public interest, exclude by notification complaints against a specified class of public servants, with a proviso protecting posts above a stated salary. Note that the exclusion needs the Lokayukta's own recommendation, so the Government cannot narrow his jurisdiction unilaterally.

Section 19, delegation. Powers and duties may be delegated to officers and agencies, except the power to make reports to the Governor under section 12. The one thing that cannot be delegated is the report, which is the institution's whole output.

Section 20, rules. The Governor may make rules.

Section 21, removal of doubts. Nothing in the Act authorises the Lokayukta or an Upa-Lokayukta to investigate any action taken by or with the approval of a judge as defined in section 19 of the Indian Penal Code, among other excluded authorities. The judiciary is outside the State ombudsman, exactly as it is outside the Lokpal, which is why MU's eighth label needs a wholly separate answer.

Section 22, saving. The provisions of the Act are in addition to the provisions of any other law.

A worked example

Mrs Kulkarni's application for a shop licence has been pending with a municipal officer for fourteen months. Separately she believes a Minister approved a land exemption for a relative.

The licence delay. That is a grievance: injustice or undue hardship from maladministration. Under section 9(1)(a) only she, the person aggrieved, may complain. The officer is not a Minister or Secretary, so under section 7(2) the complaint goes to an Upa-Lokayukta.

Section 8(1)(b). If she has or had a remedy before a tribunal or court, the complaint may be excluded. A delay of this kind usually has no effective tribunal remedy, which is why the exclusion does not bite in practice for grievances of delay.

munotes.in146

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: What It May Investigate, and How

Section 10(1). Before investigating, the Upa-Lokayukta forwards a copy of her complaint to the officer and to his competent authority, and gives the officer an opportunity to comment.

Section 11. He calls for the file, summons the officer and examines him on oath.

Section 12(1). Satisfied that the delay caused undue hardship, he reports in writing recommending that the licence be decided within a stated time.

Section 12(2). The competent authority must inform him within one month of the action taken. If it does not act, a special report goes to the Governor and is laid before each House.

The Minister and the land exemption. That is an allegation. Under section 9(1)(b) any person other than a public servant may complain, so Mrs Kulkarni may bring it even though she is not personally aggrieved. Under section 7(1) it is for the Lokayukta, because the person complained against is a Minister. Under section 2(c)(i) the competent authority for a Minister is the Chief Minister.

And notice what is missing at the end. The Lokayukta reports; the Chief Minister answers within a month; if he does not act, the Governor lays a special report before the House. There is no prosecution, no attachment and no sanction. That is the classical model and it is precisely what the Act of 2023 was passed to change.

What beginners get wrong

That anyone may complain of anything. A grievance may be complained of only by the person aggrieved; an allegation only by a person who is not a public servant.

That the Lokayukta handles all complaints. He takes Ministers, Secretaries and notified classes; the Upa-Lokayukta takes the rest.

That the report binds. It recommends. The competent authority must respond within a month, and refusal leads to a special report laid before the House.

That the Act reaches judges. Section 21 puts action taken by or with the approval of a judge outside it.

Quick revision

s.7: Lokayukta for Ministers, Secretaries and notified classes; Upa-Lokayukta for other public servants; both on a grievance or an allegation, and on actions that could have been the subject of one.

s.8: exclusions, including matters in the Third Schedule and matters for which a tribunal or court remedy exists.

s.9: a grievance by the person aggrieved; an allegation by any person other than a public servant; prescribed form and affidavits.

s.10: copy of the complaint to the public servant and the competent authority, opportunity to comment, investigation in private.

s.11: power to require information from any person; powers of a civil court.

s.12: report recommending redress within a specified time; competent authority to respond within one month; then a special report to the Governor, laid before each House.

munotes.in147

Maharashtra's Act of 1971: What It May Investigate, and How

s.14 secrecy, s.15 insult and disrepute, six months; s.16 good faith protection and no challenge except on jurisdiction; s.17 additional functions by the Governor; s.18 exclusion of classes on the Lokayukta's recommendation; s.19 delegation except the report; s.21 judges excluded; s.22 in addition to other law.

Test yourself

1. Who may complain, and of what? A grievance may be complained of only by the person aggrieved, or where he is dead or unable to act, by his legal representative or a person he authorises. An allegation may be complained of by any person other than a public servant. In each case the complaint must be in the prescribed form with the prescribed affidavits.

2. How is jurisdiction divided between the Lokayukta and the Upa-Lokayukta? By the rank of the person complained against. The Lokayukta investigates action taken by or with the approval of a Minister, a Secretary, a public servant within section 2(k)(iii), or a class notified by the State Government in consultation with him. The Upa-Lokayukta investigates action taken by or with the approval of any other public servant.

3. What happens after a report on a grievance? The Lokayukta or Upa-Lokayukta reports in writing to the public servant and the competent authority recommending that the injustice or undue hardship be remedied in the manner and within the time specified. The competent authority must inform him within one month of the action taken. Where the recommendation is not accepted, a special report goes to the Governor, who causes it to be laid before each House of the State Legislature with an explanatory memorandum. There is no power to order, to attach or to prosecute.

4. Why is the investigation conducted in private, and what protects that privacy? So that a person against whom nothing is ultimately found is not damaged by the fact of the investigation, which is a feature of the classical ombudsman since the Danish office of 1955. Section 14 protects it: information obtained in the course of an investigation is confidential, and notwithstanding the Indian Evidence Act 1872 no court may compel the Lokayukta, an Upa-Lokayukta or a public servant to give evidence about it or produce it, subject to the exceptions in sub-section (2).

5. What is the one power the Lokayukta may not delegate, and why is that significant? The power to make reports to the Governor under section 12. It is significant because the report is the institution's entire output: an ombudsman who cannot order can only report, so the report is the exercise of the office itself and must be the holder's own act.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in148

Chapter Thirty-One

The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023: What Has Changed

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Maharashtra has replaced its 1971 ombudsman with a Lokpal-shaped body of five, chosen by a committee of seven, and the new Act is only partly in force.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023, enacted as Maharashtra Act No. XLVI of 2025, received the assent of the Governor on 14 November 2025 and the assent was first published in the Maharashtra Government Gazette on 8 December 2025; it establishes a body called the Lokayukta, Maharashtra State, consisting of a Chairperson who is or has been the Chief Justice of a High Court or a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Judge of the Bombay High Court and not more than four Members of whom two shall be Judicial Members, appointed by the Governor on the recommendation of a seven member Selection Committee; and by section 66 it repeals the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 on its commencement.

First, the commencement, because everything else depends on it

Section 1(3), as substituted by Mah. 50 of 2025, section 2, with effect from 8 December 2025, provides:

  1. Sections 1, 3 and 4 shall come into force on the date of publication of this Act in the Official Gazette.
  2. The remaining sections shall come into force on such date as the State Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint, and different dates may be appointed for different provisions.

So as matters stand: the short title, the establishment of the Lokayukta and the appointment provisions are in force; the rest awaits notification.

And section 66 is among the sections not yet in force, which means the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 has not yet been repealed. Section 66(1) repeals it on the commencement of this Act, and a section that has not been brought into force cannot repeal anything.

The practical answer for a student in 2026, and it is the answer to give: Maharashtra's operative ombudsman law is still the Act of 1971; the Act of 2023 is on the statute book, partly in force, and will replace it when the State Government notifies the remaining sections. A candidate who writes that Maharashtra is governed by the 2023 Act has overstated it, and a candidate who does not know the 2023 Act exists has understated it.

Why the Act was passed

The preamble recites three things and each is worth quoting in substance.

That section 63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 provides that every State shall establish a body known as the Lokayukta to deal with complaints relating to corruption against certain public functionaries. Chapter 220 read that section, and here is a State Act reciting it as its reason for existing.

munotes.in149

The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023: What Has Changed

That it is necessary to enact a new law on the lines of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 for the State of Maharashtra, and to enlarge the scope of the existing Act of 1971 and to entrust more powers to the Lokayukta.

That it is expedient to provide for a body of Lokayukta for inquiry of administrative actions taken by or on behalf of the Government of Maharashtra or certain public authorities, in certain cases, and to inquire into and investigate allegations of corruption against them.

The word "enlarge" is the key to the whole Act. The 1971 Act gave the Lokayukta a report and nothing more. The 2023 Act gives him benches, a jurisdiction over the Chief Minister, a bar on sanction, search and seizure, attachment and confiscation, and Special Courts. It is the Lokpal Act rewritten for a State.

Section 3: the body

Section 3(1). As and from the commencement of the Act there shall be established, by notification in the Official Gazette, a body to be called the "Lokayukta, Maharashtra State".

Section 3(2). It shall consist of:

  1. a Chairperson, who is or has been the Chief Justice of a High Court, or a Judge of the Supreme Court, or a Judge of the Bombay High Court; and
  2. such number of Members, not exceeding four, of whom two shall be Judicial Members.

Section 3(3)(a), Judicial Member. A person who is or has been a Judge of a High Court. The proviso allows a person who is or has been a Judge not below the rank of Principal District Judge to be appointed if a High Court Judge is not available.

Section 3(3)(b), other Member. A person of impeccable integrity and outstanding ability with special knowledge and expertise of not less than twenty-five years in anti-corruption policy, public administration, vigilance, finance including insurance and banking, law and management.

Compare the 1971 Act and the difference is structural. There, a Lokayukta and one or more Upa-Lokayuktas, dividing work by the rank of the person complained against. Here, a Chairperson and four Members sitting in benches, dividing work by allocation. The second is the Lokpal's design, and chapter 145 explained why a body with a large jurisdiction needs it.

Compare the Chairperson's qualification with the Lokpal's. The Lokpal's Chairperson may be an eminent person who is not a judge at all. The Maharashtra Chairperson must be a judge, and specifically a Chief Justice of a High Court, a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Judge of the Bombay High Court. The State Act is the more judicial of the two.

munotes.in150

The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023: What Has Changed

Section 4: the Selection Committee, and the criticism it invites

The Chairperson and Members are appointed by the Governor after obtaining the recommendations of a Selection Committee of seven:

  1. the Chief Minister, Chairperson;
  2. the Deputy Chief Minister, Vice-Chairperson;
  3. the Chairman of the Maharashtra Legislative Council, Member;
  4. the Speaker of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly, Member;
  5. the Leader of Opposition in the Maharashtra Legislative Council, Member;
  6. the Leader of Opposition in the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly, Member;
  7. the Chief Justice of the Bombay High Court or a Judge of the Bombay High Court nominated by him, Member.

Section 4(2). No appointment shall be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy in the Selection Committee. That is section 4(2) of the Lokpal Act copied across, and chapter 230 showed why it matters.

Section 4(3). The Selection Committee shall regulate its own procedure for selecting, which shall be transparent.

Now count the votes, as chapter 110 did for the Lokpal. The Chief Minister and the Deputy Chief Minister are of the Government. The Speaker of the Assembly and the Chairman of the Council come from the ruling side in the ordinary course. That is four of seven. The two Leaders of the Opposition and the judicial member are three.

So the ruling side has a majority on this Selection Committee, and it does not have one on the Lokpal's. The Lokpal's committee of five gives the Government the Prime Minister and the Speaker against the Leader of Opposition, the Chief Justice of India or his nominee, and an eminent jurist chosen by all four. That is two of five. Maharashtra's is four of seven.

This is the sharpest single criticism a student can make of the 2023 Act, and it is a criticism about arithmetic rather than about opinion. Chapter 610's doctrine of institutional integrity and chapter 240's requirement of effective consultation both proceed from the premise that the composition of the appointing body is the safeguard. Here the safeguard is thinner than the model the Act says it follows.

Sections 5 to 10: the office

Section 5, filling of vacancies of Chairperson or Members. Section 6, term of office. Section 7, salary, allowances and conditions of service. Section 8, restriction on employment after ceasing to hold office. Section 9, a Member acting as Chairperson or discharging his functions in certain circumstances. Section 10, the Secretary, other officers and staff.

The pattern will be familiar because it is sections 5 to 10 of the Lokpal Act transposed, and chapter 120 read those. The independence devices are the same four: anticipated vacancies, a fixed term, a salary that cannot be varied to the holder's disadvantage, and a bar on employment afterwards.

munotes.in151

The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023: What Has Changed

Section 11 charges the expenses of the Lokayukta on the Consolidated Fund of the State, which is the State counterpart of section 13 of the Lokpal Act and of article 148(6) for the Comptroller and Auditor-General. Chapter 1320 explains what charging on the Consolidated Fund means and why it matters.

A worked example: which Act governs a complaint made today

A citizen of Nagpur wishes to complain in 2026 that a Deputy Collector demanded money.

Step one, which Act. Sections 1, 3 and 4 of the 2023 Act are in force. Section 12, jurisdiction, and section 21, complaints under the Prevention of Corruption Act, are not. Section 66, the repeal, is not.

So the complaint is made under the Act of 1971, to the Upa-Lokayukta if the Deputy Collector is not a Minister or Secretary, as an allegation under section 9(1)(b) of that Act, by any person other than a public servant. Chapter 260 sets out what follows.

Step two, what changes when the rest is notified. The complaint will go to the Lokayukta, Maharashtra State, a body of five sitting in benches; it will be dealt with under Chapter V of the 2023 Act; and the Lokayukta will have powers of search and seizure, attachment and confiscation, and a bar on the requirement of sanction, none of which exists under the 1971 Act.

Step three, and this is the examinable point. Until that notification, Maharashtra has an ombudsman with the powers of 1971 and a statute with the powers of 2023 sitting unused beside it.

What beginners get wrong

That the 2023 Act is in force. Sections 1, 3 and 4 are. The rest is not, and section 66 has therefore not repealed the Act of 1971.

That it is called the Act of 2025. Its short title is the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act, 2023, from the year of the Bill; it was enacted as Maharashtra Act No. XLVI of 2025.

That the Chairperson may be a non-judge. Section 3(2)(a) requires a serving or former Chief Justice of a High Court, Judge of the Supreme Court or Judge of the Bombay High Court, unlike the Lokpal Act, which allows an eminent person.

That the Selection Committee mirrors the Lokpal's. It has seven members, four of whom come from the ruling side in the ordinary course.

Quick revision

Maharashtra Act No. XLVI of 2025, short title the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act, 2023. Governor's assent 14 November 2025; assent first published 8 December 2025.

Commencement, s.1(3) as substituted by Mah. 50 of 2025 w.e.f. 8 December 2025: sections 1, 3 and 4 in force on publication; the rest on a date the State Government notifies. So s.66, the repeal of the 1971 Act, is not yet in force and the 1971 Act still governs.

munotes.in152

The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023: What Has Changed

Preamble recites section 63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, and the object of enacting a law on the lines of that Act and enlarging the scope of the 1971 Act.

s.3: the Lokayukta, Maharashtra State, a Chairperson who is or has been Chief Justice of a High Court, a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Judge of the Bombay High Court, plus not more than four Members, two of them Judicial; a Judicial Member is a serving or former High Court Judge, or, if none is available, a serving or former Judge not below Principal District Judge.

s.4: a seven member Selection Committee: Chief Minister, Deputy Chief Minister, Chairman of the Council, Speaker of the Assembly, both Leaders of the Opposition, and the Chief Justice of the Bombay High Court or his nominee. A vacancy does not invalidate an appointment; procedure to be transparent.

s.11: expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund of the State.

Test yourself

1. Is the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023 in force? Answer precisely. Only in part. Section 1(3), as substituted by Mah. 50 of 2025 with effect from 8 December 2025, brought sections 1, 3 and 4 into force on the date of publication of the Act in the Official Gazette, and left the remaining sections to come into force on such date as the State Government may notify, with different dates permitted for different provisions. Section 66, which repeals the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 on the commencement of the Act, is among the sections not yet in force, so the 1971 Act remains the operative law.

2. Set out the composition of the new body and how it differs from the 1971 arrangement. The Lokayukta, Maharashtra State, consists of a Chairperson who is or has been the Chief Justice of a High Court, a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Judge of the Bombay High Court, and not more than four Members of whom two must be Judicial Members. The 1971 Act provided instead for a Lokayukta and one or more Upa-Lokayuktas, dividing work by the rank of the person complained against; the new body is collegiate, sits in benches and divides work by allocation, following the Lokpal's design.

3. Give the composition of the Selection Committee and the criticism it invites. The Chief Minister as Chairperson, the Deputy Chief Minister as Vice-Chairperson, the Chairman of the Legislative Council, the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, the Leaders of the Opposition in both Houses, and the Chief Justice of the Bombay High Court or a Judge nominated by him. The criticism is arithmetical: the Chief Minister, the Deputy Chief Minister, the Speaker and the Chairman ordinarily come from the ruling side, which is four of seven, so the Government commands a majority on the body that selects the officer meant to investigate it. The Lokpal's committee of five gives the Government only two.

munotes.in153

The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023: What Has Changed

4. What does the preamble tell you about why the Act was passed? That it was passed to give effect to section 63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, which requires every State to establish a Lokayukta by State law; that the intention was to enact a law on the lines of that central Act; and that the object was to enlarge the scope of the Maharashtra Act of 1971 and to entrust more powers to the Lokayukta. The word enlarge is the key to the Act: the 1971 Lokayukta could only report, and the 2023 Lokayukta has benches, jurisdiction over the Chief Minister, search and seizure, attachment and confiscation and Special Courts.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in154

Chapter Thirty-Two

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Jurisdiction and Benches

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The new Maharashtra Lokayukta reaches the Chief Minister, but only if the Legislative Assembly first passes a motion by two-thirds; and it stands back from a matter already before a court or a Commission of Inquiry, unless the Government sits on the Commission's report for two years.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 12 of the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023 confers jurisdiction over allegations of corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 against a present or former Chief Minister, subject to prior approval of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly by a motion passed by not less than two-thirds of its total Members, and against Ministers, members of the State Legislature, public servants of the State and office bearers of bodies financed or aided by the State, and over abettors and bribe givers under sub-section (2); section 13 bars an inquiry where the same or similar issues are pending before a court, where the matter is protected by article 194(2), and where the matter has been referred to a Commission of Inquiry, with a proviso permitting investigation if the State Government has taken no action within two years of the Commission's report.

Section 12: who is inside

Section 12(1) gives the Lokayukta jurisdiction to inquire, or cause an inquiry, into any matter involved in, arising from or connected with any allegation of corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 made in a complaint against:

  1. (a) any person who is or has been a Chief Minister, subject to four provisos set out below;
  2. Ministers of the State, members of the State Legislature, public servants of the State, and, in clauses (g) and (i), the office bearers and employees of bodies, societies, associations and trusts wholly or partly financed or aided by the State Government, a local authority or a Government company, corporation, association or trust.

The Explanation to clauses (g) and (i) is worth reading because it is drawn very wide. Any entity by whatever name called, corporate, society, trust, association of persons, partnership, sole proprietorship or limited liability partnership, whether registered or not, is covered; and such a body is deemed to be wholly or partly aided if it has received any assistance from the State Government or a local authority in the form of land, grant-in-aid, loan, share capital or Government guarantee. The proviso deems any such person a public servant under section 2(c) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

"Any assistance ... in the form of land" brings a very large number of institutions inside: a college on a leased plot, a trust on Government land, a cooperative with a State guarantee. That is a significant widening on the 1971 Act and is worth naming in an answer.

munotes.in155

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Jurisdiction and Benches

Section 12(2) allows an inquiry into any person outside sub-section (1) who is involved in abetting, bribe giving or bribe taking, or conspiracy, relating to an allegation against a person inside it. That is section 14(3) of the Lokpal Act transposed.

The four provisos on the Chief Minister, and why they matter

  1. Before initiating any inquiry against the Chief Minister, the prior approval of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly shall be obtained, and the motion shall be placed before the next immediate Session of the Assembly.
  2. Such motion shall be passed by not less than two-thirds of the total Members of the Assembly.
  3. No inquiry into an allegation against the Chief Minister in so far as it relates to internal security or public order in the State.
  4. Any such inquiry shall be held in camera, and if the Lokayukta concludes that the complaint deserves to be dismissed, the records shall not be published or made available to anyone.

Compare the Lokpal Act, section 14(1)(a), and the difference is the whole point. There the safeguard is internal to the institution: a full bench of the Lokpal must consider initiating the inquiry and at least two-thirds of its Members must approve. Here the safeguard is external and political: two-thirds of the Legislative Assembly must approve.

Work out what that means in practice. A Chief Minister commands a majority in the Assembly by definition; that is what makes him Chief Minister. A requirement that two-thirds of that Assembly vote to permit an inquiry into him is, on any realistic view, a requirement that will very rarely be satisfied. A student should say so plainly, and should also give the argument on the other side: that a Chief Minister paralysed by an inquiry is a State paralysed, and that the elected House is a legitimate place to locate the decision.

The third proviso is narrower than the Lokpal's. The Lokpal Act excludes international relations, external and internal security, public order, atomic energy and space. The Maharashtra Act excludes internal security or public order in the State, which is all a State is responsible for, so the narrowing is a consequence of the subject matter rather than a concession.

Section 13: when the Lokayukta must stand back

Section 13(1) provides that notwithstanding anything in any Act, the Lokayukta shall not inquire or investigate:

  1. (i) where the same or similar issues of complaint are pending before any court;
  2. (ii) in respect of anything said or a vote given by a Member of the State Legislature in the Legislature or any committee thereof, covered by article 194(2) of the Constitution;
  3. (iii) in respect of a matter which has been referred for inquiry under the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952; provided that the Lokayukta may investigate the matter if the State Government has not taken any action against corruption as held by the inquiry Commission within two years from the date of submission of the report;
  4. (iv) in the case of a complaint involving a grievance, the actions the sub-clause specifies.
munotes.in156

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Jurisdiction and Benches

Clause (iii) is the best single provision in this book for showing that the eight labels are one subject

MU prints "Ombudsman" as label 1 and "Commission of Inquiry" as label 2, in different lines, as though they were separate topics. Section 13(1)(iii) makes them one.

Read the two directions and the contrast is instructive.

Section 14(4) of the Lokpal Act says that a matter complained of to the Lokpal may not be referred to a Commission of Inquiry. It stops the Government moving a case out of the ombudsman into a body whose report binds nobody. Chapter 140 read it.

Section 13(1)(iii) of the Maharashtra Act says the Lokayukta shall not inquire into a matter already referred to a Commission of Inquiry, but may do so if the Government has done nothing about the Commission's findings for two years.

So the two statutes deal with the same overlap from opposite ends, and the Maharashtra provision is the more interesting. It recognises exactly what chapters 480 and 510 will say about Commissions of Inquiry: the report is recommendatory, and reports are frequently not acted on. It then does something about it. A Commission's findings that the Government ignores for two years cease to be a shield, and the Lokayukta may take the matter up with the powers a Commission does not have.

That is a genuinely well-designed provision and a student who can explain it has understood both labels.

Clause (ii) is the State counterpart of section 14(2) of the Lokpal Act, and the same currency point arises: article 194(2) is the State twin of article 105(2), and the immunity it confers on a member who took a bribe was removed by the seven-judge decision of 4 March 2024. Chapter 1100 works that decision, and it applies to article 194(2) in terms.

Sections 14 to 22: complaint, functions and benches

Section 14, the procedure for making a complaint under the Act.

Section 15, conferment of additional functions on the Lokayukta, the counterpart of section 17 of the 1971 Act.

Section 16, matters pending before any court, committee or statutory authority for inquiry not to be affected: section 15 of the Lokpal Act transposed.

Sections 17 to 20, the bench provisions: constitution of benches, distribution of business among them, the Chairperson's power to transfer cases, and decision by majority. These are sections 16 to 19 of the Lokpal Act transposed, and chapter 145 read them.

munotes.in157

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Jurisdiction and Benches

Section 21, provisions relating to complaints under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, which chapter 290 reads.

Section 22, consideration of views.

Section 11, which belongs with this group though it sits in the previous chapter, charges the expenses of the Lokayukta on the Consolidated Fund of the State.

A worked example

Allegations are made that a State Minister and a Chief Minister approved a contract corruptly, and that the contractor paid.

The contractor: section 12(2), a bribe giver outside sub-section (1), inside the jurisdiction.

The Minister: inside sub-section (1) without any special safeguard.

The Chief Minister: inside clause (a), but the Lokayukta may not initiate an inquiry until a motion is placed before the next immediate Session of the Legislative Assembly and passed by not less than two-thirds of the total Members. If the allegation relates to internal security or public order in the State, it is excluded altogether. Any inquiry is in camera, and a dismissal seals the record.

Now suppose the State Government had, a year earlier, appointed a Commission of Inquiry into the same contract. Section 13(1)(iii) bars the Lokayukta.

And suppose the Commission reported two and a half years ago, finding corruption, and the Government has done nothing. The proviso opens the door: the Lokayukta may investigate, because no action has been taken on the Commission's findings within two years of the report.

And suppose the allegation is that the Minister said something corrupt in the Legislative Assembly. Section 13(1)(ii) with article 194(2) keeps the Lokayukta out of anything said or any vote given, but the reach of that immunity is narrower after March 2024 than it was when the Bill was drafted.

What beginners get wrong

That the Chief Minister is excluded. He is included, subject to a two-thirds motion of the Assembly.

That the two-thirds vote is of the Lokayukta's Members. In the Lokpal Act it is; here it is of the total Members of the Legislative Assembly.

That a Commission of Inquiry permanently ousts the Lokayukta. It does not. The proviso to section 13(1)(iii) restores jurisdiction if the Government has not acted within two years of the report.

That only Government servants are covered. The Explanation to section 12 reaches any entity that has received any assistance from the State or a local authority in the form of land, grant-in-aid, loan, share capital or guarantee.

Quick revision

s.12(1): allegations of corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 against a present or former Chief Minister (with four provisos), Ministers, members of the State Legislature, State public servants, and bodies financed or aided by the State; the Explanation deems a body aided if it received any assistance in the form of land, grant-in-aid, loan, share capital or guarantee.

munotes.in158

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Jurisdiction and Benches

Chief Minister provisos: prior approval of the Legislative Assembly, motion at the next immediate Session, passed by not less than two-thirds of the total Members; exclusion of internal security or public order; inquiry in camera; records sealed on dismissal.

s.12(2): abettors, bribe givers, bribe takers and conspirators outside sub-section (1).

s.13(1): no inquiry where the same or similar issues are pending before a court; where article 194(2) protects what was said or voted; or where the matter is before a Commission of Inquiry, unless the State Government has taken no action on the Commission's findings for two years.

ss.17 to 20: benches, distribution of business, transfer, decision by majority, on the Lokpal Act's model.

s.11: expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund of the State.

Test yourself

1. Is the Chief Minister within the jurisdiction of the Maharashtra Lokayukta? Answer fully. Yes, under section 12(1)(a), whether serving or former, but subject to four provisos. No inquiry may be initiated without the prior approval of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly, the motion being placed before its next immediate Session and passed by not less than two-thirds of its total Members. No inquiry may be made into an allegation in so far as it relates to internal security or public order in the State. Any inquiry must be held in camera. And if the Lokayukta concludes that the complaint deserves to be dismissed, the records may not be published or made available to anyone.

2. Compare the safeguard for the Chief Minister with the Lokpal Act's safeguard for the Prime Minister. Under section 14(1)(a) of the Lokpal Act the safeguard is internal: a full bench of the Lokpal consisting of the Chairperson and all Members must consider initiating the inquiry and at least two-thirds of the Members must approve. Under section 12(1)(a) of the Maharashtra Act the safeguard is external and political: two-thirds of the total Members of the Legislative Assembly must pass a motion approving it. Since a Chief Minister by definition commands a majority in that Assembly, the Maharashtra safeguard is much harder to satisfy, though the argument for it is that the elected House is a legitimate place to locate so grave a decision.

3. Explain section 13(1)(iii) and its proviso, and contrast it with section 14(4) of the Lokpal Act. Section 13(1)(iii) bars the Lokayukta from inquiring into a matter that has been referred for inquiry under the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, but the proviso permits him to investigate if the State Government has taken no action against corruption as held by the Commission within two years of the report. Section 14(4) of the Lokpal Act works from the other end: it forbids a matter complained of to the Lokpal from being referred to a Commission of Inquiry at all. The Lokpal provision prevents a case being moved out of an institution with teeth into one without; the Maharashtra provision recognises that a Commission's report binds nobody and restores the Lokayukta's jurisdiction when the report is ignored.

munotes.in159

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Jurisdiction and Benches

4. How wide is the Act's reach over non-governmental bodies? Very wide. Clauses (g) and (i) of section 12(1) cover office bearers and employees of any body, society, association or trust wholly or partly financed or aided by the State Government, a local authority or a Government company, corporation, association or trust; the Explanation covers any entity by whatever name called, registered or not, including a partnership or a sole proprietorship; and a body is deemed aided if it has received any assistance in the form of land, grant-in-aid, loan, share capital or Government guarantee. A person so covered is deemed a public servant under section 2(c) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in160

Chapter Thirty-Three

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Inquiry, Investigation and Hearing

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The new Act keeps the grievance jurisdiction the Lokpal Act abandoned, and gives the Lokayukta search, attachment and confiscation; but on the sanction to prosecute it goes back to asking the Government, which is exactly what the Lokpal Act stopped doing.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: Chapter V of the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023 governs preliminary inquiry and investigation into complaints under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, Chapter VI preserves a separate jurisdiction over complaints of grievance, and Chapter VII confers supervisory powers, search and seizure, the powers of a civil court, prohibition of alienation of assets, confiscation and a power to recommend transfer or suspension; but by section 30 the Lokayukta may instruct the filing of a case in the Special Court only after obtaining sanction for prosecution from the competent authority, which must convey its decision within three months extendable by one month, failing which the Lokayukta may take such action as he deems fit.

Chapter V: complaints under the Prevention of Corruption Act

Section 21(1). On receipt of a complaint under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, the Lokayukta shall first decide whether to proceed or to close the matter, and if he decides to proceed, shall order a preliminary inquiry against the public servant to ascertain whether a prima facie case exists.

Section 21(2) lets him refuse an inquiry in his discretion if in his opinion:

  1. (a) the complaint is frivolous or vexatious or is not made in good faith;
  2. (b) there are no sufficient grounds for inquiry or investigation; or
  3. (c) other remedies are available to the complainant and it would in the circumstances be more proper for him to use them.

Sub-section (2) is worth pausing on because it is the classical ombudsman's filter, and the Lokpal Act does not have it in this form. An ombudsman who must inquire into everything can inquire into nothing properly, and clause (c) is the "you have a remedy elsewhere" rule that chapter 40 found in the British Act of 1967 and chapter 260 found in section 8 of the 1971 Act.

Section 21(3) requires that before initiating a preliminary inquiry in respect of the public servants it specifies, a stated procedure be followed.

Sections 23 and 24, preliminary inquiry and investigation, carry the two-stage structure chapter 150 explained for the Lokpal.

Section 25, persons likely to be prejudicially affected to be heard, is section 21 of the Lokpal Act and section 8B of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 in a third statute. Indian law has settled on this protection wherever an inquiry may damage a reputation, and chapter 440 works it out.

munotes.in161

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Inquiry, Investigation and Hearing

Section 26, power to require any public servant or other person to furnish information. Section 27, secrecy of information.

Sections 28 and 29: sanction, and not asking twice

Section 28. Where previous approval has been obtained, no other approval is necessary.

Section 29, bar of sanction for prosecution. Notwithstanding anything in any Act, in the same or similar issues of complaint against any person:

  1. (a) where a sanctioning authority has either accorded or refused sanction under any Act, the Lokayukta shall be barred from taking a decision on the question;
  2. (b) where the competent authority or the Lokayukta has either accorded or refused sanction under this Act, any other authority under any Act shall be barred from taking a decision on it.

What section 29 is doing. It is a rule against two authorities deciding the same sanction question, in either direction. Whoever decides first, decides. It prevents the forum shopping that would otherwise follow from having two sanctioning routes for the same offence, and it also means that a refusal by the ordinary sanctioning authority forecloses the Lokayukta.

Read (a) carefully and the weakness appears. If the Government, as sanctioning authority under section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act, refuses sanction first, the Lokayukta is barred from taking any decision on it. The provision that was meant to prevent duplication also hands the Government a way to close the door before the Lokayukta reaches it.

Section 30: the provision that undoes the Act's own model

Where after the investigation the findings disclose an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 by a public servant within section 12(1), the Lokayukta may, after obtaining sanction for prosecution of the competent authority, instruct the investigating authority to file a case in the Special Court, and shall send a copy of the report and findings to the competent authority.

First proviso. The competent authority shall convey its decision within three months, extendable by one month for reasons recorded in writing by that authority.

Second proviso. If the competent authority fails to convey its decision within that time, the Lokayukta may take action as he deems fit.

Now set this beside section 23 of the Lokpal Act, which chapter 155 read.

Lokpal Act 2013, s.23Maharashtra Act 2023, s.30
Who grants sanctionThe Lokpal itselfThe competent authority
Effect on s.19 of the Prevention of Corruption ActOverridden by nameNot overridden
Time limit on the sanctioning authorityNot applicableThree months plus one
If nothing is decidedNot applicableThe Lokayukta may act as he deems fit

The point to make, and it is the central criticism of this Act. Chapter 155 explained that sanction had been the standing obstacle to Indian corruption prosecutions since 1947, that the Santhanam Committee identified it in 1964, and that section 23 of the Lokpal Act finally moved the decision away from the accused's own Government. The Maharashtra Act, whose preamble says it is enacted on the lines of the Lokpal Act, does not do that. It leaves the sanction with the competent authority, which for a Minister is a political authority, and answers the problem with a clock instead.

munotes.in162

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Inquiry, Investigation and Hearing

The counter-argument, which a fair answer should give. The clock is not nothing. Three months plus one, with reasons required for the extension, is a real discipline compared with the indefinite delays the Santhanam Committee described. And the second proviso, "the Lokayukta may take action as he deems fit", is capable of being read as permitting him to proceed without the sanction once the time has run. How that phrase is construed will decide how much of the Lokpal model this Act actually adopts, and until it is construed a student should say exactly that.

Chapter VI: grievances, which the Lokpal Act does not have

Section 31(1). On receipt of a complaint against a public servant regarding a grievance, the Lokayukta shall first decide whether to proceed or to close the matter.

Section 31(2). He may refuse an inquiry on the grounds in section 21(2), that is frivolousness, insufficient grounds or the availability of other remedies.

Section 31(3). If he decides to proceed, he shall ascertain whether a prima facie case exists, and shall forward the complaint to the public servant for his say and to the Secretary of the department, the head of the office or the competent authority for a report.

Section 31(4). The public servant and the Secretary or head of office shall respond within ninety days of receipt of the reference.

Section 31(5). On receiving them, if there is no prima facie case, the Lokayukta may close the matter after recording reasons and communicate that to the complainant and the public servant; and if there is a prima facie case, he may proceed further.

Section 32, report of the Lokayukta on a grievance.

This is the most important thing the Maharashtra Act does that the central Act does not. Chapter 10 set out the distinction between an allegation and a grievance, and chapter 330 is about the hole the Lokpal Act left by covering only allegations. The 2023 Act keeps both, in separate chapters, with a separate procedure for each. A citizen of Maharashtra with a complaint of delay or unfairness will, when the Act is fully in force, have somewhere to take it. A citizen with the same complaint against a Union department will not.

munotes.in163

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Inquiry, Investigation and Hearing

Chapter VII: the powers

Section 33, supervisory powers of the Lokayukta. Section 34, search and seizure. Section 35, powers of a civil court in certain cases. Section 36, power to use the services of officers of the State Government. Section 37, procedure for prohibition of alienation of assets. Section 38, confiscation of assets, proceeds, receipts and benefits arisen or procured by means of corruption in special circumstances. Section 39, power to recommend transfer or suspension of a public servant connected with an allegation of corruption. Section 40, power to give directions to prevent destruction of records during a preliminary inquiry.

Every one of these is a section of the Lokpal Act transposed, and chapters 160 and 170 read them there. Section 37 corresponds to section 29, section 38 to section 31, section 39 to section 32 and section 40 to section 33.

The significance is not the detail but the fact. The 1971 Act gave the Lokayukta a report and nothing else. The 2023 Act gives him the power to freeze property, to have it confiscated, to have an officer moved out of the way and to stop a file being destroyed. That is what the preamble means by enlarging the scope and entrusting more powers.

A currency note the Act itself records

The footnotes to the print record two substitutions made by Mah. 50 of 2025, section 6: references to the Indian Evidence Act 1872 were replaced, and references to the Indian Penal Code were replaced. Those replacements are the new criminal laws of 2023 reaching a State ombudsman statute, and they are a small but exact illustration of why a book written from a bare Act and dated to a print, rather than from a textbook, is worth having.

A worked example

A citizen complains that a Tahsildar demanded money to issue a certificate, and separately that his own application has been pending for two years.

The demand for money. A complaint under the Prevention of Corruption Act, so Chapter V. Section 21(1): the Lokayukta decides whether to proceed. Section 21(2): he could refuse if the complaint were frivolous, unsupported or better pursued elsewhere, but none applies. He orders a preliminary inquiry.

Section 25. If the inquiry may damage the reputation of the Tahsildar's clerk, who is not the person complained against, the clerk must be heard.

Section 34 and 37. Material emerges that the Tahsildar has bought a shop. The Lokayukta may search and seize, and may prohibit alienation of the asset.

Section 30. After investigation the findings disclose an offence. The Lokayukta must now obtain sanction from the competent authority, which has three months, extendable by one for written reasons. If it does not decide, the Lokayukta may take such action as he deems fit.

munotes.in164

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Inquiry, Investigation and Hearing

The two year delay on the certificate. That is a grievance, and it goes to Chapter VI. Section 31(3): the complaint is sent to the Tahsildar for his say and to the head of office for a report, both due within ninety days. Section 31(5): if a prima facie case appears, the Lokayukta proceeds, and section 32 governs his report.

Notice the two tracks. One complaint, two chapters, two procedures, because the Act treats a corruption allegation and a maladministration grievance as different things needing different treatment. That is the 1966 design, and this is the first Maharashtra statute to carry it with real powers attached.

What beginners get wrong

That the Maharashtra Act follows the Lokpal Act on sanction. It does not. Section 30 leaves the sanction with the competent authority; section 23 of the Lokpal Act takes it away from the Government.

That the Act covers only corruption. Chapter VI preserves a separate grievance jurisdiction.

That a refusal of sanction by another authority is irrelevant. Section 29(a) bars the Lokayukta from taking a decision where a sanctioning authority has already accorded or refused sanction under any Act.

That section 21(2) is a duty to refuse. It is a discretion, in his opinion, on three stated grounds.

Quick revision

Ch V, ss.21 to 30: complaints under the Prevention of Corruption Act; s.21(2) discretion to refuse where frivolous, unsupported, or other remedies available; ss.23 and 24 preliminary inquiry and investigation; s.25 persons likely to be prejudicially affected to be heard; s.29 bar of sanction, whoever decides first decides; s.30 sanction from the competent authority, three months plus one, and if it does not decide the Lokayukta may take action as he deems fit.

Ch VI, ss.31 and 32: complaints of grievance, kept as a separate jurisdiction with a ninety day response from the public servant and the head of office; the Lokpal Act has no equivalent.

Ch VII, ss.33 to 40: supervisory powers, search and seizure, powers of a civil court, use of State officers, prohibition of alienation, confiscation, recommendation of transfer or suspension, and directions to prevent destruction of records.

Currency: Mah. 50 of 2025, s.6 replaced the references to the Indian Evidence Act 1872 and the Indian Penal Code.

Test yourself

1. How does section 30 differ from section 23 of the Lokpal Act, and why does it matter? Section 23 of the Lokpal Act gives the power to grant sanction for prosecution to the Lokpal itself, notwithstanding section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act and section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act. Section 30 of the Maharashtra Act requires the Lokayukta to obtain sanction from the competent authority before instructing the filing of a case, subject to a time limit of three months extendable by one, after which he may take such action as he deems fit. It matters because sanction resting with the accused's own Government was the standing obstacle to corruption prosecutions identified by the Santhanam Committee in 1964, and the central Act removed it while the State Act, said to be on its lines, retains it and answers it with a clock.

munotes.in165

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: Inquiry, Investigation and Hearing

2. What jurisdiction does the Maharashtra Act keep that the Lokpal Act abandoned? Grievances. Chapter VI, sections 31 and 32, provides a separate procedure for a complaint of grievance against a public servant, with the complaint sent to the public servant for his say and to the Secretary of the department or head of office for a report, both due within ninety days, and with power to close the matter for recorded reasons where no prima facie case appears. The Lokpal Act deals only with allegations of offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

3. Explain section 29. It prevents two authorities deciding the same sanction question. Where a sanctioning authority under any Act has accorded or refused sanction on the same or similar issues, the Lokayukta is barred from deciding; and where the competent authority or the Lokayukta has accorded or refused sanction under this Act, any other authority under any Act is barred. Whoever decides first decides. Its weakness is that a Government which refuses sanction first forecloses the Lokayukta.

4. On what grounds may the Lokayukta refuse to inquire? Under section 21(2), in his discretion, if in his opinion the complaint is frivolous or vexatious or not made in good faith, there are no sufficient grounds for inquiry or investigation, or other remedies are available to the complainant and it would in the circumstances be more proper for him to avail of them. Section 31(2) applies the same grounds to a complaint of grievance.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in166

Chapter Thirty-Four

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: the Rest, and the Repeal

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Special Courts, removal of the Chairperson, the money, the offences, and finally section 66, which will end the 1971 Act when the State Government notifies it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: sections 41 to 66 of the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023 provide for delegation and review, Special Courts and the assessment of loss, the removal and suspension of the Chairperson and Members and complaints against the Lokayukta's own officials, the budget, grants and annual statement of accounts, the offences of insulting the Lokayukta and of making a false complaint, the annual report, protections, the bar of jurisdiction, legal assistance, overriding effect, rules and regulations and their laying, the removal of difficulties and of doubts, and by section 66 the repeal of the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 on the commencement of the Act, with savings.

Sections 41 and 42: delegation and review

Section 41, power to delegate. The counterpart of section 34 of the Lokpal Act, which chapter 170 read.

Section 42, power to review. This has no counterpart in the Lokpal Act, and it is a real addition. A body that decides to close a complaint, or to proceed, or to recommend a transfer, can revisit its own decision. In the Lokpal's case the only route to reconsideration is a writ petition; here the institution can correct itself.

Chapter VIII: Special Courts, and recovery of loss

Section 43, Special Courts. The State counterpart of section 35 of the Lokpal Act, which chapter 175 read.

Section 44, assessment of loss and recovery by the Special Court. The counterpart of section 39 of the Lokpal Act, which chapter 180 read: on conviction, the Special Court may quantify the loss to the public exchequer caused by acts not taken in good faith, and order its recovery.

Chapter IX: removing the Chairperson, and complaints against the staff

Section 45, removal and suspension of the Chairperson and Members.

Section 46, complaints against officials of the Lokayukta.

This is where a student should compare three statutes. Chapter 250 read section 6 of the 1971 Act: removal by the Governor, subject to article 311, after an inquiry by a judge whom the Governor appoints, report laid before each House. Chapter 180 read section 37 of the Lokpal Act: removal by the President only after the Supreme Court itself inquires, on a reference made on a petition of a hundred Members of Parliament. Section 45 of this Act should be read against both, and the question to ask is the one chapter 250 asked: who chooses the person who inquires.

Chapter X: the money

Section 47, budget. Section 48, grants by the State Government. Section 49, annual statement of accounts.

munotes.in167

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: the Rest, and the Repeal

Read these with section 11, which charges the expenses of the Lokayukta on the Consolidated Fund of the State. The pattern is sections 13 and 40 to 43 of the Lokpal Act, and chapters 130 and 180 explained what charging on the Consolidated Fund achieves and why a budget forwarded "for information" is different from one submitted for approval.

Chapter XI: offences and penalties

Section 50, intentional insult or interruption to, or bringing into disrepute, the Lokayukta. This is section 15 of the 1971 Act carried forward, and it has no counterpart in the Lokpal Act. Chapter 260 read the older provision: six months' simple imprisonment, or fine, or both.

Section 51, prosecution for a false complaint and payment of compensation to the public servant. Section 46 of the Lokpal Act transposed, and every criticism chapter 200 made of that section applies here.

Section 52, false complaint made by a society, association of persons or trust. Section 47 of the Lokpal Act transposed, with the same two limbs of vicarious liability.

Chapter XII: miscellaneous

Section 53, returns and particulars to the State Government.

Section 54, annual report of the Lokayukta. The classical ombudsman sanction, which chapter 20 traced to 1809 and chapter 200 found in section 48 of the Lokpal Act.

Section 55, protection of action taken in good faith by a public servant.

Section 56, the Chairperson, Members, officers and employees to be public servants. Section 52 of the Lokpal Act, and chapter 205 explained why a body that investigates public servants must be composed of them.

Section 57, bar of jurisdiction. Section 54 of the Lokpal Act, and the same limitation applies: it cannot and does not oust articles 226 and 32.

Section 58, legal assistance. Section 55 of the Lokpal Act, the remarkable provision under which the investigating body funds the defence of the person investigated. Chapter 205 set out why it matters.

Sections 59 and 60, overriding effect and the saving of other laws, the pair chapter 210 reconciled: section 59 governs inconsistency, section 60 governs everything else.

Sections 61 and 62, rules by the State Government and regulations by the Lokayukta.

Section 63, laying of rules and regulations before each House of the State Legislature. This is Module III's laying procedure again, and chapter 1230 sets out its three forms.

Section 64, power to remove difficulties.

Section 65, removal of doubts. The counterpart of section 21 of the 1971 Act, which excluded action taken by or with the approval of a judge. Chapter 260 noted that exclusion and why MU's eighth label consequently needs an answer of its own.

munotes.in168

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: the Rest, and the Repeal

Section 66: the repeal, and its present state

Section 66(1). On the commencement of this Act, the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act, 1971 (Mah. XLVI of 1971), shall, from such commencement, stand repealed.

Section 66(2), the savings. Notwithstanding the repeal:

  1. (a) all applications, suits and other proceedings under the 1971 Act pending on the date of commencement before any court, competent authority, office or authority shall be continued and disposed of in accordance with the repealed Act, as if it had continued in force and this Act had not been passed;
  2. (b) any appointment made or rules, notifications or orders issued under the repealed Act and in force on that date shall, in so far as they are not inconsistent with this Act, be deemed to have been made or issued under this Act and shall continue until superseded or modified;
  3. (c) all prosecutions instituted under the repealed Act shall be effective and be disposed of in accordance with law.

And the point on which everything in this chapter turns. Section 66 is among the sections not yet brought into force. Section 1(3), as substituted by Mah. 50 of 2025 with effect from 8 December 2025, brought only sections 1, 3 and 4 into force on publication. So:

The Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 is not repealed. It is the operative law of the State.

Read section 66(2) as a picture of what will happen when it is notified. Pending matters finish under the old Act. Appointments, rules and orders under the old Act carry over so far as they are consistent, so the institution does not have to be rebuilt from nothing. Prosecutions already instituted are unaffected. It is a careful transition, and its careful drafting is a reason to expect the notification rather than to doubt it.

A worked example

A complaint is filed with the Maharashtra Lokayukta on 1 March 2026. Six months later the State Government notifies the remaining sections of the 2023 Act.

Before the notification. The complaint is under the 1971 Act. Chapter 260 sets out the procedure: a copy to the public servant and the competent authority, an opportunity to comment, the powers of a civil court, and a report recommending redress with a one month clock on the competent authority.

On the notification. Section 66(1) repeals the 1971 Act from that date. But section 66(2)(a) provides that proceedings pending under it on the date of commencement shall be continued and disposed of in accordance with the repealed Act. So this complaint finishes under the old law, with the old powers.

A complaint filed the next day goes to the Lokayukta, Maharashtra State, under the 2023 Act, with benches, search and seizure, attachment, confiscation and the section 30 sanction procedure.

munotes.in169

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: the Rest, and the Repeal

And the Lokayukta in office on that date. Section 66(2)(b) deems his appointment, so far as it is not inconsistent with the new Act, to have been made under the new Act.

What beginners get wrong

That the 1971 Act is repealed. It is not, because section 66 is not in force.

That pending complaints will be transferred to the new machinery. Section 66(2)(a) says the opposite: they are continued and disposed of under the repealed Act.

That the new Act has no offence of insulting the Lokayukta. Section 50 carries it forward from section 15 of the 1971 Act; the Lokpal Act has no such provision.

That section 57 makes the Lokayukta's decisions final. It bars courts in the same terms as section 54 of the Lokpal Act, and cannot oust articles 226 and 32.

Quick revision

s.41 delegation; s.42 power to review, which the Lokpal Act does not have.

s.43 Special Courts; s.44 assessment of loss and recovery.

s.45 removal of the Chairperson and Members; s.46 complaints against the Lokayukta's officials.

ss.47 to 49 budget, grants, accounts, read with s.11, expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund of the State.

s.50 insult or disrepute, carried from s.15 of the 1971 Act; s.51 false complaint; s.52 false complaint by a society or trust.

s.54 annual report; s.56 public servants; s.57 bar of jurisdiction; s.58 legal assistance; ss.59 and 60 overriding effect and saving; ss.61 to 63 rules, regulations and laying; s.64 removal of difficulties; s.65 removal of doubts.

s.66: repeals the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 on commencement, saving pending proceedings under the old Act, carrying over consistent appointments and rules, and preserving prosecutions. Not yet in force.

Test yourself

1. What does section 66 provide, and what is its present effect? Section 66(1) repeals the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 on the commencement of the 2023 Act. Section 66(2) saves pending applications, suits and proceedings, which are to be continued and disposed of under the repealed Act; deems appointments, rules, notifications and orders under the repealed Act, so far as they are not inconsistent, to have been made under the new Act; and preserves prosecutions already instituted. Its present effect is none, because section 66 has not been brought into force: only sections 1, 3 and 4 are, so the Act of 1971 remains the operative law.

2. Name two provisions the 2023 Act has that the Lokpal Act does not, and one it carries from the 1971 Act. The power to review its own decisions under section 42, and the separate grievance jurisdiction in Chapter VI, sections 31 and 32. From the 1971 Act it carries the offence of intentionally insulting or interrupting the Lokayukta or bringing him into disrepute, which was section 15 of that Act and is section 50 of this one.

munotes.in170

The Maharashtra Act of 2023: the Rest, and the Repeal

3. A complaint is pending under the 1971 Act when the 2023 Act is fully notified. What happens to it? It is continued and disposed of in accordance with the repealed Act, as if that Act had continued in force and the new Act had not been passed, by virtue of section 66(2)(a). The powers available in it therefore remain the 1971 powers, that is investigation and a report recommending redress, and not the search, attachment and confiscation powers of the new Act.

4. Where in this Act does the laying procedure appear, and why is it worth noticing here? In section 63, which requires rules made by the State Government under section 61 and regulations made by the Lokayukta under section 62 to be laid before each House of the State Legislature. It is worth noticing because laying is the classical instrument of legislative control over delegated legislation, which is the sixth label of this syllabus, and it appears inside an ombudsman statute; the same provision appears as section 61 of the Lokpal Act.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in171

Chapter Thirty-Five

Is the Central Vigilance Commission an Ombudsman

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

No: it fails on access, on subject matter and on what a citizen can do with it, and it passes only on independence, which it acquired in 2003 and did not have for its first thirty-nine years.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Central Vigilance Commission is not an ombudsman on the classical model, because although since the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 it satisfies the tests of statutory creation, an appointment made otherwise than by the executive alone, security of tenure and salary and independence from the department it supervises, it fails the tests of direct and free access by an aggrieved citizen, of jurisdiction over maladministration as distinct from corruption, and of an output that redresses the citizen's complaint; it is an apex vigilance and advisory body within the administration rather than a grievance institution outside it.

Why the question is asked

Because it is the natural question once chapters 50 and 60 are read together, and because examiners like a question that cannot be answered by narrating a statute. It also has a real answer, which is that India built a corruption watchdog in 1964 and a citizen's ombudsman only in 2013, and that the gap of forty-nine years is explained by the difference between the two ideas.

Applying the eight tests from chapter 50

One, created by law. Fails until 2003, passes after. The Commission was created by a Government of India resolution of 11 February 1964, and chapter 60 recorded what that means: a body an executive order created can be altered or ended by an executive order. The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 cured the defect, and chapter 580 shows that it was cured because the Supreme Court directed it.

Two, appointed by or on the advice of the legislature. Partly. Section 4 of the 2003 Act requires a Committee of the Prime Minister, the Minister of Home Affairs and the Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People. Two of the three are Ministers. Compare the Lokpal's five, where the Government has two, and the classical Scandinavian model, where the legislature itself appoints. This is the weakest selection committee in the whole of this syllabus, and chapter 610 shows it being held to account nonetheless.

Three, security of tenure and salary. Passes. Four years or sixty-five, removal only on a reference to the Supreme Court, salary charged on the Consolidated Fund, and a bar on further employment. Chapters 620 and 660 read those provisions.

Four, independence from the executive. Passes formally. The Commission is outside the departments it supervises and reports to the President.

Five, jurisdiction over administrative action. Fails. The Commission's jurisdiction is over vigilance, which is to say over the integrity of public servants and offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. The delay, the arbitrariness and the inattention that chapter 10 identified as most of maladministration are not its business.

munotes.in172

Is the Central Vigilance Commission an Ombudsman

Six, free, direct, informal access with a suo motu power. Fails on the first half. A citizen may complain to the Commission, and complaints are received; but the institution is not built round the aggrieved citizen. Its ordinary work comes from Chief Vigilance Officers, from departments seeking advice and from references, and chapter 690 explains that machinery. There is no procedure by which an aggrieved person obtains a decision on his own complaint.

Seven, powers of investigation and no power of decision. Half passes, and the half it fails is the wrong half. It has the powers of a civil court under section 11, which is the ombudsman's investigative power. But it has no investigating force of its own, and chapter 750 sets that out as its central weakness. On the other side it has superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment in corruption cases, which is a power over an agency that no classical ombudsman has.

Eight, publicity through a report to the legislature. Passes. Section 14 of the 2003 Act requires an annual report to the President, laid before both Houses with a memorandum explaining any advice not accepted. Chapter 660 reads it, and it is the same device as section 48 of the Lokpal Act.

The verdict, and how to write it

Four passes, three fails, one split. But an answer that stops at counting has missed the point, because the three failures are not incidental. They go to what the institution is for.

An ombudsman exists for the citizen. He is approached by an aggrieved person, he asks whether that person was properly treated, and his output is a recommendation that the person's grievance be put right. Every one of the eight tests is a way of protecting that relationship.

The Central Vigilance Commission exists for the administration. It is approached by departments, it asks whether a public servant has been honest, and its output is advice on what should be done about that servant. The citizen who reported the matter is not a party to any of it.

So the right answer is not "no, because it fails tests five, six and seven". It is: no, because it is a different kind of institution, built for a different relationship, and the tests fail in the places where the difference shows.

What this explains about Indian history

Why 1964 and 2013 are so far apart. India built the vigilance institution quickly because the Government wanted it: a body that helps a Government discipline its own officers is useful to that Government. It took forty-nine more years to build the ombudsman because an institution that inquires into Ministers on a citizen's complaint is not useful to a Government in the same way. Chapter 80's eight failed Bills are that difference expressed as legislative history.

munotes.in173

Is the Central Vigilance Commission an Ombudsman

Why the Lokpal Act had to say what it did about the Commission. Chapter 150 read the first and second provisos to section 20(1), which make the Commission the Lokpal's inquiring arm for Groups A to D. The two are not rivals; the Act made the older, administration-facing institution serve the newer, citizen-facing one.

And why the grievance hole in chapter 330 is a real hole. If the Commission were an ombudsman, the absence of grievance jurisdiction in the Lokpal Act would matter less, because a citizen would have somewhere else to go. It is not, and he does not.

A worked example

Two complaints reach different bodies on the same day.

Complaint one. A citizen says a Deputy Secretary took ten thousand rupees to move a file. This is an allegation of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act. It is squarely within the Central Vigilance Commission's function under section 8 of the 2003 Act, and it is also within the Lokpal's jurisdiction under section 14(1)(d), which is why section 20(1)'s first proviso routes it to the Commission.

Complaint two. The same citizen says that the same Deputy Secretary has never taken a rupee from anybody, has decided his case honestly, and has taken two years to do it, during which the citizen's business failed.

Where does complaint two go? Not to the Central Vigilance Commission: no vigilance angle, no offence, no integrity question. Not to the Lokpal: not a complaint of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act, which is what section 2 defines a complaint as. Not to a court, in any practical sense.

In Maharashtra it would go to the Lokayukta as a grievance, under section 9(1)(a) of the 1971 Act, and after the 2023 Act is fully notified under Chapter VI of that Act.

Against a Union department it goes nowhere. That single contrast is the best argument this chapter can offer, and it is the argument chapter 330 takes up.

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission became an ombudsman in 2003. The Act cured the defect of creation, tenure and removal. It did not give the Commission a citizen's jurisdiction, and those are different things.

That having the powers of a civil court makes a body an ombudsman. Every inquiring body in this syllabus has them, including a Commission of Inquiry and the Lokpal.

munotes.in174

Is the Central Vigilance Commission an Ombudsman

That superintendence over the CBI makes it more than an ombudsman. It makes it something else: an ombudsman does not command a police force, and a body that does is not being measured on the same scale.

Quick revision

Apply the eight tests of chapter 50. Created by law: fails to 2003, passes after. Appointment: partly, a Committee of two Ministers and the Leader of the Opposition. Tenure and salary: passes. Independence: passes formally. Jurisdiction over administrative action: fails, it is vigilance and corruption only. Free direct access for the aggrieved citizen: fails. Investigative powers without decision: half, it has civil court powers and no investigating force of its own but does hold superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment. Publicity: passes, section 14 annual report with a memorandum.

The verdict: not an ombudsman, and not because of a defect but because it is a different kind of institution, facing the administration rather than the citizen.

What it explains: why the vigilance body came in 1964 and the ombudsman in 2013; why the Lokpal Act makes the Commission its inquiring arm under the provisos to section 20(1); and why the absence of grievance jurisdiction leaves a real hole.

Test yourself

1. Apply the classical tests: is the Central Vigilance Commission an ombudsman? No. It satisfies statutory creation since the Act of 2003, security of tenure and salary, formal independence and publicity through the annual report under section 14. It fails on jurisdiction, because its subject is vigilance and offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act rather than maladministration generally; on access, because it is approached by departments and vigilance officers rather than built round the aggrieved citizen; and on output, because its advice concerns what should be done about a public servant and not how a citizen's grievance should be redressed.

2. Why is the answer better expressed as a difference of kind than as a list of failures? Because an ombudsman exists for the citizen, is approached by an aggrieved person, asks whether that person was properly treated and recommends that his grievance be put right, whereas the Central Vigilance Commission exists for the administration, is approached by departments, asks whether a public servant has been honest and advises on what should be done about him. The tests fail precisely where that difference shows, so the failures are a symptom of the different purpose rather than defects in an attempted ombudsman.

3. What did the Act of 2003 change, and what did it not change? It changed the Commission's legal foundation: a body created by a Government resolution of 1964 became a statutory body, with a selection committee, a four year term, removal only on a reference to the Supreme Court, a salary charged on the Consolidated Fund and a statutory annual report. It did not change what the Commission is for. It gave it no jurisdiction over maladministration, no procedure for deciding a citizen's complaint and no remedy for a citizen's grievance.

munotes.in175

Is the Central Vigilance Commission an Ombudsman

4. Use the two-complaint example to show the gap in Indian law. A complaint that a Deputy Secretary took a bribe goes to the Central Vigilance Commission, and to the Lokpal, which routes it back to the Commission under the first proviso to section 20(1). A complaint that the same officer was honest but took two years and ruined the complainant's business goes to neither: it is not vigilance, and it is not a complaint of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act, which is what the Lokpal Act's definition of complaint requires. In Maharashtra it would be a grievance under section 9(1)(a) of the 1971 Act. Against a Union department it has no forum at all.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in176

Chapter Thirty-Six

The Ombudsman's Weakness: Recommendation Without Power

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The classical criticism is that an ombudsman can only recommend; the Indian answer was to give the Lokpal teeth, and the Indian experience is that teeth did not solve the problem, because the problem was never the powers.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the standing criticism of the ombudsman institution is that its output is a report and a recommendation which binds nobody and which the executive may ignore, so that the sanction is publicity alone; India departed from that model in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 by conferring an Inquiry Wing, a Prosecution Wing, the power to grant sanction for prosecution, powers of search and seizure and of provisional attachment and confiscation, and trial before Special Courts; yet the institution took five years and two months to be constituted, which suggests that the real constraints on an ombudsman lie in appointment, staffing and money rather than in the formal powers the statute confers.

The classical criticism, stated fairly

What the criticism says. The ombudsman investigates, finds that the citizen was wronged, and writes to the department recommending redress. The department may agree, or may not. If it does not, the ombudsman may make a special report and the legislature may read it. Nothing compels anybody.

Why the model was designed that way. Chapter 30 gave the reason. The Danish office of 1955 spread across the world precisely because it threatened nobody's jurisdiction. A body that could quash decisions would be a court and would meet the resistance courts meet; a body that recommends can be given wide access to files because nothing turns on the access.

And the classical defence. In the Scandinavian and British systems the great majority of recommendations are accepted, because a department that refuses must explain itself in a report laid before the legislature. Chapter 200 read section 48 of the Lokpal Act and chapter 260 read section 12 of the Maharashtra Act of 1971: both build that duty to explain into the statute. Publicity is a real sanction where the legislature is interested and the press reports.

Where the defence is weakest. It depends on the legislature being interested. A special report laid before a House that never debates it, in a country where the report is not reported, is a file. That is a fair description of much State Lokayukta practice.

What India did about it

The Lokpal Act is, on this issue, the most powerful ombudsman statute in the world, and the list is worth assembling in one place because an examiner will reward it.

  1. An Inquiry Wing of its own, section 11.
  2. A Prosecution Wing of its own, section 12, whose filing is deemed a police report under section 173 of the Code, section 12(3).
  3. The power to grant sanction for prosecution, section 23, taken from the Government.
  4. Search and seizure, section 26.
  5. Provisional attachment of assets for ninety days, section 29, with confirmation and confiscation by the Special Court, sections 30 and 31.
  6. A recommendation of transfer or suspension the Government shall ordinarily accept, section 32.
  7. Directions to prevent destruction of records, section 33.
  8. Special Courts with a statutory timetable, section 35.
  9. Assessment and recovery of the loss to the exchequer, section 39.
  10. Money charged on the Consolidated Fund, section 13.
munotes.in177

The Ombudsman's Weakness: Recommendation Without Power

That is not recommendation without power. It is an ombudsman with the armoury of a prosecuting agency, and it exists because the preamble commits India to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption and because the agitation of 2011 demanded it.

And what happened

Five years and two months between the Act coming into force and the first Lokpal being sworn in. Chapter 230 works that episode and the decision that ended it.

The Inquiry Wing was not constituted at once, so the proviso to section 11 operated: inquiries conducted by officers lent by the Central Government. Chapter 130 set that out.

The staff are appointed by the Chairperson from panels the Central Government sends, under section 10. Chapter 120 read it.

Investigation is not the Lokpal's own; it is directed to an agency, and the Lokpal's superintendence over that agency stops short of directing the outcome by the proviso to section 25(1). Chapter 160 read it.

The argument this chapter exists to make

The formal powers were never the binding constraint. An institution is constrained first by whether it exists, then by who staffs it, then by what it is paid, and only then by what its statute permits it to do.

Test the proposition against the four institutions in this module.

The Swedish Justitieombudsman of 1809 could prosecute. It worked because the Riksdag appointed it and wanted it to work.

The Danish office of 1955 could only recommend. It worked, and travelled to a hundred countries, because the Folketing appointed it and wanted it to work.

The Central Vigilance Commission from 1964 had no statute at all for thirty-nine years and was influential throughout, because Government wanted a vigilance body.

The Lokpal from 2014 has every power on the list above and did not exist for five years, because nobody in a position to constitute it was in a hurry.

So the honest conclusion, and it is one a student can defend in either direction: the classical criticism identifies a real limitation of the model, and the Indian remedy shows that the limitation was not where everyone thought it was. Powers can be legislated. Willingness cannot.

munotes.in178

The Ombudsman's Weakness: Recommendation Without Power

The three constraints that actually bind

Appointment. An office nobody fills has no powers at all. Section 5 of the Lokpal Act and section 4(2) both exist to prevent this, and both were ignored for years.

Staffing. An institution that inquires through officers lent by the body it is inquiring into, and appoints its own people from panels that body sends, is dependent in a way no statute can cure by adding powers.

Money. Charging expenses on the Consolidated Fund, as section 13 of the Lokpal Act and section 11 of the Maharashtra Act of 2023 do, is the single most effective protection, because it removes the annual opportunity to starve the body. It is also the one most often absent from State Lokayukta Acts.

A fourth, which is not in any statute: the complainant. Chapter 200 set out section 46, prosecution for a false complaint, funded by the State, with no whistleblower statute in force on the other side. An institution that depends on complaints and deters complainants has a structural problem that no power of attachment fixes.

A worked example: what would strengthen a State Lokayukta

A State proposes to amend its Lokayukta Act. Three proposals are on the table.

Proposal one: give the Lokayukta the power to attach property. Impressive, and largely beside the point if the office has been vacant for two years.

Proposal two: charge the Lokayukta's expenses on the Consolidated Fund of the State, and require the Selection Committee to meet within three months of a vacancy. Unimpressive, and it addresses two of the three constraints that actually bind.

Proposal three: give the Lokayukta an investigating wing of his own, staffed by officers on deputation whose confidential reports he writes. This addresses the third, and it is what made the Karnataka Lokayukta effective for a period, as chapter 240 noted.

Which two should the State pass? Two and three. That answer, with the reasoning, is worth more marks than a list of the Lokpal Act's powers.

Quick revision

The classical criticism: the output is a report and a recommendation binding nobody; the sanction is publicity.

The classical defence: most recommendations are accepted because refusal must be explained in a report laid before the legislature. It depends on a legislature that reads them.

India's departure: Inquiry Wing, Prosecution Wing, sanction for prosecution taken from the Government, search and seizure, attachment and confiscation, transfer or suspension, Special Courts, recovery of loss, and money charged on the Consolidated Fund.

And the experience: five years and two months to constitute; inquiries by lent officers; staff from Government panels; investigation by an agency it may not direct as to outcome.

munotes.in179

The Ombudsman's Weakness: Recommendation Without Power

The conclusion: the binding constraints are appointment, staffing and money, not formal powers; and a fourth, the treatment of the complainant.

Test yourself

1. State the classical criticism of the ombudsman and the classical answer to it. The criticism is that the institution's output is a report and a recommendation which bind nobody, so a department may ignore it and the sanction is publicity alone. The answer is that in practice the great majority of recommendations are accepted, because a refusal must be explained in a report laid before the legislature, and that the recommendatory character is what allowed the institution to spread, since a body that threatened no existing jurisdiction met no resistance and could be given wide access to official files.

2. List the powers by which the Lokpal Act departs from the classical model. An Inquiry Wing under section 11 and a Prosecution Wing under section 12 whose filing is deemed a report under section 173 of the Code; the power to grant sanction for prosecution under section 23; search and seizure under section 26; provisional attachment under section 29 with confirmation and confiscation by the Special Court under sections 30 and 31; a recommendation of transfer or suspension which the Central Government shall ordinarily accept under section 32; directions to prevent destruction of records under section 33; Special Courts with a statutory timetable under section 35; assessment and recovery of loss under section 39; and expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund under section 13.

3. Did those powers solve the problem? Argue your answer. Not by themselves. The Act came into force on 16 January 2014 and the first Lokpal was sworn in on 23 March 2019; the Inquiry Wing was not constituted at once so inquiries were conducted by officers lent by the Central Government under the proviso to section 11; the Lokpal's own staff are appointed from panels the Central Government sends under section 10; and investigation is directed to an agency whose conclusions the Lokpal may not direct, by the proviso to section 25(1). The experience suggests the binding constraints are whether the office is filled, who staffs it and how it is paid, rather than the formal powers a statute confers.

4. Which reforms would most strengthen a weak State Lokayukta, and why? Charging its expenses on the Consolidated Fund of the State, so that its budget cannot be reduced by a vote; a duty on the Selection Committee to meet within a fixed period of a vacancy, so that the office cannot be disabled by being left empty; and an investigating wing of its own, so that it does not depend on the State police it is investigating. Conferring powers of attachment on an office that is vacant, unfunded and without investigators addresses none of the constraints that actually bind.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in180

Chapter Thirty-Seven

Grievance Redress, and the Statute India Never Passed

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

The First Administrative Reforms Commission proposed an institution for allegations and for grievances; India built the allegations half in 2013 and the grievances half not at all.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Administrative Reforms Commission recommended in 1966 an institution dealing both with allegations of corruption and abuse and with grievances of injustice or undue hardship arising from maladministration; the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 covers allegations only, the definition of complaint in section 2 being confined to an offence punishable under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988; the grievance half was placed in the Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill 2011, which lapsed; and section 49 of the Lokpal Act, which makes the Lokpal the final appellate authority under any other law providing for the delivery of public services, has no such central law beneath it to operate on.

How the split happened

1966. Chapter 70 read the Interim Report. Its Lokpal and Lokayukta were to deal with allegations and with grievances both, and the Commission put the citizen's grievance first because that is what an ordinary person meets when dealing with the State.

1971 onwards. The States legislated, and the older State Acts kept both. Chapter 260 read sections 9 and 12 of the Maharashtra Act of 1971: a grievance may be complained of by the person aggrieved, and a report on a grievance recommends that the injustice or undue hardship be remedied within a stated time.

2011. The Government introduced two Bills. The Lokpal Bill carried the allegations. The Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill carried the grievances, together with a citizens' charter for every public authority, a Grievance Redress Officer in every office, and appeals to designated authorities.

2013. The Lokpal Bill became the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013. The grievances Bill lapsed.

And the split hardened. Chapter 100 read the definition of "complaint" in section 2: a complaint alleging that a public servant has committed an offence punishable under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. A citizen with a complaint about delay has no complaint the Act recognises.

What a citizens' charter and a grievance statute would have done

A citizens' charter is a published statement by a public authority of what services it provides, to what standard and in what time. It converts an expectation into a measurable commitment.

A grievance redress statute turns that commitment into a right. The standard design, which the Bill of 2011 followed and which several States have enacted, is:

  1. every public authority publishes a charter listing its services and the time limit for each;
  2. a Grievance Redress Officer in every office receives complaints of failure;
  3. an appeal lies to a designated authority, and a further appeal to a State or Central commission;
  4. penalties for the officer who fails without sufficient cause, and in some designs compensation to the citizen.
munotes.in181

Grievance Redress, and the Statute India Never Passed

Several States have such Acts. Madhya Pradesh's Public Services Guarantee Act of 2010 was the first, and Bihar, Delhi, Rajasthan, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Kerala, Karnataka, Jharkhand and Maharashtra followed with legislation on the same pattern.

Maharashtra's is the Maharashtra Right to Public Services Act 2015, and a student of this University should know it exists. It obliges notified public services to be delivered within notified time limits, provides for designated officers and appellate authorities, and establishes a Right to Service Commission.

The consequence for the Lokpal Act

Section 49 was drafted for a world that did not arrive. Chapter 200 read it: the Lokpal is the final appellate authority for appeals arising out of any other law providing for the delivery of public services and the redressal of public grievances, where the decision contains findings of corruption.

Two conditions, and both bite. There must be a law below providing for service delivery and grievance redress, and the decision must contain a finding of corruption. There is no such central law, and a decision on a delayed certificate does not ordinarily contain a finding of corruption. So section 49 is an appellate jurisdiction with almost nothing to hear.

The gap, stated as a citizen would meet it

Against a State department in Maharashtra. The citizen has two routes. Under the Maharashtra Right to Public Services Act 2015 he may complain that a notified service was not delivered in time and appeal. Under the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 he may complain of a grievance, that is injustice or undue hardship from maladministration, and the Lokayukta may report recommending redress within a stated time. When the 2023 Act is fully notified, Chapter VI preserves the second route.

Against a Union department. He has neither. There is no central right to services statute and the Lokpal Act does not take grievances. What remains is the Centralised Public Grievance Redress and Monitoring System, an administrative mechanism and not a statutory right, and a writ petition, which chapter 10 explained is disproportionate to the wrong.

That asymmetry is the finding of this chapter, and it is the sort of concrete point that lifts an answer above a summary of the Act.

Why the grievance half is harder to legislate

An answer that simply says the Government did not want it is incomplete. Three genuine difficulties explain the failure and are worth stating.

munotes.in182

Grievance Redress, and the Statute India Never Passed

Volume. Allegations of corruption against senior public servants are counted in thousands. Grievances about delay are counted in millions. An institution that takes both must be built quite differently, which is why the 1966 design put grievances with the lower tier.

Federalism. Most services a citizen deals with are delivered by State and local authorities. A central statute guaranteeing time bound delivery runs into the same objection chapter 220 recorded about section 63, and the fact that eleven or more States legislated while the Centre did not is the same pattern as the Lokayuktas.

Remedy. A finding of corruption leads to prosecution. A finding of delay leads to what? Compensation costs money and requires assessment; a penalty on the officer requires a disciplinary process; a direction to decide within a time is what a mandamus already gives. Designing an effective remedy for maladministration is genuinely hard, and the ombudsman's answer, publicity, works less well for a wrong that is repeated a million times.

A worked example

Mr Fernandes waits fourteen months for a Union pension and eleven months for a State land record correction.

The land record. A notified service under the Maharashtra Right to Public Services Act 2015, so he applies, the time limit runs, and he appeals to the designated officer and then to the appellate authority. Separately he may complain to the Lokayukta of a grievance under section 9(1)(a) of the 1971 Act, and the Lokayukta may report recommending redress within a stated time, with the competent authority obliged to respond within one month.

The pension. No central right to services Act. Not a complaint under the Lokpal Act, because it alleges no offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act. Not within the Central Vigilance Commission's function, because there is no vigilance angle. He may lodge a grievance on the central portal, which is administrative, or file a writ petition, which costs more than the pension.

Same citizen, same kind of wrong, two entirely different answers depending on which Government kept him waiting.

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal handles citizens' grievances. It does not; section 2's definition of complaint confines it to offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

That the grievances Bill was rejected. It lapsed, which chapter 80 explained is the ordinary way an Indian Bill dies.

That section 49 gives the Lokpal a grievance jurisdiction. It gives an appellate jurisdiction that requires both a service delivery law below and a finding of corruption in the decision appealed from.

That the States have the same gap. Many do not. Maharashtra has both a right to services Act and a Lokayukta with grievance jurisdiction.

Quick revision

1966: the Administrative Reforms Commission proposed an institution for allegations and grievances both.

munotes.in183

Grievance Redress, and the Statute India Never Passed

2011: two Bills. The Lokpal Bill and the Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill. The second lapsed.

2013: the Lokpal Act covers allegations only; section 2 defines a complaint as one alleging an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

s.49 makes the Lokpal the final appellate authority under any other service delivery law where the decision contains findings of corruption. There is no central law beneath it.

The States: right to public services Acts from Madhya Pradesh 2010 onwards, including the Maharashtra Right to Public Services Act 2015; and the older Lokayukta Acts, including Maharashtra's of 1971 and Chapter VI of the 2023 Act, keep a grievance jurisdiction.

Three reasons the grievance half is hard: volume, federalism and the difficulty of designing a remedy.

Test yourself

1. What was the grievance half of the 1966 design, and what happened to it? The Administrative Reforms Commission proposed that the Lokpal and Lokayukta deal not only with allegations of abuse of position and corruption but with grievances, meaning injustice or undue hardship suffered in consequence of maladministration. In 2011 the grievance half was placed in a separate Bill, the Right of Citizens for Time Bound Delivery of Goods and Services and Redressal of their Grievances Bill, together with citizens' charters and grievance redress officers. That Bill lapsed, and the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 was enacted covering allegations alone.

2. Why does section 49 of the Lokpal Act do so little? Because it makes the Lokpal the final appellate authority for appeals arising out of any other law providing for the delivery of public services and the redressal of public grievances, and only where the decision appealed from contains findings of corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. There is no central law of that kind, the Bill of 2011 having lapsed; and a decision about a delayed service ordinarily contains no finding of corruption. It is an appellate jurisdiction with nothing beneath it.

3. Compare the position of a citizen aggrieved by a State department in Maharashtra with that of one aggrieved by a Union department. In Maharashtra he has two routes: the Maharashtra Right to Public Services Act 2015 for a notified service not delivered within the notified time, with a designated officer and appellate authorities; and a complaint of grievance to the Lokayukta under section 9(1)(a) of the 1971 Act, on which the Lokayukta may report recommending redress within a stated time, the competent authority being bound to respond within one month. Against a Union department he has neither, because there is no central right to services statute and the Lokpal Act takes only complaints of offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

munotes.in184

Grievance Redress, and the Statute India Never Passed

4. Give three genuine difficulties in legislating a central grievance statute. Volume, because grievances about delay are counted in millions while allegations against senior public servants are counted in thousands, so the institution must be built quite differently. Federalism, because most services a citizen deals with are delivered by State and local authorities, so a central guarantee of time bound delivery runs into the same objection that led section 63 to oblige the States to legislate rather than legislating for them. And remedy, because a finding of delay does not lead anywhere obvious: compensation costs money and needs assessment, a penalty needs a disciplinary process, and a direction to decide within a time is what a writ of mandamus already provides.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in185

Chapter Thirty-Eight

A Worked Comparison: Lokpal, Lokayukta and the Ombudsman Abroad

Syllabus topic 1, "Ombudsman"

In one line

Sweden invented an officer of Parliament who could see everything and order nothing; Britain added a filter; India added teeth, dropped grievances, and then did not appoint anybody for five years.

The table

Sweden 1809Denmark 1955Britain 1967Lokpal 2013Maharashtra 1971Maharashtra 2023
Created byConstitutionConstitution and ActActActActAct, partly in force
Appointed byRiksdagFolketingCrown, on the Prime Minister's advicePresident, on a five member Selection CommitteeGovernor, after consultationGovernor, on a seven member Selection Committee
Government majority on the selecting bodyNoNoYes in formNo, two of fiveConsultation onlyYes, four of seven
AccessDirect, freeDirect, freeThrough a Member of ParliamentDirectDirectDirect
Grievances coveredYesYesYesNoYesYes, Chapter VI
Allegations of corruptionYesNot the focusNot the focusYes, the whole of itYesYes
Courts within jurisdictionYesNoNoNoNoNo
Own investigatorsStaffStaffStaffInquiry Wing, and agenciesNoNo
Can prosecuteYesNoNoYes, Prosecution WingNoThrough the investigating authority
Grants its own sanction to prosecuteNot applicableNot applicableNot applicableYes, s.23Not applicableNo, s.30
Attachment and confiscationNoNoNoYesNoYes
MoneyParliamentParliamentConsolidated FundConsolidated Fund, s.13State provisionConsolidated Fund of the State, s.11
Head of Government insideNot applicableYesYesYes, with a two-thirds vote of the Lokpal's MembersMinisters, yesChief Minister, with a two-thirds motion of the Assembly
Report to the legislatureYesYesYesYes, s.48Yes, special reportYes, s.54

Four arguments a candidate can build from that table

One: India built the most powerful ombudsman in the world and the least accessible one. Read the rows for prosecution, attachment and sanction against the row for grievances. No other institution in the table can attach property; none of the others excludes the citizen's ordinary complaint. India chose corruption over maladministration, and chapter 330 sets out what that cost.

Two: the safeguard has moved from the appointing body to the statute, and that is a step backwards. Sweden and Denmark protected the office by having the legislature appoint it. India protects it by writing tenure, salary and removal into the Act. The 2023 Maharashtra Act shows why the older method mattered: a seven member committee on which the ruling side holds four is a weaker protection than any amount of drafting about tenure.

Three: the British filter was rejected in India and the rejection was right. Chapter 40 set out both arguments. India's institutions all allow direct complaint, and given the size of the country and the distance between a citizen and his representative, a filter would have closed the institution to most people. The cost is volume, which is why the Lokpal routes Groups A to D to the Central Vigilance Commission under the provisos to section 20(1).

munotes.in186

A Worked Comparison: Lokpal, Lokayukta and the Ombudsman Abroad

Four: on sanction, the State Act went backwards from the central one. Chapter 290 made this point and it deserves repeating in a comparison. Section 23 of the Lokpal Act took the sanction decision from the Government; section 30 of the Maharashtra Act of 2023, whose preamble says it follows the Lokpal Act, gives it back to the competent authority with a three month clock. Of everything in the table, that is the row on which the newest statute is furthest from its own stated model.

The evolution, in six sentences

1809. Sweden creates an officer of the Riksdag to supervise officials and judges, with power to prosecute and a duty to report publicly.

1955 and 1962. Denmark drops the courts from the jurisdiction and prosecution from the powers, and New Zealand shows the result can work in a Westminster system.

1966. India's Administrative Reforms Commission proposes a Lokpal for Ministers and Secretaries and a Lokayukta for everybody else, covering allegations and grievances.

1970 to 2002. The States build the lower tier while eight Lokpal Bills fail at the Centre.

2013. After the agitation of 2011 the Lokpal Act is passed, with an Inquiry Wing, a Prosecution Wing, attachment, confiscation and the power to sanction its own prosecutions, and without any jurisdiction over grievances.

2014 to 2026. The Act comes into force on 16 January 2014; the first Lokpal is sworn in on 23 March 2019; and Maharashtra enacts a new Lokayukta statute on the Lokpal's model, assented on 14 November 2025 and so far only partly in force.

The assessment, which is what the question actually wants

What India got right. It refused the British filter, so a citizen may complain directly. It put the Prime Minister inside. It took the sanction decision away from the Government, which no other reform since 1947 had managed. It charged the institution's money on the Consolidated Fund. And it required every State to have a Lokayukta by law.

What India got wrong, or has not yet got right. It dropped grievances, and did not pass the statute that was to carry them. It gave the institution no investigating force of its own. It coupled closure of a complaint with prosecution of the complainant, under sections 20(3)(c) and 46, while the Whistle Blowers Protection Act 2011 has never been brought into force. And it took five years and two months to appoint anybody, which chapter 230 shows was not the statute's fault.

And the sentence to end an answer on. The Indian ombudsman is not weak because its powers are weak. Its powers are the strongest in the comparison. It is weak where every Indian institution in this syllabus is weak: in whether it is filled, who staffs it, and whether the person who complains is safe afterwards.

munotes.in187

A Worked Comparison: Lokpal, Lokayukta and the Ombudsman Abroad

A worked example

A citizen is refused a pension for four years by a Central Government department. Nobody has taken a bribe; the file has simply not moved.

In Sweden, Denmark or Britain. This is the paradigm ombudsman complaint: injustice in consequence of maladministration. The Swedish and Danish officers take it directly; the British Parliamentary Commissioner takes it only through a Member of the House of Commons, which is the filter India refused.

Before the Lokpal. It fails at the door. Section 14 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 gives jurisdiction over an allegation of corruption, and the complaint discloses none. The most powerful ombudsman in the comparison cannot look at the commonest grievance a citizen has.

Before the Maharashtra Lokayukta. It is entertained. The Act of 1971 covers a complaint involving a grievance as well as an allegation, so the State institution takes the case the national one cannot.

Where else the citizen can go. To the department's own grievance machinery, and to the High Court under article 226 for a mandamus; and chapter 330 records that the statute intended to carry grievances, the Bill for the time bound delivery of goods and services and the redressal of grievances, was never passed.

Now change the facts: the officer demanded a payment to move the file. The Lokpal has jurisdiction, and with it an Inquiry Wing, a Prosecution Wing, the power to grant its own sanction under section 23 and powers of attachment and confiscation, none of which any other institution in the table possesses.

That pair of facts is the whole chapter. The same citizen, the same department, the same four years: outside the jurisdiction if the officer was merely idle, and inside it with the strongest machinery in the comparison if he was paid.

Quick revision

The table's six columns: Sweden 1809, Denmark 1955, Britain 1967, Lokpal 2013, Maharashtra 1971, Maharashtra 2023.

What India refused: the British Member of Parliament filter; access is direct.

What India dropped: grievances. The Lokpal takes allegations of corruption only.

What India added: an Inquiry Wing and a Prosecution Wing, its own sanction to prosecute under s.23, and attachment and confiscation.

What India kept from the classical model: money charged on the Consolidated Fund, and a report to the legislature. Where it is weak: not in its powers, which are the strongest in the table, but in whether the office is filled, who staffs it, and whether the complainant is safe afterwards.

munotes.in188

A Worked Comparison: Lokpal, Lokayukta and the Ombudsman Abroad

Test yourself

1. Give four differences between the Lokpal and the British Parliamentary Commissioner. Access: the Lokpal takes a direct complaint, the Commissioner only through a Member of the House of Commons. Subject matter: the Lokpal takes allegations of offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act, the Commissioner takes injustice from maladministration. Powers: the Lokpal has an Inquiry Wing, a Prosecution Wing, the power to sanction prosecution and powers of attachment and confiscation, while the Commissioner reports and recommends. Appointment: the Lokpal is appointed by the President on the recommendation of a five member Selection Committee in which the Government does not have a majority, while the Commissioner is appointed by the Crown on the Prime Minister's advice.

2. Which is the more protective appointment mechanism, the Lokpal's or the Maharashtra Act of 2023's, and why? The Lokpal's. Its Selection Committee of five gives the Government the Prime Minister and, in the ordinary course, the Speaker, so two of five, against the Leader of the Opposition, the Chief Justice of India or his nominee and an eminent jurist chosen by all four. The Maharashtra Committee of seven includes the Chief Minister, the Deputy Chief Minister, the Speaker of the Assembly and the Chairman of the Council, who ordinarily come from the ruling side, so four of seven, against the two Leaders of the Opposition and the judicial member.

3. Trace the evolution of the ombudsman in six stages. Sweden 1809, an officer of the Riksdag with jurisdiction over officials and judges, power to prosecute and a public annual report. Denmark 1955 and New Zealand 1962, the courts dropped from jurisdiction and prosecution replaced by recommendation, and the model shown to work in a Westminster system. India 1966, the Administrative Reforms Commission's two-tier proposal covering allegations and grievances. 1970 to 2002, the States build Lokayuktas while eight Lokpal Bills fail. 2013, the Lokpal Act with prosecution, attachment and confiscation powers and no grievance jurisdiction. 2014 to 2026, five years to the first appointment, and Maharashtra's new Act of 2023 partly in force.

4. "The Indian ombudsman is toothless." Do you agree? No, if by teeth are meant powers: the Lokpal has an Inquiry Wing, a Prosecution Wing, the power to grant its own sanction for prosecution under section 23, search and seizure, provisional attachment, confiscation through the Special Court, a recommendation of transfer or suspension the Government shall ordinarily accept, and money charged on the Consolidated Fund. It is the most powerful institution in any comparison. Its weaknesses lie elsewhere: it was not constituted for five years and two months, its inquiries were conducted by officers lent by the Government under the proviso to section 11, its staff come from Government panels under section 10, it has no grievance jurisdiction, and a complainant whose complaint fails may be prosecuted under section 46 with no whistleblower statute in force to protect him.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in189

Chapter Thirty-Nine

What a Commission of Inquiry Is For

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

When something has gone badly wrong in public life and nobody agrees what happened, the Government appoints a judge to find out and report; the report settles the facts and settles nothing else.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: a Commission of Inquiry is a body appointed by the appropriate Government under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 to inquire into a definite matter of public importance and to perform such functions and within such time as the notification specifies; it is not a court, it decides nothing between parties, its findings create no legal liability and its report is recommendatory and not enforceable of its own force, its purpose being to establish the facts and, by doing so publicly, to restore confidence in the integrity of public life.

Why an institution of this kind is necessary

Because some questions are too big for a court and too contested for a department.

A court decides a case. It has parties, an issue between them, rules of evidence and a judgment that binds those parties. Riots in a city, a bridge collapse, the working of a whole licensing system, the conduct of a Government over a decade: none of these is a case, none has two parties, and no judgment could exhaust them.

A departmental inquiry is not believed. Where the allegation is that a Government or its Ministers acted improperly, an inquiry by that Government's own officers answers nothing, however carefully it is done.

A parliamentary committee is partisan by construction. Module III's fifth label deals with committee inquiries, and chapter 1130 sets out their limits: they report to a House organised in parties, and their findings are read as party findings.

So a fourth instrument was needed, and its defining features follow from the need: independent of the Government, headed by somebody the public will believe, with power to compel evidence, sitting publicly, and reporting publicly.

The purpose in the Supreme Court's own words

The clearest statement is in the judgment chapter 500 works in full, and it is worth having the substance now because it frames the whole label.

Facts. State of Karnataka v. Union of India, (1977) 4 SCC 608, decided on 8 November 1977 by a bench of seven presided over by M.H. Beg CJ, arose when the Union Government appointed a Commission of Inquiry into allegations against the Chief Minister and other Ministers of Karnataka. The State had already notified its own Commission on related ground and sued the Union under article 131, contending that the Central notification was barred by proviso (b) to section 3(1), which forbids a second Commission on the same matter, and that the Union was interfering with the government of the State.

munotes.in190

What a Commission of Inquiry Is For

Held. The Central notification was valid. Comparing the two notifications, the State's was meant only to see whether the veil worn by certain transactions was correct in form, while the Central one was meant to tear down the veil of apparent legality; because the two inquiries were substantially different in nature and object they were not into "the same matter" and the proviso did not bar the second. On the purpose of the Act the Court held that the obvious intention behind it is to enable the machinery of democratic government to function more efficiently and effectively, and that it can hardly be construed as an Act meant to thwart democratic methods of government; that in all democratic countries when allegations and rumours circulate causing a crisis of confidence in the integrity of public life or about other matters of public importance, it is essential that public confidence should be restored, and this can be done only by thoroughly investigating and probing the rumours and allegations; and that such an inquiry might reveal either that the evil exists or that there is no force in the rumours, and in either case confidence is restored.

Why it matters. It supplies the purpose from which every criticism in this label is measured, and it disposes of the objection that an inquiry is an attack on a State Government. The last sentence is the one to carry into an answer: the institution succeeds whichever way the facts turn out, because its product is knowledge and not punishment.

The four things a Commission is for, and the one it is not for

One, to establish facts that are disputed. This is the primary function and everything else follows from it.

Two, to restore public confidence. Whether by confirming the allegation or by dispelling it.

Three, to produce recommendations for the future. Chapter 480 will show that this is what the Supreme Court held a Commission may properly do: recommend legislative or administrative measures so that the thing does not happen again.

Four, to create a public record. A report is published, laid before the House and read. It is history written with the power to compel witnesses.

And what it is not for: punishment. A Commission cannot convict, cannot fine, cannot order compensation and cannot dismiss anybody. Chapter 480 works the case that settles this. The consequence is the central tension of the label and the subject of MU's third question: a body powerful enough to find that a Minister behaved corruptly, and powerless to do anything about it.

Why India uses this instrument so much

Because the alternative institutions are weak in exactly the places a Commission is strong. A Commission can be appointed in a week, given any terms of reference the Government chooses, headed by a retired Supreme Court judge and empowered to summon anybody in India.

munotes.in191

What a Commission of Inquiry Is For

Because it is politically useful. An inquiry answers a demand for action without taking any. That is a criticism and it is also a fact about why the instrument survives, and chapter 540 puts numbers to it.

And because it fills the gap the ombudsman does not. Chapter 330 showed that a citizen with a grievance against a Union department has nowhere to go. A Commission is not for individual grievances either, but where a failure is systemic and public, it is the only Indian institution that can look at the whole of it.

A worked example

A pedestrian bridge collapses in a city, killing fourteen people. The bridge was inspected eight months earlier and certified fit. Two contractors, a municipal engineer and a State department are involved.

A criminal court will try whoever is charged, on the evidence the police collect, for the offences the police name. It will decide their guilt and nothing else. It will not ask why the inspection regime allowed a fit certificate, and it will take years.

A departmental inquiry by the same State department will be believed by nobody, because the department is implicated.

A writ petition may get directions for compensation and for a status report. It cannot find facts.

A Commission of Inquiry under section 3 can be appointed within days, with terms of reference covering the collapse, the inspection, the contract and the systemic failure; can summon the engineer, the contractors and the Secretary; can require the file; and can report publicly, with recommendations for the inspection regime.

What it cannot do. Convict anybody. Order compensation. Dismiss the engineer. Its findings are not evidence in the criminal trial, because section 6 makes a statement to the Commission inadmissible against its maker, and chapter 420 reads that section.

So the two run in parallel and answer different questions. The court asks who is guilty. The Commission asks what happened and what should change. A student who can state that division has the label's central idea.

What a Commission of Inquiry is NOT

Not a court. Chapter 470 works the two cases that settle it.

Not a trial. Nobody is accused, there is no charge, and there is no verdict.

Not binding. Chapter 480 works the case and the Latin phrase the Court used.

Not permanent. It exists for the matter in the notification and ceases under section 7. This is the sharpest contrast with the Lokpal and the Lokayukta, which are standing bodies.

munotes.in192

What a Commission of Inquiry Is For

And not a substitute for the ombudsman or for the vigilance machinery. Section 14(4) of the Lokpal Act forbids moving a matter from the Lokpal to a Commission, and chapter 140 explained why.

Quick revision

A Commission of Inquiry is appointed by the appropriate Government under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 to inquire into a definite matter of public importance.

Purpose, from State of Karnataka v. Union of India, (1977) 4 SCC 608: to enable the machinery of democratic government to function more efficiently, and to restore public confidence where rumours and allegations cause a crisis of confidence, whichever way the facts turn out.

Four functions: establish disputed facts; restore confidence; recommend for the future; create a public record.

What it cannot do: convict, fine, compensate or dismiss. The report is recommendatory.

Why India uses it: quick to appoint, wide terms of reference, a credible head, power to compel evidence, and politically useful because it answers a demand for action without taking any.

Test yourself

1. What is a Commission of Inquiry and what is it for? A body appointed by the appropriate Government under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 to inquire into a definite matter of public importance and perform such functions within such time as the notification specifies. It exists to establish disputed facts, to restore public confidence, to recommend measures for the future and to create a public record, in situations too large for a court, too contested for a departmental inquiry and too partisan for a parliamentary committee.

2. State the purpose of the Act as the Supreme Court described it in 1977. That the obvious intention behind the Act is to enable the machinery of democratic government to function more efficiently and effectively and that it can hardly be construed as meant to thwart democratic methods of government; and that in all democratic countries where allegations and rumours cause a crisis of confidence in the integrity of public life it is essential that confidence be restored, which can be done only by thoroughly probing them, an inquiry revealing either that the evil exists or that there is no force in the rumours, and in either case restoring confidence.

3. Why can a court not do the work of a Commission of Inquiry? Because a court decides a case: it needs parties, an issue between them, admissible evidence and a judgment binding those parties. A riot, a structural collapse, the working of a licensing system or the conduct of a Government over years is not a case, has no two parties and could not be exhausted by any judgment. A court also asks who is guilty of a named offence, whereas the question a Commission answers is what happened and what should change.

munotes.in193

What a Commission of Inquiry Is For

4. Distinguish the Commission from the ombudsman on four grounds. Existence: a Commission is appointed for one matter and ceases under section 7, while a Lokpal or Lokayukta is a standing body. Trigger: a Commission is appointed by the Government or on a resolution of the House, while an ombudsman acts on a citizen's complaint. Output: a Commission reports and recommends with no legal consequence, while the Lokpal may sanction prosecution, attach and confiscate. And subject: a Commission may inquire into any definite matter of public importance, while the Lokpal is confined to offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in194

Chapter Forty

The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, and Its Repeal

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Every older account of inquiries against public servants in India begins with an Act of 1850; that Act was repealed in whole on 5 January 2018, and what stands in its place is article 311 with the service rules made under article 309.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, Act XXXVII of 1850, provided for a formal inquiry by commissioners into charges of misconduct against a public servant not removable without the sanction of Government, and was the ancestor of the modern departmental inquiry; it was repealed in its entirety, together with the Public Servants (Inquiries) Amendment Act 1897, by the Repealing and Amending Act 2017, Act 2 of 2018, which received assent on 5 January 2018 and repeals the enactments listed in its First Schedule; the field it occupied is now covered by article 311 of the Constitution read with the service rules made under article 309, by the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 for a public inquiry, and by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 for a corruption inquiry against a public servant.

What the Act of 1850 did

The scheme. Where the Government considered that a public servant not removable from his office without the sanction of Government should be formally inquired into on charges of misconduct, it could direct an inquiry by commissioners appointed for the purpose. Articles of charge were drawn, the officer was given a copy, evidence was taken and the commissioners reported.

Why it existed. In 1850 there was no general law of public service discipline, no constitutional protection for a civil servant and no ordinary machinery for inquiring into the conduct of a senior officer of the Company's service. The Act supplied a procedure.

Its two lasting contributions. The idea of articles of charge furnished to the officer with the evidence, and the idea that an inquiry into a public servant should be conducted by a person independent of the department. Both survive in the modern law: the first in the disciplinary rules under article 309, the second in the appointment of an inquiry officer and in the whole institution of the Commission of Inquiry.

The case that a student must not lose

Facts. Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain, AIR 1956 SC 66, [1955] 2 SCR 955, decided on 8 November 1955 by N.H. Bhagwati, B.P. Sinha and S.J. Imam JJ, arose out of an inquiry by a Commissioner appointed under the Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850 into charges against a public servant. Brajnandan Sinha wrote a letter attacking the inquiry, and the High Court punished him for contempt on the footing that the Commissioner was a court subordinate to the High Court within the Contempt of Courts Act 1952.

munotes.in195

The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, and Its Repeal

Held. The conviction was set aside. A Commissioner holding an inquiry under the 1850 Act is not a court. Taking the definitions of "Judge" and "Court of Justice" in sections 19 and 20 of the Indian Penal Code, the Court held that the pronouncement of a definitive judgment is the essential sine qua non of a court, and that unless and until a binding and authoritative judgment can be pronounced by a person or body, it cannot be predicated that he or they constitute a court. The Commissioner could only report; his findings bound nobody.

Why it matters, and why it survives the repeal. The reasoning is about what makes a body a court, not about the 1850 Act. It applies unchanged to a Commission under the 1952 Act, to a departmental inquiry officer and to any other inquiring authority, and chapter 470 uses it for exactly that purpose. Sine qua non is Latin for something without which a thing cannot be: the indispensable condition.

The repeal, verified

India Code's own catalogue title for the Act reads "The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act, 1850, 37 of 1850 (Rep., Act 02 of 2018)." A catalogue line is not authority, so the repealing Act was fetched and read.

The Repealing and Amending Act, 2017, Act No. 2 of 2018, assented on 5 January 2018, is an Act to repeal certain enactments and to amend certain other enactments. Its section 2 gives effect to the First Schedule, headed REPEALS, which lists the year, number, short title and extent of repeal of each enactment. Two rows matter here:

1850, XXXVII, The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act, 1850. Extent of repeal: the whole.

1897, I, The Public Servants (Inquiries) Amendment Act, 1897. Extent of repeal: the whole.

So the Act and its amending Act are both gone, in their entirety, from 5 January 2018.

Why this needs saying loudly. Standard treatments of this subject, including material a student is likely to be given, still describe the 1850 Act as the statute governing formal inquiries against public servants. A candidate who writes that in April 2027 is stating as current a law that has been repealed for over nine years. Chapter 470's reasoning is safe; the statute is not.

What a Repealing and Amending Act is

A Repealing and Amending Act is a periodic tidying statute. It does not change the law. It removes from the statute book enactments that have become obsolete, spent, unnecessary or superseded, and corrects minor errors in others. India has passed them regularly since the nineteenth century.

What that tells you about the 1850 Act. Parliament did not repeal it because it disapproved of it. It repealed it because the field had been occupied by other law and the Act had become unnecessary. Which is the next question.

munotes.in196

The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, and Its Repeal

What stands in its place

Article 311, the constitutional protection. No person who is a member of a civil service of the Union or of a State, or holds a civil post under the Union or a State, shall be dismissed or removed by an authority subordinate to that by which he was appointed; and no such person shall be dismissed, removed or reduced in rank except after an inquiry in which he has been informed of the charges against him and given a reasonable opportunity of being heard in respect of those charges. The second proviso excludes the inquiry in three situations, including where the person is dismissed on the ground of conduct which has led to his conviction on a criminal charge.

Article 309, the source of the rules. Subject to the Constitution, Acts of the appropriate Legislature may regulate the recruitment and conditions of service of persons appointed to public services and posts; and until such an Act is made, the President or the Governor may make rules. The disciplinary rules under which every departmental inquiry in India is actually conducted, such as the Central Civil Services (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules 1965 and the All India Services (Discipline and Appeal) Rules 1969, are made under that power.

Article 310, the doctrine of pleasure. Every person in the defence services or the civil service of the Union holds office during the pleasure of the President, and every person in the civil service of a State during the pleasure of the Governor, except as the Constitution expressly provides. Article 311 is the principal express exception, and the two must be read together: pleasure is the rule and article 311 is the safeguard on it.

So the modern architecture is this. Article 310 states the tenure. Article 311 requires a charge and a hearing before dismissal, removal or reduction in rank. Rules under article 309 supply the procedure. The Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 supplies a public inquiry where the matter is one of public importance. The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 supplies a corruption inquiry with prosecution at the end. Nothing is missing that the 1850 Act supplied.

A worked example

A Deputy Secretary is alleged in 1960, and again in 2026, to have falsified a tender record.

In 1960. The Government could direct a formal inquiry by commissioners under the Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, on articles of charge, with a report; and article 311 already required a charge and a hearing before dismissal. The 1850 procedure was one way of satisfying that requirement.

munotes.in197

The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, and Its Repeal

In 2026. The 1850 Act does not exist. The disciplinary authority proceeds under the service rules made under article 309: a charge sheet with articles of charge and a statement of imputations, an inquiring authority, an opportunity to cross-examine and to lead evidence, an inquiry report, and a decision by the disciplinary authority, all satisfying article 311(2). If the matter is one of public importance, a Commission of Inquiry may be appointed under section 3 of the 1952 Act in addition, though its statements are inadmissible against the maker under section 6. If the allegation is of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act, the Lokpal route in Chapter V of the 2013 Act is available.

Notice that the officer is better protected in 2026, not worse. Article 311's inquiry is a constitutional right; the 1850 Act's inquiry was a statutory procedure the Government could choose to use.

What beginners get wrong

That the 1850 Act still governs departmental inquiries. It was repealed in whole on 5 January 2018.

That the repeal changed the law. A Repealing and Amending Act removes what has become unnecessary; the field had already been occupied by article 311 and the rules under article 309.

That Brajnandan Sinha fell with the Act. It did not. Its reasoning is about what makes a body a court and applies to every inquiring authority.

That article 311 protects everybody. It protects members of a civil service of the Union or a State and holders of a civil post, against dismissal, removal or reduction in rank. It does not protect a Minister, and it does not cover every adverse action.

Quick revision

The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, Act XXXVII of 1850, provided a formal inquiry by commissioners on articles of charge into a public servant not removable without the sanction of Government.

REPEALED IN WHOLE by the Repealing and Amending Act 2017, Act 2 of 2018, assented 5 January 2018, First Schedule, together with the Public Servants (Inquiries) Amendment Act 1897.

Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain, AIR 1956 SC 66: a Commissioner under the 1850 Act is not a court, because the pronouncement of a definitive judgment is the sine qua non of a court. The reasoning survives the repeal.

What replaced it: article 310 pleasure, article 311 charge and hearing before dismissal, removal or reduction in rank, article 309 rules supplying the procedure, the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 for a public inquiry, and the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 for corruption.

Test yourself

1. What did the Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850 provide, and what is its present status? It provided that where the Government considered a public servant not removable without its sanction should be formally inquired into on charges of misconduct, an inquiry could be directed before commissioners, on articles of charge furnished to the officer, with evidence taken and a report made. It was repealed in its entirety, along with the Public Servants (Inquiries) Amendment Act 1897, by the First Schedule to the Repealing and Amending Act 2017, Act 2 of 2018, which received assent on 5 January 2018.

munotes.in198

The Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850, and Its Repeal

2. State the holding in Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain and explain why it still matters. That a Commissioner holding an inquiry under the 1850 Act is not a court, and therefore not a court subordinate to the High Court for the purposes of the Contempt of Courts Act, because the pronouncement of a definitive judgment is the essential sine qua non of a court and unless a binding and authoritative judgment can be pronounced the body is not one. It still matters because the reasoning is about what makes a body a court rather than about the repealed Act, so it applies to a Commission of Inquiry under the 1952 Act, to a departmental inquiry officer and to any other inquiring authority.

3. What stands in the place of the 1850 Act today? Article 310 states that civil servants hold office during pleasure. Article 311 requires that no such person be dismissed or removed by an authority subordinate to the appointing authority, and that none be dismissed, removed or reduced in rank except after an inquiry in which he has been informed of the charges and given a reasonable opportunity of being heard. Rules made under article 309, such as the Central Civil Services (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules 1965, supply the procedure. Where the matter is one of public importance a Commission may be appointed under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, and where an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act is alleged the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 applies.

4. What is a Repealing and Amending Act, and what does its use here tell you? It is a periodic tidying statute that removes from the statute book enactments which have become obsolete, spent, unnecessary or superseded, and corrects minor errors, without changing the substantive law. Its use here tells you that Parliament regarded the 1850 Act as unnecessary rather than objectionable, the field it occupied having been taken over by article 311 with the rules made under article 309.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in199

Chapter Forty-One

The English Model: the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Britain invented the modern public inquiry in 1921 after Parliament found it could not investigate a scandal itself, and India copied the idea in 1952 with one important change: the Indian Government appoints, where the British Parliament resolved.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921 of the United Kingdom provided that where both Houses of Parliament resolved that a tribunal be established for inquiring into a definite matter of urgent public importance, the tribunal so appointed should have the powers of the High Court to compel the attendance of witnesses, to examine them on oath and to require the production of documents, and should sit in public unless it decided otherwise in the public interest; the Royal Commission on Tribunals of Inquiry under Lord Justice Salmon reported in 1966 on the procedure of such inquiries and produced the six principles known as the Salmon principles; and the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 of India follows the 1921 model in substance while vesting the power of appointment in the appropriate Government rather than requiring a resolution of both Houses.

Why Britain legislated in 1921

The occasion. In 1921 an allegation was made that officials of the Ministry of Munitions had taken bribes. A Select Committee of the House of Commons was appointed to inquire, and it found that it could not do the job: it could not compel evidence effectively, its members were partisan, and its proceedings were unsuited to determining questions of individual conduct.

The conclusion Parliament drew. That a House of Parliament is a poor tribunal of fact where the question is whether named individuals behaved improperly. Chapter 1130 makes the same point about Indian parliamentary committees, and it is worth noticing that the two systems reached it independently.

The solution. A statutory tribunal, constituted for the particular matter, on a resolution of both Houses, with the coercive powers of the High Court, sitting in public. The Act was passed within weeks.

The features of the 1921 model

Established on a resolution of both Houses, that the matter is one of urgent public importance. The initiative is the legislature's, not the executive's, and that is the feature India did not take.

Constituted for one matter and then ceasing. An inquiry, not an institution.

The powers of the High Court to enforce attendance, examine on oath and compel production. This is the essential feature: an inquiry without power to compel evidence is a request for cooperation.

Sitting in public, unless the tribunal decides that it is in the public interest to sit in private. Publicity is not incidental; it is how the inquiry restores confidence, which is the purpose chapter 350 took from State of Karnataka v. Union of India.

munotes.in200

The English Model: the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921

Reporting to Parliament, and thence to the public.

No power to determine liability. The tribunal finds facts. Punishment, if any, follows elsewhere. This is the same limitation Indian law expresses through the recommendatory character of the report, which chapter 480 works.

The Salmon principles, 1966

The Royal Commission on Tribunals of Inquiry under Lord Justice Salmon was appointed after criticism of the procedure of several inquiries, and reported in 1966. Its six principles concern the treatment of a person whose conduct is in question, and they are the foundation of modern inquiry procedure in the common law world.

  1. Before a person is involved in an inquiry, the tribunal must be satisfied that there are circumstances which affect him and which the tribunal proposes to investigate.
  2. He should be informed of any allegations against him and of the substance of the evidence in support of them.
  3. He should be given an adequate opportunity to prepare his case, and of being assisted by legal advisers, and his legal expenses should normally be met out of public funds.
  4. He should have the opportunity of being examined by his own solicitor or counsel and of stating his case in public at the inquiry.
  5. Any material witness he wishes called at the inquiry should, if reasonably practicable, be heard.
  6. He should have the opportunity of testing by cross-examination conducted by his own solicitor or counsel any evidence which may affect him.

Why these matter for an Indian answer. Because sections 8B and 8C of the Indian Act, inserted by the amendment of 1971 and read in chapter 440, are the Salmon principles in Indian statutory form: the right of a person likely to be prejudicially affected to be heard, and the right of cross-examination and legal representation. India did not have them in 1952 and State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, which chapter 490 works, was decided before they existed.

And the third principle is the one India has not adopted. Salmon said legal expenses should normally be met out of public funds. Section 8C gives a right to be represented; it does not fund the representation. Compare section 55 of the Lokpal Act, which chapter 205 read: there the institution must provide legal assistance on request. So Indian law funds a defence before the Lokpal and not before a Commission of Inquiry, which is an inconsistency worth naming in an answer about reform.

What India took, and what it changed

United Kingdom 1921India 1952
Who establishesBoth Houses, by resolutionThe appropriate Government, or both Houses by resolution under section 3(1)
TriggerA definite matter of urgent public importanceA definite matter of public importance
PowersThose of the High CourtThose of a civil court in enumerated matters, section 4
Additional powersInherentConferred by notification, section 5
SittingIn public unless otherwise decidedThe Commission decides, section 8
StatementsCompellableInadmissible against the maker, section 6
DurationFor the matterFor the matter, ceasing under section 7
ReportTo ParliamentTo the Government, laid before the House under section 3(4)
munotes.in201

The English Model: the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921

The first row is the important one. In Britain the initiative is Parliament's, and a Government that does not want an inquiry must persuade both Houses to refuse one. In India the initiative is ordinarily the Government's, with a resolution of the House as an alternative that obliges the Government to appoint. Chapter 390 reads section 3 and shows how much turns on that difference.

The second row matters too. The Indian Act dropped "urgent". That widens the section, and it is one reason India appoints so many more Commissions than Britain appoints tribunals.

The sixth row is India's own contribution and a large one. Section 6, which chapter 420 reads, makes a statement to the Commission inadmissible against its maker in any civil or criminal proceeding. Britain has no such general rule. It is why an Indian Commission can get people to talk, and it is also why its findings so rarely lead to a conviction.

A worked example

Suppose the Kuthuparamba firing of chapter 520 had happened in England in 1930.

Both Houses would have to resolve that the matter was one of urgent public importance. A Government with a majority could prevent it; a Government under pressure would find it hard to.

The tribunal would have the powers of the High Court, so a witness who refused to attend could be dealt with as for contempt.

It would sit in public. The evidence would be given openly and reported.

A person whose conduct was in question would, after 1966, be entitled to the six Salmon protections, including publicly funded legal representation.

And the statements made to it would be usable. There is no equivalent of the Indian section 6, so the evidence could feed a prosecution.

Now put the same facts in India in 1997. The State Government appoints, or the Assembly resolves. The Commission has the civil court powers of section 4, and the additional powers of section 5 only if the Government notifies them. It decides for itself whether to sit in public, under section 8. The person whose conduct is in question has the section 8B and 8C rights but pays for his own lawyer. And under section 6 nothing he says can be used against him.

munotes.in202

The English Model: the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921

The comparison shows both the strength and the weakness of the Indian design in one place: easier to appoint, safer for witnesses, and much harder to convert into consequences.

What beginners get wrong

That the 1921 Act is still the English law. It was replaced by the Inquiries Act 2005, under which a Minister rather than Parliament causes an inquiry to be held. The 1921 Act is the model the Indian Act follows and the reference point for the Salmon principles.

That the Salmon principles are Indian law. Sections 8B and 8C give effect to two of them. The principle about public funding of legal expenses has not been adopted.

That an Indian Commission must sit in public. Section 8 lets the Commission decide.

That India simply copied the 1921 Act. It moved the power of appointment to the Government, dropped the requirement of urgency, and added the inadmissibility rule in section 6.

Quick revision

Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921, passed after a Select Committee of the House of Commons found it could not investigate the Ministry of Munitions allegations. Tribunal established on a resolution of both Houses on a definite matter of urgent public importance, with the powers of the High Court, sitting in public unless it decides otherwise.

Salmon Commission 1966, six principles: the tribunal must be satisfied that circumstances affect the person; he must be told the allegations and the substance of the evidence; he must have time and legal advice, normally at public expense; he must be able to give his case in public through his own lawyer; his material witnesses should be heard; and he must be able to cross-examine evidence affecting him.

India took: the tribunal idea, the compellable evidence, the one matter design, the report.

India changed: appointment by the Government; urgency dropped; powers enumerated in section 4 with more available by notification under section 5; sitting in public at the Commission's choice; and section 6, statements inadmissible against the maker.

Sections 8B and 8C are Salmon principles one, two, four and six in Indian statutory form. Principle three, public funding, was not adopted.

Test yourself

1. Why did Britain pass the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921? Because a Select Committee of the House of Commons appointed in 1921 to inquire into allegations of bribery of officials of the Ministry of Munitions found that it could not do the work: it could not effectively compel evidence, its members were partisan, and its procedure was unsuited to determining whether named individuals had behaved improperly. Parliament concluded that a House is a poor tribunal of fact in such a case and created a statutory tribunal instead.

munotes.in203

The English Model: the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921

2. State the Salmon principles and say which India has adopted. That the tribunal must be satisfied there are circumstances affecting the person which it proposes to investigate; that he be informed of the allegations and the substance of the evidence; that he have adequate opportunity to prepare and legal assistance, normally at public expense; that he be able to be examined by his own lawyer and state his case in public; that his material witnesses be heard if reasonably practicable; and that he be able to cross-examine evidence affecting him. India gave effect to the first, second, fourth and sixth through sections 8B and 8C of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, inserted in 1971. The principle of public funding of legal expenses has not been adopted, although section 55 of the Lokpal Act does exactly that for proceedings before the Lokpal.

3. Give three differences between the 1921 model and the Indian Act of 1952. Appointment: in Britain on a resolution of both Houses, in India ordinarily by the appropriate Government, with a resolution of the House as an alternative that obliges it to appoint. Trigger: a definite matter of urgent public importance in Britain, a definite matter of public importance in India, urgency having been dropped. Evidence: in Britain a statement to the tribunal may be used, whereas section 6 of the Indian Act makes a statement inadmissible against its maker in any civil or criminal proceeding, which is why Indian inquiries elicit evidence readily and convert into convictions rarely.

4. Why does the difference in who appoints matter? Because it decides who controls whether an inquiry happens. Where both Houses must resolve, a Government that does not want an inquiry must persuade the legislature to refuse one, which is politically costly. Where the Government appoints, an inquiry into the Government's own conduct depends on the Government deciding to order it, and the alternative route by resolution requires the House to act against the majority that sustains the Government.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in204

Chapter Forty-Two

The Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952: Extent and Definitions

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

A short Act, twelve numbered sections and seven lettered ones, whose second section decides the one question that generates most of the litigation: which Government may appoint.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, Act 60 of 1952, extends to the whole of India and came into force on 1 October 1952; section 2 defines "appropriate Government" to mean the Central Government in relation to a Commission appointed by it to inquire into a matter relatable to any entry in List I, List II or List III of the Seventh Schedule, and the State Government in relation to a Commission appointed by it to inquire into a matter relatable to any entry in List II or List III; "Commission" to mean a Commission of Inquiry appointed under section 3; and "prescribed" to mean prescribed by rules made under the Act.

The size of the Act, and why that is remarkable

Twelve numbered sections. Sections 1 to 12.

Seven lettered sections, all inserted by amendment: 5A and 5B in 1971, 6A, 8A, 8B and 8C in 1971, and 10A in 1971. Chapters 400, 420, 430, 440 and 460 read them.

And a body of law out of all proportion to that length. Every major public inquiry in independent India, into riots, assassinations, structural collapses, financial scandals and the conduct of Governments, has been held under these nineteen provisions. A student who reads all of them, which this book does, is better placed than one who has read a chapter about them.

Compare the Lokpal Act's sixty-three sections and the Maharashtra Act of 2023's sixty-six. The difference is that those statutes create standing institutions with staff, budgets, benches and powers of prosecution. This one creates nothing permanent; it supplies a procedure that a Government can invoke, and the shortness is a consequence of that.

Section 1: extent and commencement

Section 1(1). Short title: the Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1952.

Section 1(2). It extends to the whole of India. The words excepting Jammu and Kashmir, which the Act formerly carried, were omitted by the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act 2019.

Section 1(3). It came into force on such date as the Central Government appointed by notification, and the footnote records the date: 1 October 1952, by S.R.O. 1670 dated 30 September 1952.

Why the extent clause is worth a sentence. Because a State's own Commission of Inquiry Act, where one exists, sits alongside this one. Chapter 490 works a case decided under the Jammu and Kashmir Commission of Inquiry Act 1962, which was a separate State statute at a time when the central Act did not extend there. Since 2019 the central Act extends to the whole of India.

munotes.in205

The Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952: Extent and Definitions

Section 2(a): "appropriate Government", the definition that decides jurisdiction

"Appropriate Government" means:

  1. the Central Government, in relation to a Commission appointed by it to make an inquiry into any matter relatable to any of the entries enumerated in List I or List II or List III in the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution; and
  2. the State Government, in relation to a Commission appointed by it to make an inquiry into any matter relatable to any of the entries enumerated in List II or List III.

Read the two limbs side by side and the asymmetry is deliberate and enormous.

The Central Government may inquire into a matter relatable to any entry in any of the three Lists, including the State List.

A State Government may inquire only into matters relatable to the State List and the Concurrent List, and not into a matter relatable to the Union List.

So the Union may inquire into a subject exclusively within a State's legislative competence. That is the provision on which State of Karnataka v. Union of India turned, and chapter 500 works it in full. The Karnataka Government's objection was precisely that the Union was reaching into its government; the Court's answer was that the Act permits it, and that an inquiry is not an exercise of executive power over the State but a fact-finding exercise directed at restoring public confidence.

A worked illustration of the asymmetry. Police is entry 2 of the State List. So a State may appoint a Commission into a police firing, and so may the Union. Defence is entry 1 of the Union List. A State may not appoint a Commission into a defence procurement, because the matter is not relatable to List II or List III.

Note the words "relatable to". Not "falling under" or "within". Relatable is a wider connection, and it is the word that lets a Commission inquire into a matter with several aspects touching different entries.

Section 2(b) and (c): the other two definitions

"Commission" means a Commission of Inquiry appointed under section 3. Short, and it does real work: everything in the Act keyed to "the Commission" is keyed to a body appointed under section 3, which is why section 11, read in chapter 450, has to deem other inquiring authorities to be Commissions before the Act can apply to them.

"Prescribed" means prescribed by rules made under this Act. The standard definition, pointing to section 12.

Why the definition section is short and the Act is still workable

A student comparing this Act with the Lokpal Act will notice that this one defines almost nothing. There is no definition of "public importance", none of "inquiry", none of "report", none of "member".

munotes.in206

The Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952: Extent and Definitions

That is a drafting choice with consequences in both directions.

In favour. The instrument is meant to be usable for any kind of public failure, from a riot to a bank collapse, and definitions would narrow it. Chapter 40 recorded that Crossman refused to define maladministration for the same reason.

Against. Almost every contested question about the Act has therefore been about the meaning of an undefined phrase: what is a definite matter of public importance under section 3, what is the same matter under the proviso, when is a person likely to be prejudicially affected under section 8B. Chapters 390, 500 and 440 are those questions.

A worked example

A large private bank in a State fails, and depositors lose money. There are allegations that the State's cooperation department ignored warnings and that a Union regulator did nothing.

Can the State appoint a Commission? Banking is entry 45 of the Union List. Cooperative societies are entry 32 of the State List. If the terms of reference are drawn to inquire into the conduct of the State cooperation department, the matter is relatable to entry 32 and the State may appoint. If they are drawn to inquire into the regulation of the bank, the matter is relatable to entry 45 and the State may not.

Can the Union appoint? Yes, on either framing, because section 2(a)(i) allows it to inquire into a matter relatable to an entry in any of the three Lists.

And if both appoint? The proviso to section 3(1) governs, and chapter 390 reads it: where the Central Government has appointed, no State may appoint another Commission into the same matter without the Central Government's approval while the Central Commission is functioning; and where a State has appointed, the Central Government shall not appoint another into the same matter while the State's Commission functions.

Which is precisely how the litigation in 1977 arose, and chapter 500 shows how the Court decided whether two notifications were into "the same matter".

What beginners get wrong

That a State can inquire into anything happening in the State. It can inquire into matters relatable to List II or List III. A matter relatable only to the Union List is outside it, however local the facts.

That the Union can only inquire into Union subjects. Section 2(a)(i) expressly allows List II as well.

That the Act defines "public importance". It does not, and chapter 390 shows the courts filling the gap.

That the Act applies to every inquiry. It applies to a Commission appointed under section 3, and to another authority only if the Government notifies under section 11 that it shall apply.

munotes.in207

The Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952: Extent and Definitions

Quick revision

Act 60 of 1952, in force 1 October 1952, extends to the whole of India since the omission of the Jammu and Kashmir exception in 2019.

Twelve numbered sections, plus 5A, 5B, 6A, 8A, 8B, 8C and 10A inserted by amendment.

s.2(a) "appropriate Government": the Central Government for a Commission appointed by it into a matter relatable to List I, II or III; the State Government for one appointed by it into a matter relatable to List II or III only.

The asymmetry: the Union may inquire into a State List matter; a State may not inquire into a Union List matter.

s.2(b) "Commission" means one appointed under section 3. s.2(c) "prescribed" means by rules under the Act.

Almost nothing else is defined, which keeps the instrument wide and puts the contested questions on undefined phrases: definite matter of public importance, the same matter, likely to be prejudicially affected.

Test yourself

1. Who is the appropriate Government under the Act, and what is the asymmetry between the two limbs? The Central Government in relation to a Commission appointed by it to inquire into a matter relatable to any entry in List I, List II or List III of the Seventh Schedule; and the State Government in relation to a Commission appointed by it to inquire into a matter relatable to any entry in List II or List III. The asymmetry is that the Union may inquire into a matter relatable to the State List, whereas a State may not inquire into a matter relatable only to the Union List.

2. Why does the asymmetry matter, and which case turned on it? Because it allows the Union to appoint a Commission into the conduct of a State's own Ministers and administration, on subjects exclusively within the State's legislative competence. State of Karnataka v. Union of India, (1977) 4 SCC 608, was a suit under article 131 by a State contending that a Central Commission into allegations against its Chief Minister and Ministers was an interference with its government and barred by the proviso to section 3(1); the Court upheld the Central notification.

3. How much does the Act define, and what follows from that? Very little: the appropriate Government, the Commission and the expression prescribed, and nothing else. It defines neither a definite matter of public importance, nor an inquiry, nor a report. The consequence is that the instrument remains usable for any kind of public failure, but that almost every contested question under the Act has been about the meaning of an undefined phrase, and has had to be settled by the courts.

munotes.in208

The Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952: Extent and Definitions

4. May a State Government appoint a Commission to inquire into the regulation of a bank? Explain. Not if the matter is relatable only to entry 45 of the Union List, banking. Section 2(a)(ii) confines a State's Commission to matters relatable to List II or List III. If the terms of reference are instead drawn to inquire into the conduct of the State's own cooperation department, the matter becomes relatable to entry 32 of the State List and the State may appoint. The drafting of the terms of reference therefore decides competence.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in209

Chapter Forty-Three

Appointing a Commission: Section 3

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

The Government may appoint a Commission if it thinks fit, and must appoint one if the House resolves; two Commissions may not inquire into the same matter; and since 2014 the whole power is subject to the Lokpal Act.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 3(1) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 provides that, save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, the appropriate Government may, if it is of opinion that it is necessary so to do, and shall if a resolution in that behalf is passed by each House of Parliament or, as the case may be, the Legislature of the State, by notification in the Official Gazette appoint a Commission of Inquiry for the purpose of making an inquiry into any definite matter of public importance and performing such functions and within such time as may be specified in the notification; with provisos preventing a State from appointing a second Commission into the same matter while a Central Commission is functioning except with the Central Government's approval, and preventing the Central Government from appointing one while a State Commission into the same matter is functioning.

The four elements of the power

One: who. The appropriate Government, as chapter 380 defined it.

Two: on what. A definite matter of public importance.

Three: how. By notification in the Official Gazette, specifying the functions and the time.

Four: when it is obligatory. May if the Government is of opinion that it is necessary. Shall if a resolution is passed by each House of Parliament or by the Legislature of the State.

"May" and "shall" in one sentence

The section contains both words and they carry the whole political architecture of the institution.

"May, if it is of opinion that it is necessary so to do." This is a discretion, and it is the route by which almost every Indian Commission has in fact been appointed. The Government decides.

"And shall if a resolution in this behalf is passed by each House of Parliament or the Legislature of the State." This is a duty. Where the legislature resolves, the Government has no choice.

Why the second route is used so rarely. Because the Government commands a majority in the House by definition. A resolution requiring the Government to appoint a Commission into its own conduct will not ordinarily pass. Chapter 370 showed that in Britain the ordinary route was the resolution and the Government had to persuade the House to refuse; India inverted that, and the inversion is the single most important difference between the two systems.

Note the words "each House of Parliament", substituted by Act 19 of 1990. Both Houses, not one.

munotes.in210

Appointing a Commission: Section 3

"A definite matter of public importance"

The Act does not define it, and two decisions supply the meaning.

Facts. Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, [1959] SCR 279, decided on 28 March 1958 by B.P. Sinha, S.K. Das and A.K. Sarkar JJ, arose when the Central Government appointed a Commission under section 3, with Justice S.R. Tendolkar as its member, to inquire into the administration of nine companies and firms connected with Ram Krishna Dalmia. Dalmia challenged both the Act and the notification: the Act, he said, offended article 14 by giving an unguided power to pick individuals for inquiry, and the notification exceeded section 3 because the conduct of named private persons is not a definite matter of public importance.

Held. Both were upheld. The Act does not delegate an arbitrary power, because the discretion is guided by the policy laid down in the Act itself, that a Commission may be appointed only where there exists a definite matter of public importance into which an inquiry is necessary. The conduct of an individual person or company, or of a group of them, may in certain circumstances become a definite matter of public importance within section 3(1) and call for an inquiry. The Court also held that a Commission is merely to investigate, record its findings and make recommendations which are not enforceable proprio vigore, so the inquiry is not a judicial inquiry and neither Parliament nor the Government usurps the judicial function by ordering one; and it struck out of the terms of reference the direction to recommend action by way of securing redress or punishment for wrongs already done, because redress and punishment must come from a court of law.

Why it matters. It is the foundation case of the whole label. It settles that private conduct can be a matter of public importance, that the discretion in section 3 is guided and therefore not arbitrary, and, most importantly, that the report is recommendatory. Chapters 470 and 480 develop the last two propositions.

Facts. P.V. Jagannath Rao v. State of Orissa, AIR 1969 SC 215, [1968] 3 SCR 789, decided on 16 April 1968 by V. Ramaswami, J.C. Shah, V. Bhargava, G.K. Mitter and C.A. Vaidialingam JJ, arose when Orissa appointed a Commission into allegations against Ministers of the previous government. They challenged it as outside section 3, as a mala fide device to destroy political rivals by character assassination, and as a contempt of court because some referred matters were the subject of a pending appeal.

Held. The notification was upheld on all three grounds. Its preamble showed that the object was to take legislative or administrative measures for maintaining high standards of public conduct and purity of political administration in the State in future, which falls within section 3. On mala fides the Court accepted that the appointment may have been partly on account of political rivalry between the party in power and those inquired into, but held that the dominant purpose was to promote purity and integrity in the political life of the State and not the character assassination of rivals, so the notification was bona fide. And ordering an inquiry into matters also before a court is not contempt unless something is done calculated to bring the court into contempt or to obstruct the course of justice.

munotes.in211

Appointing a Commission: Section 3

Why it matters. It supplies the dominant purpose test, which is what a court applies when a Commission is attacked as politically motivated, and chapter 500 uses it.

The provisos: two Commissions on the same matter

Proviso (a). Where a Commission has been appointed by the Central Government to inquire into a matter, no State Government shall, except with the approval of the Central Government, appoint another Commission to inquire into the same matter for so long as the Central Commission is functioning.

Proviso (b). Where a Commission has been appointed by a State Government, the Central Government shall not appoint another Commission to inquire into the same matter for so long as the State's Commission is functioning.

The two are not symmetrical. A State may appoint a second Commission with the Central Government's approval; the Central Government has no corresponding route while a State Commission functions.

And everything turns on "the same matter", which the Act does not define. That is the question State of Karnataka v. Union of India decided, and chapter 500 works it: two notifications are not into the same matter where they are substantially different in nature and object, even if central areas of fact and law are common. The Court's image was that one notification was meant to see whether the veil worn by certain transactions was correct in form and the other to tear that veil down.

The opening words, and what they prove

Section 3(1) now begins: "Save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013, the appropriate Government may..."

The footnote records the source: substituted by Act 1 of 2014, section 58 and the Schedule, for "The appropriate Government may", with effect from 16 January 2014.

Read that with chapter 210 and with section 14(4) of the Lokpal Act, which chapter 140 read. Section 58 of the Lokpal Act gives effect to a Schedule that amends four statutes, and this is one of them. Section 14(4) provides that a matter complained of to the Lokpal shall not be referred for inquiry under this Act. The amendment to section 3(1) is the same rule written into the other statute, so that a person reading the Commissions of Inquiry Act alone is told about it.

munotes.in212

Appointing a Commission: Section 3

Why this is the best single illustration in Module I that the labels are one subject. MU prints "Ombudsman" and "Commission of Inquiry" as two labels. Parliament, legislating the first, reached into the statute governing the second and altered its opening words. The two institutions are not neighbours; they are parts of one anti-corruption architecture, and the sequence of chapters in this book follows MU's order while the law does not respect the boundary.

A worked example

Allegations are made in a State that a Minister awarded contracts corruptly.

Route one. The State Government forms the opinion that an inquiry is necessary and appoints a Commission under section 3(1) by notification, specifying the matter, the functions and the time.

Route two. The State Legislature passes a resolution. The Government now shall appoint. This route is available and, because the Government commands the House, is rarely taken against it.

Route three. The Central Government appoints, the matter being relatable to an entry in List II and section 2(a)(i) permitting it. Proviso (a) then prevents the State from appointing another Commission into the same matter without Central approval while the Central Commission functions, which is the situation of the 1977 litigation.

Now change one fact. Suppose a complaint on the same allegations has already been made to the Lokpal under the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013. Section 14(4) of that Act, and the opening words of section 3(1) of this one, prevent the matter being referred for inquiry under this Act at all.

And suppose the allegations are also the subject of a pending appeal in the High Court. P.V. Jagannath Rao answers it: appointing a Commission is not contempt unless something is done calculated to bring the court into contempt or to obstruct the course of justice.

What beginners get wrong

That the Government must always appoint when asked. It must appoint only when each House resolves.

That a Commission can only inquire into official conduct. Ram Krishna Dalmia holds that the conduct of a private person or company may in certain circumstances be a definite matter of public importance.

That political motivation invalidates a notification. P.V. Jagannath Rao applies a dominant purpose test and accepts that rivalry may be part of the motive.

That two Commissions can never inquire into related facts. The bar is on the same matter, and 1977 shows how differently two notifications may be characterised.

Quick revision

s.3(1): save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 (substituted by Act 1 of 2014, s.58 and the Schedule, w.e.f. 16 January 2014), the appropriate Government may if of opinion that it is necessary, and shall if each House of Parliament or the State Legislature resolves, by notification in the Official Gazette appoint a Commission into any definite matter of public importance, with the functions and time specified.

munotes.in213

Appointing a Commission: Section 3

Proviso (a): no State Commission into the same matter while a Central one functions, except with Central approval. Proviso (b): no Central Commission into the same matter while a State one functions.

Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538: the discretion is guided by the Act's own policy and does not offend article 14; the conduct of a private person or company may be a definite matter of public importance; the report is recommendatory; a direction to recommend redress or punishment for past wrongs was struck out.

P.V. Jagannath Rao v. State of Orissa, AIR 1969 SC 215: the dominant purpose test; political rivalry may be part of the motive without making the notification mala fide; appointing a Commission into matters also before a court is not contempt without more.

Test yourself

1. When may and when must the appropriate Government appoint a Commission? It may appoint if it is of opinion that it is necessary to do so, which is the ordinary route and gives the Government a discretion. It must appoint if a resolution in that behalf is passed by each House of Parliament or, as the case may be, by the Legislature of the State. The compulsory route is rarely used because the Government commands a majority in the House.

2. Can a Commission inquire into the conduct of a private company? Give authority. Yes. In Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, the Supreme Court upheld a notification appointing a Commission into the administration of nine companies and firms, holding that the conduct of an individual person or company, or of a group of them, may in certain circumstances become a definite matter of public importance within section 3(1) and call for an inquiry, and that the Act's own policy guides the discretion so that article 14 is not offended.

3. What is the dominant purpose test and where does it come from? It comes from P.V. Jagannath Rao v. State of Orissa, AIR 1969 SC 215. Where a notification appointing a Commission is attacked as a mala fide device against political rivals, the court asks what the dominant purpose of the appointment was. Political rivalry may be part of the motive without invalidating the notification, provided the dominant purpose is a legitimate one such as promoting purity and integrity in public administration for the future, which the preamble to the notification in that case disclosed.

munotes.in214

Appointing a Commission: Section 3

4. Explain the two provisos to section 3(1) and what turns on them. Where the Central Government has appointed a Commission into a matter, no State Government may appoint another into the same matter while the Central Commission is functioning, except with the Central Government's approval; and where a State has appointed one, the Central Government shall not appoint another into the same matter while the State's Commission functions. Everything turns on the meaning of "the same matter", which the Act does not define and which was decided in State of Karnataka v. Union of India, (1977) 4 SCC 608: two inquiries substantially different in nature and object are not into the same matter even where central areas of fact are common.

5. What do the opening words of section 3(1) tell you about the relationship between the two institutions in Module I? That they are one system rather than two subjects. The words "save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013" were substituted into this Act by section 58 and the Schedule of the Lokpal Act with effect from 16 January 2014, and they correspond to section 14(4) of that Act, which forbids a matter complained of to the Lokpal from being referred for inquiry under this Act. Parliament, in creating the ombudsman, reached into the statute governing Commissions of Inquiry and altered its opening words.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in215

Chapter Forty-Four

The Commission's Composition, Staff and Assessors

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

The Act says almost nothing about who a Commission is, and a great deal about what it may borrow: officers of any Government to investigate, and experts to advise.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 does not prescribe the composition of a Commission, which is fixed by the notification under section 3 and may be a single member or several; section 4 confers the powers of a civil court; section 5A empowers the Commission to utilise the services of any officer or investigation agency of the Central or a State Government, with the concurrence of that Government, for conducting an investigation pertaining to the inquiry, that officer acting subject to the direction and control of the Commission; and section 5B empowers it to appoint as assessors persons having special knowledge of a matter connected with the inquiry, to assist and advise it.

What the Act does not say about composition

There is no section on who may be a member. No qualification, no disqualification, no number, no tenure, no salary, no removal.

Everything is in the notification. Section 3 requires the notification to specify the matter, the functions and the time. Composition follows from the appointment itself: the Government names the person or persons.

Why the silence is deliberate. A Commission is not an institution; it is an instrument used once. A statute that prescribed qualifications would narrow the choice, and the choice is the Government's most important decision about any inquiry, because the credibility of the report depends almost entirely on who signs it.

And why the silence is a criticism. Chapter 550 takes it up. A Government appointing a Commission into its own conduct chooses the person who will inquire into it, with no statutory constraint at all. Compare the safeguards this book has spent thirty chapters describing: a Selection Committee for the Lokpal, consultation for the Lokayukta, a Committee for the Central Vigilance Commissioner. For a Commission of Inquiry there is nothing.

What convention supplies instead. In practice a Commission into a matter of importance is headed by a serving or retired judge, usually of the Supreme Court or a High Court. That convention is what gives the institution its authority, and chapters 1730 and 1740 examine whether the practice is good for the judiciary.

Section 4: the powers of a civil court

The Commission shall have the powers of a civil court, while trying a suit under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908, in respect of the following matters:

  1. (a) summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person from any part of India and examining him on oath;
  2. (b) requiring the discovery and production of any document;
  3. (c) receiving evidence on affidavits;
  4. (d) requisitioning any public record or copy from any court or office;
  5. (e) issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or documents;
  6. (f) any other matter which may be prescribed.
munotes.in216

The Commission's Composition, Staff and Assessors

"From any part of India" in clause (a) was substituted by amendment and matters: a State Commission may summon a witness from another State.

The drafting device. As chapter 160 explained for section 27 of the Lokpal Act, conferring "the powers of a civil court in respect of the following matters" borrows six enumerated powers and does not make the body a court. Section 4 is the model that the Lokpal Act, the Central Vigilance Commission Act and the Maharashtra Acts all copy.

Clause (f) is a small delegation worth noticing for Module III: further powers of a civil court may be added by rules made under section 12(2)(c). Chapter 460 reads the rule-making power and chapter 1230 the laying procedure it attracts.

Section 5A: borrowing investigators

Section 5A(1). The Commission may, for the purpose of conducting any investigation pertaining to the inquiry, utilise the services:

  1. (a) in the case of a Commission appointed by the Central Government, of any officer or investigation agency of the Central Government, or of any State Government with the concurrence of that State Government;
  2. (b) in the case of a Commission appointed by a State Government, of any officer or investigation agency of that State Government, or of the Central Government with the concurrence of the Central Government.

Section 5A(2). Any officer or agency whose services are so utilised may, subject to the direction and control of the Commission, exercise the investigative powers the sub-section confers.

Why this section exists. Because a Commission has no staff of its own. A retired judge given three months to find out why a bridge fell down cannot personally examine the concrete. Section 5A lets him use the machinery of a Government, and the requirement of concurrence is the federal safeguard: a State's officers cannot be commandeered by a Central Commission without the State agreeing, and the reverse.

And notice the same weakness as everywhere else in this syllabus. The investigators belong to a Government. Where the inquiry is into that Government's own conduct, the Commission is investigating through the people it is investigating. Chapter 320 identified this as one of the three constraints that actually bind an Indian oversight institution, and it binds here too. The words "subject to the direction and control of the Commission" are the protection, and they are the same words section 28(2) of the Lokpal Act uses.

Section 5B: assessors

The Commission may, for the purpose of conducting any inquiry, appoint persons having special knowledge of any matter connected with the inquiry as assessors, to assist and advise it; and the assessors are entitled to such travelling and other expenses as may be prescribed.

munotes.in217

The Commission's Composition, Staff and Assessors

What an assessor is. Not a member and not a witness. A person with expertise who sits with the Commission and advises it. The idea comes from admiralty practice, where a judge trying a collision sits with nautical assessors, and it exists because a judge cannot be an engineer.

Assessor against expert witness, which is a distinction students should hold. An expert witness gives evidence, is examined and cross-examined, and his opinion is on the record and can be challenged. An assessor advises the tribunal privately and is not cross-examined. The first is evidence; the second is help with understanding evidence.

Why that distinction has teeth. A Commission that decides a technical question on an assessor's private advice, without putting that advice to the parties, is deciding on material the affected person has never seen. Sections 8B and 8C, which chapter 440 reads, are the answer, and the tension between them and section 5B is a real one worth naming.

And note that section 5B is discretionary, and expenses are prescribed by rules under section 12(2)(cc), which was itself inserted to provide for assessors' expenses.

A worked example

A Commission of one retired High Court judge is appointed by a State to inquire into the collapse of a bridge.

Composition. The notification names him. The Act says nothing about his qualification, tenure or salary; all of it is in the notification and the rules.

Section 4. He summons the municipal engineer from another State under clause (a), requires the contract file under clause (b), takes affidavits from residents under clause (c), and requisitions the inspection register from the municipal office under clause (d).

Section 5A. He needs the concrete tested and the drawings examined. He utilises the services of officers of the State's Public Works Department, who work subject to his direction and control. If he needs a Central agency, the concurrence of the Central Government is required.

Section 5B. Neither he nor his staff can read a structural drawing. He appoints a professor of structural engineering as an assessor to assist and advise him.

The tension appears here. The assessor advises that the failure was caused by a design defect rather than by poor maintenance. That conclusion, if adopted, damages the design consultant. Sections 8B and 8C require the consultant to be heard and to be able to cross-examine evidence affecting him. But the assessor is not a witness and gives no evidence to cross-examine.

How a careful Commission handles it. It puts the substance of the assessor's opinion to the affected person, invites his answer, and, if the point remains contested, takes expert evidence formally so that it can be tested. That practice is not in the Act; it follows from section 8B, and a student who works it out has understood how the sections interact.

munotes.in218

The Commission's Composition, Staff and Assessors

What beginners get wrong

That the Act requires a judge. It requires nothing. The convention is strong and the statute is silent.

That a Commission has its own investigators. It borrows them under section 5A, with the concurrence of the Government they belong to.

That an assessor is a witness. He advises the Commission and is not examined or cross-examined.

That section 4 makes the Commission a civil court. It borrows six enumerated powers, and chapter 470 works the cases that hold the Commission is not a court.

Quick revision

Composition: not prescribed by the Act at all. Fixed by the notification under section 3. In practice a serving or retired judge, by convention and not by law.

s.4: the powers of a civil court in six matters: summoning and examining on oath any person from any part of India; discovery and production of documents; evidence on affidavit; requisitioning public records; issuing commissions; and any other matter prescribed.

s.5A: power to utilise the services of any officer or investigation agency of the Central or a State Government, with the concurrence of that Government, the officer acting subject to the direction and control of the Commission.

s.5B: power to appoint assessors with special knowledge to assist and advise, with travelling and other expenses as prescribed.

Assessor against expert witness: an assessor advises the tribunal and is not cross-examined; an expert witness gives evidence that can be tested.

Test yourself

1. What does the Act say about the composition of a Commission? Nothing. There is no provision on qualification, disqualification, number of members, tenure, salary or removal. Composition is fixed by the notification appointing the Commission under section 3. The practice of appointing a serving or retired judge is a convention that supplies the institution's credibility, and it is not a statutory requirement.

2. Why is the silence on composition a criticism? Because a Government appointing a Commission into its own conduct chooses, without any statutory constraint, the person who will inquire into it. Every other institution in this syllabus has a safeguard on appointment: a Selection Committee for the Lokpal, consultation with the Chief Justice and the Leader of the Opposition for the Maharashtra Lokayukta, a Committee for the Central Vigilance Commissioner. For a Commission of Inquiry there is none.

3. Explain section 5A and the safeguard built into it. It allows the Commission to utilise the services of any officer or investigation agency of the Central Government or of a State Government for conducting an investigation pertaining to the inquiry, because a Commission has no investigative staff of its own. The safeguard is federal: a Central Commission may use a State's officers only with that State's concurrence, and a State Commission may use Central officers only with the Central Government's concurrence. The officer so used acts subject to the direction and control of the Commission.

munotes.in219

The Commission's Composition, Staff and Assessors

4. Distinguish an assessor from an expert witness, and say why the distinction matters. An assessor is appointed under section 5B for his special knowledge to assist and advise the Commission; he is not a witness, gives no evidence and is not cross-examined. An expert witness gives evidence which is on the record and may be tested by cross-examination. The distinction matters because a Commission that decides a technical question on an assessor's private advice decides on material the affected person has never seen, which is in tension with sections 8B and 8C; the practical answer is to put the substance of the advice to the affected person and, where it remains contested, to take formal expert evidence.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in220

Chapter Forty-Five

The Powers of a Civil Court: Section 5

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Beyond the ordinary powers of section 4, a Commission may be given four extra powers by notification: to demand information, to search and seize, to be treated as a civil court for offences committed in front of it, and to have its proceedings deemed judicial.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 5 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 provides that where the appropriate Government is of opinion, having regard to the nature of the inquiry and other circumstances, that all or any of sub-sections (2) to (5) should apply to a Commission, it may by notification direct that they shall apply, whereupon the Commission may require any person, subject to any claim of privilege, to furnish information useful or relevant to the subject matter, such a person being deemed legally bound within sections 176 and 177 of the Indian Penal Code; the Commission or a Gazetted Officer authorised by it may enter and search any building where books of account or documents relating to the inquiry may be found and seize or copy them; the Commission is deemed a civil court for offences committed in its view or presence and may forward the case to a magistrate; and any proceeding before it is deemed a judicial proceeding within sections 193 and 228 of the Penal Code.

The design: powers on request

Section 5(1) is a switch. The powers in sub-sections (2) to (5) do not attach automatically. The appropriate Government must form an opinion, having regard to the nature of the inquiry and the other circumstances, that all or any of them should be made applicable, and must say so by notification in the Official Gazette. Then, and only then, do they apply.

Why this matters, and it is a point most summaries miss. Two Commissions appointed under the same Act may have very different powers. One notified under section 5 can search premises and seize documents; one not so notified cannot. So a question about "the powers of a Commission of Inquiry" has a two-part answer: the section 4 powers always, and the section 5 powers if notified.

And it hands the Government a lever. A Government that appoints a Commission into its own conduct decides whether that Commission may search and seize. Chapter 550 lists this among the reforms most often proposed: that the section 5 powers should attach automatically, or on the Commission's own request, rather than at the Government's option.

Sub-section (2): the power to require information

The Commission shall have power to require any person, subject to any privilege which may be claimed by that person under any law for the time being in force, to furnish information on such points or matters as in the Commission's opinion may be useful for, or relevant to, the subject matter of the inquiry; and any person so required shall be deemed to be legally bound to furnish such information within the meaning of sections 176 and 177 of the Indian Penal Code.

munotes.in221

The Powers of a Civil Court: Section 5

What the deeming does. Section 176 of the Penal Code punishes omission to give notice or information to a public servant by a person legally bound to give it. Section 177 punishes furnishing false information to a public servant. By deeming the person legally bound, sub-section (2) converts a refusal or a lie into a criminal offence.

"Subject to any privilege" preserves the ordinary claims: legal professional privilege, the privilege against self-incrimination, State privilege over unpublished official records. A Commission may require information; it cannot override a privilege the law gives.

Notice the standard: "useful for, or relevant to". Wider than relevance alone. An inquiry is not bound by the Evidence Act's tests of relevance in the way a trial is, and this phrase says so.

Sub-section (3): search and seizure

The Commission, or any officer not below the rank of a Gazetted Officer specially authorised by it, may enter any building or place where the Commission has reason to believe that books of account or other documents relating to the subject matter of the inquiry may be found, and may seize them or take extracts or copies, subject to the provisions of sections 102 and 103 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1898 so far as applicable.

Three limits built into the sub-section. The officer must be not below Gazetted rank. There must be reason to believe, which requires material and not suspicion. And the search is subject to the safeguards of the Code, which are those on the procedure of search and the presence of witnesses.

A drafting point worth knowing. The sub-section refers to the Code of Criminal Procedure 1898, which was replaced by the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 and, in turn, by the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita 2023. The Act has not been updated, and the reference is read through the General Clauses Act's rule that a reference to a repealed enactment is construed as a reference to the corresponding provision of the re-enactment. A student who notices the dated reference and explains how it is read has shown something real about how old statutes are kept working.

Sub-section (4): offences in the face of the Commission

The Commission shall be deemed to be a civil court and where an offence described in sections 175, 178, 179, 180 or 228 of the Indian Penal Code is committed in the view or presence of the Commission, the Commission may, after recording the facts constituting the offence and the statement of the accused, forward the case to a magistrate having jurisdiction, who shall proceed as if the case had been forwarded to him under the corresponding provision of the Code.

munotes.in222

The Powers of a Civil Court: Section 5

What those Penal Code offences are. Section 175, omission to produce a document to a public servant by a person legally bound to produce it. Section 178, refusing oath when duly required. Section 179, refusing to answer a public servant authorised to question. Section 180, refusing to sign a statement. Section 228, intentional insult or interruption to a public servant sitting in a judicial proceeding.

So sub-section (4) gives the Commission an immediate answer to obstruction in the room. It cannot punish, which would make it a criminal court, but it may record what happened and send the case to a magistrate.

Sub-section (5): a judicial proceeding

Any proceeding before the Commission shall be deemed to be a judicial proceeding within the meaning of sections 193 and 228 of the Indian Penal Code.

Section 193 punishes giving false evidence in a judicial proceeding. Section 228 punishes intentional insult or interruption to a public servant sitting in a judicial proceeding.

Which is the answer to an obvious question. If a Commission is not a court, as chapter 470 will show, why is lying to it perjury? Because sub-section (5) deems the proceeding judicial for those two sections, and for nothing else. A deeming provision creates a fiction for a stated purpose; it does not convert the body into a court for all purposes.

Compare section 9 of the same Act, which chapter 460 reads, and section 27(2) of the Lokpal Act, which chapter 160 read. The same technique is used in every Indian statute that creates an inquiring body.

A worked example

A Commission is appointed into a State transport corporation's procurement, and the notification applies all of section 5.

Sub-section (2). The Commission requires the corporation's former purchase manager to furnish a list of every supplier approached in three years. He refuses. He is deemed legally bound within section 176 of the Penal Code, so his refusal is an offence.

He claims privilege, saying the list would incriminate him. Sub-section (2) preserves any privilege claimable under any law, so the claim must be considered on its merits.

Sub-section (3). The Commission has reason to believe that the tender comparison sheets are at the corporation's godown. It authorises its Secretary, a Gazetted Officer, to enter, and he seizes the sheets, subject to the Code's safeguards on search.

Sub-section (4). A witness, told to produce his diary, refuses in the hearing room. That is section 175 of the Penal Code committed in the view of the Commission. The Commission records the facts and his statement and forwards the case to a magistrate.

munotes.in223

The Powers of a Civil Court: Section 5

Sub-section (5). Another witness lies on oath about a meeting. Because the proceeding is deemed judicial for section 193, that is perjury.

Now suppose the notification had applied only sub-sections (2) and (5). The Commission could require information and a liar could be prosecuted, but the Commission could not search the godown and could not deal with the refusal in the room except by reporting it. Same Act, same kind of inquiry, materially different powers.

Distinctions: section 4 against section 5

Section 4Section 5
AppliesAlways, to every CommissionOnly if the Government notifies
Nature of the powersAdjudicative machinery borrowed from the CPCInvestigative and coercive
Summons and oathYes, clause (a)Reinforced by sub-sections (2), (4) and (5)
Search and seizureNoYes, sub-section (3)
Criminal consequences for obstructionNoYes, sub-sections (2), (4) and (5)
Who decidesThe ActThe appropriate Government

What beginners get wrong

That every Commission can search premises. Only one to which section 5(3) has been applied by notification.

That sub-section (5) makes the Commission a court. It deems the proceeding judicial for sections 193 and 228 of the Penal Code and for nothing else.

That a witness must answer everything. Sub-section (2) is expressly subject to any privilege claimable under any law.

That the Commission can punish contempt itself. Under sub-section (4) it records the facts and forwards the case to a magistrate. Section 10A, which chapter 460 reads, is different and provides for the High Court.

Quick revision

s.5(1): sub-sections (2) to (5) apply only if the appropriate Government notifies that they shall, having regard to the nature of the inquiry.

s.5(2): power to require any person, subject to privilege, to furnish information useful for or relevant to the inquiry; the person is deemed legally bound within sections 176 and 177 of the Indian Penal Code.

s.5(3): entry, search and seizure of books and documents by the Commission or a Gazetted Officer it authorises, on reason to believe, subject to the Code's safeguards.

s.5(4): the Commission is deemed a civil court for offences under sections 175, 178, 179, 180 and 228 of the Penal Code committed in its view or presence; it records and forwards the case to a magistrate.

s.5(5): proceedings deemed judicial within sections 193 and 228 of the Penal Code, so lying to a Commission is perjury.

The criticism: whether the Commission gets these powers is the Government's decision, including where the inquiry is into that Government.

munotes.in224

The Powers of a Civil Court: Section 5

Test yourself

1. Do the powers in section 5 attach automatically? Explain. No. Section 5(1) requires the appropriate Government to form an opinion, having regard to the nature of the inquiry and the other circumstances of the case, that all or any of sub-sections (2) to (5) should be made applicable, and to direct by notification in the Official Gazette that they shall apply. Until that notification they do not apply, so two Commissions under the same Act may have materially different powers.

2. What does section 5(2) add to the power to require information? It deems any person so required to be legally bound to furnish the information within the meaning of sections 176 and 177 of the Indian Penal Code, so that a refusal to give the information and the giving of false information each become criminal offences. It is expressly subject to any privilege claimable under any law, and the standard is information useful for or relevant to the subject matter of the inquiry, which is wider than relevance alone.

3. Explain the deeming provisions in section 5(4) and 5(5), and why they do not make the Commission a court. Section 5(4) deems the Commission a civil court so that where an offence under sections 175, 178, 179, 180 or 228 of the Penal Code is committed in its view or presence, it may record the facts and the accused's statement and forward the case to a magistrate. Section 5(5) deems any proceeding before it a judicial proceeding within sections 193 and 228, so that giving false evidence to it is perjury. Both are deeming provisions creating a fiction for stated purposes only; a Commission remains unable to pronounce a binding judgment, which is the test of a court.

4. Why is the Government's control over the section 5 powers criticised? Because a Commission is very often appointed into the conduct of the Government that appoints it, and that Government decides whether the Commission may search premises, seize documents and treat obstruction as a criminal offence. An inquiry into a Government held without the power to search the Government's offices is materially weaker, and the choice is made by the body under inquiry. The reform usually proposed is that the section 5 powers should attach automatically or on the Commission's own request.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in225

Chapter Forty-Six

Statements Before a Commission: Sections 6 and 6A

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Whatever you say to a Commission of Inquiry cannot be used against you anywhere else, except in a prosecution for lying to it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 6 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 provides that no statement made by a person in the course of giving evidence before the Commission shall subject him to, or be used against him in, any civil or criminal proceeding, except a prosecution for giving false evidence by such statement, provided that the statement is made in reply to a question which he is required by the Commission to answer or is relevant to the subject matter of the inquiry; and section 6A provides that except where a Commission is expressly required to inquire into the process of manufacture of any goods, nothing in the Act shall be deemed to compel a person giving evidence to disclose any secret process of manufacture.

What section 6 says, clause by clause

The rule. No statement made by a person in the course of giving evidence before the Commission shall:

  1. subject him to any civil or criminal proceeding; or
  2. be used against him in any civil or criminal proceeding.

The exception. Except a prosecution for giving false evidence by such statement.

The proviso, which is really two conditions on the protection. The statement must be:

  1. (a) made in reply to a question which he is required by the Commission to answer, or
  2. (b) relevant to the subject matter of the inquiry.

So a volunteered irrelevance is not protected. A witness who, asked about a tender, offers an unprompted account of an unrelated crime has made a statement neither required nor relevant, and section 6 does not shield it.

Why the section exists

Because an inquiry needs candour and a witness needs safety, and the two are in direct conflict.

The problem without section 6. A Commission with the power to compel attendance and to require answers, whose evidence could be used in a prosecution, would be a machine for extracting confessions without any of the protections a criminal trial gives. Article 20(3) of the Constitution provides that no person accused of any offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself, and a compelled statement usable in a prosecution would run straight into it.

The solution. Compel the answer, and neutralise it outside the inquiry. The witness must answer; nothing he says can be used against him elsewhere. This is the technique known as use immunity: not immunity from prosecution, but immunity from the use of the compelled statement.

And the price of the solution. The report can find that a person did something and the finding cannot be converted into a conviction on the evidence the Commission heard. A prosecution must be built again from the beginning, from independent evidence. That is the mechanism behind the commonest complaint about Indian Commissions, that their findings lead nowhere, and it is worth understanding as a design consequence rather than as a failure of will.

munotes.in226

Statements Before a Commission: Sections 6 and 6A

The relationship with the recommendatory character of the report

Chapter 480 works the case that establishes that a Commission's report is recommendatory and not enforceable of its own force. Section 6 is the evidentiary half of the same idea, and the two were expressly linked by the Supreme Court in 1958.

In Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, which chapter 390 works in full, the Court struck out of the terms of reference the direction to recommend action by way of securing redress or punishment. Its reasoning combined both points: seeing that the Commission has no judicial powers and its report will purely be recommendatory and not effective proprio vigore, and that the statement made by any person before the Commission is, under section 6 of the Act, wholly inadmissible in evidence in any future proceedings, civil or criminal, there can be no point in a Commission recommending action by way of securing redress or punishment for wrongs already done, which must be imposed by a court of law properly constituted.

So the Court read section 6 as part of the reason a Commission cannot punish. The two propositions support each other: a body whose evidence cannot be used elsewhere is not a body that determines liability.

Section 6 and the case that shows its limit

Facts. T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181, AIR 2001 SC 2637, decided on 12 July 2001 by S.S.M. Quadri and S.N. Phukan JJ, arose out of police firing at Kuthuparamba in Kerala in which five people were killed. A Commission of Inquiry was appointed and reported. After a change of government a second first information report was registered on the same firing, against the District Collector, the Executive Magistrate and police officers, and further proceedings were launched on the strength of the Commission's findings.

Held. The Supreme Court quashed the second information report and the proceedings founded on it. There can be no second first information report and no fresh investigation on receipt of every subsequent information in respect of the same cognizable offence or the same occurrence; the remedy, if any, is a further investigation under section 173(8) of the Code with the leave of the court. The Commission's report could not itself supply the foundation for a fresh criminal case on facts that had already been investigated.

munotes.in227

Statements Before a Commission: Sections 6 and 6A

Why it matters here. It is the practical demonstration of what section 6 means. A Commission may report that named officers acted wrongly, and that report is not a charge sheet, is not evidence, and cannot restart a criminal process that has run. Chapter 520 develops the point.

Section 6A: the secret process

Except in cases where a Commission is expressly required to inquire into the process of manufacture of any goods, nothing in this Act shall be deemed to compel any person giving evidence before the Commission to disclose any secret process of manufacture thereof.

What it protects. Trade secrets. A witness giving evidence about a supply contract cannot be compelled to reveal how his goods are made.

The exception. Where the Commission's own terms of reference expressly require it to inquire into the process of manufacture. So the protection yields where the manufacture is the very thing being inquired into, which would be the case in an inquiry into, say, adulterated medicine.

Where it sits in the scheme. Section 5(2) preserves privileges claimable under any law; section 6A adds a protection that is not otherwise a privilege. It was inserted by the amendment of 1971, and it is a small provision that shows the Act being adjusted as inquiries reached commercial subjects.

A worked example

A Commission inquires into the supply of substandard cement to a public project.

A junior storekeeper is summoned. He is asked whether he signed receipts for consignments he never saw. Under section 5(2), if notified, he is legally bound to answer. If he refuses, sections 176 and 177 of the Penal Code apply.

He answers truthfully: he signed without checking, on his supervisor's instruction. That is an admission of dereliction and possibly of an offence.

Section 6 protects him. The statement was made in reply to a question he was required to answer and is relevant to the subject matter. It cannot subject him to, or be used against him in, any civil or criminal proceeding.

What is not protected. If he lies, he may be prosecuted for giving false evidence by that statement, both under the exception in section 6 and under section 5(5) with section 193 of the Penal Code.

And what the State may still do. Prosecute him on independent evidence: the receipts themselves, the testimony of others, the supervisor's records. Section 6 excludes his statement, not the underlying facts.

The manufacturer is summoned and asked about the cement's composition. If the terms of reference do not expressly require an inquiry into the process of manufacture, section 6A protects his secret process. If they do, it does not.

Now the report is published, finding that the storekeeper and the supervisor were at fault. Chapter 520 and T.T. Antony answer what follows: the report is not a charge sheet, and a fresh first information report on the same occurrence, already investigated, cannot be founded on it.

munotes.in228

Statements Before a Commission: Sections 6 and 6A

What beginners get wrong

That section 6 gives immunity from prosecution. It gives immunity from the use of the statement. The person may be prosecuted on other evidence.

That everything a witness says is protected. The proviso requires the statement to have been made in reply to a question he was required to answer, or to be relevant to the subject matter.

That a witness may lie safely. The exception is express: a prosecution for giving false evidence by that statement.

That section 6 is the reason Commission reports are ignored. It is one reason findings do not convert into convictions. Chapters 510 and 540 give the others, which are political and administrative.

Quick revision

s.6: no statement made in the course of giving evidence before the Commission shall subject the maker to, or be used against him in, any civil or criminal proceeding, except a prosecution for giving false evidence by that statement; provided the statement is in reply to a question he was required to answer or is relevant to the subject matter.

The technique is use immunity, and it exists because compelled evidence usable in a prosecution would collide with article 20(3).

The price: a finding cannot be converted into a conviction on the Commission's own evidence; a prosecution must be rebuilt from independent material.

Ram Krishna Dalmia read section 6 together with the recommendatory character of the report to strike out a direction to recommend redress or punishment.

T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181: no second first information report on the same occurrence; a Commission's report cannot found a fresh criminal case on facts already investigated.

s.6A: no compulsion to disclose a secret process of manufacture, unless the Commission is expressly required to inquire into that process.

Test yourself

1. State the rule in section 6 with its exception and proviso. No statement made by a person in the course of giving evidence before the Commission shall subject him to, or be used against him in, any civil or criminal proceeding, except a prosecution for giving false evidence by such statement. The protection applies provided the statement was made in reply to a question which the Commission required him to answer, or is relevant to the subject matter of the inquiry.

2. Why does the section exist, and what constitutional provision stands behind it? Because an inquiry needs candid evidence while a witness needs protection, and the two conflict. A body that can compel answers whose use in a prosecution is permitted would extract compelled self-incriminating evidence without the safeguards of a trial, which would collide with article 20(3), that no person accused of an offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself. Section 6 resolves the conflict by compelling the answer and neutralising its use elsewhere, a technique known as use immunity.

munotes.in229

Statements Before a Commission: Sections 6 and 6A

3. Does section 6 prevent a prosecution? No. It prevents the use of the statement. The person may still be prosecuted on evidence obtained independently of what he said to the Commission, such as documents, other witnesses or records. What cannot happen is a prosecution built on his own compelled statement.

4. How did the Supreme Court use section 6 in Ram Krishna Dalmia? It read section 6 together with the recommendatory character of the report as the combined reason why a Commission cannot be directed to recommend action by way of securing redress or punishment for wrongs already done: the Commission has no judicial powers, its report is not effective proprio vigore, and the statements made before it are wholly inadmissible in any future civil or criminal proceeding, so redress or punishment must come from a properly constituted court.

5. What does section 6A protect, and when does the protection yield? It protects a secret process of manufacture: nothing in the Act compels a person giving evidence to disclose one. The protection yields where the Commission is expressly required by its terms of reference to inquire into the process of manufacture of the goods in question, which would be so in an inquiry into, for example, adulterated goods.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in230

Chapter Forty-Seven

Vacancy, Cesser and the Continuity of an Inquiry

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

The Government that appointed a Commission may declare that it shall cease to exist; a Commission appointed on a resolution of the House may be ended only by another resolution; and the death or replacement of a member does not restart the inquiry.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 7 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 empowers the appropriate Government, by notification in the Official Gazette, to declare that a Commission other than one appointed in pursuance of a resolution of the House shall cease to exist if it is of opinion that its continued existence is unnecessary, and that a Commission appointed in pursuance of such a resolution shall cease to exist if a resolution for its discontinuance is passed, the notification specifying the date from which it ceases; section 8 gives the Commission power, subject to any rules, to regulate its own procedure, including fixing the places and times of its sittings and deciding whether to sit in public or in private; and section 8A provides that an inquiry is not interrupted by a vacancy or a change in the constitution of the Commission.

Section 7: ending a Commission

Section 7(1)(a). The appropriate Government may, by notification, declare that a Commission other than one appointed in pursuance of a resolution passed by each House of Parliament or the State Legislature shall cease to exist, if it is of opinion that its continued existence is unnecessary.

Section 7(1)(b). A Commission appointed in pursuance of such a resolution shall cease to exist if a resolution for its discontinuance is passed by each House or by the State Legislature.

Section 7(2). Every notification shall specify the date from which the Commission ceases to exist, and it ceases with effect from that date.

Read the symmetry, because it is the Act's own answer to the criticism. Whoever brought the Commission into existence may end it. A Government-appointed Commission is ended by the Government; a resolution-appointed Commission by a resolution. That is coherent.

And read the practical consequence, which is not coherent at all. Because almost every Commission in India is appointed by a Government under the "may" limb of section 3(1), almost every Commission may be wound up by that Government on its opinion that its continued existence is unnecessary. There is no requirement of reasons, no requirement to consult the Commission, no requirement that the report be completed or published, and no bar on winding up a Commission that has begun to make findings the Government dislikes.

This is the single sharpest criticism of the Act, and it belongs in any answer to MU's third question. Chapter 550 sets out the reforms proposed to meet it: that a Commission should not be wound up without reasons recorded and laid before the House; that any material collected should be published; and that a Commission appointed into the conduct of a Government should not be liable to be ended by that Government at all.

munotes.in231

Vacancy, Cesser and the Continuity of an Inquiry

The one real safeguard is the resolution route. A Commission appointed because the House resolved cannot be ended by the executive at all, only by another resolution. Chapter 390 explained why that route is so rarely used, and section 7 is a reason to use it more.

Section 8: the Commission's own procedure

The Commission shall, subject to any rules that may be made in this behalf, have power to regulate its own procedure, including:

  1. the fixing of the places and times of its sittings; and
  2. deciding whether to sit in public or in private.

What "regulate its own procedure" means. A Commission is not bound by the Code of Civil Procedure or the Code of Criminal Procedure except where a provision says so, and is not bound by the Indian Evidence Act. It decides how it will hear, in what order, and on what material, subject to sections 8B and 8C and to natural justice.

The public or private choice is the important half. Chapter 370 recorded that the British Act of 1921 required the tribunal to sit in public unless it decided otherwise in the public interest. The Indian Act reverses the default: the Commission simply decides.

Why that matters. Publicity is the mechanism by which an inquiry restores confidence, which chapter 350 took from the 1977 decision as the purpose of the whole Act. An inquiry conducted in private produces a report and no public process, and a report can be withheld under section 3(4) if the Government chooses. So the two discretions compound.

The counter-argument, which is real. Evidence about national security, about the identity of informants, or about a person against whom nothing is ultimately found, is better taken in private. Chapter 30 noted that the classical ombudsman investigates in private for that reason. A rule requiring publicity in every case would be wrong.

Where the balance should sit is a good examination question, and the defensible answer is the British one: public as the rule, private where the Commission records that the public interest requires it.

And note "subject to any rules". Section 12(2)(b) allows rules on the manner of holding inquiries and the procedure to be followed, so the Government may confine the Commission's procedural discretion by rules.

Section 8A: continuity

Where the Commission consists of two or more members, it may act notwithstanding the absence of any of them or a vacancy among them, and the inquiry is not interrupted by reason of a vacancy or a change in the constitution of the Commission.

munotes.in232

Vacancy, Cesser and the Continuity of an Inquiry

Why the section was needed. Indian inquiries run for years. Chapter 540 puts figures to that. Over five or seven years a member may die, resign, be elevated or be unavailable. Without section 8A a defect of that kind might vitiate the proceedings or require the inquiry to begin again, and years of evidence would be lost.

What it does not do. It does not allow a single-member Commission to continue after that member has gone; there is nobody to continue. It addresses absence, vacancy and change in a multi-member body.

The natural justice question it raises. A member who joins late has not heard the earlier witnesses. In a court, a judge who has not heard the evidence cannot decide on it. Section 8A displaces that rule for a Commission, and the justification is that a Commission finds facts for a report rather than deciding a case, so the objection is weaker. It remains a real one, and a Commission that is well conducted will have the incoming member read the record and will hear any affected person who asks to be heard again.

A worked example

A Commission of three is appointed by a State Government into a communal riot, with a two year time limit later extended twice.

Year one. It sits in public in the district, under section 8, because the credibility of the exercise depends on being seen. It fixes its own dates and places.

Year two. The senior member dies. Section 8A: the inquiry is not interrupted; the remaining two continue and a replacement is appointed.

The replacement has not heard eighty witnesses. Section 8A permits him to sit. Good practice, and sections 8B and 8C, require that any person whose conduct is in question and who asks be allowed to address the reconstituted Commission.

Year three. The Commission begins to record findings about the conduct of senior police officers. A new Government takes office.

Section 7(1)(a). The new Government forms the opinion that the Commission's continued existence is unnecessary and notifies that it shall cease to exist from a specified date. It need give no reasons. The evidence of three years is not published. There is no report.

What could have prevented that. If the Commission had been appointed on a resolution of the Legislature, section 7(1)(b) would have required a resolution to end it. That is the only protection the Act gives, and it is the reason chapter 550 lists the reform of section 7 first.

What beginners get wrong

That a Commission runs until it reports. Section 7 allows the appointing Government to end it.

munotes.in233

Vacancy, Cesser and the Continuity of an Inquiry

That the Government must give reasons for ending it. The section requires only an opinion that continued existence is unnecessary.

That a Commission must sit in public. Section 8 leaves the choice to the Commission, unlike the British Act of 1921.

That a change of members restarts the inquiry. Section 8A provides the opposite.

Quick revision

s.7(1)(a): the appropriate Government may notify that a Commission not appointed on a resolution shall cease to exist if of opinion that its continued existence is unnecessary. No reasons required.

s.7(1)(b): a Commission appointed on a resolution ceases only if a resolution for discontinuance is passed.

s.7(2): the notification specifies the date.

s.8: the Commission regulates its own procedure, subject to rules, including the places and times of sittings and whether to sit in public or in private.

s.8A: an inquiry is not interrupted by a vacancy or change in the constitution of a Commission of two or more members.

The criticism: section 7 lets the Government that is being inquired into end the inquiry, without reasons and without publication of what has been collected. The resolution route under section 3(1) is the only protection the Act supplies.

Test yourself

1. How may a Commission of Inquiry be brought to an end? Under section 7(1)(a), where it was appointed otherwise than on a resolution, by a notification of the appropriate Government declaring that it shall cease to exist, made if that Government is of opinion that its continued existence is unnecessary. Under section 7(1)(b), where it was appointed in pursuance of a resolution passed by each House of Parliament or by the State Legislature, only if a resolution for its discontinuance is passed. In each case the notification specifies the date from which it ceases.

2. Why is section 7 the sharpest criticism of the Act? Because almost every Indian Commission is appointed by a Government under the discretionary limb of section 3(1), and can therefore be wound up by that Government on nothing more than its opinion that continued existence is unnecessary, without recorded reasons, without consulting the Commission, without completing or publishing a report and without publishing the material collected. Where the inquiry is into the conduct of that Government, the body under inquiry controls whether the inquiry finishes.

3. What does section 8 leave to the Commission, and how does that differ from the English model? It leaves the Commission power, subject to any rules, to regulate its own procedure, including fixing the places and times of its sittings and deciding whether to sit in public or in private. The Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921 required the tribunal to sit in public unless it decided otherwise in the public interest, so publicity was the default; the Indian Act makes it simply a matter for the Commission, which matters because publicity is the mechanism by which an inquiry restores confidence.

munotes.in234

Vacancy, Cesser and the Continuity of an Inquiry

4. What problem does section 8A solve, and what objection does it raise? It solves the problem of long inquiries: over the years an Indian Commission often takes, a member may die, resign or become unavailable, and without the section a vacancy or change in constitution might vitiate the proceedings or require the inquiry to begin again. The objection is that a member who joins late has not heard the earlier evidence, which in a court would prevent him deciding on it; the answer is that a Commission finds facts for a report rather than deciding a case, and good practice requires the incoming member to read the record and to hear again any affected person who asks.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in235

Chapter Forty-Eight

Sections 8B and 8C: the Right to be Heard and to Cross-Examine

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Before a Commission says anything that damages a person's reputation, it must hear him, and he may bring a lawyer and cross-examine the witnesses against him.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 8B of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 provides that if at any stage of the inquiry the Commission considers it necessary to inquire into the conduct of any person, or is of opinion that the reputation of any person is likely to be prejudicially affected by the inquiry, it shall give that person a reasonable opportunity of being heard in the inquiry and to produce evidence in his defence, with a proviso excepting the case where the credit of a witness is being impeached; and section 8C confers on the appropriate Government, on every person referred to in section 8B and, with the permission of the Commission, on any other person whose evidence is recorded, the right to cross-examine a witness other than one produced by him, to address the Commission, and to be represented by a legal practitioner or, with the Commission's permission, by any other person.

Why the sections were inserted

Because the Act as enacted in 1952 had nothing of the kind. A Commission could inquire into anybody's conduct, record findings that ended a career or a reputation, and publish them, without any statutory obligation to hear the person concerned.

Chapter 490 works the case that shows the position before 1971. In State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122, the Supreme Court held that the rule of natural justice required only that a hearing be given, and that refusing permission to cross-examine every person who had filed an affidavit violated no rule of natural justice; the right to cross-examine under the State Act extended only to those who gave oral evidence.

The amendment of 1971 changed that. Sections 8B and 8C were inserted by the Commissions of Inquiry (Amendment) Act 1971, and they give by statute what the common law had not required.

And they are the Salmon principles in Indian form. Chapter 370 set out the six principles of the 1966 Royal Commission. Section 8B is principles one and two; section 8C is principles four and six. Principle three, public funding of the affected person's legal expenses, was not adopted, and chapter 550 lists that among the reforms still to be made.

Section 8B: who must be heard

The trigger has two limbs, and either will do.

  1. (a) the Commission considers it necessary to inquire into the conduct of any person; or
  2. (b) the Commission is of opinion that the reputation of any person is likely to be prejudicially affected by the inquiry.
munotes.in236

Sections 8B and 8C: the Right to be Heard and to Cross-Examine

The consequence. The Commission shall give to that person a reasonable opportunity of being heard in the inquiry and to produce evidence in his defence.

The proviso. Nothing in the section applies where the credit of a witness is being impeached.

Four things worth noticing.

Limb (b) is much wider than limb (a). A person need not be the target of the inquiry. It is enough that his reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected. So a supplier, a subordinate, an adviser, anybody who may be criticised in passing, is inside the section.

The obligation is on the Commission's own opinion. It arises "if the Commission is of opinion", so the Commission must apply its mind. A person who thinks his reputation is at risk will ordinarily apply, and a refusal to hear him is reviewable.

"At any stage of the inquiry." The obligation is continuous. A Commission that discovers halfway through that a new person will be criticised must hear him then.

And the right is to be heard and to produce evidence in defence, which is more than a right to make a submission.

The proviso explained. Impeaching the credit of a witness means attacking his credibility, for instance by showing he has been convicted or has an interest. If section 8B applied to that, every witness whose credibility was challenged would become entitled to a separate hearing, and cross-examination would become impossible. The proviso keeps the section from swallowing the ordinary conduct of an inquiry.

Section 8C: cross-examination and representation

Who has the rights. Three classes:

  1. the appropriate Government;
  2. every person referred to in section 8B, that is every person whose conduct is being inquired into or whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected;
  3. with the permission of the Commission, any other person whose evidence is recorded by it.

What the rights are.

  1. (a) to cross-examine a witness other than a witness produced by it or him;
  2. (b) to address the Commission;
  3. (c) to be represented before the Commission by a legal practitioner or, with the Commission's permission, by any other person.

Clause (a)'s limit is sensible and often missed. You may cross-examine a witness other than one you produced. A party does not cross-examine his own witness; that is the ordinary rule of evidence appearing in an Act that is otherwise free of the Evidence Act.

Clause (c) allows a non-lawyer with permission, which matters where a workman or a villager is affected and cannot afford counsel. It is not funding, but it is access.

And the third class is discretionary. A person whose evidence is recorded but who is not within section 8B gets these rights only with the Commission's permission, which prevents an inquiry turning into litigation with fifty represented parties.

munotes.in237

Sections 8B and 8C: the Right to be Heard and to Cross-Examine

What the two sections did to Indian inquiry practice

They made the inquiry adversarial in form. A Commission with several persons whose reputations are at risk, each represented, each cross-examining, is conducting something that looks very like a trial.

That is a gain and a cost, and a good answer says both.

The gain. A finding against a named person is now made after that person has heard the evidence, tested it and answered it. Before 1971 it was not. Chapter 480 explains that a Commission's findings carry no legal consequence, but they carry an enormous practical one, and a person whose career ends on a finding is entitled to have contested it.

The cost. Length. Chapter 540 puts numbers to Indian inquiry delays, and the single largest contributor is the number of represented parties and the length of cross-examination. An inquiry that must hear everyone whose reputation may be affected, and allow each to cross-examine every witness, cannot be quick.

The reform question this raises, and it is a good one for MU's third question: whether the Commission should have an express power to regulate the manner and length of cross-examination, so that the right survives without the delay. Section 8 gives it power to regulate its own procedure, and an express provision would put the matter beyond argument.

The comparison a student should be able to make

Section 8B and 8C, 1952 ActSection 21, Lokpal Act 2013Section 25, Maharashtra Act 2023
Who is protectedAny person whose conduct is inquired into or whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affectedAny person other than the accused in the same positionPersons likely to be prejudicially affected
Right to be heardYesYesYes
Right to produce evidenceYesYesYes
Right to cross-examineYes, section 8CNot expressly conferredNot expressly conferred
Right to a lawyerYes, section 8CLegal assistance funded by the Lokpal, section 55Legal assistance, section 58

The row on cross-examination is the interesting one. The oldest of the three statutes gives the fullest procedural right. The two modern ones give a hearing and, in the Lokpal's case, a funded lawyer, but no express right of cross-examination, because their inquiries lead to a trial where cross-examination will happen.

A worked example

A Commission inquires into a stampede at a religious gathering.

The District Magistrate's conduct is directly in question. Section 8B limb (a): he must be heard and may produce evidence.

A private contractor who erected the barricades is not the target, but the evidence suggests his barricades gave way. Section 8B limb (b): his reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected, so he must be heard too.

munotes.in238

Sections 8B and 8C: the Right to be Heard and to Cross-Examine

A police constable gives evidence that the contractor's foreman had been warned. Section 8C(a): the contractor may cross-examine him, because the constable is not a witness the contractor produced.

The contractor asks to be represented. Section 8C(c): he may be represented by a legal practitioner as of right.

A village sarpanch, whose evidence is recorded but who is not criticised, also asks to cross-examine. He is in the third class, so he may do so only with the Commission's permission.

Counsel for the State attacks the constable's credibility, saying he was under departmental inquiry. The constable claims a hearing under section 8B. The proviso answers him: the section does not apply where the credit of a witness is being impeached.

And the practical consequence. Three represented parties, cross-examination of every material witness, and an inquiry that will take a year rather than three months. That is the price of the 1971 amendment, and it is worth paying.

What beginners get wrong

That only the person under inquiry must be heard. Limb (b) covers anyone whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected.

That section 8B gives a right to a lawyer. Section 8C does; section 8B gives a hearing and a right to produce evidence.

That a witness may cross-examine anybody. Section 8C(a) excludes a witness produced by that person himself.

That a witness whose credibility is attacked must be given a section 8B hearing. The proviso excludes exactly that case.

Quick revision

s.8B: if at any stage the Commission considers it necessary to inquire into the conduct of any person, or is of opinion that the reputation of any person is likely to be prejudicially affected, it shall give him a reasonable opportunity of being heard and to produce evidence in his defence. Proviso: not where the credit of a witness is being impeached.

s.8C: the appropriate Government, every person within section 8B, and, with permission, any other person whose evidence is recorded, may (a) cross-examine a witness other than one produced by him, (b) address the Commission, and (c) be represented by a legal practitioner or, with permission, by any other person.

Inserted by the Commissions of Inquiry (Amendment) Act 1971, and they are Salmon principles one, two, four and six in Indian statutory form. Principle three, public funding, was not adopted.

Before 1971: State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad held that natural justice required only a hearing and that there was no right to cross-examine every deponent.

Test yourself

1. Who is entitled to be heard under section 8B? Any person into whose conduct the Commission considers it necessary to inquire, and, more widely, any person whose reputation the Commission is of opinion is likely to be prejudicially affected by the inquiry. The obligation arises at any stage of the inquiry, and the person must be given a reasonable opportunity of being heard and to produce evidence in his defence. The proviso excludes the case where the credit of a witness is being impeached.

munotes.in239

Sections 8B and 8C: the Right to be Heard and to Cross-Examine

2. What rights does section 8C confer, and on whom? On the appropriate Government, on every person referred to in section 8B, and, with the permission of the Commission, on any other person whose evidence is recorded: the right to cross-examine a witness other than a witness produced by that person himself, the right to address the Commission, and the right to be represented by a legal practitioner or, with the Commission's permission, by any other person.

3. What was the position before 1971, and which case shows it? There was no statutory right to be heard or to cross-examine. In State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122, the Supreme Court held that the rule of natural justice required only that a hearing be given, that refusing the former Prime Minister permission to cross-examine all the persons who had filed affidavits against him violated no rule of natural justice, and that the statutory right to cross-examine extended only to those who gave oral evidence before the Commissioner.

4. What did the 1971 amendment cost, and what reform would answer it? Length. An inquiry that must hear every person whose reputation may be affected and allow each of them to cross-examine every witness cannot be quick, and the number of represented parties is the single largest contributor to the delay Indian inquiries are criticised for. The reform usually proposed is an express power in the Commission to regulate the manner and length of cross-examination, so that the right survives without the delay; section 8's general power to regulate procedure arguably permits it already, and an express provision would put it beyond argument.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in240

Chapter Forty-Nine

Additional Powers, Search and Seizure

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Everyone connected with a Commission is a public servant, and a committee the Government has set up by an ordinary order can be turned into a Commission by notification.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 10 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 deems every member of the Commission and every officer appointed or authorised by it in the exercise of functions under the Act to be a public servant within the meaning of section 21 of the Indian Penal Code; and section 11 provides that where an authority other than a Commission appointed under section 3 has been set up under any resolution or order of the appropriate Government for the purpose of making an inquiry into any definite matter of public importance, and that Government is of opinion that all or any of the provisions of the Act should apply to it, that Government may, subject to the prohibition in the proviso to section 3(1), direct by notification that those provisions shall apply, whereupon that authority shall be deemed to be a Commission appointed under section 3.

Section 10: public servants

Every member of the Commission and every officer appointed or authorised by the Commission in the exercise of functions under this Act shall be deemed to be a public servant within the meaning of section 21 of the Indian Penal Code.

Why the deeming is necessary in both directions, exactly as chapter 205 explained for section 52 of the Lokpal Act.

Protection. The Penal Code's offences against a public servant apply. Obstructing a Commission's officer executing a search under section 5(3), or assaulting him, is an offence.

Liability. The Penal Code's offences by a public servant apply, and the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 defines a public servant in section 2(c) partly by reference to the same idea. A member of a Commission who took a bribe would commit the same offence as a person he was inquiring into.

Note who is covered. Members, and every officer appointed or authorised by the Commission. An officer whose services are utilised under section 5A is already a public servant in his own right; section 10 catches the Commission's own staff.

Section 11: turning a committee into a Commission

The problem it solves. Governments constantly set up committees, boards, panels and one-man inquiries by executive order rather than under the Act. Such a body has no power at all: it cannot summon anybody, cannot require a document, cannot examine on oath, and a witness who declines to attend commits no offence.

The solution. Where such an authority, by whatever name called, has been or is set up under any resolution or order of the appropriate Government for the purpose of making an inquiry into any definite matter of public importance, and that Government is of opinion that all or any of the provisions of the Act should be made applicable to it, the Government may by notification direct that those provisions shall apply, and that authority shall then be deemed to be a Commission appointed under section 3 for the purposes of the Act.

munotes.in241

Additional Powers, Search and Seizure

Three conditions.

  1. The authority must have been set up under a resolution or order of the appropriate Government. A private committee cannot be converted.
  2. Its purpose must be an inquiry into a definite matter of public importance, the same phrase section 3 uses.
  3. The conversion is subject to the prohibition in the proviso to section 3(1), so it cannot be used to put a second Commission on to a matter already before one.

What "all or any" means. The Government may apply the whole Act or selected provisions. So a committee may be given section 4's civil court powers without section 5's search powers, or the section 8B and 8C protections without more.

Why section 11 matters more than its length suggests

It is how most Indian one-man inquiries acquire teeth. A retired judge is asked by an order to look into something; the order gives him nothing; a section 11 notification then makes him a Commission and he can summon.

It also means the label on the body tells you nothing. A student should never assume that a body called a Committee has no powers or that one called a Commission has them. The question is always whether it was appointed under section 3, or has been notified under section 11, and which provisions were applied.

And it carries the protections with it. A body deemed to be a Commission attracts sections 8B and 8C, so the person whose conduct it examines gets a hearing and cross-examination. That is a real gain, and it is why an affected person sometimes wants the notification made.

The criticism. The decision to notify is the Government's, and it may be made late, partially or not at all. A Government that wants an inquiry to look serious without being able to compel evidence simply does not notify.

Section 9 and the protection of good faith

Though it belongs with chapter 460's group, section 9 is worth reading here because it completes the picture around sections 10 and 11.

No suit or other legal proceeding shall lie against the appropriate Government, the Commission or any member of it, or any person acting under the direction of either, in respect of anything which is in good faith done or intended to be done in pursuance of the Act or any rules or orders made under it, or in respect of the publication, by or under the authority of the appropriate Government or the Commission, of any report, paper or proceedings.

munotes.in242

Additional Powers, Search and Seizure

The second half is the important half and is easy to miss. It protects the publication of the report. A Commission's report frequently says damaging things about named people. Without section 9 the Government and the Commission would face defamation suits from everybody criticised, and no report would ever be published. Section 9 removes that risk, and it is one of the reasons Indian inquiry reports can be as direct as they are.

A worked example

A Government sets up, by an order of the Department of Home Affairs, a "High Level Committee" of one retired High Court judge to examine the circumstances of a custodial death.

Day one. He has no power. He writes to the Superintendent of Police asking for the case diary. The Superintendent may send it or may not; nothing follows if he does not.

A witness refuses to attend. No offence. The judge has no power to summon.

The family of the deceased petitions the High Court, and the State then issues a section 11 notification applying sections 4, 5, 8B, 8C and 10 to the Committee.

From that date everything changes. The Committee is deemed a Commission under section 3. It may summon the Superintendent from anywhere in India and examine him on oath under section 4(a); it may requisition the case diary under section 4(d); if section 5(3) has been applied it may search the police station for the register; a person whose conduct it examines must be heard under section 8B and may cross-examine and be represented under section 8C; and its own officers are public servants under section 10.

And notice what the notification cannot do. It cannot be used if a Commission is already inquiring into the same matter, because section 11 is subject to the proviso to section 3(1).

Finally the report is published and names two officers. They threaten a defamation suit against the State for publishing it. Section 9 answers them: no suit lies in respect of the publication, by or under the authority of the appropriate Government or the Commission, of any report, paper or proceedings.

What beginners get wrong

That a body called a Committee cannot compel evidence. It cannot, unless notified under section 11, and then it can.

That section 11 applies the whole Act. The Government may apply all or any of the provisions.

That section 11 can be used freely. It is subject to the proviso to section 3(1), so it cannot create a second inquiry into a matter already before a Commission.

munotes.in243

Additional Powers, Search and Seizure

That section 9 protects only officials. It also protects the publication of the report, which is what makes a candid report possible.

Quick revision

s.10: every member of the Commission and every officer appointed or authorised by it is a public servant under section 21 of the Indian Penal Code, which both protects them and makes the corruption law apply to them.

s.11: where an authority by whatever name called has been set up under a resolution or order of the appropriate Government to inquire into a definite matter of public importance, that Government may by notification apply all or any of the Act's provisions, and the authority is then deemed a Commission appointed under section 3. Subject to the proviso to section 3(1).

s.9: no suit or legal proceeding against the Government, the Commission, a member or a person acting under their direction for anything done in good faith, or in respect of the publication of any report, paper or proceedings.

The practical lesson: the name of a body tells you nothing about its powers. Ask whether it was appointed under section 3 or notified under section 11, and which provisions were applied.

Test yourself

1. What does section 11 achieve, and on what conditions? It allows an authority set up by a resolution or order of the appropriate Government, rather than under section 3, to be given the Act's powers. Where such an authority has been set up for the purpose of inquiring into a definite matter of public importance and the Government is of opinion that all or any of the Act's provisions should apply to it, the Government may notify that those provisions shall apply, whereupon the authority is deemed to be a Commission appointed under section 3. The conditions are that it was set up by a Government resolution or order, that its purpose is an inquiry into a definite matter of public importance, and that the notification does not offend the proviso to section 3(1), which prevents a second inquiry into the same matter.

2. Why is section 10 needed? Because a body inquiring into public servants must itself be composed of public servants for the criminal law to work in both directions. The deeming means that offences against a public servant in the discharge of his duty, such as obstruction or assault, apply to the Commission's members and officers, and that the offences the Penal Code and the Prevention of Corruption Act create for public servants apply to them.

3. What part of section 9 makes candid reports possible? The second limb, which bars any suit or legal proceeding in respect of the publication, by or under the authority of the appropriate Government or the Commission, of any report, paper or proceedings. A Commission's report typically criticises named individuals, and without that protection the Government and the Commission would face defamation actions from everybody criticised, with the result that reports would be softened or withheld.

munotes.in244

Additional Powers, Search and Seizure

4. A committee appointed by executive order is examining a custodial death. What can it do, and how could that change? By itself nothing: it cannot summon a witness, cannot require production of a document, cannot examine on oath, and a person who ignores it commits no offence. That changes if the appropriate Government issues a notification under section 11 applying provisions of the Act to it, whereupon it is deemed a Commission under section 3 and acquires whichever powers have been applied, together with the obligations in sections 8B and 8C to hear and allow cross-examination by persons whose conduct or reputation is affected.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in245

Chapter Fifty

Offences Before a Commission, and the Rule-Making Power

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Bringing a Commission into disrepute is an offence the High Court tries directly; good faith protects those who work for it; and the rules that govern it are made by the Government and laid before the House.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 9 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 protects from suit or other legal proceeding anything done in good faith under the Act and the publication of any report, paper or proceedings; section 10A punishes with simple imprisonment up to six months or fine or both any person who by words spoken or intended to be read makes or publishes a statement or does any act calculated to bring the Commission or any member into disrepute, the High Court taking cognizance without committal upon a written complaint by a member or an authorised officer of the Commission; and section 12 empowers the appropriate Government to make rules on the term and conditions of service of members, the manner of holding inquiries and the procedure, the civil court powers that may be vested, the expenses of assessors and persons summoned, and any other prescribed matter, every rule made by the Central Government being laid before each House of Parliament.

Section 9: good faith, and the protection of publication

No suit or other legal proceeding shall lie against the appropriate Government, the Commission, any member of it, or any person acting under the direction of either, in respect of anything which is in good faith done or intended to be done in pursuance of this Act or of any rules or orders made thereunder, or in respect of the publication, by or under the authority of the appropriate Government or the Commission, of any report, paper or proceedings.

The first limb is the standard good faith protection, and chapter 205 explained that good faith under section 3(22) of the General Clauses Act 1897 means honestly done, whether negligently or not.

The second limb is the one that matters and it is unusual. It protects publication. A Commission's report names people and says damaging things about them. Its proceedings are published. Without this protection every person criticised could sue the Government for defamation, and the predictable result would be reports that criticise nobody. Section 9 is therefore a precondition of a candid report, and it should be cited whenever a question asks how the Act enables a Commission to speak plainly.

What it does not protect. Bad faith. And it protects the Government and the Commission, not a newspaper: a journalist who repeats a report's findings relies on the ordinary defences of the law of defamation, not on section 9.

munotes.in246

Offences Before a Commission, and the Rule-Making Power

Section 10A: bringing the Commission into disrepute

Section 10A(1). If any person, by words either spoken or intended to be read, makes or publishes any statement, or does any other act, which is calculated to bring the Commission or any member thereof into disrepute, he shall be punishable with simple imprisonment up to six months, or with fine, or with both.

Section 10A(2). Notwithstanding the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, when such an offence is alleged, the High Court may take cognizance of it, without the case being committed to it, upon a complaint in writing made by a member of the Commission or an officer of the Commission authorised in that behalf.

Section 10A(3). Every such complaint shall set forth the facts constituting the offence, its nature and such other particulars as the sub-section requires.

Three features to notice.

"Calculated to" means likely to have that effect, judged objectively. It does not require proof that the person intended it.

The High Court tries it directly. No committal, no magistrate. That is the same treatment contempt of court receives, and it tells you what the provision is: a contempt power for a body that is not a court, since the Contempt of Courts Act does not apply to a Commission, as Brajnandan Sinha held and chapter 470 works.

Only the Commission may complain. A member, or an officer authorised by it. Nobody else can set the section in motion, which prevents it being used by a Government or by a private party against a critic.

The free speech question, which an examiner may raise. An offence of bringing a body into disrepute sits uneasily with article 19(1)(a). Two things temper it: the requirement that only the Commission may complain, and the requirement that the words be calculated to bring the Commission into disrepute rather than merely to criticise its conclusions. Fair criticism of a report is not the mischief; an attempt to destroy the standing of the inquiry while it is running is.

Compare section 15 of the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 1971, which chapter 260 read, and section 50 of the Act of 2023: the same offence, the same six months, for the same reason.

Section 12: rules

Section 12(1). The appropriate Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, make rules to carry out the purposes of the Act.

Section 12(2) lists the particular matters, and each tells you something about what the Act leaves open:

  1. (a) the term of office and conditions of service of the members. Chapter 400 noted that the Act itself says nothing about composition; this is where it is dealt with.
  2. (b) the manner in which inquiries may be held and the procedure before the Commission. Section 8 gives the Commission power to regulate its own procedure subject to any rules, and this is the power that makes those rules.
  3. (c) the powers of a civil court which may be vested in the Commission, which is section 4(f)'s "any other matter which may be prescribed".
  4. (cc) the travelling and other expenses payable to assessors appointed under section 5B and to persons summoned to give evidence or produce documents. Inserted when assessors were added in 1971.
  5. (d) any other matter which has to be or may be prescribed.
munotes.in247

Offences Before a Commission, and the Rule-Making Power

Section 12(3). Every rule made by the Central Government shall be laid, as soon as may be after it is made, before each House of Parliament, while it is in session, for a total period of thirty days, which may be comprised in one session or in two or more successive sessions; and if both Houses agree in making a modification or agree that the rule should not be made, it shall have effect only in the modified form or be of no effect, without prejudice to the validity of anything previously done under it.

Why section 12(3) belongs to two labels at once

This is the laying procedure, and chapter 1230 sets out its three forms in full under MU's sixth label, Legislative Control. Its appearance here is not a coincidence.

Notice how it got here. Section 12(3) was inserted by the Delegated Legislation Provisions (Amendment) Act 1985, one of a series of statutes by which Parliament went through the statute book adding laying requirements to rule-making powers that lacked them. The Committee on Subordinate Legislation, which chapter 1050 reads, is the parliamentary body whose recommendations produced those Acts.

So the sequence is: a legislative committee inquires; its recommendations produce a statute; that statute inserts a control over delegated legislation into an Act about Commissions of Inquiry. Labels 2, 5 and 6 of this syllabus in one footnote.

And notice the limit. Section 12(3) applies to rules made by the Central Government only. A State Government's rules under section 12(1) are laid, if at all, under the State's own general law. Chapter 1240 asks whether laying is mandatory or directory, and the answer there depends on precisely this kind of wording.

A worked example

A Commission is inquiring into a bank failure. A television channel broadcasts, night after night, that the Commission's chairman was appointed because he is related to a Minister, that the inquiry is a farce and that its report is already written.

Is that an offence under section 10A? The words are intended to be read or heard, they are published, and the question is whether they are calculated to bring the Commission or its member into disrepute. An allegation that the chairman was appointed for a corrupt reason and that the outcome is predetermined is not criticism of a conclusion; it is an attack on the standing of the inquiry. It is capable of falling within the section.

munotes.in248

Offences Before a Commission, and the Rule-Making Power

Who may complain. Only a member of the Commission or an officer authorised by it, by a complaint in writing setting out the facts, the nature of the offence and the required particulars.

Where it is tried. The High Court, taking cognizance without committal.

Now change the facts. After the report is published, the same channel says the reasoning is weak, the conclusions do not follow from the evidence and the Commission ignored an important witness. That is criticism of the report and of its merits, not an attack calculated to bring the Commission into disrepute, and article 19(1)(a) protects it.

And suppose a person criticised in the report sues the State for defamation for publishing it. Section 9's second limb answers him: no suit lies in respect of the publication of any report, paper or proceedings by or under the authority of the appropriate Government or the Commission.

What beginners get wrong

That anybody may prosecute under section 10A. Only a member of the Commission or an officer it authorises may complain.

That section 10A punishes criticism of a report. The words must be calculated to bring the Commission or a member into disrepute, which is different from disagreeing with its findings.

That the Contempt of Courts Act applies to a Commission. It does not, because a Commission is not a court. Section 10A exists to fill that gap.

That section 9 protects a newspaper. It protects the Government, the Commission, its members and persons acting under their direction, including for publication by or under their authority.

Quick revision

s.9: no suit or legal proceeding for anything done in good faith under the Act, or in respect of the publication of any report, paper or proceedings by or under the authority of the Government or the Commission. The second limb is what makes a candid report possible.

s.10A(1): words spoken or intended to be read, or any act, calculated to bring the Commission or a member into disrepute: six months simple imprisonment, or fine, or both.

s.10A(2): the High Court takes cognizance without committal, on a written complaint by a member or an authorised officer of the Commission.

s.12(1) and (2): rules by the appropriate Government on members' terms, the manner and procedure of inquiries, further civil court powers under s.4(f), expenses of assessors and summoned persons, and other prescribed matters.

munotes.in249

Offences Before a Commission, and the Rule-Making Power

s.12(3): rules of the Central Government laid before each House for a total of thirty days, modification or annulment by agreement of both Houses, past acts saved. Inserted by the Delegated Legislation Provisions (Amendment) Act 1985.

Test yourself

1. What is the offence in section 10A, who may set it in motion and where is it tried? Making or publishing, by words spoken or intended to be read, any statement, or doing any act, calculated to bring the Commission or any member of it into disrepute, punishable with simple imprisonment up to six months, or fine, or both. Only a member of the Commission, or an officer of the Commission authorised in that behalf, may complain, and the complaint must be in writing setting out the facts constituting the offence, its nature and the required particulars. The High Court takes cognizance directly, without the case being committed to it.

2. Why does section 10A exist at all? Because a Commission of Inquiry is not a court, as Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain held, so the Contempt of Courts Act does not protect it. Section 10A supplies an equivalent protection by statute, with the High Court trying the offence directly, so that an inquiry cannot be destroyed by a campaign against its standing while it is running.

3. Which limb of section 9 is the important one, and why? The second, which bars any suit or legal proceeding in respect of the publication, by or under the authority of the appropriate Government or the Commission, of any report, paper or proceedings. A report necessarily criticises named individuals, and without that protection every person criticised could sue for defamation, with the result that reports would be softened or withheld. It is therefore a precondition of a candid report.

4. What does section 12(3) show about the connection between this label and the sixth? That they are one subject. Section 12(3) is the laying procedure, the classical instrument of legislative control over delegated legislation, and it was inserted into this Act by the Delegated Legislation Provisions (Amendment) Act 1985, one of the statutes by which Parliament added laying requirements to rule-making powers on the recommendation of the Committee on Subordinate Legislation. So a legislative committee's inquiry produced a statute which inserted a legislative control into the Act governing Commissions of Inquiry.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in250

Chapter Fifty-One

The Commission Is Not a Court

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

A body may sit like a court, be headed by a judge, take evidence on oath and punish perjury, and still not be a court, because it cannot pronounce a judgment that binds anybody.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: a Commission of Inquiry is not a court, because the pronouncement of a definitive judgment is the essential sine qua non of a court and a Commission has no power of adjudication, its function being to investigate, record findings and make recommendations which are not enforceable proprio vigore; the deeming provisions in sections 5(4), 5(5), 9 and 10 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 create limited fictions for stated purposes and do not convert the Commission into a court for any other purpose.

Why the question keeps arising

Because a Commission looks exactly like a court. It is usually presided over by a judge. It sits, hears witnesses on oath, receives documents, allows cross-examination under section 8C, permits legal representation, and delivers a reasoned document at the end. A witness who lies to it commits perjury. It can have people prosecuted for refusing to answer.

And the answer matters practically. If it were a court, the Contempt of Courts Act would protect it and section 10A would be unnecessary; its findings might operate as res judicata; an appeal or revision might lie; and article 20(2)'s bar on double jeopardy might be engaged by a subsequent prosecution.

The test, from the judgment that settled it

Facts. Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain, AIR 1956 SC 66, [1955] 2 SCR 955, decided on 8 November 1955 by N.H. Bhagwati, B.P. Sinha and S.J. Imam JJ, arose out of an inquiry by a Commissioner appointed under the Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850 into charges against a public servant. Brajnandan Sinha wrote a letter attacking the inquiry. The High Court convicted him of contempt on the footing that the Commissioner was a court subordinate to it within the Contempt of Courts Act 1952.

Held. The conviction was set aside. A Commissioner holding such an inquiry is not a court. Section 3 of the Indian Evidence Act defines "Court" for the purposes of that Act only and is not exhaustive. Sections 19 and 20 of the Indian Penal Code define "Judge" and "Court of Justice", and from them the Court took the test: the pronouncement of a definitive judgment is the essential sine qua non of a Court, and unless and until a binding and authoritative judgment can be pronounced by a person or body of persons, it cannot be predicated that he or they constitute a Court. The Commissioner could only report; his findings bound nobody.

munotes.in251

The Commission Is Not a Court

Why it matters. The reasoning is about what makes a body a court, so it applies to every inquiring authority: a Commission under the Act of 1952, a departmental inquiry officer, a committee notified under section 11. Chapter 360 explained that it survives the repeal of the 1850 Act, because the Act was only the occasion.

Sine qua non is Latin for that without which a thing cannot be, that is the indispensable condition.

The proposition applied to a Commission under the 1952 Act

Facts. Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, [1959] SCR 279, which chapter 390 works in full, concerned a Commission appointed under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 into the administration of nine companies connected with Ram Krishna Dalmia, and a contention that Parliament or the Government had usurped the functions of the judiciary by directing such an inquiry.

Held. The Commission was merely to investigate and record its findings and recommendations, which are not enforceable proprio vigore. It has no power of adjudication in the sense of passing an order which can be enforced proprio vigore, and a clear distinction must be drawn between a decision which by itself has no force and no penal effect and a decision which becomes enforceable immediately or may become enforceable by some action being taken. Therefore the inquiry or report cannot be looked upon as a judicial inquiry in the sense of being an exercise of judicial function properly so called, and the question of usurpation by Parliament or the Government of the powers of the judicial organs cannot arise.

Why it matters. It carries the Brajnandan Sinha test into the Act this label is about, and it supplies the phrase the next chapter is named after. It also disposes of a constitutional objection that would otherwise be serious: if an inquiry were an exercise of judicial power, ordering one would offend the separation of powers.

What about the deeming provisions?

A student who has read chapter 410 will object that section 5(4) says the Commission shall be deemed to be a civil court, and section 5(5) that a proceeding before it shall be deemed to be a judicial proceeding. How can it not be a court?

The answer is what a deeming provision does. A deeming provision creates a legal fiction for a stated purpose, and outside that purpose the fiction has no effect. Read each of them and the limits are express.

Section 5(4). Deemed a civil court for offences under sections 175, 178, 179, 180 and 228 of the Penal Code committed in its view or presence, so that it may record the facts and forward the case to a magistrate. Not for any other purpose, and note that even here it cannot punish.

munotes.in252

The Commission Is Not a Court

Section 5(5). A proceeding deemed judicial within the meaning of sections 193 and 228 of the Penal Code, so that lying to it is perjury and insulting it is an offence. The words "within the meaning of" confine the fiction to those two sections.

Section 10. Members and officers deemed public servants within the meaning of section 21 of the Penal Code.

So each fiction is bounded by the section it names, and none of them gives the Commission power to pronounce a binding judgment, which is the test.

What follows from the Commission not being a court

The Contempt of Courts Act does not apply. Hence section 10A, which chapter 460 read.

Its findings do not operate as res judicata. A finding that a person did something does not bind a court trying that person.

No appeal or revision lies from it. The remedy against a Commission is a writ petition, and chapter 500 sets out the narrow grounds.

Article 20(2) is not engaged. Being adversely found against by a Commission is not being prosecuted and punished, so a subsequent prosecution is not double jeopardy.

And the Evidence Act does not bind it. Section 8 lets it regulate its own procedure, and section 5(2) speaks of information useful for, or relevant to, the subject matter, a wider standard than the Evidence Act's.

A worked example

A Commission finds that a hospital administrator falsified purchase records.

Is he convicted? No. There has been no trial, no charge and no verdict.

Can he be dismissed on the finding alone? Not without an inquiry satisfying article 311(2), because the Commission's finding is not a determination of his rights. Chapter 360 set out the article 311 machinery.

Can the finding be used at his criminal trial? His own statements to the Commission cannot, by section 6, and chapter 420 read it. The Commission's findings are not evidence at all; the prosecution must prove its case afresh.

Can he appeal against the finding? There is no appeal. He may petition the High Court under article 226, and the grounds are narrow.

Then what has the finding done to him? Ended his career, in all probability. That is the paradox at the centre of this label: a document with no legal force and enormous practical force, which is exactly why sections 8B and 8C were inserted in 1971 and why chapter 440 called them the amendment that changed the character of an Indian inquiry.

Distinctions: three bodies compared

A courtA tribunalA Commission of Inquiry
Pronounces a binding judgmentYesYes, within its statuteNo
Bound by the Evidence ActYesUsually not strictlyNo
Contempt powerYesSometimes, by statuteNo, but section 10A
AppealYesUsuallyNo
Findings bindThe partiesThe partiesNobody
ExistsPermanentlyPermanentlyFor one matter
munotes.in253

The Commission Is Not a Court

What beginners get wrong

That a Commission headed by a Supreme Court judge is a court. The identity of the member is irrelevant to the test.

That section 5(4) makes it a civil court. It deems it one for five named Penal Code offences committed in its presence.

That a Commission's finding of guilt is a conviction. It is a finding of fact in a report and creates no legal liability.

That the person found against has no remedy. He has a writ petition, and he has the section 8B and 8C rights during the inquiry, which is where the real protection lies.

Quick revision

The test, from Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain, AIR 1956 SC 66: the pronouncement of a definitive judgment is the essential sine qua non of a Court, and unless a binding and authoritative judgment can be pronounced, the body is not a court.

Applied, in Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538: a Commission is merely to investigate, record findings and recommend; it has no power of adjudication in the sense of passing an order enforceable proprio vigore, so the inquiry is not a judicial inquiry and no usurpation of judicial power arises.

The deeming provisions are bounded: s.5(4) a civil court for five Penal Code offences in its presence; s.5(5) a judicial proceeding within sections 193 and 228; s.10 public servants within section 21.

Consequences: no Contempt of Courts Act, hence s.10A; no res judicata; no appeal, only article 226; no double jeopardy under article 20(2); and the Evidence Act does not bind.

Test yourself

1. State the test for whether a body is a court and the case it comes from. The pronouncement of a definitive judgment is the essential sine qua non of a court, and unless and until a binding and authoritative judgment can be pronounced by a person or body of persons, it cannot be predicated that he or they constitute a court. It comes from Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain, AIR 1956 SC 66, where the Supreme Court held that a Commissioner under the Public Servants (Inquiries) Act 1850 was not a court and set aside a conviction for contempt founded on the contrary view.

2. How did the Supreme Court apply that test to a Commission under the 1952 Act? In Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, it held that the Commission is merely to investigate, record its findings and make recommendations which are not enforceable proprio vigore, that it has no power of adjudication in the sense of passing an order enforceable of its own force, and that a clear distinction must be drawn between a decision which by itself has no force or penal effect and one which is or may become enforceable. It followed that the inquiry is not a judicial inquiry and that neither Parliament nor the Government usurps judicial power by ordering one.

munotes.in254

The Commission Is Not a Court

3. If a Commission is not a court, why is lying to it perjury? Because section 5(5) deems any proceeding before the Commission to be a judicial proceeding within the meaning of sections 193 and 228 of the Indian Penal Code. A deeming provision creates a fiction for a stated purpose only, and the words within the meaning of confine it to those two sections. It does not make the Commission a court for any other purpose, and in particular does not give it power to pronounce a binding judgment.

4. List four consequences of the Commission not being a court. The Contempt of Courts Act does not apply to it, which is why section 10A creates a separate offence triable by the High Court. Its findings do not operate as res judicata and do not bind a court trying the same person. No appeal or revision lies from it, the only remedy being a writ petition on narrow grounds. And article 20(2) is not engaged, so an adverse finding is no bar to a subsequent prosecution.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in255

Chapter Fifty-Two

The Report Is Recommendatory: Proprio Vigore

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

A Commission's report has no force of its own: it finds facts, it may recommend, and nothing happens until somebody with power decides that something should.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the report of a Commission of Inquiry is recommendatory and is not enforceable proprio vigore, that is by its own force; the Commission has no power of adjudication in the sense of passing an order that can be enforced of its own force, and a clear distinction must be drawn between a decision which by itself has no force and no penal effect and one which becomes enforceable immediately or may become enforceable by some action being taken; a Commission may properly recommend legislative or administrative measures to eradicate the evil found, but a direction to it to recommend action by way of securing redress or punishment for wrongs already done is beyond section 3, because redress and punishment must be imposed by a court of law properly constituted.

The phrase, and what it means

Proprio vigore is Latin for by its own force. A decision that operates proprio vigore takes effect the moment it is made: a decree, a conviction, an assessment order. A decision that does not operate proprio vigore has to be picked up by somebody else before anything happens.

Learn the phrase, because the Supreme Court used it and an examiner will recognise it. It appears three times in the passage of Ram Krishna Dalmia that settles this label.

The case, worked

Facts. Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, [1959] SCR 279, decided on 28 March 1958 by B.P. Sinha, S.K. Das and A.K. Sarkar JJ. The Central Government appointed a Commission under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, of which Justice S.R. Tendolkar was a member, to inquire into the administration of nine companies and firms connected with Ram Krishna Dalmia. Clause 10 of the notification directed the Commission to report on the action which in its opinion should be taken as and by way of securing redress or punishment, or to act as a preventive in future cases. Dalmia challenged the Act as offending article 14 and the notification as beyond section 3, and contended that by directing such an inquiry Parliament or the Government had usurped the functions of the judiciary.

Held on the Act. It does not delegate an arbitrary or uncontrolled power and does not offend article 14, because the discretion given to the Government is guided by the policy laid down in the Act itself, that executive action is to be taken only where there exists a definite matter of public importance into which an inquiry is necessary. The conduct of an individual person or company, or of a group of them, may in certain circumstances become a definite matter of public importance within section 3.

munotes.in256

The Report Is Recommendatory: Proprio Vigore

Held on the nature of the report, which is the holding for this chapter. The only power the Commission has is to inquire and make a report and embody in it its recommendations. The Commission has no power of adjudication in the sense of passing an order which can be enforced proprio vigore. A clear distinction must, on the authorities, be drawn between a decision which, by itself, has no force and no penal effect and a decision which becomes enforceable immediately or which may become enforceable by some action being taken. Since the Commission is merely to investigate and record its findings and recommendations without any power to enforce them, the inquiry or report cannot be looked upon as a judicial inquiry in the sense of being an exercise of judicial function properly so called, and the question of usurpation by Parliament or the Government of the powers of the judicial organs does not arise.

Held on the terms of reference, first half. It is ancillary to the setting up of an inquiry that the body conducting it should express its own view on the facts found, for the consideration of the appropriate Government, so that the Government may take such measures as it thinks fit. The whole purpose of setting up a Commission of experts would be frustrated if their opinion and advice as to the measures the situation calls for could not be placed before the Government, notwithstanding that doing so cannot prejudice anybody because it has no force of its own.

Held on the terms of reference, second half. The recommendations of a Commission are of great importance to the Government in enabling it to make up its mind what legislative or administrative measures should be adopted to eradicate the evil found or to implement the beneficial objects it has in view, and there can be no objection even to a Commission recommending some form of punishment that would be sufficiently deterrent to delinquents in future.

But, seeing that the Commission has no judicial powers, that its report will be purely recommendatory and not effective proprio vigore, and that a statement made by any person before it is under section 6 wholly inadmissible in evidence in any future civil or criminal proceeding, there can be no point in the Commission making recommendations for taking action as and by way of securing redress or punishment, which refers to wrongs already done. Redress or punishment for such wrongs must be imposed by a court of law properly constituted, exercising its own discretion on the facts, without being in any way influenced by the Commission. Those words were accordingly struck out of clause 10, the rest of the notification being severable and unaffected.

munotes.in257

The Report Is Recommendatory: Proprio Vigore

Why it matters. It is the foundation of the whole label. It settles that the report is recommendatory; that recommending measures for the future is proper and recommending redress or punishment for the past is not; and it links that limit to section 6, so that the evidentiary rule and the recommendatory character explain each other.

The distinction that carries the marks

Recommendations for the future are proper. Change the licensing rules. Amend the Act. Reorganise the inspectorate. Introduce a deterrent penalty. All of that is what a Commission of experts is for.

Recommendations of redress or punishment for the past are not. Prosecute this man. Dismiss that officer. Order compensation to these families. Those are matters for a court, and a Commission's recommendation of them was struck out of the very first notification the Supreme Court examined.

But notice what a Commission may still say. It may find that a named person did a particular thing. That is a finding of fact, and it is the whole point of the exercise. What it may not do is recommend the punishment that should follow.

And notice how thin the line is in practice. A report that finds a Minister took money, in terms, and recommends that "the competent authorities take such action as the law requires" has said everything without crossing the line. A great deal of Indian inquiry drafting lives in that space.

Why this is the answer to half of MU's third question

MU asks what reforms are needed to transform Commissions of Inquiry from fact-finding bodies into effective accountability mechanisms.

The first half of the answer is: they are fact-finding bodies by design and by decision, not by accident. The recommendatory character is not an oversight in the 1952 Act; it is what keeps the institution constitutional. Chapter 470 explained that a body which could punish would be exercising judicial power, and Ram Krishna Dalmia held that the absence of that power is precisely why ordering an inquiry does not usurp the judicial function.

So a reform that gave a Commission power to punish would not be a reform of the Act; it would be the creation of a different institution, and it would meet the objection the Supreme Court disposed of in 1958 only because the power was absent.

Which is why the serious reform proposals are all about what happens to the report, and not about giving the Commission teeth. Chapter 550 sets them out: a duty to act on the report, a time limit for the action taken memorandum, mandatory publication, and a standing body to follow up. Each leaves the Commission recommendatory and attaches a consequence at the other end.

munotes.in258

The Report Is Recommendatory: Proprio Vigore

A worked example

A Commission reports on a factory fire. It finds that the occupier ignored three inspection notices, that the inspector accepted a false compliance certificate, and that the fire safety rules are inadequate.

Recommendation one: amend the rules to require an annual third party audit. Proper. A measure for the future, exactly what Ram Krishna Dalmia says a Commission of experts is for.

Recommendation two: restructure the inspectorate and separate inspection from licensing. Proper, for the same reason.

Recommendation three: introduce a minimum penalty for a false compliance certificate. Proper. The Court said expressly that there can be no objection even to recommending a form of punishment sufficiently deterrent to delinquents in future.

Recommendation four: prosecute the occupier and dismiss the inspector. Not proper. That is redress or punishment for a wrong already done, and it must come from a court and from a disciplinary authority exercising their own discretion.

And what the Commission may nonetheless say. That the occupier ignored the notices and that the inspector accepted a false certificate. Findings of fact, which the Government, the police and the disciplinary authority may all act on if they choose, each exercising its own judgment.

What happens next is nobody's legal duty. The report goes to the Government, which lays it before the House under section 3(4) with a memorandum of action taken. Chapter 510 reads that provision and chapter 540 says how often it is complied with.

What beginners get wrong

That a Commission cannot name names. It can and does. What it cannot do is recommend the punishment that should follow.

That the recommendatory character is a defect in the Act. It is what keeps the institution within the separation of powers, as Ram Krishna Dalmia held.

That a recommendation is worthless. It is the basis on which most Indian regulatory reform of the last seventy years has been made. Its weakness is at the acceptance stage, not in the recommending.

That "proprio vigore" means the report is secret or unofficial. It means it takes effect by nobody's force but requires somebody to act.

Quick revision

Proprio vigore: by its own force. A Commission's report is recommendatory and not enforceable proprio vigore.

Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538: the Commission has no power of adjudication in the sense of passing an order enforceable proprio vigore; a clear distinction between a decision with no force or penal effect and one that is or may become enforceable; recommendations of legislative or administrative measures and even of a deterrent penalty for the future are proper; a direction to recommend action by way of securing redress or punishment for wrongs already done was struck out, because that must come from a court properly constituted.

munotes.in259

The Report Is Recommendatory: Proprio Vigore

Linked to section 6: statements before a Commission are inadmissible in any future civil or criminal proceeding, which is part of the Court's reason why recommending punishment is pointless.

For MU's third question: the recommendatory character is by design, and it is what keeps the institution constitutional; so the serious reforms attach a consequence to the report, not teeth to the Commission.

Test yourself

1. What does it mean to say a report is not enforceable proprio vigore? Proprio vigore means by its own force. A decision enforceable proprio vigore takes effect the moment it is made, like a decree or a conviction. A Commission's report does nothing of itself: it records findings and recommendations, and nothing follows until some other authority, whether a Government, a disciplinary authority or a court, decides to act on it.

2. Which recommendations may a Commission properly make, and which may it not? It may recommend legislative or administrative measures to eradicate the evil found or to implement the beneficial objects in view, and it may even recommend a form of punishment sufficiently deterrent to delinquents in future. It may not recommend action by way of securing redress or punishment for wrongs already done, because redress and punishment for past wrongs must be imposed by a court of law properly constituted, exercising its own discretion on the facts and uninfluenced by the Commission. In Ram Krishna Dalmia such a direction was struck out of the terms of reference.

3. Why did the recommendatory character matter to the constitutional challenge? Because the challenge was that Parliament or the Government had usurped the functions of the judiciary by ordering an inquiry into named persons. The answer was that the Commission has no power of adjudication and its report is not effective proprio vigore, so the inquiry is not an exercise of judicial function properly so called and no usurpation arises. The absence of power to punish is what keeps the institution within the separation of powers.

4. How does section 6 fit into the reasoning? The Court gave three linked reasons why recommending redress or punishment would be pointless: the Commission has no judicial powers, its report is purely recommendatory and not effective proprio vigore, and a statement made by any person before it is under section 6 wholly inadmissible in evidence in any future civil or criminal proceeding. The evidentiary rule and the recommendatory character therefore explain each other: a body whose evidence cannot be used elsewhere is not a body that determines liability.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in260

Chapter Fifty-Three

How Much Natural Justice Is Owed Before a Commission

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Before 1971 a Commission had only to give a hearing; since 1971 sections 8B and 8C give a hearing, the right to produce evidence, the right to cross-examine and the right to a lawyer.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the rules of natural justice apply to a Commission of Inquiry because its findings, though creating no legal liability, are capable of gravely affecting reputation; before the Commissions of Inquiry (Amendment) Act 1971 the content of those rules was as the courts declared it, and State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122, held that the rule of natural justice required only that a hearing be given and did not confer a right to cross-examine every person who had filed an affidavit; since 1971 sections 8B and 8C confer a statutory right to be heard and to produce evidence in defence, and rights of cross-examination, of addressing the Commission and of legal representation.

Why natural justice applies at all

The objection. A Commission decides nothing. Its report creates no liability, as chapter 480 established. Natural justice, on the classical view, attaches to a decision affecting rights. So why should an inquiry that determines nothing owe anybody a hearing?

The answer, in two steps.

Step one: reputation is affected in fact. A finding by a Commission headed by a judge, published and laid before the House, that a named person acted corruptly, will end his career even though it creates no legal liability. Indian administrative law has long held that a body whose findings can have that effect must act fairly, and the growth of the duty of fairness beyond strictly adjudicative decisions is one of the main developments of the subject.

Step two: the statute says so. Since 1971 the question no longer needs to be argued from principle. Sections 8B and 8C say what must be done, and chapter 440 read them.

The case that shows the position before 1971

Facts. State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122, [1966] 4 SCR 1, decided on 6 May 1966 by A.K. Sarkar, J.R. Mudholkar, R.S. Bachawat and J.M. Shelat JJ. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad had been a member of the Council of Ministers of Jammu and Kashmir from 1947 and Prime Minister of the State from 1953 until he resigned in January 1963. Thereafter the State Government issued a notification under section 3 of the Jammu and Kashmir Commission of Inquiry Act 1962 setting up a Commission to inquire into the wealth acquired by him and by specified members of his family during his period of office, and whether in acquiring it he had abused his official position. The Commissioner held sittings in which he took part, and in September 1965 he petitioned the High Court, which set aside the notification and quashed the proceedings. The State appealed. He had also been refused permission to cross-examine all the persons who had filed affidavits against him.

munotes.in261

How Much Natural Justice Is Owed Before a Commission

Held on the constitutional objections. Section 37 of the Jammu and Kashmir Constitution, dealing with the collective responsibility of Ministers to the Legislative Assembly, means only that the Council of Ministers stands or falls together before the House and is no bar to an inquiry into the conduct of an individual Minister. The doctrine of Cabinet responsibility does not mean that an inquiry against one member of the Cabinet is discrimination under article 14: the respondent was in a class by himself and the classification was justified. On the facts the inquiry could not be said to be mala fide.

Held on natural justice, which is the holding for this chapter. The rule of natural justice only requires that a hearing should be given. When the Commission refused permission to the respondent to cross-examine all the witnesses who had filed affidavits against him, no rule of natural justice was violated. Section 10 of that Act gave a right to cross-examine only those persons who gave viva voce evidence before the Commissioner, and section 4(c) did not confer a right on a party appearing before the Commission to require a witness giving evidence by affidavit to be produced for cross-examination, though the Commission would of course permit cross-examination in a case where it thought it necessary.

Why it matters. It is the clearest statement of how little natural justice required of an Indian Commission before the amendment of 1971, and it is therefore the measure of how much sections 8B and 8C changed. Viva voce means by word of mouth, that is oral evidence given in person.

And a caution a student should record. The case was decided under the Jammu and Kashmir Commission of Inquiry Act 1962, a separate State statute, because the central Act did not then extend to that State. Chapter 380 noted that the central Act now extends to the whole of India. The reasoning about natural justice is general; the sections construed are that State Act's.

What changed in 1971, and what did not

What changed. Sections 8B and 8C, which chapter 440 read in full, converted a bare right to be heard into a right to be heard, to produce evidence in defence, to cross-examine witnesses other than one's own, to address the Commission and to be represented by a legal practitioner. The trigger is wide: not only the person whose conduct is inquired into, but anyone whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected.

munotes.in262

How Much Natural Justice Is Owed Before a Commission

What did not change. Three things, and they are what a careful answer adds.

A Commission is still not bound by the Evidence Act. Section 8 lets it regulate its own procedure, and section 5(2), where notified, speaks of information useful for or relevant to the subject matter.

It may still receive evidence on affidavit, under section 4(c). What has changed is that a person within section 8B may now cross-examine the deponent, because section 8C(a) is not limited to witnesses who give oral evidence in the way the Jammu and Kashmir provision was.

And the report is still not a decision, so the content of fairness is calibrated to what the body does. A Commission need not give reasons in the way a court must, need not follow a fixed order of proceedings, and may take material a court could not.

The rule stated as a student should carry it

The duty to act fairly applies. Its content is fixed principally by sections 8B and 8C and beyond them by what fairness requires in the circumstances of the particular inquiry.

The core is: tell the person, show him the material, let him answer, let him test the evidence against him, and let him have a lawyer.

The limits are: no obligation to follow the Evidence Act, no obligation to hear a person whose credit is being impeached as a witness, and no obligation to conduct the inquiry as a trial.

A worked example

A Commission inquires into a public housing scheme. Affidavits are filed by twenty allottees alleging that a named officer demanded money.

Before 1971, on the reasoning of State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad: the officer must be heard. He has no right to require any deponent to be produced for cross-examination, and the Commission may allow it where it thinks necessary.

Since 1971. Section 8B: his conduct is being inquired into, and in any event his reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected, so he must be given a reasonable opportunity of being heard and to produce evidence in his defence. Section 8C(a): he may cross-examine the deponents, because they are not witnesses he produced. Section 8C(c): he may be represented by a legal practitioner.

A clerk who is not accused but whose signatures appear on the files is also likely to be prejudicially affected. Section 8B limb (b) brings him in.

One deponent is shown to have been convicted of cheating. Counsel for the officer attacks his credit. The deponent asks for a section 8B hearing of his own. The proviso answers him: the section does not apply where the credit of a witness is being impeached.

munotes.in263

How Much Natural Justice Is Owed Before a Commission

The Commission decides to sit in private for two sittings because a witness fears for his safety. Section 8 permits it, and chapter 430 discussed the discretion.

And the officer is not shown a note prepared by the Commission's assessor. Chapter 400 raised this: the safe course, and what fairness requires, is that the substance of any material the Commission proposes to act on against him be put to him, whatever its source.

What beginners get wrong

That natural justice does not apply because nothing is decided. It applies because reputation is affected in fact, and since 1971 the statute says so.

That Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad states the current law on cross-examination. It states the law before the 1971 amendment, and under a State Act whose provisions differed.

That a person may insist that every deponent be produced. Section 8C(a) gives a right to cross-examine, and the Commission retains control of its procedure under section 8; what it may not do is refuse the right altogether to a person within section 8B.

That a Commission must follow the Evidence Act. It need not.

Quick revision

Why natural justice applies: a report creates no liability but destroys reputations in fact, and since 1971 sections 8B and 8C put the matter beyond argument.

Before 1971, State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122: the rule of natural justice only requires that a hearing should be given; refusing cross-examination of all affidavit deponents violated no rule of natural justice; the right to cross-examine under that State Act extended only to those who gave viva voce evidence.

Also held there: collective responsibility is no bar to an inquiry into one Minister; a former Prime Minister is a class by himself, so no article 14 objection; the inquiry was not mala fide.

Since 1971: hearing, evidence in defence, cross-examination of witnesses other than one's own, addressing the Commission, and legal representation.

Unchanged: not bound by the Evidence Act; affidavit evidence still receivable under section 4(c); the report is still not a decision, so fairness is calibrated to the function.

Test yourself

1. Why do the rules of natural justice apply to a body that decides nothing? Because a Commission's findings, though creating no legal liability, are capable of destroying a reputation and a career in fact, and Indian administrative law imposes a duty to act fairly on a body whose findings can have that effect. Since 1971 the question does not have to be argued from principle, because sections 8B and 8C of the Act state what must be done.

munotes.in264

How Much Natural Justice Is Owed Before a Commission

2. What did State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad decide on natural justice? That the rule of natural justice only requires that a hearing be given, and that when the Commission refused the former Prime Minister permission to cross-examine all the witnesses who had filed affidavits against him no rule of natural justice was violated. Under the Jammu and Kashmir Commission of Inquiry Act 1962 the right to cross-examine extended only to persons who gave viva voce evidence, and there was no right to require a deponent on affidavit to be produced, though the Commission could permit it where it thought that necessary.

3. How much did the 1971 amendment change? A great deal. Section 8B gives a person whose conduct is inquired into, and any person whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected, a reasonable opportunity of being heard and to produce evidence in his defence. Section 8C gives him, and the appropriate Government, and with permission any other person whose evidence is recorded, the right to cross-examine a witness other than one he produced, to address the Commission and to be represented by a legal practitioner. So the bare hearing of 1966 became a full set of procedural rights.

4. Name three things the 1971 amendment did not change. The Commission is still not bound by the Indian Evidence Act and may regulate its own procedure under section 8. It may still receive evidence on affidavit under section 4(c), though a person within section 8B may now cross-examine the deponent. And its report remains a report and not a decision, so the content of fairness is calibrated to what the body does: it need not give reasons as a court must, need not follow a fixed order of proceedings, and may act on material a court could not receive.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in265

Chapter Fifty-Four

Challenging the Notification

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

You can attack the notification appointing a Commission on four grounds and you will almost certainly lose, because the courts have held that the discretion is guided, that political motive is not enough, and that two related inquiries are not necessarily into the same matter.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: a notification appointing a Commission of Inquiry may be challenged on the grounds that the Act or the notification offends article 14, that the subject matter is not a definite matter of public importance within section 3, that the appointment is mala fide, or that it is barred by the proviso to section 3(1) as a second Commission into the same matter; but the Supreme Court has held that the discretion in section 3 is guided by the policy of the Act and does not offend article 14, that the conduct of an individual or company may be a definite matter of public importance, that political rivalry may form part of the motive provided the dominant purpose is legitimate, and that two notifications are not into the same matter where the inquiries are substantially different in nature and object.

Ground one: article 14

The argument. Article 14 provides that the State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws. A power to select particular individuals for a public inquiry, exercisable at the Government's opinion, is a power to treat one person differently from others in the same position, and is therefore arbitrary.

The answer, from Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, which chapters 390 and 480 work in full. The Act does not delegate an arbitrary or uncontrolled power. The discretion given to the Government is guided by the policy laid down in the Act itself, that executive action is to be taken only where there exists a definite matter of public importance into which an inquiry is necessary. The Court applied Kathi Raning Rawat v. State of Saurashtra, [1952] SCR 435, and set out at length the settled principles on article 14 from Budhan Choudhry v. State of Bihar.

So the ground is closed. A challenge to the Act itself under article 14 will not now succeed.

Ground two: not a definite matter of public importance

The argument. Section 3 permits an inquiry only into a definite matter of public importance. An inquiry into the affairs of a private company or of one individual is not that.

The answer, again from Ram Krishna Dalmia: the conduct of an individual person or company, or of a group of individual persons or companies, may in certain circumstances become a definite matter of public importance within section 3(1) and call for an inquiry.

munotes.in266

Challenging the Notification

What survives of the ground. The words are still a limit, and a notification into a matter of no public importance at all, or into a matter so vague that it is not definite, would be bad. In practice the terms of reference are drawn to recite the public importance, and the recital is difficult to attack.

Ground three: mala fides

The argument. The inquiry has been ordered not to find facts but to damage political opponents.

The answer, from P.V. Jagannath Rao v. State of Orissa, AIR 1969 SC 215, which chapter 390 works. The preamble to the notification showed that the object was to take legislative or administrative measures for maintaining high standards of public conduct and purity of political administration in the State in future, so the notification fell within section 3. It may be that the appointment was partly on account of political rivalry between the party in power and those against whom the inquiry was ordered, but the dominant purpose of setting up the Commission was to promote measures for maintaining purity and integrity of the administration in the political life of the State in future, and not the character assassination of rivals; therefore the notification was issued bona fide and is legally valid.

The dominant purpose test, stated plainly. The court does not ask whether politics played a part. It asks what the dominant purpose was. Since almost every Indian inquiry into a previous Government has some political element, a test that invalidated a notification whenever politics was present would invalidate nearly all of them.

And P.V. Jagannath Rao also disposed of a third argument: that appointing a Commission into matters that were the subject of a pending appeal was contempt of court. The Court held that to constitute contempt there must be an act or publication calculated to bring a court or a judge into contempt or to lower its authority, or calculated to obstruct or interfere with the due course of justice; the suits in that case were for damages for defamation in relation to allegations of corruption, and nothing of the kind was involved.

Ground four: the proviso to section 3(1)

The argument. A Commission is already inquiring into this matter, so a second one is barred.

The case that decides what "the same matter" means.

Facts. State of Karnataka v. Union of India, (1977) 4 SCC 608, AIR 1978 SC 68, decided on 8 November 1977 by a bench of seven, M.H. Beg CJ with Y.V. Chandrachud, P.N. Bhagwati, N.L. Untwalia, P.N. Shinghal, Jaswant Singh and P.S. Kailasam JJ. The Union Government appointed a Commission of Inquiry into allegations against the Chief Minister and other Ministers of Karnataka. The State had already notified its own Commission covering related ground. The State sued the Union under article 131, contending that the Central notification was barred by proviso (b) to section 3(1) and that the Union was interfering with the government of the State.

munotes.in267

Challenging the Notification

Held on the proviso. A perusal of the two notifications showed that the State notification was meant to set up a Commission to inquire whether the veil worn by certain transactions was correct in form and covered it fully, whereas the Central notification was clearly meant to enable its Commission to tear down the veil of apparent legality and regularity which some transactions may wear. It could not be said that the two notifications were covering "the same matter" within proviso (b). Since the two notifications authorised inquiries into matters substantially different in nature and object, the Central inquiry was not barred, even if, in order to deal with a substantially different subject matter, central areas of fact or rules governing the transactions were common; if the objectives are different, the examination of common areas of fact and law for different purposes is permissible.

Held on the purpose of the Act, which chapter 350 quoted. The obvious intention behind the 1952 Act is to enable the machinery of democratic government to function more efficiently and effectively, and it could hardly be construed as an Act meant to thwart democratic methods of government. In all democratic countries, when allegations and rumours circulate causing a crisis of confidence in the integrity of public life or about other matters of public importance, it is essential that public confidence be restored, and this can be done only by thoroughly investigating and probing the rumours and allegations; such an inquiry might reveal either that the evil exists or that there is no force in the rumours, and in either case confidence is restored. The Court also referred to the English Tribunal of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921 in the same passage, which chapter 370 read.

Why it matters. It is the case on the proviso, it is the case on the Union's power to inquire into a State's Ministers, and it contains the most quotable statement of the purpose of the Act. Its test, substantially different in nature and object, is the answer to any question about two overlapping inquiries.

The narrow room that is left

Put the four grounds together and the position is this. The Act is constitutional. Private conduct may be a matter of public importance. Political motive is not fatal if the dominant purpose is legitimate. Two related inquiries are not into the same matter if their objects differ. The Union may inquire into a State's Ministers.

munotes.in268

Challenging the Notification

What is left. A notification whose subject is not definite; one appointed by a Government that is not the appropriate Government under section 2(a), for instance a State inquiring into a Union List matter; one whose dominant purpose is shown to be improper on the material; one plainly into the same matter as a functioning Commission; and, since 2014, one made in the teeth of section 14(4) of the Lokpal Act.

And a fifth, which is the modern route. Not a challenge to the notification at all, but a challenge to the conduct of the inquiry, under sections 8B and 8C: that a person who should have been heard was not, or that cross-examination was refused. Chapters 440 and 490 supply that ground, and it is the one most likely to succeed.

A worked example

A State appoints a Commission into land allotments made by the previous Government. The former Chief Minister challenges the notification.

Article 14. Closed by Ram Krishna Dalmia: the discretion is guided by the Act's own policy.

Not a definite matter of public importance. He says the allotments were private transactions. Ram Krishna Dalmia again: the conduct of individuals may in certain circumstances be a definite matter of public importance, and the notification's preamble will recite it.

Mala fides. He says the inquiry is political. P.V. Jagannath Rao: the court asks the dominant purpose, and political rivalry may be part of the motive. If the preamble discloses an object of maintaining standards of public conduct in future, the notification stands.

The same matter. A Union Commission is already inquiring into a related contract. State of Karnataka v. Union of India: are the two inquiries substantially different in nature and object? If the State's is into the allotment procedure and the Union's into the contract's financing, they are not into the same matter even though facts overlap.

Where he may actually succeed. If, halfway through, the Commission proposes to find that his private secretary took money without ever hearing the secretary, section 8B has been breached and the report is vulnerable to that extent.

What beginners get wrong

That a politically motivated inquiry is invalid. The test is the dominant purpose.

That a private person cannot be inquired into. Ram Krishna Dalmia holds otherwise.

That any overlap between two inquiries triggers the proviso. The test is whether they are into the same matter, and the 1977 decision holds that substantially different objects make them different matters even where facts are common.

That the strongest challenge is to the notification. In practice it is to the conduct of the inquiry under sections 8B and 8C.

munotes.in269

Challenging the Notification

Quick revision

Four grounds, and their answers.

Article 14: closed by Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, the discretion being guided by the policy of the Act.

Not a definite matter of public importance: the conduct of an individual or company may in certain circumstances be one.

Mala fides: P.V. Jagannath Rao v. State of Orissa, AIR 1969 SC 215, the dominant purpose test; political rivalry may be part of the motive; and appointing a Commission into matters also before a court is not contempt without more.

The same matter: State of Karnataka v. Union of India, (1977) 4 SCC 608, two notifications are not into the same matter where the inquiries are substantially different in nature and object, even if central areas of fact are common; one may inquire whether the veil is correct in form and the other may tear the veil down.

The route that works: a breach of sections 8B and 8C in the conduct of the inquiry.

Test yourself

1. On what grounds may a notification appointing a Commission be challenged, and how has each fared? Article 14, which failed in Ram Krishna Dalmia because the discretion is guided by the policy in the Act that an inquiry may be ordered only into a definite matter of public importance. That the subject is not a definite matter of public importance, which also failed there, the conduct of an individual or company being capable in certain circumstances of being such a matter. Mala fides, which failed in P.V. Jagannath Rao on the dominant purpose test. And the bar in the proviso to section 3(1), which failed in State of Karnataka v. Union of India because the two inquiries were substantially different in nature and object.

2. State the dominant purpose test and why it is framed that way. Where a notification is attacked as mala fide the court asks not whether political considerations played any part but what the dominant purpose of the appointment was. It is framed that way because almost every inquiry into a previous Government has some political element, so a test invalidating a notification whenever politics was present would invalidate nearly all of them; what matters is whether the dominant purpose was a legitimate one such as maintaining standards of public conduct for the future.

3. When are two Commissions into "the same matter"? When the inquiries are not substantially different in nature and object. In State of Karnataka v. Union of India the State's notification was meant to see whether the veil worn by certain transactions was correct in form and the Central one to tear that veil down, so they were not into the same matter; and the Court held that if the objectives differ, the examination of common areas of fact and law for different purposes is permissible.

munotes.in270

Challenging the Notification

4. Which challenge is most likely to succeed in practice, and why? A challenge to the conduct of the inquiry rather than to the notification: that a person whose conduct was inquired into or whose reputation was likely to be prejudicially affected was not heard as section 8B requires, or that the right of cross-examination or representation under section 8C was refused. The grounds for attacking the notification have all been narrowed by decisions, whereas the procedural rights conferred in 1971 are specific, statutory and capable of being shown to have been breached on the record.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in271

Chapter Fifty-Five

What Happens to the Report

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Within six months of receiving the report the Government must lay it before the House together with a memorandum of the action taken on it, and the section says "the report, if any".

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, inserted by amendment, provides that the appropriate Government shall cause to be laid before each House of Parliament or, as the case may be, the Legislature of the State, the report, if any, of the Commission on the inquiry made by it under sub-section (1), together with a memorandum of the action taken thereon, within a period of six months of the submission of the report by the Commission to the appropriate Government; and section 3(3) empowers the appropriate Government at any stage of an inquiry to fill any vacancy in the office of a member.

The journey of a report

Step one. The Commission submits its report to the appropriate Government. Not to the House, not to the public.

Step two. The Government has six months.

Step three. Within that period it must cause to be laid before each House of Parliament, or the State Legislature, two documents: the report, and a memorandum of the action taken thereon.

Step four. Laying makes the report public.

And notice what the section does not require. It does not require the Government to accept any finding. It does not require it to act. It requires it to say, in the memorandum, what it has done.

Section 3(4) read closely

"The report, if any." Two words that carry the criticism of the whole institution. A Commission may be wound up under section 7 before it reports, in which case there is no report and nothing to lay. Chapter 430 explained that the appointing Government may do that on its opinion that continued existence is unnecessary, without reasons.

"Together with a memorandum of the action taken thereon." This is the accountability half and it is the same device as section 48 of the Lokpal Act and section 14 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, both of which chapters 200 and 660 read. A Government that has done nothing must lay a memorandum saying so, in the House, in public. That is the sanction: not compulsion but a compelled explanation.

"Within a period of six months of the submission of the report." A time limit, which the earlier version of the section did not contain. It was inserted precisely because reports were being sat on.

And what the Act does not say. It does not say what happens if the six months pass and nothing is laid. There is no consequence, no deeming, no automatic publication. Chapter 550 lists that among the reforms.

munotes.in272

What Happens to the Report

Section 3(3): filling a vacancy

The appropriate Government may, at any stage of an inquiry, fill any vacancy which may have arisen in the office of a member, whether the Commission consists of one or more than one member.

Read it with section 8A, which chapter 430 read: a vacancy or a change in the constitution does not interrupt the inquiry. Section 3(3) supplies the power to fill; section 8A supplies the continuity. Together they keep a long inquiry alive.

And note the words "whether consisting of one or more than one member". So even a one-man Commission whose member has gone may be reconstituted rather than lapsing, which section 8A alone would not achieve.

Does the report bind anybody?

No, and chapter 480 established why: it is recommendatory and not enforceable proprio vigore.

But the question is asked in a narrower form and deserves a precise answer. Three particular questions recur.

Is the Government bound to accept the findings? No. It may reject them, and its memorandum under section 3(4) is where it says so and why.

Is a court bound by the findings? No. A Commission's findings are not evidence and do not operate as res judicata, and chapter 470 set that out.

Can a person be dismissed on the findings alone? No. Article 311(2) requires an inquiry in which he is informed of the charges and given a reasonable opportunity of being heard, and chapter 360 read it. A Commission's report may prompt a departmental inquiry; it cannot replace one.

The gap between finding and consequence

This is the heart of MU's third question and it is worth stating as a sequence.

A Commission finds that a Minister acted corruptly. That is a fact found by a judge after hearing evidence.

Nothing follows automatically. The finding is not a conviction, is not evidence, and creates no liability.

The Government may act. It may prosecute, using independent evidence, since section 6 excludes the Commission's own record. It may proceed departmentally against officers. It may change the rules. It may do none of it.

The Government must explain. The memorandum under section 3(4) must say what has been done.

And the House may debate it. That is the whole of the accountability, and it is exactly the mechanism chapter 320 described for an ombudsman: publicity and an explanation, enforced by a legislature that is interested.

Whether that is enough is the examination question, and the honest answer has two halves. Where the report is politically live and the House cares, it is a real sanction. Where the Government that must lay the memorandum is the Government the report criticises, and commands the House, it is not.

munotes.in273

What Happens to the Report

A worked example

A Commission into a communal disturbance submits its report to the State Government on 1 March.

By 1 September the Government must lay before the State Legislature the report and a memorandum of the action taken.

Suppose it lays both, and the memorandum says the findings against three police officers are accepted and departmental proceedings have been initiated. Section 3(4) is satisfied and article 311 will govern those proceedings.

Suppose the memorandum says the Government does not accept the findings. That is permissible. The report is recommendatory. The Government has explained itself in public, which is what the section requires.

Suppose nothing is laid by 1 September. The Act provides no consequence. A citizen may petition the High Court for a direction to comply with section 3(4), which is a mandatory statutory duty and therefore a proper subject for mandamus, and that is the practical remedy.

Suppose the Commission was wound up under section 7 in February and never reported. Section 3(4) requires the report if any. There is none, nothing is laid, and the three years of evidence remain unpublished.

And suppose the report is laid and names a contractor. He sues the State for defamation. Section 9's second limb answers him, and chapter 460 read it: no suit lies in respect of the publication of any report, paper or proceedings by or under the authority of the Government or the Commission.

What beginners get wrong

That the report goes to the House directly. It goes to the Government, which lays it.

That laying means acceptance. The memorandum may record rejection.

That the six month limit is enforced by the Act. The Act attaches no consequence; the remedy is a writ.

That an inquiry always produces a report. Section 3(4) says "the report, if any", and section 7 explains why the words are there.

Quick revision

s.3(4): the appropriate Government shall cause to be laid before each House of Parliament or the State Legislature the report, if any, together with a memorandum of the action taken thereon, within six months of the submission of the report.

"If any": because a Commission may be ended under section 7 before it reports.

The memorandum is the accountability device, the same as section 48 of the Lokpal Act and section 14 of the CVC Act 2003: not compulsion, but a compelled public explanation.

No consequence is provided for failing to lay within six months; the remedy is a writ, the duty being mandatory.

s.3(3): the Government may fill a vacancy at any stage, whether the Commission has one member or more; read with section 8A, which prevents the inquiry being interrupted.

munotes.in274

What Happens to the Report

The report binds nobody: not the Government, not a court, and it cannot by itself support a dismissal, which needs an article 311 inquiry.

Test yourself

1. What must the Government do with a Commission's report? Cause to be laid before each House of Parliament or, as the case may be, the State Legislature, the report, if any, of the Commission on the inquiry made under section 3(1), together with a memorandum of the action taken on it, within six months of the submission of the report by the Commission to the Government.

2. Why do the words "if any" appear in section 3(4)? Because there may be no report. Under section 7 the appropriate Government may, by notification, declare that a Commission which it appointed shall cease to exist if it is of opinion that its continued existence is unnecessary, and a Commission so ended never reports. The words acknowledge that possibility and are the point at which section 7's criticism reaches section 3(4).

3. What is the memorandum of action taken for, and what is its limitation? It requires the Government to state publicly, before the House, what it has done about the report, so that a decision to accept, to reject or to do nothing must be explained rather than merely made. Its limitation is that it compels an explanation and not an action: the Government may record that it does not accept the findings, and the Act provides no consequence for a failure to lay the memorandum at all within the six months, the only remedy being a writ to enforce a mandatory statutory duty.

4. Can a public servant be dismissed on the strength of a Commission's findings? No. The findings are recommendatory and create no legal liability, and article 311(2) requires that no person in a civil service be dismissed, removed or reduced in rank except after an inquiry in which he has been informed of the charges and given a reasonable opportunity of being heard. A Commission's report may prompt such an inquiry and may not replace it, and by section 6 the statements made before the Commission are inadmissible in any civil or criminal proceeding.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in275

Chapter Fifty-Six

What a Report Cannot Do to the Criminal Process

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

A Commission's findings cannot be used to start a fresh criminal case on facts that have already been investigated, however serious the findings are.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: a Commission's report is not a first information report, not a charge sheet and not evidence, and the statements made before it are inadmissible against their makers under section 6; where the same occurrence has already been the subject of a first information report and an investigation, a second first information report cannot be registered on the strength of a Commission's findings, the only course open being a further investigation under section 173(8) of the Code of Criminal Procedure with the leave of the court, as held in T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181.

The case, worked

Facts. T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181, AIR 2001 SC 2637, decided on 12 July 2001 by S.S.M. Quadri and S.N. Phukan JJ. At Kuthuparamba in Kerala a crowd of some two thousand had gathered in front of the Town Hall where a Minister was to attend a programme. On the Minister's arrival the crowd surged forward, a lathi charge followed, the crowd turned violent, stones were thrown at the police and at the Minister's motorcade, and Government vehicles parked nearby were set on fire. Lathi charge and tear gas having failed, the Executive Magistrate ordered the Assistant Superintendent of Police to disperse the crowd by firing. Five people were killed. First information reports were registered and investigated at the time, and a Commission of Inquiry was appointed and reported. After a change of Government a second first information report was registered on the same firing, this time against the District Collector, the Executive Magistrate and police officers, and proceedings were launched on the strength of the Commission's findings. The Executive Magistrate contended that his action in evaluating the law and order situation and ordering dispersal was protected under section 132 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and could not be an offence.

Held. The Supreme Court quashed the second first information report and the proceedings founded on it. There can be no second first information report and no fresh investigation on receipt of every subsequent information in respect of the same cognizable offence or the same occurrence. Where an information about a cognizable offence has been recorded and the investigation completed, any further information about the same occurrence is not a fresh first information report; the remedy, if any, is a further investigation under section 173(8) of the Code, and that with the leave of the court. A Commission's report could not, therefore, supply the foundation for a fresh criminal case on facts already investigated.

munotes.in276

What a Report Cannot Do to the Criminal Process

Why it matters. It is the practical demonstration of everything chapters 470, 480 and 420 established. The report was not nothing; it found what happened. But it was not a charge sheet, its evidence could not be used, and it could not restart a process that had run. Any question about whether Commission findings lead to prosecutions is answered here.

Why the law is like this

Three reasons converge, and a good answer gives all three.

One, section 6. Whatever the officers said to the Commission is inadmissible against them in any civil or criminal proceeding, except a prosecution for lying to it. Chapter 420 read the section and explained the use-immunity technique. So the Commission's own record is not available to the prosecution.

Two, the report is not a determination. Chapter 480 established that it is recommendatory and not enforceable proprio vigore, and chapter 470 that the Commission is not a court. A finding of fact by a body that decides nothing cannot be the basis of a charge.

Three, the rule against a second first information report. This is general criminal procedure and has nothing to do with Commissions. Its purpose is to prevent a person being harassed by repeated investigations of the same occurrence, and it protects everybody equally.

Put together, they mean that a Commission's findings can prompt but cannot produce a prosecution. What the State must do is investigate afresh, on independent material, within the limits of the Code.

What a Government may still do after a report

Prosecute on independent evidence. Section 6 excludes the statements made to the Commission, not the underlying facts. Documents, other witnesses and records remain available. Where no investigation has yet taken place, an ordinary first information report may be registered.

Seek a further investigation. Where an investigation has been completed and the report has thrown up material that was not before the investigating officer, the course is a further investigation under section 173(8) of the Code with the leave of the court. Chapter 910 works the distinction between further investigation, fresh investigation and de novo investigation.

Proceed departmentally. A report may prompt a disciplinary inquiry, which must itself satisfy article 311(2) and the service rules, as chapter 360 explained.

Act administratively. Transfer, suspend pending inquiry, change the rules, restructure the office. Nothing in this chapter limits any of that.

And answer to the House. Section 3(4)'s memorandum, which chapter 510 read.

The wider point, and the answer to a favourite question

Question: "Commission of Inquiry reports never lead to convictions. Is the institution therefore useless?"

The wrong answer is to agree, or to blame political will alone.

munotes.in277

What a Report Cannot Do to the Criminal Process

The right answer has three layers.

Layer one, design. The absence of a criminal consequence is built into the statute, and deliberately. Section 6 buys candour at the price of admissibility; the recommendatory character keeps the institution constitutional. Chapter 480 showed the Supreme Court holding in 1958 that this is precisely why ordering an inquiry does not usurp judicial power.

Layer two, procedure. Even where the will exists, the criminal process has its own rules, and T.T. Antony is one of them. A report cannot be dropped into a completed investigation.

Layer three, purpose. The institution's product is not a conviction. Chapter 350 took the purpose from the 1977 decision: to establish facts and restore public confidence, whichever way the facts turn out. Measured against that purpose, a report that changed a licensing regime or established what happened in a riot has succeeded, whether or not anybody went to prison.

And the reform that follows, which chapter 550 develops: if the object is accountability, the reforms must attach a consequence to the report, by requiring action or explanation within a time, rather than trying to make the Commission's findings do the work of a trial.

A worked example

A Commission reports that four police officers fired without justification during a demonstration in which two people died.

Was there an earlier first information report?

If yes, and the investigation was completed, a second first information report on the same occurrence is barred by T.T. Antony. The State may apply for a further investigation under section 173(8) with the leave of the court, placing the report before the court as the reason.

If no first information report was ever registered, one may be registered now, and the ordinary investigation follows. The Commission's report is the occasion; it is not the evidence.

In either case, what may the investigator use? Not the officers' statements to the Commission, by section 6. He may use the ballistics report, the post-mortem, the register of arms issued, the photographs, and the testimony of witnesses who will now depose to the police.

Departmentally, the disciplinary authority may proceed under the service rules, giving a charge sheet and a hearing as article 311(2) requires. The Commission's finding does not substitute for that inquiry.

And the memorandum under section 3(4) must tell the House what has been done.

What beginners get wrong

That a Commission's report can be filed as a charge sheet. It cannot; it is not a police report under section 173.

That section 6 prevents prosecution. It prevents the use of the statements; a prosecution on independent evidence is unaffected.

That T.T. Antony bars all further action. It bars a second first information report on the same occurrence; further investigation under section 173(8) with the court's leave remains available.

munotes.in278

What a Report Cannot Do to the Criminal Process

That the absence of convictions proves the institution useless. Its statutory purpose is to find facts and restore confidence, and the absence of a criminal consequence is a design feature, not a failure.

Quick revision

T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181: police firing at Kuthuparamba killed five; after a Commission reported and a Government changed, a second first information report was registered against the Collector, the Executive Magistrate and police officers on the strength of the findings. Quashed. There can be no second first information report and no fresh investigation on receipt of every subsequent information about the same cognizable offence or occurrence; the remedy, if any, is a further investigation under section 173(8) with the leave of the court.

Three reasons a report does not produce a prosecution: section 6 excludes the statements made to the Commission; the report is recommendatory and the Commission is not a court; and the general rule against a second first information report protects everybody.

What may still be done: prosecute on independent evidence; seek further investigation under section 173(8); proceed departmentally under article 311; act administratively; and answer to the House under section 3(4).

Test yourself

1. State the facts and holding in T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala. Police firing at Kuthuparamba, ordered by the Executive Magistrate after a lathi charge and tear gas failed to control a violent crowd, killed five people. First information reports were registered and investigated at the time and a Commission of Inquiry reported. After a change of Government a second first information report was registered on the same firing against the District Collector, the Executive Magistrate and police officers, founded on the Commission's findings. The Supreme Court quashed it, holding that there can be no second first information report and no fresh investigation on receipt of every subsequent information in respect of the same cognizable offence or occurrence, the remedy if any being a further investigation under section 173(8) of the Code with the leave of the court.

2. Give three reasons why a Commission's findings do not produce a prosecution. Section 6 makes the statements given to the Commission inadmissible against their makers in any civil or criminal proceeding, so the Commission's own record is unavailable. The report is recommendatory and not enforceable proprio vigore and the Commission is not a court, so its findings are neither a determination nor evidence. And the general rule of criminal procedure against a second first information report on the same occurrence prevents the report being used to restart a completed investigation.

munotes.in279

What a Report Cannot Do to the Criminal Process

3. What can a Government lawfully do after receiving an adverse report? Prosecute on evidence obtained independently of the Commission's record, or register a first information report where none has been registered before; apply for a further investigation under section 173(8) with the leave of the court where an investigation has already been completed; initiate departmental proceedings under the service rules satisfying article 311(2); take administrative action such as transfer or suspension or a change of rules; and lay before the House the report and the memorandum of action taken under section 3(4).

4. "Commission reports never lead to convictions, so the institution is useless." Answer. The premise is largely accurate and the conclusion does not follow. The absence of a criminal consequence is designed: section 6 buys candid evidence at the cost of its admissibility, and the recommendatory character is what keeps an inquiry from being an exercise of judicial power, as Ram Krishna Dalmia held. Even where the will exists, the rules of criminal procedure, including the bar on a second first information report, stand in the way. And the institution's statutory purpose, as stated in State of Karnataka v. Union of India, is to establish facts and restore public confidence whichever way they turn out, against which a report that settled what happened or changed a regulatory regime has succeeded whether or not anybody was convicted.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in280

Chapter Fifty-Seven

The Great Indian Commissions and What Became of Their Reports

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Two inquiries show the whole institution: one in Maharashtra that reported in five years and named names, and one at the Centre that took seventeen years and forty-eight extensions.

Why worked examples matter for this label

MU's third question asks what reforms would turn Commissions of Inquiry from fact-finding bodies into effective accountability mechanisms. An answer built only on sections and cases will describe the machinery. An answer that can say what actually happened to two reports can argue.

A caution about sourcing, and it is the honest thing to say in an answer too. The reports of Indian Commissions are public documents but are not always easy to obtain, and much of what is written about them is second hand. The two below were checked against published accounts; the figures are given as reported.

The Srikrishna Commission

What it was. A Commission of Inquiry constituted by the Government of Maharashtra under Justice B.N. Srikrishna to inquire into the riots in Bombay in December 1992 and January 1993.

How long, and how much. It sat for about five years. It is reported to have examined 502 witnesses and 2,903 exhibits, and to have submitted its report on 16 February 1998.

What it found. It indicted a number of politicians, including the then Shiv Sena chief, for inciting participation in the riots, and indicted 31 policemen for participating in the riots, in communal incidents or in looting. It recommended chargesheets in 436 cases.

What became of it. The report was contested politically on its submission. The State prepared an Action Taken Report. In August 2007 the Supreme Court directed the State Government to file an affidavit on the implementation of the Commission's recommendations, and the State's affidavit of January 2008 reported that the police had registered 2,267 cases.

What the example teaches, and it is four things.

A Commission can find facts that no other institution had established, on a scale no court could manage: 502 witnesses about a city-wide disturbance.

It can name names, which chapter 480 explained it is entitled to do, though it may not recommend punishment for past wrongs.

Implementation is a separate question from findings, and the gap between them is where the institution's weakness lies. Chapter 510 read section 3(4) and the memorandum of action taken.

And a court can be brought in to make the Government account for implementation, which is a route the Act itself does not provide and which is worth naming as an existing partial remedy.

The Liberhan Commission

What it was. A one-man Commission of Inquiry headed by Justice M.S. Liberhan, appointed on 16 December 1992, ten days after the demolition of the disputed structure at Ayodhya on 6 December 1992, to inquire into the sequence of events leading to the occurrences at the site.

munotes.in281

The Great Indian Commissions and What Became of Their Reports

How long. It was originally required to report within three months. Extensions were granted, on the published accounts, forty-eight times. It submitted its report to the Prime Minister on 30 June 2009, seventeen years after appointment.

What became of it. The report and the action taken report were laid before Parliament in November 2009, which is section 3(4)'s requirement performed seventeen years after the inquiry began.

What the example teaches, and it is the case for reform in one set of figures.

A three month mandate became seventeen years, by extension. Section 3(1) requires the notification to specify the time within which the Commission is to report, and nothing in the Act limits the number of extensions.

Seventeen years destroys the purpose. Chapter 350 took the purpose from State of Karnataka v. Union of India: to restore public confidence where rumours cause a crisis of confidence. A finding delivered seventeen years later, about events on which opinion has long hardened, cannot do that whichever way it goes.

Evidence decays. Witnesses die, memories fail, documents are lost. An inquiry that lasts seventeen years is inquiring into a different evidentiary world from the one it was appointed to examine.

And section 3(4) was complied with. The report was laid, with a memorandum. The Act's own accountability requirement was satisfied. That is precisely the point: the Act's requirements can be met and the institution can still have failed.

The pattern, stated as an argument

Put the two together and three propositions emerge that an answer can defend.

One: the Act constrains the end and not the middle. Section 3(1) requires a time to be specified and section 3(4) requires the report to be laid within six months of submission. Between those two points there is no statutory discipline: no limit on extensions, no reporting on progress, no consequence for delay.

Two: findings are the easy part and consequences are the hard part. Both Commissions found facts. What happened next depended on the political will of a Government, in one case prodded by the Supreme Court a decade later.

Three: the institution is not a failure, and saying so is not a defence of it. The Srikrishna Commission established what happened in Bombay in 1992 and 1993 in a way that no other process had, and its record exists. Chapter 350's test, that confidence is restored whichever way the facts turn out, is met by a report that establishes the facts. Whether anyone was punished is a different question, and chapter 520 explained why the answer is usually no.

munotes.in282

The Great Indian Commissions and What Became of Their Reports

A worked example: the comparison an examiner wants

SrikrishnaLiberhan
Appointed byThe Government of MaharashtraThe Central Government
When199316 December 1992
MembersOne, Justice B.N. SrikrishnaOne, Justice M.S. Liberhan
Original timeExtendedThree months
Reported16 February 199830 June 2009
ElapsedAbout five yearsSeventeen years, with 48 extensions reported
Scale502 witnesses, 2,903 exhibits reportedNot stated here
Named individualsYes, politicians and 31 policemenYes
Recommended prosecutionsChargesheets in 436 cases reportedNot stated here
Laid before the HouseYesYes, November 2009
Implementation pressed byThe Supreme Court, 2007Political process

What beginners get wrong

That a Commission's findings were never acted on. The State's own affidavit in the Srikrishna matter reported 2,267 cases registered. What is contested is the adequacy and the outcome, not the existence, of action.

That delay is a failure of the individual Commission. The Act permits unlimited extensions and provides no discipline. Chapter 540 sets that out.

That a long inquiry is a thorough one. The Srikrishna Commission examined 502 witnesses in about five years. Length and thoroughness are different variables.

And that naming names is the same as recommending punishment. Chapter 480 established that a Commission may find that a named person did something and may not recommend redress or punishment for a past wrong.

Quick revision

Srikrishna Commission: Government of Maharashtra, Justice B.N. Srikrishna, riots of December 1992 and January 1993; report 16 February 1998; reported 502 witnesses, 2,903 exhibits; indicted politicians and 31 policemen; recommended chargesheets in 436 cases; Supreme Court directed an affidavit on implementation in August 2007; State reported 2,267 cases registered.

Liberhan Commission: Central Government, Justice M.S. Liberhan, appointed 16 December 1992, ten days after the demolition; three month original mandate; 48 extensions reported; report submitted 30 June 2009, seventeen years later; laid before Parliament with an action taken report in November 2009.

Three propositions: the Act constrains the end and not the middle; findings are easy and consequences are hard; and the institution is not a failure measured against its own purpose of establishing facts.

Test yourself

1. What do the Srikrishna and Liberhan Commissions together show about the working of the Act? That the Act disciplines the beginning and the end of an inquiry and not the middle. Section 3(1) requires the notification to specify a time and section 3(4) requires the report to be laid within six months of submission, but nothing limits the number of extensions, requires progress to be reported or attaches a consequence to delay: the Liberhan Commission's three month mandate became seventeen years with a reported forty-eight extensions. They also show that findings are the easier half and consequences the harder: both Commissions found facts and named individuals, and in the Srikrishna matter implementation had to be pressed by the Supreme Court a decade after the report.

munotes.in283

The Great Indian Commissions and What Became of Their Reports

2. Why does a seventeen year inquiry defeat the purpose of the institution? Because the purpose, as stated in State of Karnataka v. Union of India, is to restore public confidence where allegations and rumours have caused a crisis of confidence, by thoroughly probing them, confidence being restored whichever way the facts turn out. A finding delivered seventeen years later cannot do that: opinion has hardened, the political situation has changed, and the evidence itself has decayed as witnesses die and documents are lost.

3. Does the Srikrishna example show that Commission reports are never implemented? No. The State's affidavit filed in January 2008, after the Supreme Court directed one in August 2007, reported that 2,267 cases had been registered. What the example shows is that implementation depends on political will and, in that instance, on judicial pressure applied years afterwards, rather than on any mechanism in the Act itself.

4. Why is this chapter sourced differently from the rest of the book, and what follows? Because the reports of these Commissions are not among the primary materials in the book's authority base, so the dates and figures are given as reported in published accounts checked in the session of 23 August 2026, rather than read off a primary record as every section and every case in this book has been. What follows is that the figures should be used in an answer as reported figures, and that the propositions built on them, about extensions, delay and the gap between finding and consequence, do not depend on any single figure being exact.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in284

Chapter Fifty-Eight

Delay, Cost and the Practical Case Against the Present Act

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

The Act contains no limit on how long an inquiry may take, no discipline on cost, no duty to act on the report and no protection against being wound up, and each of those is a gap in the statute rather than a failure of the people who work it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the practical criticisms of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 are that section 3(1) requires a time to be specified but permits unlimited extensions and attaches no consequence to delay; that section 7 permits the appointing Government to wind up a Commission on its opinion that continued existence is unnecessary, without reasons and without publication of the material collected; that section 8 leaves the choice between sitting in public and in private to the Commission; that section 5 makes the coercive powers dependent on a Government notification; that section 3(4) requires only that the report and a memorandum of action taken be laid, and attaches no consequence to a failure to lay; and that the Act says nothing at all about who may be appointed, about cost or about the resources a Commission is to be given.

The seven gaps, each traced to its section

One: time. Section 3(1) requires the notification to specify the time within which the Commission is to report. Nothing limits the number or the length of extensions, requires reasons for an extension, or requires the extension to be laid before the House. Chapter 530's worked example is a three month mandate that ran for seventeen years.

Two: winding up. Section 7(1)(a) lets the Government that appointed a Commission declare that it shall cease to exist if it is of opinion that its continued existence is unnecessary. No reasons. No consultation with the Commission. No publication of the evidence taken. Chapter 430 called this the sharpest single criticism of the Act, and it is: an inquiry into a Government can be ended by that Government.

Three: publicity. Section 8 lets the Commission decide whether to sit in public or in private, where the English model of 1921 made public the default. Chapter 430 set out the argument on both sides. Combined with the Government's control of publication under section 3(4), an inquiry can be held in private and its report withheld until the Government lays it.

Four: the coercive powers. Section 5's powers to require information, to search and seize, and to treat obstruction as an offence apply only if the Government notifies them. Chapter 410 explained that two Commissions under the same Act may therefore have very different powers, and that the choice belongs to the body most likely to be inquired into.

munotes.in285

Delay, Cost and the Practical Case Against the Present Act

Five: no duty to act. Section 3(4) requires the report and a memorandum of action taken to be laid within six months. It does not require any action, and it attaches no consequence to a failure to lay. Chapter 510 read it.

Six: appointment. The Act says nothing about who may be a member. Chapter 400 set out why the silence is deliberate and why it is nevertheless a criticism: the Government under inquiry chooses the person who will inquire.

Seven: resources. Nothing in the Act provides a Commission with staff, premises, investigators or a budget as of right. Section 5A lets it borrow officers with the concurrence of a Government; section 5B lets it appoint assessors whose expenses are prescribed by rules. Everything else depends on what the appointing Government provides.

Why delay is structural and not accidental

Four causes, and three of them are in the Act.

Extensions are free. No reasons, no limit, no laying.

The 1971 amendment lengthened inquiries. Chapter 440 said so plainly: sections 8B and 8C require every person whose reputation may be affected to be heard, and allow each of them to cross-examine every witness. That is a gain in fairness and a cost in time, and the Act gives the Commission no express power to regulate the length of cross-examination.

A Commission has no permanent staff. It builds an office, learns the subject and disperses, and every inquiry starts from nothing.

And the fourth cause is not in the Act. A Government under criticism has no reason to hurry, and every reason to let an inquiry run until the political moment has passed. Chapter 320 made the same observation about the appointment of the Lokpal, and it is the same phenomenon.

Cost, and why the Act is silent about it

There is no financial provision in the Act. No charge on the Consolidated Fund, no budget, no audit, no requirement to report expenditure.

Compare what this book has already read. Section 13 of the Lokpal Act charges the Lokpal's expenses on the Consolidated Fund of India and section 42 subjects its accounts to audit by the Comptroller and Auditor-General. Section 11 of the Maharashtra Act of 2023 charges the Lokayukta's expenses on the Consolidated Fund of the State. A Commission of Inquiry has neither.

The consequence runs both ways. A Commission cannot be starved of money by a vote, because there is no vote; it is simply given what the Government gives it. And there is no public record of what an inquiry cost, so the argument that inquiries are expensive is as unverifiable as the argument that they are cheap.

Which is itself a criticism worth making. An institution whose whole purpose is public accountability keeps no public account of itself.

munotes.in286

Delay, Cost and the Practical Case Against the Present Act

The argument that Commissions are appointed to avoid action

The charge. An inquiry answers a public demand for action without taking any. It removes the subject from the daily political argument for years and, by the time it reports, the demand has gone.

Why the charge has force. Because everything in this chapter makes it easy to do. The Government chooses whether to appoint, whom to appoint, what to refer, what powers to give, how long to allow, whether to extend, whether to wind up, and what to do with the report.

Why the charge is not the whole truth, and a good answer says both. The same Act produced the inquiry worked in chapter 530 which examined 502 witnesses and named policemen and politicians. An instrument that can be misused is not thereby useless, and chapter 350 established a purpose against which the institution is often met.

The honest formulation. The Act gives the appointing Government almost complete control over an instrument designed to examine that Government. Where the Government is willing, the instrument works well; where it is not, the Act supplies no counterweight. That sentence is the case for reform, and chapter 550 sets out what the reforms are.

A worked example: the same inquiry under a Government that wants it and one that does not

Facts: a large public hospital's oxygen supply fails and patients die.

Under a Government that wants the truth. It appoints a Commission within a week, refers the whole subject including the procurement rules, applies all of section 5 by notification so the Commission may search and seize, gives it a serving Additional Secretary as Secretary and officers under section 5A, allows six months, extends once for two months on the Commission's request, receives the report, lays it with a memorandum accepting the findings, and amends the rules.

Under a Government that does not. It appoints a Commission after four months of pressure, refers only the events of the night and not the procurement, does not notify section 5 so the Commission cannot search, gives it two clerks, allows six months, extends it seven times over four years, and, when the Commission begins to examine the Health Secretary, notifies under section 7 that it shall cease to exist because its continued existence is unnecessary. There is no report. Section 3(4) requires the report if any to be laid. Nothing is laid.

Same Act. Same section numbers. Entirely different institution. That is the case against the present Act stated as an example, and it is the most effective way to make it in an answer.

What beginners get wrong

That the delay is the Commissions' fault. The Act permits unlimited extensions and provides no discipline.

munotes.in287

Delay, Cost and the Practical Case Against the Present Act

That the Act limits cost. It says nothing about money at all.

That a Government must act on a report. It must lay the report and a memorandum of action taken; it need not act.

That every Commission has the same powers. Section 5's powers depend on a notification.

Quick revision

Seven gaps: time, unlimited extensions under s.3(1); winding up, s.7(1)(a) on an opinion that continued existence is unnecessary, without reasons; publicity, s.8 leaves public or private to the Commission; coercive powers, s.5 depends on a notification; no duty to act, s.3(4) requires only laying; appointment, the Act is silent on who may be a member; resources, no budget, no charge on the Consolidated Fund, no audit.

Delay is structural: free extensions; the 1971 procedural rights with no power to regulate their length; no permanent staff; and no incentive on a Government under criticism to hurry.

The charge: an inquiry answers a demand for action without taking any. The answer: the same Act produced inquiries that worked, so the fault is that the Act supplies no counterweight where the Government is unwilling.

Test yourself

1. List the gaps in the Act and identify the section each is traced to. Time, section 3(1), which requires a time to be specified but permits unlimited extensions without reasons or laying. Winding up, section 7(1)(a), which allows the appointing Government to end a Commission on its opinion that continued existence is unnecessary. Publicity, section 8, which leaves the choice between public and private sittings to the Commission. Coercive powers, section 5, which applies only if the Government notifies. No duty to act, section 3(4), which requires only the report and a memorandum to be laid. Appointment, on which the Act is silent. And resources, for which there is no provision at all.

2. Why is delay structural rather than accidental? Because three of its four causes are in the Act. Extensions require no reasons, are unlimited in number and need not be laid. The rights conferred by sections 8B and 8C in 1971 require every person whose reputation may be affected to be heard and permit each to cross-examine every witness, with no express power in the Commission to regulate the length of cross-examination. And a Commission has no permanent staff, so every inquiry builds an office from nothing. The fourth cause is political: a Government under criticism has no reason to hurry.

3. Compare the financial provision for a Commission with that for the Lokpal. There is none for a Commission: the Act contains no charge on the Consolidated Fund, no budget, no audit and no requirement to report expenditure, so a Commission receives whatever the appointing Government provides. Section 13 of the Lokpal Act charges the Lokpal's administrative expenses on the Consolidated Fund of India, so they are not submitted to the vote, and section 42 subjects its accounts to audit by the Comptroller and Auditor-General with the full powers he has over Government accounts.

munotes.in288

Delay, Cost and the Practical Case Against the Present Act

4. "Commissions of Inquiry are appointed to avoid action." Assess. The charge has force because the Act gives the appointing Government control over every variable: whether to appoint, whom to appoint, what to refer, which powers to confer under section 5, how long to allow, whether to extend, whether to wind up under section 7, and what to do with the report under section 3(4). It is not the whole truth, because the same Act has produced inquiries that examined hundreds of witnesses and named those responsible. The honest formulation is that the Act gives almost complete control over the instrument to the body the instrument exists to examine, so that it works well where the Government is willing and supplies no counterweight where it is not.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in289

Chapter Fifty-Nine

The Reforms This Act Needs

Syllabus topic 2, "Commission of Inquiry"

In one line

Eight reforms, each attached to a section, and one proposition that must come first: do not try to make the Commission a court, because that is what the Supreme Court held keeps the institution constitutional.

The proposition that must come first

MU's question contains an assumption that has to be examined before it is answered. It asks how to turn a fact-finding body into an accountability mechanism, which invites the answer, give it teeth.

That answer is wrong, and saying why is worth marks.

Chapter 480 established that in Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, the Supreme Court held that the Commission has no power of adjudication in the sense of passing an order enforceable proprio vigore, and that for that reason the inquiry is not an exercise of judicial function and no usurpation of judicial power arises when Parliament or a Government orders one.

Chapter 470 established that a body which could pronounce a binding judgment would be a court.

Chapter 420 established that section 6 buys candid evidence at the price of its admissibility, and that the price is deliberate.

So a Commission that could convict, dismiss or order compensation would not be a reformed Commission. It would be a court created by executive notification, without the appointment safeguards, the appeal or the evidentiary rules of a court. The right reform therefore leaves the Commission recommendatory and attaches consequences at the other end: to the report, to the process and to the Government.

Eight reforms

One: cap the extensions. Section 3(1)

The proposal. A statutory outer limit on the total life of a Commission, with any extension requiring reasons recorded in writing and being laid before the House.

The defect it meets. Chapter 540, gap one, and chapter 530's seventeen year example with a reported forty-eight extensions against a three month mandate.

The objection. Some inquiries genuinely need years. A rigid cap would force an incomplete report.

The answer to the objection. Not a cap on the inquiry but a cap on unexplained extension: each extension laid before the House with reasons, so that delay must be defended in public. That is the same device section 3(4) already uses for the report.

Two: end the power to wind up an inquiry into the Government. Section 7

The proposal. Either that a Commission may be wound up only for reasons recorded and laid before the House, with the evidence taken to be published; or, more strongly, that a Commission inquiring into the conduct of a Government may be wound up only by a resolution of the House.

The defect. Chapter 430 and chapter 540, gap two. This is the single most serious defect in the Act, because it allows the body under inquiry to end the inquiry.

munotes.in290

The Reforms This Act Needs

The objection. A Commission that has become pointless, because the matter has been settled elsewhere or its subject has disappeared, should be capable of being ended without a debate.

The answer. Reasons and publication cost nothing where the winding up is genuine, and everything where it is not.

Three: make the section 5 powers automatic. Section 5

The proposal. That sub-sections (2) to (5) apply to every Commission, or apply on the Commission's own request rather than at the Government's option.

The defect. Chapter 410. The Government under inquiry decides whether the Commission may search its offices.

The objection. Search and seizure powers are intrusive and should not attach automatically to every minor inquiry.

The answer. Let the Commission decide, on recorded reasons. It is a judge; the choice is exactly the kind a judge makes.

Four: attach a consequence to the report. Section 3(4)

The proposal. That the memorandum of action taken must state, for each finding and each recommendation, whether it is accepted and if not why; that where a recommendation is not accepted the Government must lay the reasons; and that a failure to lay within six months results in the report being published by the Commission or by the presiding officer of the House.

The defect. Chapter 510. Section 3(4) requires only that the report and a memorandum be laid, and attaches no consequence to a failure to lay.

The objection. A duty to respond finding by finding would be burdensome and would invite litigation over the adequacy of the response.

The answer. It is exactly what section 48 of the Lokpal Act and section 14 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 already require of the Government for advice not accepted, and neither has produced the predicted flood.

Five: publicity as the default. Section 8

The proposal. That a Commission shall sit in public unless it records that the public interest requires otherwise, which is the English rule of 1921 that chapter 370 read.

The defect. Chapter 430 and chapter 540, gap three.

The objection. Some evidence, about security or about a person against whom nothing is found, must be taken privately.

The answer. The proposal preserves that. It changes the default and requires the reason to be recorded.

Six: regulate the length of cross-examination. Sections 8B and 8C

The proposal. An express power in the Commission to regulate the manner and length of cross-examination, and to require several persons with a common interest to be represented together.

The defect. Chapter 440. The 1971 rights are right and they are the largest single cause of delay.

The objection. Any power to limit cross-examination is a power to limit the defence.

munotes.in291

The Reforms This Act Needs

The answer. The power is to regulate manner and length, not to refuse the right, and section 8 arguably contains it already. Putting it beyond argument protects the right by making it affordable.

Seven: say something about appointment. A new provision

The proposal. That a Commission inquiring into the conduct of a Government be appointed in consultation with the Chief Justice of the High Court, or from a panel he supplies.

The defect. Chapter 400 and chapter 540, gap six. The Act says nothing, so the Government under inquiry chooses its own inquirer.

The objection. Consultation would delay urgent appointments, and it would draw the judiciary into the executive's choice, which chapter 1740 shows is itself contested.

The answer. The same objection was made and answered when selection committees were built for the Central Vigilance Commissioner, the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Lokpal, and chapters 610 and 800 show those safeguards being enforced by courts.

Eight: provide for money and staff. A new provision

The proposal. That the expenses of a Commission be charged on the Consolidated Fund, that it be entitled to a Secretary and staff of stated rank, and that its expenditure be reported with its report.

The defect. Chapter 540, gap seven. There is no financial provision in the Act at all.

The objection. A Commission is temporary and a permanent charge is inappropriate.

The answer. The charge would be on the expenditure of the particular Commission, and the reporting of expenditure costs nothing and answers the unverifiable argument that inquiries are wasteful.

Two reforms that are proposed and should be resisted

Giving the Commission power to punish. For the reasons at the head of this chapter. It would create a court by notification.

Making the findings admissible in evidence. It would repeal section 6 in substance, and chapter 420 explained what section 6 buys: candour, and the avoidance of a collision with article 20(3). An inquiry whose evidence could convict would be an investigation conducted without the protections of an investigation.

What already exists and is under-used

The resolution route in section 3(1). A Commission appointed because each House resolved cannot be wound up by the executive at all, only by another resolution under section 7(1)(b). Chapter 390 explained why the route is rarely taken; chapter 430 explained why it is the only real protection the Act contains.

Judicial pressure on implementation. Chapter 530 recorded the Supreme Court directing a State Government to file an affidavit on the implementation of a Commission's recommendations. That is not in the Act and it works.

Sections 8B and 8C. Chapter 500 concluded that the most effective legal challenge is not to the notification but to the conduct of the inquiry, and those sections supply it.

munotes.in292

The Reforms This Act Needs

A worked answer: how to write MU's third question

Open by refusing the premise politely. A Commission is a fact-finding body by design and by decision, and the design is what keeps it constitutional.

Then say where accountability can be attached: to the report, to the process, and to the Government.

Then give four or five reforms with the section each amends and the objection to each. Depth beats a list.

Then name what already exists and is not used: the resolution route, and the courts.

Close on the honest assessment. The Act gives the appointing Government control over every variable of an instrument designed to examine it. No amount of power given to the Commission answers that. What answers it is taking some of those variables away from the Government: the power to end the inquiry, the power to withhold coercive powers, the power to sit on the report, and the power to choose the inquirer.

Quick revision

First proposition: do not make the Commission a court. Ram Krishna Dalmia held that the absence of adjudicatory power is why an inquiry is not a usurpation of judicial function, and section 6 buys candour at the price of admissibility.

Eight reforms: cap unexplained extensions, s.3(1); restrict winding up, s.7; make the section 5 powers automatic or available on the Commission's own reasons; require a memorandum answering each finding, and publication on default, s.3(4); make public sitting the default, s.8; give an express power to regulate cross-examination, ss.8B and 8C; provide for consultation on appointment; and provide for money, staff and reporting of expenditure.

Two to resist: power to punish, and repeal of section 6.

Three already available: the resolution route in s.3(1); judicial pressure on implementation; and challenges under ss.8B and 8C.

Test yourself

1. Why should a Commission of Inquiry not be given power to punish? Because the absence of that power is what makes the institution constitutional. In Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar the Supreme Court held that the Commission has no power of adjudication in the sense of passing an order enforceable proprio vigore, and that for that reason the inquiry is not an exercise of judicial function, so no usurpation of judicial power arises when a Government orders one. A body appointed by executive notification with power to convict or dismiss would be a court created without the appointment safeguards, the appeal or the evidentiary rules of a court.

2. State four reforms with the section each would amend and the objection to each. Cap unexplained extensions under section 3(1), with each extension laid with reasons; the objection is that some inquiries genuinely need years, answered by capping unexplained rather than actual extension. Restrict the power to wind up under section 7, either requiring reasons laid before the House with publication of the evidence taken or allowing it only by resolution where the inquiry is into a Government; the objection is that a pointless Commission should be endable without debate, answered by the low cost of recording reasons. Make the section 5 powers available on the Commission's own recorded reasons; the objection is that search powers are intrusive, answered by giving the choice to a judge rather than to the Government. And require the memorandum under section 3(4) to answer each finding, with publication on default; the objection is burden and litigation, answered by pointing to section 48 of the Lokpal Act and section 14 of the CVC Act, which already require it.

munotes.in293

The Reforms This Act Needs

3. Which existing features of the law are under-used? The resolution route in section 3(1), because a Commission appointed on a resolution of each House can be ended only by another resolution under section 7(1)(b), which is the sole real protection in the Act. Judicial pressure on implementation, which is not in the Act but has been applied, as when the Supreme Court directed a State Government to file an affidavit on implementation of a Commission's recommendations. And challenges to the conduct of an inquiry under sections 8B and 8C, which chapter 500 identified as the ground most likely to succeed.

4. Summarise the case for reform in one sentence. The Act gives the appointing Government control over every variable of an instrument designed to examine that Government, so the reform that matters is not giving the Commission more power but taking some of those variables away: the power to end the inquiry, the power to withhold coercive powers, the power to sit on the report, and the power to choose the person who will inquire.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in294

Module II

munotes.in

Chapter Sixty

What Vigilance Means in Indian Administration

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Vigilance is the machinery by which a Government watches the integrity of its own servants: not prosecution, not audit, not inspection, but the standing internal apparatus for preventing, detecting and punishing dishonesty in the public service.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: vigilance, in Indian administrative usage, means the function of maintaining the integrity of the public service, exercised through a machinery of Chief Vigilance Officers in every department and public undertaking, coordinated and superintended by a Central Vigilance Commission at the Union level and by State Vigilance Commissions and Anti-Corruption Bureaus in the States, and operating in three modes, preventive, punitive and surveillance and detection, its punitive limb being addressed to disciplinary proceedings under the service rules and to offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

Why the word needs defining

Because it is not a legal term of art anywhere in the statute. The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 uses the word in its title and in the name of every officer it creates, and defines it nowhere. Section 2 defines "Central Vigilance Commissioner", "Commission", "Delhi Special Police Establishment", "Government company", "Lokpal", "prescribed" and "Vigilance Commissioner". It does not define vigilance.

And because students merge it with three things it is not.

Vigilance is not audit. Audit asks whether money was spent as authorised and whether the accounts are true. It is the Comptroller and Auditor-General's function and it is MU's seventh label, taken up in Module IV. Audit examines transactions; vigilance examines people.

Vigilance is not prosecution. A prosecution is a criminal proceeding in a court, on a charge, under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 or the general criminal law. Vigilance may end in one, and most vigilance work never does: it ends in a departmental proceeding, a warning, a transfer, or nothing.

Vigilance is not inspection. An inspection asks whether an office is working properly. Vigilance asks whether an officer is honest.

The three modes

Indian vigilance practice divides the function into three, and the division is worth learning because it explains why so much of the machinery is preventive rather than punitive.

Preventive vigilance. Reducing the opportunity for dishonesty before it arises: simplifying procedures, cutting discretion, fixing time limits, rotating officers in sensitive posts, publishing rules, requiring reasons, and building systems in which a single officer cannot decide alone. This is the largest part of the work and the part nobody hears about.

Punitive vigilance. Acting on a complaint or a detection: preliminary inquiry, regular departmental inquiry, and where the facts disclose an offence, a reference for criminal investigation. This is the part that produces the cases.

Surveillance and detection. Watching officers and transactions identified as sensitive, maintaining lists of officers of doubtful integrity, and scrutinising property returns.

munotes.in295

What Vigilance Means in Indian Administration

Why the division matters for an answer. A question that asks whether the Central Vigilance Commission is effective is usually answered by counting prosecutions, which measures the smallest of the three modes. The Commission's own annual reports are largely about the first, and chapter 750 takes up the honest assessment.

Where the machinery sits, in one picture

At the top, the Central Vigilance Commission, a statutory body since 2003, exercising superintendence over vigilance administration in the Union and over the Delhi Special Police Establishment in corruption cases. Chapters 590 to 680 read its Act.

In every Ministry, Department and public undertaking, a Chief Vigilance Officer, who is the Commission's extended arm inside the organisation and its own head of vigilance at the same time. Chapter 690 explains why that double role is the weakest joint in the system.

Beside them, the Delhi Special Police Establishment, the investigating force, whose Anti-Corruption Division does the criminal work. Chapters 760 to 940 read its Act.

Above and across them since 2014, the Lokpal, whose Chapter V routes complaints against Groups A to D public servants to the Commission. Chapter 720 sets out the division and chapter 150 read the provisos that make it.

And in the States, State Vigilance Commissions and Anti-Corruption Bureaus, on which chapter 710 sets out what MU's plural label, "Vigilance Commissions", actually requires.

The vocabulary a student needs

Complaint. Information alleging misconduct, from any source, including anonymous and pseudonymous sources, whose treatment is itself a contested question of vigilance policy.

Preliminary inquiry. A fact-finding step to see whether there is substance, before any formal proceeding. Chapter 150 met the same expression in the Lokpal Act and chapter 860 meets it in the Central Bureau of Investigation's practice.

Regular departmental inquiry. A formal disciplinary proceeding under the service rules made under article 309, satisfying article 311(2). Chapter 360 set out that machinery.

First stage and second stage advice. The two points at which the Commission's advice is sought by a department. Chapter 700 explains them, because no textbook does and a practitioner meets them constantly.

Vigilance angle. The test by which a complaint is classified as a vigilance matter at all. An administrative lapse without any element of dishonesty, malafide intent or gratification has no vigilance angle and is dealt with as an ordinary administrative matter.

Officer of doubtful integrity. A category maintained for surveillance purposes, and one of the more criticised instruments, because a listing has real career consequences and no proceeding precedes it.

A worked example

A Section Officer in a Ministry is alleged to have delayed a supplier's bill until he was paid ten thousand rupees.

munotes.in296

What Vigilance Means in Indian Administration

Step one, is there a vigilance angle? Yes: gratification is alleged. Had the complaint been that he was slow and rude, there would be none, and it would go to the department as an ordinary grievance, which chapter 330 showed has no ombudsman at the Union level.

Step two, who receives it? The Chief Vigilance Officer of the Ministry. If the complaint has gone to the Central Vigilance Commission, it will ordinarily be sent to him. If it has gone to the Lokpal, the first proviso to section 20(1) of the Lokpal Act requires it to be referred to the Commission, the officer being Group B or above.

Step three, preliminary inquiry. The Chief Vigilance Officer looks at the file, the movement of the bill and the officer's record.

Step four, the fork. If the material suggests a criminal offence, the matter goes to the Delhi Special Police Establishment, which may lay a trap. If it suggests misconduct without a provable offence, it goes to a regular departmental inquiry under the service rules.

Step five, advice. At the departmental route the Commission's advice is sought, and chapter 700 explains at which two stages and what happens when the department disagrees.

Step six, the outcome. A penalty under the service rules, a criminal prosecution needing sanction, or closure. Chapter 740 reads the sanction provisions and chapter 155 explained why the Lokpal Act changed them for cases it takes up.

And notice what has not happened anywhere in that sequence. Nobody has asked whether the supplier was treated fairly, whether the delay was reasonable, or what should be done about the bill. Vigilance asks about the officer. The citizen's complaint is a by-product.

What vigilance is NOT

Not an ombudsman function. Chapter 310 works that comparison in full and concludes that the Commission is a different kind of institution, facing the administration rather than the citizen.

Not confined to corruption. Lack of integrity, gross negligence with a mala fide element, and the misuse of official position are all vigilance matters even where no money changes hands.

Not the same as a criminal investigation. The Commission has no investigating force; it superintends one. Chapter 750 makes that the centre of its criticism.

And not a Commission of Inquiry. A Commission of Inquiry is appointed for one matter and ceases; a Vigilance Commission is standing. Chapter 350 drew the same distinction from the other side.

Quick revision

Vigilance is the standing internal machinery for maintaining the integrity of the public service. The Act of 2003 uses the word throughout and defines it nowhere.

Three modes: preventive (reducing opportunity), punitive (inquiry and proceedings), and surveillance and detection.

munotes.in297

What Vigilance Means in Indian Administration

Not audit (transactions, and the CAG's function), not prosecution (a court, on a charge), not inspection (whether an office works).

The machinery: the Central Vigilance Commission at the top; a Chief Vigilance Officer in every Ministry and undertaking; the Delhi Special Police Establishment as the investigating force; the Lokpal above them since 2014; and State Vigilance Commissions and Anti-Corruption Bureaus in the States.

Key terms: vigilance angle; preliminary inquiry; regular departmental inquiry; first and second stage advice; officer of doubtful integrity.

Test yourself

1. Define vigilance and say where the Act defines it. Vigilance is the function of maintaining the integrity of the public service, exercised through a standing internal machinery of Chief Vigilance Officers coordinated and superintended by a Vigilance Commission, and operating in preventive, punitive and surveillance modes. The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 does not define it at all: section 2 defines the Central Vigilance Commissioner, the Commission, the Delhi Special Police Establishment, a Government company, the Lokpal, prescribed and a Vigilance Commissioner, and leaves the word vigilance undefined.

2. Distinguish vigilance from audit and from prosecution. Audit asks whether public money was spent as authorised and whether the accounts are true; it is the Comptroller and Auditor-General's function and it examines transactions. Prosecution is a criminal proceeding in a court on a charge, under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 or the general criminal law. Vigilance examines people rather than transactions, and most vigilance work ends in a departmental proceeding, a warning or nothing rather than in a court.

3. Name the three modes of vigilance and say why the division matters. Preventive vigilance, which reduces the opportunity for dishonesty by simplifying procedure, cutting discretion, fixing time limits and rotating officers in sensitive posts; punitive vigilance, which inquires into complaints and takes departmental or criminal action; and surveillance and detection, which watches sensitive posts and transactions and scrutinises property returns. The division matters because a question about the effectiveness of a Vigilance Commission is usually answered by counting prosecutions, which measures only the smallest of the three.

4. What is a "vigilance angle" and why does the concept matter? It is the test by which a complaint is classified as a vigilance matter at all: there must be an element of dishonesty, mala fide intent, gratification or misuse of official position. An administrative lapse without any such element has no vigilance angle and is dealt with as an ordinary administrative matter. It matters because it is the gate to the whole machinery, and because a citizen whose complaint has no vigilance angle finds that the Union has no institution for him at all.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in298

Chapter Sixty-One

Before 2003: the Resolution of 1964

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

For thirty-nine years India's anti-corruption watchdog existed because a Government resolution said so, and could have been abolished the same way.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Central Vigilance Commission was constituted by a Government of India resolution dated 11 February 1964, on the recommendation of the Committee on Prevention of Corruption chaired by K. Santhanam which reported on 31 March 1964, with Nittoor Srinivasa Rau as the first Central Vigilance Commissioner; it functioned without statutory foundation until the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, having been given interim statutory footing by the Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance 1998 and the Ordinance of 1999 following the directions of the Supreme Court in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226.

The Santhanam Committee, in the vigilance frame

Chapter 60 set out the Committee's appointment in June 1962, its report of 31 March 1964 and its four principal recommendations. Two of them created the machinery this module is about.

A Central Vigilance Commission, an apex body to exercise general check and superintendence over vigilance and anti-corruption work in the Ministries, Departments and public sector undertakings of the Union, headed by an officer of the status of a Chairman of the Union Public Service Commission, to advise on disciplinary cases and to have its own machinery for inquiry.

A Chief Vigilance Officer in every Ministry, Department and undertaking, to be the Commission's arm inside the organisation. Chapter 690 reads what became of that.

And a finding that runs through this whole module. The Committee found the existing machinery scattered: the Administrative Vigilance Division of the Home Ministry, the Delhi Special Police Establishment and the vigilance units of individual Ministries all did parts of the work and nobody coordinated them. The Commission was created to be the coordinating apex, and it is worth noticing that the problem it was created to solve was fragmentation rather than absence.

The Resolution of 1964

The Central Vigilance Commission was constituted by a Government of India resolution dated 11 February 1964, before the Committee's report was even formally submitted at the end of March, the recommendation having been accepted in advance.

Nittoor Srinivasa Rau, a retired Chief Justice of the Mysore High Court, became the first Central Vigilance Commissioner.

The word to hold on to is "resolution". Not an Act. Not a constitutional provision. An executive order of the Government of India, creating a body to supervise the vigilance work of that same Government.

Apply the checklist, and see what fails

Chapter 50 built the eight attributes of an independent watchdog and chapter 310 applied them to this Commission as it now stands. Applied to the Commission as it stood between 1964 and 2003, three fail at once.

munotes.in299

Before 2003: the Resolution of 1964

Created by law: fails. A resolution can be amended, narrowed or withdrawn by a later resolution, by the same authority, without anybody voting.

Appointment by or on the advice of the legislature: fails. The Government appointed.

Security of tenure and salary by law: fails. Terms rested on the resolution.

And a fourth, subtler failure. A body created by resolution has no statutory powers. It could not summon anybody, could not require a document as of right, and could not compel a department to do anything. Its whole authority was the authority the Government chose to lend it, plus the personal standing of a retired Chief Justice.

Which is why the answer to the standing examination question is what it is. India had a vigilance body from 1964 and did not have a statutory anti-corruption institution until 2003, and did not have an ombudsman until 2013.

What the Commission nevertheless achieved

An answer that treats the pre-2003 Commission as a nullity is wrong and will read as unbalanced.

Its advice was usually followed. A department that disregarded the advice of a body headed by a retired Chief Justice, and had to record that it had done so, generally preferred not to.

It built the vigilance system that still exists. The Chief Vigilance Officer network, the classification of complaints, the two stages of advice, the concept of the vigilance angle, and the annual report all date from this period and were carried into the statute.

And it produced the evidence for its own reform. The Commission's reports through the 1980s and 1990s recorded the sanction delays and the refusals that eventually reached the Supreme Court.

The honest formulation. Between 1964 and 2003 the Commission was influential and not independent. Influence rests on the goodwill of the body influenced; independence does not. That distinction is worth a sentence in any answer on this label.

The route from resolution to statute

1997. The Supreme Court, in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, directed that the Commission be given statutory status and be entrusted with the superintendence of the Delhi Special Police Establishment's functioning in corruption cases. Chapter 580 works that decision in full.

1998. The Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance 1998 was promulgated to give effect to the directions. An Ordinance is a law made by the President under article 123 when Parliament is not in session; it has the force of an Act but ceases to operate six weeks after Parliament reassembles unless replaced by an Act.

1999. The Ordinance lapsed and the Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance 1999, Ordinance 4 of 1999, was promulgated. That too ceased to operate.

munotes.in300

Before 2003: the Resolution of 1964

1999 to 2003. The Commission continued under a Government of India Resolution No. 371/20/99-AVD.III dated 4 April 1999, as amended by a Resolution of even number dated 13 August 2002. Back to a resolution.

2003. The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 was passed. Its section 3(1) recites the whole of that history: the Commission constituted under the Ordinance of 1999 which ceased to operate, and continued under the Resolution of 4 April 1999 as amended on 13 August 2002, shall be deemed to be the Commission constituted under this Act.

That single sub-section is worth reading in an examination answer, because it is the statute admitting in its own words that the body it creates had been running on an executive order for thirty-nine years. And section 3(5) carries the point further: persons appointed under the Ordinance or the Resolution are deemed to have been appointed under this Act on the same terms, so the sitting Commissioners simply continued.

A worked example: what changed on 11 September 2003

A department proposes to impose a minor penalty on an officer against the Commission's advice.

Before 2003. The Commission's advice rested on the Resolution. The department recorded its disagreement, and the disagreement appeared in the Commission's annual report, which the Government laid before Parliament because it chose to.

After 2003. The advice rests on section 8 of an Act. The annual report is required by section 14, and the Government must lay it before each House together with a memorandum explaining the reasons for non-acceptance of any advice. Chapter 660 reads that section. The department's freedom to disagree is unchanged; its freedom not to explain has gone.

And the officers changed nothing. By section 3(5) the sitting Central Vigilance Commissioner and Vigilance Commissioners were deemed appointed under the Act. The institution was the same people in the same building with a different foundation.

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission was created in 2003. It was created in 1964 and given statutory status in 2003.

That the Ordinances made it statutory. They gave it temporary statutory footing and both ceased to operate; the Commission was back on a Resolution from April 1999 until the Act.

That statutory status changed what the Commission does. It changed the foundation, the tenure, the removal and the duty to explain. The functions are recognisably those the Santhanam Committee proposed.

That the pre-2003 Commission was powerless. It was influential without being independent, and the distinction is the point.

Quick revision

Committee on Prevention of Corruption, chairman K. Santhanam, appointed June 1962, reported 31 March 1964.

Central Vigilance Commission constituted by a Government of India resolution dated 11 February 1964; first Central Vigilance Commissioner Nittoor Srinivasa Rau, a retired Chief Justice of the Mysore High Court.

munotes.in301

Before 2003: the Resolution of 1964

Apply chapter 50's checklist: creation by law, appointment on the advice of the legislature, and statutory tenure all fail; and a body created by resolution has no statutory powers at all.

The route to the statute: Vineet Narain (1997) directs statutory status; Ordinance of 1998; Ordinance 4 of 1999; both cease to operate; Resolution No. 371/20/99-AVD.III of 4 April 1999, amended 13 August 2002; Act of 2003.

Section 3(1) of the Act recites that whole history and deems the existing Commission to be the Commission constituted under the Act; section 3(5) deems the sitting Commissioners appointed under it.

Test yourself

1. How was the Central Vigilance Commission created, and why does the manner matter? By a Government of India resolution dated 11 February 1964, on the Santhanam Committee's recommendation, with Nittoor Srinivasa Rau as the first Central Vigilance Commissioner. It matters because a body created by executive resolution can be narrowed or withdrawn by a later resolution of the same authority without any vote, has no statutory tenure or salary protection, and has no statutory powers at all: it cannot summon a person or require a document as of right.

2. Trace the route from the Resolution of 1964 to the Act of 2003. The Supreme Court in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, directed in December 1997 that the Commission be given statutory status and entrusted with superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment in corruption cases. The Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance 1998 followed, then Ordinance 4 of 1999, and both ceased to operate. The Commission then continued under Government Resolution No. 371/20/99-AVD.III of 4 April 1999, amended on 13 August 2002, until the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003.

3. What does section 3(1) of the Act tell you about that history? That the statute acknowledges it. Section 3(1) constitutes the Commission and then provides that the Commission constituted under the Ordinance of 1999, which ceased to operate, and continued under the Resolution of 4 April 1999 as amended on 13 August 2002, shall be deemed to be the Commission constituted under this Act. Section 3(5) further deems the persons appointed under the Ordinance or the Resolution to have been appointed under the Act on the same terms, so the sitting Commissioners continued without reappointment.

4. Was the pre-2003 Commission a failure? Answer with reasons. No, and the accurate description is that it was influential without being independent. Its advice was usually followed because a department disregarding a body headed by a retired Chief Justice had to record that it had done so; it built the vigilance system that still exists, including the Chief Vigilance Officer network, the two stages of advice and the annual report; and its own reports supplied the evidence of sanction delays that eventually reached the Supreme Court. But influence rests on the goodwill of the body influenced, and independence does not.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in302

Chapter Sixty-Two

Vineet Narain and the Direction to Give the CVC Statutory Status

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

A journalist's petition about a seized diary produced, five years later, a set of directions that gave India a statutory Vigilance Commission, a Central Bureau of Investigation with a fixed-term Director, and the technique of the continuing mandamus.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, the Supreme Court, on a petition under article 32 complaining of the failure to investigate the hawala or Jain diaries case, struck down Directive No. 4.7(3) of the Single Directive requiring prior sanction before the Central Bureau of Investigation could even begin an inquiry against senior officers, holding that it could not be sustained as an exercise of the Central Government's power of superintendence under section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946; and, exercising the powers under articles 32, 141, 142 and 144 to fill the vacuum until Parliament legislated, directed that the Central Vigilance Commission be given statutory status, that the Central Vigilance Commissioner be selected by a Committee of the Prime Minister, the Home Minister and the Leader of the Opposition and appointed by the President, that the Commission be entrusted with superintendence over the functioning of the Delhi Special Police Establishment, and that the Director of that establishment be selected by a Committee headed by the Central Vigilance Commissioner and hold a minimum tenure of two years.

The case, worked

Facts. Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, AIR 1998 SC 889, decided on 18 December 1997 by J.S. Verma CJ, S.P. Bharucha and S.C. Sen JJ. In 1991 the Central Bureau of Investigation seized diaries and notebooks from persons connected with the hawala, or unofficial foreign exchange, trade. The books recorded very large payments to persons identified by initials, said to be senior politicians and public servants. For years nothing was done. Vineet Narain, a journalist, and others petitioned under article 32, seeking not only that the hawala matter be investigated by an agency in which the Court had confidence, but, in a second class of relief, that directions be given so that such failures by investigating agencies and their political superiors should not be repeated.

The procedure the Court adopted, which is itself examinable. Rather than hear the matter through and issue a writ of mandamus, leaving it to the authorities to comply, the Court took the view that, given the political personalities to be investigated and the time already lost, it was better to keep the petitions pending while the investigations were carried on, monitoring them from time to time and issuing orders. Its reasoned orders ran from 1995 to 1997. The Court made clear that it would do what it permissibly could to see that the investigations progressed while ensuring that it did not direct or channel those investigations or in any way prejudice the right of those who might be accused to a full and fair trial, and that the task of the monitoring court would end once a charge sheet was filed. That is the technique now known as the continuing mandamus, and chapter 870 takes it up.

munotes.in303

Vineet Narain and the Direction to Give the CVC Statutory Status

The Single Directive. The Court then examined the obstacle. The Single Directive was a consolidated set of instructions issued to the Central Bureau of Investigation by the various Ministries and Departments, first issued in 1969 and amended many times. Directive No. 4.7(3) provided that in regard to any person who is or has been a decision-making level officer of the rank of Joint Secretary or above in the Central Government, or such officers on deputation to a public sector undertaking, officers of the Reserve Bank of India of equivalent level, Executive Directors and above of the Securities and Exchange Board of India, and Chairmen, Managing Directors and Executive Directors of nationalised banks and officers one level below their Boards, there should be prior sanction of the Secretary of the Ministry or Department concerned before the Special Police Establishment takes up any enquiry, including ordering a search, and that without such sanction no enquiry shall be initiated.

Held on the Single Directive. After considering the material, the Court held that the Single Directive cannot be upheld as valid on the ground of its being permissible in exercise of the power of superintendence of the Central Government under section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, and that the matter had thereafter to be considered de hors, that is independently of, the Single Directive. In the result the Court struck down Directive No. 4.7(3).

Held on the Court's own power. In view of the common perception, shared by the Government of India and by the Independent Review Committee it had itself appointed, of the need to insulate the Central Bureau of Investigation from extraneous influence, it was imperative that action be taken to ensure proper implementation of the rule of law. This, the Court said, is the need of equality guaranteed by the Constitution, and the right to equality in such a situation is that of the Indian polity and not merely of a few individuals. There are ample powers conferred by article 32 read with article 142 to make orders which have the effect of law by virtue of article 141, and a mandate to all authorities to act in aid of the Court's orders under article 144; and that power has been exercised, where need be, by issuing necessary directions to fill the vacuum till such time as the legislature steps in to cover the gap or the executive discharges its role.

munotes.in304

Vineet Narain and the Direction to Give the CVC Statutory Status

Held: the directions. The Court directed, so far as the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Central Vigilance Commission are concerned:

  1. The Central Vigilance Commission shall be given statutory status.
  2. Selection for the post of Central Vigilance Commissioner shall be made by a Committee comprising the Prime Minister, the Home Minister and the Leader of the Opposition, from a panel of outstanding civil servants and others with impeccable integrity furnished by the Cabinet Secretary; the appointment to be made by the President on the Committee's recommendations, and to be done immediately.
  3. The Commission shall be responsible for the efficient functioning of the Central Bureau of Investigation. While Government shall remain answerable for its functioning, to introduce visible objectivity the Commission shall be entrusted with the responsibility of superintendence over the Bureau's functioning, the Bureau reporting to it on cases taken up, the progress of investigations, and the chargesheets filed and their progress; and the Commission shall review the progress of all cases moved by the Bureau for sanction of prosecution which are pending with competent authorities, especially those in which sanction has been delayed or refused.
  4. The Central Government shall take all measures necessary to ensure that the Bureau functions effectively and efficiently and is viewed as a non-partisan agency.
  5. The Commission shall have a separate section in its Annual Report on the Bureau's functioning after the supervisory function is transferred to it.
  6. Recommendations for the appointment of the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation shall be made by a Committee headed by the Central Vigilance Commissioner, with the Home Secretary and the Secretary (Personnel), the final selection to be made by the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet from the panel recommended.
  7. The Director shall have a minimum tenure of two years, and his premature transfer would need the endorsement of the Selection Committee.
  8. Parallel directions were given for the Enforcement Directorate: a Selection Committee headed by the Central Vigilance Commissioner including the Home Secretary, the Secretary (Personnel) and the Revenue Secretary to prepare a panel for the appointment of its Director; a minimum tenure of two years for that Director, with premature transfer for any extraordinary reason needing the approval of the same Committee; the post to be upgraded; no premature media publicity by either agency; and adjudication or prosecution to be commenced within a year.

The Court closed by saying that the documents placed before it revealed a distressing situation which must be cured if the rule of law is to prevail, that no action within the constitutional scheme found necessary to remedy the situation was too stringent in the circumstances, and that the directions required the strict compliance of the Union of India and all concerned.

munotes.in305

Vineet Narain and the Direction to Give the CVC Statutory Status

Why it matters. Two of MU's eight labels take their present shape from this judgment. The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 is direction 1 enacted; its section 4 is direction 2; its section 8(1)(a) is direction 3; its section 14 is direction 5. Sections 4A and 4B of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act are directions 6 and 7, and chapter 800 reads them. Section 25 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, which chapter 680 reads, is direction 8 for the Enforcement Directorate.

The Independent Review Committee

An answer that mentions only the Court misses half the mechanism. The Government of India had itself appointed an Independent Review Committee to examine the working of the agencies, and the Court records that its Summary of Recommendations included conferring statutory status on the Commission, constituting a Committee for the selection of the Central Vigilance Commissioner, the Commission overviewing the Bureau's functioning, a Selection Committee for the Director, a minimum two-year tenure for the Director, and the endorsement of the Selection Committee for a premature transfer.

The Court adopted them. It said in terms that to the extent it agreed with the conclusions and recommendations of the Committee, and that was a large area, it had adopted them in formulating its directions.

Why that matters for an answer on judicial activism. The Court did not invent an institutional design. It took a design the executive's own committee had produced and which the executive had not implemented, and made it binding until Parliament acted. That is a much easier position to defend than the objection that a court legislated, and it is the point to make when a question asks whether Vineet Narain exceeded the judicial function.

The constitutional technique, stated plainly

Article 32 gives the Supreme Court power to issue directions, orders or writs for the enforcement of fundamental rights.

Article 142 empowers it to pass such decree or order as is necessary for doing complete justice in any cause or matter before it.

Article 141 makes the law declared by the Supreme Court binding on all courts within India.

Article 144 requires all authorities, civil and judicial, to act in aid of the Supreme Court.

Put together, and this is the Court's own reasoning, the directions have the effect of law and bind all authorities, and they operate until the legislature steps in. That last qualification is essential and is what distinguishes the exercise from legislation: the directions were expressly interim, and in 2003 Parliament did step in and replaced them with an Act.

munotes.in306

Vineet Narain and the Direction to Give the CVC Statutory Status

Which is the answer to the standard criticism. The directions were not permanent judicial law-making. They were a stop-gap that lasted six years and was then superseded by the very legislature whose inaction had made it necessary.

What the case did not do

It did not decide the hawala case. The prosecutions that followed largely failed for want of evidence, the diaries being held insufficient. A student who writes that Vineet Narain convicted anybody is wrong.

It did not give the Commission an investigating force. The Commission superintends; it does not investigate. Chapter 750 makes that the centre of its criticism.

It did not settle the sanction question. The Single Directive fell in 1997, was re-enacted in substance as section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act in 2003, and had to be struck down again in 2014. Chapter 840 works that sequence.

And it did not make the Bureau independent of the Government. Direction 3 says in terms that Government shall remain answerable for the Bureau's functioning, and the superintendence transferred to the Commission is over corruption cases. Chapter 790 reads what section 4 of the 1946 Act now says.

A worked example: the Directive in operation

A complaint in 1995 alleges that a Joint Secretary took money to clear a licence.

Under Directive No. 4.7(3). The Central Bureau of Investigation cannot begin an enquiry, cannot register a case and cannot order a search, until the Secretary of the Ministry in which the Joint Secretary works has given prior sanction. Without it no enquiry shall be initiated at all.

Why the Court held that could not stand. The instruction was defended as an exercise of the Central Government's power of superintendence under section 4(1) of the 1946 Act. The Court held it could not be sustained on that ground and struck it down. The vice is that the decision whether even to look is given to the accused officer's own department, before there is any material to look at, so the very inquiry that would show whether there was anything to investigate is prevented.

After the judgment. The Bureau may begin the enquiry, subject to the ordinary law. The superintendence over its functioning in corruption cases passes to the Commission. The Director who runs it is chosen by a committee headed by the Central Vigilance Commissioner and cannot be moved for two years without that committee's endorsement.

And in 2003 the same obstacle came back, as section 6A of the 1946 Act inserted by section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act itself. Chapter 840 works it, and it is the sharpest illustration in this book of an institution's design being contested over decades.

munotes.in307

Vineet Narain and the Direction to Give the CVC Statutory Status

What beginners get wrong

That Vineet Narain created the Central Vigilance Commission. The Commission existed from 1964. The Court directed that it be given statutory status.

That the Court gave the Commission control of the CBI. It gave it superintendence over the Bureau's functioning in the sense set out in direction 3, and said that Government remains answerable.

That the directions were permanent. They were expressly to fill the vacuum until the legislature stepped in, and Parliament stepped in with the Act of 2003.

That the Court directed the investigation. It said in terms that it would not direct or channel the investigations, and that its monitoring would end when a charge sheet was filed.

Quick revision

Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, 18 December 1997, J.S. Verma CJ, S.P. Bharucha and S.C. Sen JJ, on the hawala or Jain diaries case.

Technique: the continuing mandamus, monitoring without directing the investigation, ending when a charge sheet is filed.

Struck down: Directive No. 4.7(3) of the Single Directive, prior sanction of the Secretary before any enquiry against an officer of Joint Secretary rank and above; not sustainable as superintendence under section 4(1) of the DSPE Act 1946.

Power used: articles 32, 141, 142 and 144, to fill the vacuum till the legislature steps in.

Directed: statutory status for the CVC; selection of the Central Vigilance Commissioner by a Committee of the Prime Minister, Home Minister and Leader of the Opposition, appointment by the President; superintendence over the CBI's functioning with reporting and review of pending sanctions; a separate section in the Annual Report; the Director, CBI selected by a Committee headed by the Central Vigilance Commissioner with a minimum tenure of two years; and the same for the Director, Enforcement Directorate.

Source of the design: the Government's own Independent Review Committee, whose recommendations the Court adopted.

Test yourself

1. What was the Single Directive and why was it struck down? It was a consolidated set of instructions issued to the Central Bureau of Investigation by the Ministries and Departments, first issued in 1969. Directive No. 4.7(3) required the prior sanction of the Secretary of the Ministry concerned before the Special Police Establishment took up any enquiry, including ordering a search, against an officer of Joint Secretary rank or above and equivalent officers in public undertakings, the Reserve Bank, the Securities and Exchange Board and nationalised banks, and provided that without such sanction no enquiry shall be initiated. The Court held it could not be upheld as valid on the ground of being permissible in exercise of the Central Government's power of superintendence under section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, and struck it down.

munotes.in308

Vineet Narain and the Direction to Give the CVC Statutory Status

2. On what constitutional basis did the Court issue institutional directions? On articles 32 and 142, which give ample power to make orders having the effect of law by virtue of article 141, with a mandate to all authorities to act in aid of the Court's orders under article 144. The Court said the power is exercised by issuing necessary directions to fill the vacuum until the legislature steps in to cover the gap or the executive discharges its role, and that the need for insulating the agency was the need of equality guaranteed by the Constitution, the right in such a situation being that of the Indian polity and not merely of a few individuals.

3. List the directions concerning the Central Vigilance Commission and the Central Bureau of Investigation. Statutory status for the Commission; selection of the Central Vigilance Commissioner by a Committee of the Prime Minister, the Home Minister and the Leader of the Opposition from a panel furnished by the Cabinet Secretary, with appointment by the President; the Commission to be responsible for the efficient functioning of the Bureau and entrusted with superintendence over it, the Bureau reporting on cases taken up, progress of investigations and chargesheets, and the Commission reviewing pending sanctions for prosecution especially where delayed or refused; the Central Government to ensure the Bureau is effective and viewed as non-partisan; a separate section in the Commission's Annual Report on the Bureau; recommendations for the Director to be made by a Committee headed by the Central Vigilance Commissioner with the Home Secretary and Secretary (Personnel); and a minimum tenure of two years for the Director, with premature transfer needing the Committee's endorsement.

4. Answer the objection that the Court legislated. Three things answer it. The design was not the Court's: it was the Government's own Independent Review Committee's, which the Court expressly adopted to the extent it agreed, and which the executive had not implemented. The directions were expressly interim, to fill the vacuum until the legislature stepped in. And the legislature did step in, six years later, with the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, which enacted the directions and superseded them.

5. Did the case make the Central Bureau of Investigation independent of the Government? No. Direction 3 states in terms that Government shall remain answerable for the Bureau's functioning, and what was transferred to the Commission was superintendence over its functioning to introduce visible objectivity. The present position, after the Act of 2003 amended section 4 of the 1946 Act, is that superintendence in Prevention of Corruption Act matters vests in the Commission and in all other matters in the Central Government.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in309

Chapter Sixty-Three

The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003: the Architecture

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Twenty-seven sections and a Schedule, in five chapters, and its section 1 is one line long because the Act has no extent clause at all.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, Act 45 of 2003, gives statutory status to the Central Vigilance Commission in compliance with the directions in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226; it runs to twenty-seven sections in five chapters with a Schedule prescribing the form of oath, and by section 3(1) the Commission constituted under the Ordinance of 1999 and continued under the Government Resolution of 4 April 1999 as amended on 13 August 2002 is deemed to be the Commission constituted under the Act.

Section 1, and what is missing from it

Section 1 reads, in its entirety: "This Act may be called the Central Vigilance Commission Act, 2003."

That is the whole section. No sub-sections. No extent clause and no commencement clause.

Why that is worth a paragraph. Almost every Indian Act opens with three sub-sections: short title, extent, commencement. Chapter 100 read section 1 of the Lokpal Act, which has four. Chapter 380 read section 1 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, which has three. This one has none of them.

The reason is the Act's history, which chapter 570 set out. The Act was not creating something new on a chosen date; it was giving statutory foundation to a body that had been running since 1964 and had been on two Ordinances in between. The commencement question is dealt with by the deeming in section 3(1) rather than by a commencement clause, and the Act was brought into force with retrospective effect to 25 August 1998, the date the first Ordinance took effect.

A student who notices the absence has read the Act. It is exactly the kind of small structural observation that distinguishes an answer written from the statute from one written from a summary.

The shape of the Act

ChapterHeadingSections
IPreliminary1 and 2
IIConstitution of Central Vigilance Commission, appointment of Central Vigilance Commissioner, Vigilance Commissioners, etc.3 to 7
IIIFunctions and powers of the Central Vigilance Commission8 to 12
IVExpenses of Central Vigilance Commission to be charged on the Consolidated Fund of India13
VMiscellaneous14 to 27

Plus the lettered sections, which chapter 640 reads: 8A and 8B, inserted into Chapter III, and 11A, inserted after section 11. All three came from the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, section 58 and the Schedule, with effect from 16 January 2014.

And the Schedule, headed with the reference "See section 5(3)", in square brackets in the print,, carrying the form of oath or affirmation to be made by the Central Vigilance Commissioner or a Vigilance Commissioner.

munotes.in310

The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003: the Architecture

Three things to notice about that table.

Chapter IV is one section long, and it is the charge on the Consolidated Fund. Chapter 100 made the same observation about the Lokpal Act's Chapter V: a drafter gives a single section its own chapter to make it conspicuous, and this is the provision that makes the Commission's money independent of an annual vote.

Chapter III is called functions and powers and contains only five numbered sections, of which section 8 does almost all the work. Chapter 630 reads it, and it is the section MU's most recent question sets in terms.

And Chapter V, miscellaneous, is more than half the Act, sections 14 to 27, and contains the two provisions that reach outside this statute altogether: section 25, the Director of Enforcement, and section 26, which amends the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946. Chapter 680 reads both.

Section 2: the definitions

Section 2 defines six expressions, and each points somewhere.

"Central Vigilance Commissioner" means the Central Vigilance Commissioner appointed under section 4(1).

"Commission" means the Central Vigilance Commission constituted under section 3(1).

"Delhi Special Police Establishment" means the establishment constituted under section 2(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946. The definition is the hinge between MU's third and fourth labels: this Act cannot be read without that one, and chapter 780 reads the 1946 Act.

"Government company" means a Government company within the meaning of the Companies Act 1956.

"Lokpal" means the Lokpal established under section 3(1) of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013. Inserted by Act 1 of 2014, section 58 and the Schedule, with effect from 16 January 2014. A definition of the Lokpal inside the Vigilance Commission's own Act is the clearest possible sign that the two institutions were rewired into one system in 2014, and chapter 720 works the division between them.

"Prescribed" means prescribed by rules made under the Act.

"Vigilance Commissioner" means a Vigilance Commissioner appointed under section 4(1).

And notice what section 2 does not define. Vigilance. Corruption. Public servant. Inquiry. Chapter 560 made the point about the first; the others are supplied by the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, to which section 8 refers, and chapter 730 reads them there.

Reading the Act as an answer to the directions

The most useful way to hold this statute is as a table against chapter 580's list.

Direction in Vineet NarainProvision of the Act
Statutory status for the Commissions.3(1)
Selection by a Committee of the Prime Minister, Home Minister and Leader of the Oppositionproviso to s.4(1)
Appointment by the Presidents.4(1)
Superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishments.8(1)(a)
Review of pending sanctions for prosecutions.8(1)(f) and (g)
Reporting by the Bureau to the Commissions.8(1)(b) and (c)
A separate section in the Annual Report on the Bureaus.14
Selection Committee for the Director, Bureau, headed by the Central Vigilance Commissioners.26, inserting s.4A into the 1946 Act
Minimum two-year tenure for that Directors.26, inserting s.4B into the 1946 Act
The same for the Director, Enforcement Directorates.25
munotes.in311

The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003: the Architecture

That table is worth reproducing in an answer. A question on the Central Vigilance Commission that shows the statute is a judgment enacted is a better answer than one that lists sections.

A worked example: placing a section without the contents page

A question mentions "the Commission's power to require a public servant to furnish information".

Step one, what kind of provision is it? A power, exercised in aid of the Commission's function.

Step two, use the map. Powers are Chapter III, sections 8 to 12.

Step three, narrow. Within Chapter III: section 8 functions and powers; section 9 proceedings; section 10 who acts as Central Vigilance Commissioner in certain circumstances; section 11 powers relating to inquiries; section 12 proceedings to be judicial proceedings.

Step four, check. Section 11 is the civil court powers, including requiring the discovery and production of documents. Chapter 650 reads it. The separate power to call for information from any Ministry or authority is section 18, in Chapter V, and chapter 670 reads that.

And notice the trap the example exposes. Two sections answer a question about "requiring information", and they do different things: section 11 is a power in an inquiry, and section 18 is a standing power to call for records. A student who knows only one of them will answer half.

What beginners get wrong

That section 1 has an extent clause. It has none, and the reason is the Act's history.

That the Act created the Commission. Section 3(1) deems the existing Commission to be the Commission constituted under the Act.

That the Act is self-contained. Its section 2 defines the Delhi Special Police Establishment and the Lokpal by reference to two other Acts, and its sections 25 and 26 amend a third.

That Chapter III contains all the powers. Sections 17, 18 and 19, in Chapter V, are as important, and chapter 670 reads them.

Quick revision

Act 45 of 2003, brought into force with retrospective effect to 25 August 1998, the date of the first Ordinance.

Section 1 is one line: short title only. No extent clause, no commencement clause, because section 3(1) deems the existing Commission to be the one constituted under the Act.

munotes.in312

The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003: the Architecture

Five chapters: I preliminary, ss.1 and 2; II constitution and appointment, ss.3 to 7; III functions and powers, ss.8 to 12; IV expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund, s.13 alone; V miscellaneous, ss.14 to 27. Plus the Schedule, the form of oath, referred to by s.5(3).

Lettered sections 8A, 8B and 11A were inserted by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, s.58 and the Schedule, w.e.f. 16 January 2014.

Section 2 defines six expressions, including the Delhi Special Police Establishment and, since 2014, the Lokpal. It does not define vigilance, corruption or public servant.

Read the Act as Vineet Narain enacted: s.3(1), the proviso to s.4(1), s.8(1)(a), s.14, s.25 and s.26 are the directions in statutory form.

Test yourself

1. What is unusual about section 1 of this Act, and why? It consists of the short title alone: there is no extent clause and no commencement clause, where almost every Indian Act has all three. The reason is the Act's history: it was not creating a new body on a chosen date but giving statutory foundation to a Commission that had existed since 1964 and had been on two Ordinances in between, so the question is dealt with by the deeming in section 3(1) and by bringing the Act into force with retrospective effect to 25 August 1998.

2. Set out the Act's chapters. Chapter I, preliminary, sections 1 and 2. Chapter II, the constitution of the Commission and the appointment of the Central Vigilance Commissioner and Vigilance Commissioners, sections 3 to 7. Chapter III, functions and powers, sections 8 to 12. Chapter IV, expenses of the Commission to be charged on the Consolidated Fund of India, section 13 alone. Chapter V, miscellaneous, sections 14 to 27. There is also a Schedule containing the form of oath, referred to in section 5(3), and the lettered sections 8A, 8B and 11A inserted in 2014.

3. Which definitions in section 2 tie this Act to other statutes, and what does that show? "Delhi Special Police Establishment" is defined by reference to section 2(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, and "Lokpal" by reference to section 3(1) of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, the latter inserted by that Act's section 58 and Schedule with effect from 16 January 2014. It shows that the three institutions are one system: this Act cannot be read without the 1946 Act, and since 2014 it carries a definition of the ombudsman inside it.

4. Show how the Act answers the directions in Vineet Narain. Section 3(1) gives statutory status; the proviso to section 4(1) creates the Committee of the Prime Minister, the Home Minister and the Leader of the Opposition; section 4(1) provides for appointment by the President; section 8(1)(a) confers superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment; section 8(1)(f) and (g) provide for review of pending sanctions; section 14 requires the annual report; section 26 inserts sections 4A and 4B into the 1946 Act, creating the Selection Committee for the Director and his minimum two-year tenure; and section 25 does the same for the Director of Enforcement.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in313

Chapter Sixty-Four

The Constitution of the Commission: Section 3

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Three people at most: a Central Vigilance Commissioner as Chairperson and not more than two Vigilance Commissioners, drawn from the civil services or from banking, insurance, finance, law, vigilance and investigation.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 3(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 constitutes a body known as the Central Vigilance Commission and deems the Commission constituted under the Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance 1999, which ceased to operate, and continued under the Government of India Resolution No. 371/20/99-AVD.III of 4 April 1999 as amended on 13 August 2002, to be the Commission constituted under the Act; section 3(2) provides that it shall consist of a Central Vigilance Commissioner as Chairperson and not more than two Vigilance Commissioners as Members; section 3(3) prescribes the fields from which they are to be appointed; section 3(5) deems persons already appointed to have been appointed under the Act on the same terms; and section 3(6) fixes the headquarters at New Delhi.

Section 3(1): the body, and the deeming

There shall be constituted a body to be known as the Central Vigilance Commission, to exercise the powers conferred upon and to perform the functions assigned to it under this Act.

And then the deeming, which chapter 570 explained. The Commission constituted under section 3(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance 1999, Ordinance 4 of 1999, which ceased to operate, and continued under the Government of India, Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, Department of Personnel and Training, Resolution No. 371/20/99-AVD.III dated 4 April 1999 as amended by a Resolution of even number dated 13 August 2002, shall be deemed to be the Commission constituted under this Act.

Read that clause aloud once. It is a statute reciting that the body it constitutes has been running on an Ordinance that lapsed and then on an executive resolution, and providing that the same body continues. It is the whole of chapter 570 compressed into one sub-section, and quoting it is worth more in an answer than describing it.

Section 3(2): the composition

The Commission shall consist of:

  1. a Central Vigilance Commissioner, as Chairperson; and
  2. not more than two Vigilance Commissioners, as Members.

So the maximum size is three. Compare the bodies this book has already read: the Lokpal is a Chairperson and up to eight Members; the new Maharashtra Lokayukta is a Chairperson and up to four. The Central Vigilance Commission is the smallest of the three, and it does not sit in benches: there is no equivalent of section 16 of the Lokpal Act.

"Not more than two" is worth noticing. The Act does not require two. A Commission of one is lawfully constituted, and section 9, which chapter 650 reads, provides for the transaction of business accordingly.

munotes.in314

The Constitution of the Commission: Section 3

Section 3(3): who may be appointed

The Central Vigilance Commissioner and the Vigilance Commissioners shall be appointed from among persons:

  1. (a) who have been or are in an All-India Service, or in any civil service of the Union, or in a civil post under the Union, having knowledge and experience in the matters relating to vigilance, policy making and administration including police administration; or
  2. (b) who have held office or are holding office in a corporation established by or under any Central Act or a Government company owned or controlled by the Central Government, and who have expertise and experience in finance including insurance and banking, law, vigilance and investigations.

Two fields, and the second is broader than students expect. The office is not reserved for civil servants. A person from a public sector bank or a Central corporation, with expertise in finance, insurance, banking, law, vigilance or investigation, is eligible.

And compare the Lokpal's qualification, which chapter 110 read: impeccable integrity and outstanding ability, with not less than twenty-five years of special knowledge and expertise in anti-corruption policy, public administration, vigilance, finance including insurance and banking, law and management. The Lokpal Act sets a period; this Act does not.

The absence a good answer names. There is no requirement of judicial experience, no requirement of a minimum period of service, and no express requirement of integrity in the section at all. That last is not an oversight the courts have accepted: chapter 610 works the decision that read a requirement of institutional integrity into the appointment process, and it had to be read in because section 3(3) does not state it.

Section 3(5) and 3(6)

Section 3(5). Every person appointed as Central Vigilance Commissioner or Vigilance Commissioner under the Ordinance of 1999 or the Resolution shall be deemed to have been appointed under this Act on the same terms and conditions, including the term of office, subject to which he was so appointed. The Explanation provides that "term of office" is to be construed as the term with effect from the date the person entered upon office and continued as such under this Act.

Why it matters practically. Nobody was reappointed in 2003. The sitting Commissioners continued, and their four years ran from when they had first entered office, not from the Act.

Section 3(6). The headquarters of the Commission shall be at New Delhi.

A one-line sub-section that repays a sentence. The Commission has no benches, no regional offices constituted by the Act, and one seat. Compare section 16(1)(f) of the Lokpal Act, which allows benches to sit at New Delhi and at such other places as the Lokpal may by regulations specify, and chapter 145 read it. A single-seat national vigilance body of at most three people, dealing with the whole Union public service, is a design fact worth putting into an evaluative answer, and chapter 750 does.

munotes.in315

The Constitution of the Commission: Section 3

The composition set against the two comparators

CVC, 2003Lokpal, 2013Maharashtra Lokayukta, 2023
Maximum sizeThreeNineFive
Judicial members requiredNoneHalf the MembersTwo of four
QualificationCivil service, or a Central corporation or Government company with expertise in finance, insurance, banking, law, vigilance, investigationImpeccable integrity, outstanding ability, twenty-five yearsImpeccable integrity, outstanding ability, twenty-five years, Chairperson a judge
BenchesNo provisionYes, s.16Yes, s.17
SeatNew Delhi, s.3(6)New Delhi and as specified by regulationsAs provided
Reservation requirementNoneNot less than fifty per cent of Members from SC, ST, OBC, Minorities and womenNot stated in s.3

The row that carries most weight in an answer is the second. The body that supervises the vigilance of the entire Union administration, and superintends a police force in corruption cases, need contain no judicial member at all. Whether that is right is a real question: the Commission does not adjudicate, so a judicial member is not required by function; but it advises on disciplinary proceedings whose outcome ends careers, and chapter 700 sets out what that advice is worth.

A worked example

A vacancy arises in the office of a Vigilance Commissioner.

Section 3(2). The Commission may function with the Central Vigilance Commissioner and one Vigilance Commissioner, because the section says "not more than two" and does not require two. Section 9's provisions on the transaction of business apply.

Section 3(3). The candidates considered are a retired Secretary to the Government of India (clause (a)), a serving Executive Director of a nationalised bank (clause (b), expertise in banking), and a retired Director General of Police (clause (a), police administration).

All three are eligible. The section does not rank them, does not require judicial experience and does not prescribe a minimum period of service.

Section 4(1) and its proviso. The appointment is by the President by warrant under his hand and seal, on the recommendation of the Committee chapter 610 reads.

Section 5(3) and the Schedule. Before entering office the appointee makes and subscribes the oath or affirmation in the form set out in the Schedule.

Section 3(6). He works from New Delhi. There is nowhere else.

Now change one fact. Suppose the person appointed is a serving officer facing a criminal case. Nothing in section 3(3) disqualifies him. That is precisely the gap the Supreme Court filled in 2011, and chapter 610 works the decision.

munotes.in316

The Constitution of the Commission: Section 3

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission must have three members. It must have a Central Vigilance Commissioner and may have up to two Vigilance Commissioners.

That only civil servants are eligible. Clause (b) covers persons from Central corporations and Government companies with expertise in finance, insurance, banking, law, vigilance or investigation.

That section 3 requires integrity. It does not say so, which is why the requirement of institutional integrity had to be read into the appointment process by the Court.

That the Commission sits in benches. It has no bench provision and one seat, New Delhi.

Quick revision

s.3(1): constitutes the Central Vigilance Commission, and deems the Commission under the Ordinance of 1999 and the Resolution of 4 April 1999 as amended 13 August 2002 to be the Commission constituted under the Act.

s.3(2): a Central Vigilance Commissioner as Chairperson and not more than two Vigilance Commissioners as Members. Maximum three; two are not required.

s.3(3): appointed from (a) persons of an All-India Service, a civil service of the Union or a civil post under the Union, with knowledge and experience of vigilance, policy making and administration including police administration; or (b) persons who have held or hold office in a Central corporation or Government company with expertise in finance including insurance and banking, law, vigilance and investigations.

s.3(5): persons appointed under the Ordinance or the Resolution are deemed appointed under the Act on the same terms, the term running from when they entered office.

s.3(6): headquarters at New Delhi.

What the section does not require: judicial experience, a minimum period of service, or, in terms, integrity.

Test yourself

1. Set out the composition of the Central Vigilance Commission. Under section 3(2) it consists of a Central Vigilance Commissioner as Chairperson and not more than two Vigilance Commissioners as Members, so its maximum size is three. Two Vigilance Commissioners are permitted and not required, so a smaller Commission is lawfully constituted. Its headquarters are at New Delhi under section 3(6), and the Act makes no provision for benches.

2. From what fields may the Commissioners be appointed? Under section 3(3), either from persons who have been or are in an All-India Service, in any civil service of the Union or in a civil post under the Union, having knowledge and experience in matters relating to vigilance, policy making and administration including police administration; or from persons who have held or are holding office in a corporation established by or under a Central Act or a Government company owned or controlled by the Central Government, having expertise and experience in finance including insurance and banking, law, vigilance and investigations.

munotes.in317

The Constitution of the Commission: Section 3

3. What does section 3(1) deem, and why is the deeming there? It deems the Commission constituted under the Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance 1999, which ceased to operate, and continued under Government Resolution No. 371/20/99-AVD.III of 4 April 1999 as amended on 13 August 2002, to be the Commission constituted under the Act. The deeming is there because the Act was not creating a new body but giving statutory foundation to one that had existed since 1964 and had been on two Ordinances and a resolution in between; section 3(5) completes it by deeming the sitting Commissioners to have been appointed under the Act on the same terms.

4. Compare the composition with the Lokpal's, and say which comparison matters most. The Commission is at most three, with no judicial member required, no minimum period of experience prescribed, no reservation requirement and no benches. The Lokpal is a Chairperson and up to eight Members, of whom half must be Judicial Members and not less than half must be from the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, Minorities and women, with twenty-five years of expertise required of a non-judicial Member, and it sits in benches. The comparison that matters most is the judicial one: a body supervising the vigilance of the entire Union administration and superintending a police force in corruption cases need contain no judicial member at all.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in318

Chapter Sixty-Five

Appointment, and the Doctrine of Institutional Integrity

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Three people choose the Central Vigilance Commissioner, two of them Ministers; and when they chose a man facing a criminal case, the Supreme Court quashed the appointment and held that they had to consider not only his personal integrity but the integrity of the institution.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 4(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 provides that the Central Vigilance Commissioner and the Vigilance Commissioners shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal, after obtaining the recommendation of a Committee consisting of the Prime Minister as Chairperson, the Minister of Home Affairs and the Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People, the Explanation providing that where no Leader of the Opposition has been recognised the expression includes the Leader of the single largest group in opposition; section 4(2) provides that no appointment shall be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy in the Committee; and in Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, (2011) 4 SCC 1, the Supreme Court held that the recommendation is an informed decision taken on relevant material and in the light of the purpose of the Act, that the Committee must consider institutional integrity as well as personal integrity, and quashed the appointment of P.J. Thomas.

Section 4 read closely

Section 4(1). The Central Vigilance Commissioner and the Vigilance Commissioners shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal.

The proviso. Every appointment shall be made after obtaining the recommendation of a Committee consisting of:

  1. the Prime Minister, Chairperson;
  2. the Minister of Home Affairs, Member;
  3. the Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People, Member.

The Explanation. For the purposes of the sub-section, "the Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People" shall, when no such Leader has been so recognised, include the Leader of the single largest group in opposition of the Government in the House of the People.

Section 4(2). No appointment of a Central Vigilance Commissioner or a Vigilance Commissioner shall be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy in the Committee.

The Explanation, and the five years it would have saved

Chapter 230 worked the case in which no Lokpal was appointed for five years and two months, the Government's position being that the House of the People had no recognised Leader of the Opposition so the Selection Committee under section 4(1) of the Lokpal Act could not be completed.

This Act, ten years older, had already solved that problem in an Explanation. Where no Leader of the Opposition has been recognised, the expression includes the Leader of the single largest group in opposition.

munotes.in319

Appointment, and the Doctrine of Institutional Integrity

The Lokpal Act has no such Explanation. It has only section 4(2), the vacancy clause, which the Supreme Court held sufficient in 2017. The amendment Bill that would have inserted the equivalent of this Explanation into the Lokpal Act was pending before Parliament and was never carried.

Point this out in any answer comparing the two statutes. The older, weaker institution has the better drafted appointment clause, and the drafting difference cost five years.

Count the votes

The Prime Minister and the Minister of Home Affairs are both of the Government. The Leader of the Opposition is one.

Two of three. Chapter 110 counted the Lokpal's Selection Committee at two of five, and chapter 270 counted Maharashtra's 2023 Committee at four of seven. This is the weakest selection committee in the whole of this syllabus: the Government commands a majority, and there is no judicial member and no independent member at all.

Which makes what happened in 2011 more significant, not less. A committee the Government controls recommended, the Leader of the Opposition dissented, and the Court set the appointment aside anyway. The safeguard that worked was not the composition; it was judicial review of the exercise.

The case, worked

Facts. Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, (2011) 4 SCC 1, AIR 2011 SC 1267, decided on 3 March 2011 by S.H. Kapadia CJ, K.S. Panicker Radhakrishnan and Swatanter Kumar JJ. The High Powered Committee under the proviso to section 4(1), consisting of the Prime Minister, the Home Minister and the Leader of the Opposition, recommended P.J. Thomas for appointment as Central Vigilance Commissioner by a majority, the Leader of the Opposition dissenting. A criminal case in the palmolein import matter was pending against Thomas in Kerala, and had been for years. The recommendation of 3 September 2010 and the appointment made on it were challenged under article 32.

Held on the nature of the recommendation. The key word in the proviso is "recommendation". While making it the Committee performs a statutory duty, in exercise of the statutory power vested in it by the proviso to section 4(1). The post of Central Vigilance Commissioner is a statutory post and the Commissioner performs statutory functions enumerated in section 8. The word recommendation stands for an informed decision to be taken by the Committee on the basis of a consideration of relevant material, keeping in mind the purpose, object and policy of the 2003 Act, which is to have an integrity institution in charge of vigilance administration constituting an anti-corruption mechanism.

Held on institutional integrity, which is the holding to learn. The Court observed that in its functions the Commission is similar to the Election Commission, the Comptroller and Auditor General and Parliamentary Committees. Therefore, while making the recommendation, the service conditions of the candidate as a public servant or civil servant in the past are not the sole criteria. The Committee must also take into consideration the question of institutional competency. If the selection adversely affects institutional competency and functioning then it shall be the duty of the Committee not to recommend such a candidate.

munotes.in320

Appointment, and the Doctrine of Institutional Integrity

Held on disclosure and procedure. No relevant material should be withheld from the Selection Committee; it would be useful and would serve the larger public interest, and enhance public confidence, if the contemporaneous service record and acts of outstanding performance of the officer under consideration, even with adverse remarks, were specifically brought to its notice; and the Committee may adopt a fair and transparent process of consideration of the empanelled officers.

Held in the result. It was declared that the recommendation dated 3 September 2010 of the High Powered Committee recommending the name of Shri P.J. Thomas as Central Vigilance Commissioner under the proviso to section 4(1) of the 2003 Act is non est in law, and consequently the impugned appointment of Shri P.J. Thomas as Central Vigilance Commissioner is quashed. The writ petitions were allowed with no order as to costs.

Why it matters. It converts a bare procedural requirement into a substantive duty. Section 3(3) prescribes fields of eligibility and says nothing about integrity, as chapter 600 noted; section 4(1) requires a recommendation and says nothing about how it is to be reached. The Court supplied both from the object of the Act: the recommendation must be an informed decision on relevant material, and the material must include whether the appointment would damage the institution.

Non est, from the Latin non est factum, "it is not done", describes something that in law never came into existence at all. The recommendation was not merely irregular; it was a nullity, and the appointment resting on it fell with it.

What institutional integrity means, and how to use it

Personal integrity asks whether this person is honest.

Institutional integrity asks a different question: whether appointing this person damages the institution. A candidate may be personally honest and still be an appointment that destroys the office's credibility, because the office's whole value is public confidence in it.

The doctrine therefore has three practical consequences.

The Committee must look at more than eligibility. Section 3(3) is a floor, not a test.

Everything relevant must be put before it, including adverse material.

And a pending prosecution is relevant, not because it proves anything against the candidate, but because the head of the anti-corruption machinery facing a corruption-adjacent prosecution cannot command confidence while it is pending.

munotes.in321

Appointment, and the Doctrine of Institutional Integrity

Where else the doctrine has travelled. Chapter 240 read Justice Chandrashekaraiah v. Janekere C. Krishna, (2013) 3 SCC 117, on the appointment of an Upa-Lokayukta, holding that consultation must be effective and meaningful on full and identical material. The two decisions are the same idea under different statutes: the composition of the appointing body is the safeguard, and the courts will enforce its substance rather than accept its form.

A worked example

A vacancy arises in the office of Central Vigilance Commissioner.

The Committee. The Prime Minister, the Home Minister and the Leader of the Opposition. If no Leader has been recognised, the Explanation substitutes the Leader of the single largest group in opposition, so the Committee is always completable. If a member is absent, section 4(2) prevents that invalidating the appointment.

The panel. A shortlist is placed before the Committee. One candidate is a serving Secretary against whom a departmental note records adverse remarks and against whom a preliminary enquiry was closed five years ago.

Applying the 2011 decision. All of that material must be placed before the Committee, including the adverse remarks. The Committee must reach an informed decision on the relevant material, keeping in mind the object of the Act, and must ask not only whether the candidate is personally honest but whether the appointment would adversely affect institutional competency and functioning. If it would, it is the Committee's duty not to recommend him.

Suppose the Committee recommends him by majority, the Leader of the Opposition dissenting, without the adverse material being placed before it. The recommendation is liable to be declared non est, and the appointment quashed, exactly as in 2011.

Suppose instead the material is placed, the Committee considers it, records why it does not think institutional integrity is affected, and recommends. That is a decision on relevant material and a court will be very slow to interfere with it. The doctrine polices the process, not the choice.

What beginners get wrong

That the Committee appoints. It recommends. The President appoints, by warrant under his hand and seal.

That the doctrine allows a court to pick the appointee. It does not. The Court quashed a recommendation; it did not name a replacement.

That institutional integrity means the candidate must be spotless. It means the appointment must not damage the institution, which is a question about the office and not only about the man.

That the Committee cannot act without a Leader of the Opposition. The Explanation substitutes the leader of the single largest group in opposition, and section 4(2) covers a vacancy in any event.

munotes.in322

Appointment, and the Doctrine of Institutional Integrity

Quick revision

s.4(1): appointment by the President by warrant, after the recommendation of a Committee: Prime Minister as Chairperson, Minister of Home Affairs, Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People.

Explanation: where no Leader of the Opposition is recognised, the expression includes the Leader of the single largest group in opposition. The Lokpal Act has no equivalent, and its absence cost five years.

s.4(2): a vacancy in the Committee does not invalidate an appointment.

Two of three are of the Government: the weakest selection committee in this syllabus.

Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, (2011) 4 SCC 1: the recommendation is a statutory duty and an informed decision on relevant material in the light of the object of the Act; the Committee must consider institutional integrity and institutional competency, and if the selection would adversely affect them it is its duty not to recommend; no relevant material may be withheld, including adverse remarks; the recommendation of 3 September 2010 was non est in law and the appointment of P.J. Thomas was quashed.

Test yourself

1. Who appoints the Central Vigilance Commissioner and on whose recommendation? The President, by warrant under his hand and seal, after obtaining the recommendation of a Committee consisting of the Prime Minister as Chairperson, the Minister of Home Affairs and the Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People. Where no Leader of the Opposition has been recognised, the Explanation provides that the expression includes the Leader of the single largest group in opposition to the Government in that House, and section 4(2) provides that a vacancy in the Committee does not invalidate an appointment.

2. What is the doctrine of institutional integrity and where does it come from? It comes from Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, (2011) 4 SCC 1. The Court held that in recommending under the proviso to section 4(1) the Committee performs a statutory duty, and that the word recommendation means an informed decision taken on a consideration of relevant material keeping in mind the purpose, object and policy of the Act, which is to have an integrity institution in charge of vigilance administration. The service conditions of the candidate are therefore not the sole criteria: the Committee must also consider institutional competency, and if the selection would adversely affect institutional competency and functioning it is its duty not to recommend that candidate.

3. Distinguish personal from institutional integrity, and say why the distinction matters. Personal integrity asks whether the individual is honest. Institutional integrity asks whether appointing him would damage the institution, whose whole value is the public confidence it commands. The distinction matters because a candidate may be personally honest and still be an appointment that destroys the credibility of the office, and because it turns the appointment from a question about a man into a question about an institution, which is what makes it reviewable.

munotes.in323

Appointment, and the Doctrine of Institutional Integrity

4. Why is the Explanation to section 4(1) worth comparing with the Lokpal Act? Because the Lokpal Act has no equivalent. Between 2014 and 2019 no Lokpal was appointed, the Government's position being that the House of the People had no recognised Leader of the Opposition so the Selection Committee could not be completed, and an amendment Bill to substitute the leader of the single largest opposition party was pending and never carried. This Act, ten years older and in most respects weaker, had already answered the problem in an Explanation, so the Committee here is always completable.

5. What was the effect of the Court's order in 2011? It declared that the recommendation of 3 September 2010 was non est in law, that is that in law it never came into existence, and consequently quashed the appointment of P.J. Thomas as Central Vigilance Commissioner. The Court did not name a replacement: the doctrine polices the process by which the recommendation is reached and does not transfer the choice to the Court.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in324

Chapter Sixty-Six

Terms of Office, the Oath, and Removal

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Four years or sixty-five, whichever comes first; an oath before the President; salary that cannot be cut; no further employment under any Government afterwards; and removal only by the President on proved misbehaviour or incapacity, after the Supreme Court has inquired and reported.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: sections 5 and 6 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 give the Commissioners a fixed term of four years or up to the age of sixty-five whichever is earlier, the salary and conditions of service of the Chairman and Members of the Union Public Service Commission which may not be varied to their disadvantage after appointment, a bar on further employment to any office of profit under the Government of India or of a State, and security of tenure in the form that the President may remove a Commissioner on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity only after a reference to the Supreme Court and a report by it that he ought to be removed.

Section 5: the term, the oath and the bar

Section 5(1): the Central Vigilance Commissioner. He shall hold office for a term of four years from the date on which he enters upon his office or till he attains the age of sixty-five years, whichever is earlier; and on ceasing to hold the office he shall be ineligible for reappointment in the Commission.

Section 5(2): a Vigilance Commissioner. The same term, four years or sixty-five, whichever is earlier.

Two provisos qualify it. A Vigilance Commissioner, on ceasing to hold office, shall be eligible for appointment as the Central Vigilance Commissioner in the manner specified in section 4(1). But the second proviso caps the total: the term of a Vigilance Commissioner who is appointed Central Vigilance Commissioner shall not be more than four years in aggregate in the two offices.

Read the two together and the design appears. A Vigilance Commissioner may be promoted, so the office is not a dead end; but promotion buys no extra time, so nobody can be tempted to please the appointing Government in the hope of a second full term. The Central Vigilance Commissioner cannot be reappointed at all.

Section 5(3): the oath. Before entering upon his office, a Commissioner shall make and subscribe before the President, or some other person appointed in that behalf by him, an oath or affirmation according to the form set out in the Schedule.

Section 5(4). He may resign by writing under his hand addressed to the President.

Section 5(5). He may be removed in the manner provided in section 6.

Section 5(6): the bar after office. On ceasing to hold office a Commissioner is ineligible for:

munotes.in325

Terms of Office, the Oath, and Removal

(a) any diplomatic assignment, appointment as administrator of a Union territory, and such other assignment or appointment as is required by law to be made by the President by warrant under his hand and seal;

(b) further employment to any office of profit under the Government of India or the Government of a State.

Section 5(7): salary. The Central Vigilance Commissioner draws the salary, allowances and other conditions of service of the Chairman of the Union Public Service Commission; a Vigilance Commissioner those of a Member of that Commission. Two provisos deduct an existing pension, whether from Government service or from a corporation or Government company, so that a retired officer does not draw both. And the third proviso is the one that matters constitutionally: the salary, allowances and pension payable to, and the other conditions of service of, a Commissioner shall not be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment.

The Schedule: the oath itself

The Schedule is headed with the words "See section 5(3)", in square brackets in the print, and gives the form of oath or affirmation:

"I, A. B., having been appointed Central Vigilance Commissioner (or Vigilance Commissioner) of the Central Vigilance Commission do swear in the name of God (or solemnly affirm) that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India as by law established, that I will uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India, that I will duly and faithfully and to the best of my ability, knowledge and judgment perform the duties of my office without fear or favour, affection or ill-will and that I will uphold the constitution and the laws."

Notice the borrowed words. "Without fear or favour, affection or ill-will" is the phrase the Third Schedule to the Constitution puts in the mouth of a Judge of the Supreme Court and of a High Court. Parliament used a judicial oath for an executive office, and that choice runs through the whole design: judicial term, judicial pay protection, judicial removal.

Section 6: removal, and the two routes

Section 6(1): the ordinary route. A Commissioner shall be removed from his office only by order of the President on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity, and only after the Supreme Court, on a reference made to it by the President, has, on inquiry, reported that he ought on such ground be removed.

Section 6(2): suspension pending that inquiry. Where a reference has been made, the President may suspend the Commissioner from office and, if he deems it necessary, prohibit him also from attending the office during the inquiry, until orders are passed on the Supreme Court's report.

Section 6(3): the short route, and it is a real one. Notwithstanding sub-section (1), the President may by order remove a Commissioner if he:

munotes.in326

Terms of Office, the Oath, and Removal

(a) is adjudged an insolvent; or (b) has been convicted of an offence which, in the opinion of the Central Government, involves moral turpitude; or (c) engages during his term of office in any paid employment outside the duties of his office; or (d) is, in the opinion of the President, unfit to continue in office by reason of infirmity of mind or body; or (e) has acquired such financial or other interest as is likely to affect prejudicially his functions as a Commissioner.

Section 6(4): the deeming clause. If a Commissioner is or becomes in any way concerned or interested in any contract or agreement made by or on behalf of the Government of India, or participates in the profit of it or in any benefit or emolument arising from it, otherwise than as a member and in common with the other members of an incorporated company, he shall, for the purposes of sub-section (1), be deemed to be guilty of misbehaviour.

Read 6(3) carefully before writing that the tenure is judicial. Clauses (b) and (d) turn on an opinion: of the Central Government on moral turpitude, of the President, which means the Council of Ministers, on infirmity of mind or body. There is no Supreme Court reference on that route. A Commissioner may be removed on a Ministerial opinion that he is unfit by infirmity, and the section provides no inquiry, no hearing and no report.

That is the sharpest criticism of section 6, and it is worth a paragraph in any answer on the independence of the Commission. Compare article 124(4) for a Judge of the Supreme Court: an address by each House supported by the prescribed majority, and no equivalent of section 6(3) at all. The Commissioner's protection is judicial in its main route and executive in its exception.

Section 7: the staff

The Central Government may, in consultation with the Commission, make rules with respect to the number of members of the staff of the Commission and their conditions of service.

One sentence, and a structural weakness. The Commission does not control the size or the service conditions of its own staff. It is consulted; the Government makes the rules. Chapter 750 returns to this: an institution whose head cannot be removed at will but whose staff strength is set by the executive is independent in its person and dependent in its capacity.

Distinctions worth a table

Term. Central Vigilance Commissioner: four years or sixty-five, and no reappointment in the Commission. Vigilance Commissioner: four years or sixty-five, eligible for appointment as Central Vigilance Commissioner, but four years in the aggregate.

munotes.in327

Terms of Office, the Oath, and Removal

Removal, main route. By the President, on proved misbehaviour or incapacity, only after a Supreme Court reference and report.

Removal, exception. By the President, on any of the five grounds in section 6(3), with no reference to the Supreme Court.

Pay. Chairman of the Union Public Service Commission for the Central Vigilance Commissioner, Member for a Vigilance Commissioner; not variable to his disadvantage after appointment.

After office. No diplomatic assignment, no Union territory administratorship, no other warrant appointment, and no office of profit under the Union or a State.

Comparison, which is where the marks are

Against the Lokpal. Chapter 130 read section 6 of the Lokpal Act: the Chairperson and Members hold office for a term of five years or till seventy, and are not eligible for reappointment. Section 37 of that Act removes them on a Supreme Court inquiry, but the reference may be made either by the President on a petition signed by at least one hundred Members of Parliament, or by the President on a citizen's petition if the President is satisfied that it should be so referred. The Lokpal statute lets Parliament and the citizen start the process; this Act leaves the reference wholly to the President.

Against the Comptroller and Auditor General. Chapter 380 read article 148: removed in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, which means an address of both Houses, with no short route of any kind. Salary charged on the Consolidated Fund by article 148(6), which section 13 of this Act copies for the Commission.

Rank them in an answer. The Comptroller and Auditor General is the most protected, the Lokpal next, the Central Vigilance Commissioner last, and the ranking tracks exactly how much each institution can do to a Minister.

A worked example

A Vigilance Commissioner appointed at fifty-nine completes two years. The Central Vigilance Commissioner's office falls vacant.

Can he be appointed to it? Yes. The first proviso to section 5(2) makes him eligible for appointment as Central Vigilance Commissioner in the manner specified in section 4(1), which means the Committee must recommend and the President must appoint by warrant.

For how long? The second proviso caps him at four years in the aggregate, so having served two he may serve two more; and section 5(1) would in any event stop him at sixty-five, which he reaches at the end of those two years.

Suppose that during the second stint the Government forms the opinion that he is unfit by infirmity of mind. Section 6(3)(d) allows the President to remove him by order with no reference to the Supreme Court. The only real check is judicial review of that opinion under article 226 or 32 on ordinary administrative-law grounds: no material, irrelevant considerations, mala fides. Chapter 630's institution has a fixed tenure; this is where the fixture gives way.

munotes.in328

Terms of Office, the Oath, and Removal

Suppose instead he takes a paid consultancy while in office. Section 6(3)(c) applies directly, and the President may remove him by order.

And on ceasing to hold office, may he be made a Governor? A Governor is appointed under article 155 by warrant under the President's hand and seal, so section 5(6)(a) catches it: he is ineligible.

What beginners get wrong

That removal always needs the Supreme Court. It does on the section 6(1) route. Section 6(3) has five grounds on which the President may remove by order alone.

That the Central Vigilance Commissioner has a five-year term. He does not; it is four years or sixty-five. The Lokpal Chairperson has five years or seventy.

That a Vigilance Commissioner promoted to the top job gets four fresh years. The second proviso to section 5(2) caps the aggregate at four.

That the bar in section 5(6)(b) is only about Central employment. It runs to any office of profit under the Government of India or the Government of a State.

That section 6(4) removes anybody. It does not. It deems the conduct to be misbehaviour, which then has to go through the section 6(1) route: reference, inquiry and report.

Quick revision

s.5(1) and (2): four years or sixty-five, whichever is earlier. Central Vigilance Commissioner ineligible for reappointment in the Commission; a Vigilance Commissioner eligible to be made Central Vigilance Commissioner, subject to four years in the aggregate.

s.5(3): oath before the President, in the form in the Schedule, in the words of the judicial oath: without fear or favour, affection or ill-will.

s.5(4): resignation to the President. s.5(5): removal under section 6.

s.5(6): after office, no diplomatic assignment, no Union territory administratorship, no other warrant appointment, no office of profit under the Union or a State.

s.5(7): pay of the Chairman or Member of the Union Public Service Commission, existing pension deducted, and not variable to his disadvantage.

s.6(1): removal only by the President on proved misbehaviour or incapacity, and only after the Supreme Court on a reference reports that he ought to be removed. s.6(2): suspension pending that inquiry.

s.6(3): five grounds on which the President may remove by order alone: insolvency; conviction of an offence which in the opinion of the Central Government involves moral turpitude; paid employment outside his duties; unfitness in the opinion of the President by infirmity of mind or body; a financial or other interest likely to affect his functions prejudicially.

munotes.in329

Terms of Office, the Oath, and Removal

s.6(4): an interest in a Government contract is deemed misbehaviour for section 6(1).

s.7: the Central Government, in consultation with the Commission, makes the rules on the number and conditions of service of its staff.

Test yourself

1. State the term of office of the Central Vigilance Commissioner and of a Vigilance Commissioner. Both hold office for four years from the date on which they enter upon office or till the age of sixty-five years, whichever is earlier. The Central Vigilance Commissioner is ineligible for reappointment in the Commission. A Vigilance Commissioner is eligible for appointment as Central Vigilance Commissioner in the manner specified in section 4(1), but the second proviso to section 5(2) caps his service at four years in the aggregate in the two offices.

2. How may the Central Vigilance Commissioner be removed? By two routes. Under section 6(1) the President may remove him on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity, but only after making a reference to the Supreme Court and receiving its report on inquiry that he ought on that ground to be removed; pending that inquiry the President may suspend him and prohibit him from attending office. Under section 6(3), notwithstanding sub-section (1), the President may remove him by order if he is adjudged insolvent, is convicted of an offence which in the opinion of the Central Government involves moral turpitude, engages in paid employment outside his duties, is in the opinion of the President unfit by infirmity of mind or body, or has acquired a financial or other interest likely to affect his functions prejudicially. Section 6(4) further deems an interest in a Government contract to be misbehaviour for the purposes of sub-section (1).

3. Is the security of tenure of a Commissioner comparable to that of a Judge of the Supreme Court? Give reasons. Only in part. The main route in section 6(1) is modelled on it, requiring proved misbehaviour or incapacity and a judicial inquiry, and the oath in the Schedule and the third proviso to section 5(7) borrow the judicial formula and the bar on varying conditions to his disadvantage. But section 6(3) has no equivalent in article 124(4). It allows removal by an executive order on grounds two of which rest on an opinion, of the Central Government on moral turpitude and of the President on infirmity, with no inquiry, no hearing and no report prescribed. The protection is therefore judicial in its principal form and executive in its exception, and is weaker than that of the Comptroller and Auditor General under article 148, who is removed in the like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge and has no short route at all.

munotes.in330

Terms of Office, the Oath, and Removal

4. What restrictions apply to a Commissioner after he ceases to hold office, and why? Section 5(6) makes him ineligible for a diplomatic assignment, for appointment as administrator of a Union territory, for any other assignment or appointment required by law to be made by the President by warrant under his hand and seal, and for further employment to any office of profit under the Government of India or the Government of a State. The purpose is to remove the incentive that a fixed non-renewable term would otherwise leave untouched: an officer who cannot be reappointed may still be rewarded afterwards, and the sub-section closes that door.

5. What does section 7 provide, and what does it tell you about the Commission's independence? It provides that the Central Government may, in consultation with the Commission, make rules with respect to the number of members of the Commission's staff and their conditions of service. The Commission is therefore consulted but does not decide. Its members enjoy a fixed term, protected pay and a judicially guarded removal, but the institution's working strength is set by the executive it exists to watch, which is independence in the person of the Commissioners and dependence in the capacity of the Commission.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in331

Chapter Sixty-Seven

The Functions and Powers of the Commission

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Eight functions, of which two are supervisory over the Central Bureau of Investigation, three are inquiry functions, two are review functions and one is advisory; and two provisos which together say that the Commission may supervise but may not direct an outcome.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 8(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 confers on the Commission superintendence over the functioning of the Delhi Special Police Establishment so far as it relates to the investigation of offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, the power to give it directions for discharging its responsibility under section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, the power to inquire or cause an inquiry to be made on a reference by the Central Government or into a complaint against an officer of the categories in section 8(2), the power to review the progress of investigations and of pending sanction applications, the power to tender advice, and superintendence over the vigilance administration of the Ministries and of the public sector; and the provisos forbid it to require any case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner or to issue directions on policy matters.

Section 8(1), clause by clause

(a) Superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment

The Commission shall exercise superintendence over the functioning of the Delhi Special Police Establishment in so far as it relates to the investigation of offences alleged to have been committed under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, or an offence with which a public servant specified in sub-section (2) may, under the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, be charged at the same trial.

Two limits are built into the clause. The superintendence is over the investigation of corruption offences only, not over the whole agency, whose other work stays with the Central Government under section 4(2) of the 1946 Act; and it extends to a non-corruption offence only where it may be tried at the same trial, which is the ordinary joinder rule.

(b) Directions, and the proviso that shapes everything

The Commission shall give directions to the Delhi Special Police Establishment for the purpose of discharging the responsibility entrusted to it under section 4(1) of the 1946 Act, which is the responsibility of investigating corruption offences.

The proviso to clause (b), which governs clause (a) as well: while exercising the powers of superintendence under clause (a) or giving directions under this clause, the Commission shall not exercise powers in such a manner so as to require the Delhi Special Police Establishment to investigate or dispose of any case in a particular manner.

This is the sentence to quote when you are asked whether the Commission controls the Central Bureau of Investigation. It may supervise the machine and may not steer a case. Chapter 790 shows where the sentence comes from: it is Vineet Narain's own formula, that superintendence must not extend to the direction of a particular case, carried into the statute so that the supervisor cannot become a second master.

munotes.in332

The Functions and Powers of the Commission

(c) Inquiry on a Government reference

The Commission shall inquire or cause an inquiry or investigation to be made on a reference made by the Central Government alleging that a public servant, being an employee of the Central Government or of a corporation established by or under any Central Act, a Government company, a society or a local authority owned or controlled by that Government, has committed an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, or an offence triable at the same trial.

Note the trigger: a reference by the Central Government. Under this clause the Commission does not act of its own motion. The Government decides what it will be asked to look at.

(d) Inquiry into a complaint against a listed officer

The Commission shall inquire or cause an inquiry or investigation to be made into any complaint against an official of a category specified in sub-section (2), alleging an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 and an offence triable at the same trial.

This clause has no Government filter. It works on a complaint, and it is the clause that gives the Commission its own reach into the senior services. What "such category" means is the whole of sub-section (2), below.

(e) and (f) The two review functions

(e) Review the progress of investigations conducted by the Delhi Special Police Establishment into corruption offences.

(f) Review the progress of applications pending with the competent authorities for sanction of prosecution under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

Clause (f) is small on the page and large in practice. Chapter 740 works section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act: no court may take cognizance of a corruption offence against a public servant without the previous sanction of the competent authority, and a sanction request that is never decided kills a prosecution as effectively as a refusal. Clause (f) lets the Commission count the delays and put them in its annual report; it does not let it grant the sanction.

(g) Advice

Tender advice to the Central Government, to corporations established by or under any Central Act, to Government companies, societies and local authorities owned or controlled by the Central Government, on such matters as may be referred to it by that Government or by those bodies or otherwise.

munotes.in333

The Functions and Powers of the Commission

The two words "or otherwise" matter. They free the advisory function from a reference and allow the Commission to advise on its own motion. Everything in chapter 700 on first and second stage advice rests on this clause.

(h) Superintendence over vigilance administration

Exercise superintendence over the vigilance administration of the various Ministries of the Central Government and of the corporations, Government companies, societies and local authorities owned or controlled by that Government.

The proviso, and it is a real cut: nothing in the clause authorises the Commission to exercise superintendence over the vigilance administration in a manner not consistent with the directions relating to vigilance matters issued by the Government, nor confers power on it to issue directions relating to any policy matters.

Read the two provisos of section 8 together and you have the honest description of this institution. Over the investigating agency it may not direct the outcome of a case. Over the Ministries it may not depart from the Government's own vigilance directions and may not touch policy. It is superintendence inside a frame the supervised party draws.

Section 8(2): who the Commission may inquire into

Clause (d) works only against the persons listed in sub-section (2):

(a) members of All-India Services serving in connection with the affairs of the Union, and Group 'A' officers of the Central Government;

(b) such level of officers of the corporations, Government companies, societies and other local authorities owned or controlled by the Central Government as that Government may by notification in the Official Gazette specify; with a proviso that until such a notification issues, all officers of those bodies are deemed to be within clause (d).

(c), inserted by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, section 58 and the Schedule, with effect from 16 January 2014: on a reference made by the Lokpal under the proviso to section 20(1) of that Act, the persons within clause (d) shall also include members of Group B, Group C and Group D services of the Central Government, and such level of officials or staff of those public sector bodies as the Government may notify, with the same interim deeming proviso.

Two things follow, and both are examinable.

First, the ordinary jurisdiction is senior. All-India Services and Group 'A'. The Commission is not a grievance office for the whole civil service; it is aimed at the levels where discretion and money meet.

Second, the Lokpal can enlarge it. Chapter 640 works section 20 of the Lokpal Act, but the shape is already visible here: where the Lokpal receives a complaint against a Group B, C or D servant it may refer it to this Commission, and the reference itself widens the Commission's jurisdiction for that case. The two statutes were deliberately wired together in 2014, and clause (c) is the first wire.

munotes.in334

The Functions and Powers of the Commission

What the section does not give

No police power of its own. The Commission inquires or causes an inquiry to be made. Chapter 640's section 11A supplies a Director of Inquiry; the investigating hands remain the Delhi Special Police Establishment's and the Ministries'.

No power to prosecute. It reviews sanction applications under clause (f); it neither grants sanction nor files a charge-sheet.

No power to punish. Chapter 670 works sections 17 to 19: the Commission's role in a disciplinary proceeding is to receive the inquiry report, call for information and be consulted. The order is the disciplinary authority's.

No binding advice. The word in clause (g) is tender. Chapter 700 shows what happens when the advice is not accepted, and chapter 750 turns the whole list into the standard criticism.

A worked example

A newspaper alleges that a Group 'A' officer of a Central Ministry cleared a contract in return for a payment.

Clause (d) fits. He is a Group 'A' officer of the Central Government, within section 8(2)(a), and the allegation is of an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. The Commission may inquire or cause an inquiry or investigation to be made into the complaint. No Government reference is needed; clause (c) would need one, clause (d) does not.

Suppose the Commission asks the Delhi Special Police Establishment to register a case and it does. Clause (a) gives the Commission superintendence over that investigation and clause (e) lets it review the progress. But the proviso to clause (b) forbids it to require the case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner, so it may ask why the case has not moved in eight months and may not direct that the officer be charge-sheeted.

The investigation ends in a request for sanction to prosecute, and the Ministry sits on it for a year. Clause (f) lets the Commission review the pendency and record it. It cannot grant the sanction; that is section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act and it belongs to the competent authority.

Now change the officer to a Group C clerk. Section 8(2)(a) does not reach him and no notification helps, because clause (b) is about public sector bodies and not about Central Government services. The Commission has no clause (d) jurisdiction, unless the Lokpal, on a complaint before it, makes a reference under the proviso to section 20(1) of the Lokpal Act, at which point clause (c) brings him in.

And if the allegation were about the Ministry's vigilance set-up rather than a person, clause (h) applies, subject to its proviso: the Commission may not act inconsistently with the Government's own vigilance directions and may not issue directions on policy.

munotes.in335

The Functions and Powers of the Commission

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission controls the Central Bureau of Investigation. It exercises superintendence over its corruption investigations only, and the proviso to clause (b) forbids it to require any case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner. Administrative control of the agency is elsewhere: chapter 790.

That the Commission investigates. It inquires or causes an inquiry or investigation to be made. The distinction between an inquiry and an investigation is not decorative; chapter 640 turns on it.

That clause (g) needs a reference. The words "or otherwise" remove that requirement.

That the Commission's jurisdiction covers all Central Government servants. Ordinarily it is All-India Services and Group 'A' only. Group B, C and D come in only on a Lokpal reference under clause (c).

That clause (h) makes the Commission the master of departmental vigilance. The proviso subordinates its superintendence to the Government's own vigilance directions and bars policy directions altogether.

Quick revision

s.8(1)(a): superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment, so far as it relates to Prevention of Corruption Act investigations and offences triable at the same trial.

s.8(1)(b): directions to it for discharging its responsibility under s.4(1) of the 1946 Act. Proviso: the Commission shall not require any case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner.

s.8(1)(c): inquire or cause an inquiry on a reference by the Central Government.

s.8(1)(d): inquire or cause an inquiry into a complaint against the officers listed in s.8(2).

s.8(1)(e): review the progress of investigations. s.8(1)(f): review the progress of pending sanction applications.

s.8(1)(g): tender advice to the Government and the public sector, on a reference or otherwise.

s.8(1)(h): superintendence over vigilance administration. Proviso: not inconsistently with the Government's vigilance directions, and no policy directions.

s.8(2): All-India Services serving under the Union and Group 'A' officers; notified levels in public sector bodies, all officers until notification; and, on a Lokpal reference under the proviso to s.20(1) of the Lokpal Act, Groups B, C and D as well, inserted with effect from 16 January 2014.

Test yourself

1. Write in detail about the functioning of the Central Vigilance Commission. Set out section 8(1) clause by clause: superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment in corruption investigations under clause (a); directions to it under clause (b) for discharging its responsibility under section 4(1) of the 1946 Act; inquiry on a Central Government reference under clause (c); inquiry into a complaint against a listed officer under clause (d); review of the progress of investigations under clause (e) and of pending sanction applications under clause (f); advice to the Government and to the public sector on a reference or otherwise under clause (g); and superintendence over the vigilance administration of the Ministries and public sector under clause (h). Then give the two provisos their weight: the Commission may not require any case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner, and it may not supervise vigilance administration inconsistently with the Government's own directions or issue directions on policy. Complete the answer with the categories in section 8(2), with the composition in sections 3 and 4 and the tenure in sections 5 and 6, and with the working machinery in the Chief Vigilance Officers and the two stages of advice.

munotes.in336

The Functions and Powers of the Commission

2. Over whom may the Commission inquire under section 8(1)(d)? Members of the All-India Services serving in connection with the affairs of the Union and Group 'A' officers of the Central Government; officers of the notified level in corporations established by or under a Central Act, Government companies, societies and local authorities owned or controlled by the Central Government, with all officers of those bodies deemed included until the notification issues; and, on a reference made by the Lokpal under the proviso to section 20(1) of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, members of Group B, Group C and Group D services of the Central Government and the notified level of staff of those bodies. Clause (c) of section 8(2) was inserted by that Act with effect from 16 January 2014.

3. What is the effect of the proviso to section 8(1)(b)? It provides that in exercising superintendence under clause (a) or giving directions under clause (b), the Commission shall not exercise its powers so as to require the Delhi Special Police Establishment to investigate or dispose of any case in a particular manner. It therefore separates supervision of the agency's functioning from control of an individual case, so that the Commission may ask why an investigation is delayed or how the agency's corruption work is being conducted generally, but may not direct that a particular person be charge-sheeted or that a particular case be closed.

4. Distinguish the Commission's power under clause (c) from that under clause (d). Clause (c) is triggered by a reference from the Central Government and extends to any employee of the Central Government or of the public sector bodies named. Clause (d) is triggered by a complaint, needs no Government reference, and extends only to the categories specified in section 8(2). Clause (c) is therefore wider in the persons it covers and narrower in who may set it in motion; clause (d) is the Commission's own reach, and it is confined to the senior levels unless the Lokpal enlarges it.

munotes.in337

The Functions and Powers of the Commission

5. Does section 8 give the Commission power to punish a corrupt officer? No. Its powers under section 8 are supervisory, inquisitorial, reviewing and advisory. It may inquire or cause an inquiry or investigation to be made, review the progress of investigations and of sanction applications, and tender advice, but it does not investigate as a police force, does not grant or refuse sanction to prosecute, does not prosecute and does not impose a penalty. The penalty is imposed by the disciplinary authority and the prosecution is conducted in a criminal court, which is the reason the Commission is habitually described as an advisory body.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in338

Chapter Sixty-Eight

Sections 8A, 8B and 11A: What the Lokpal Act Put Into This Act

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

When the Lokpal sends a complaint down to the Commission, the Commission does the preliminary inquiry; and sections 8A, 8B and 11A tell it what to do afterwards, how long it has, and who does the work.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 inserted sections 8A, 8B and 11A into the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 with effect from 16 January 2014, so that where the Lokpal refers a complaint under the first proviso to section 20(1) of that Act, the Commission conducts the preliminary inquiry, reports to the Lokpal in the case of Group A and Group B public servants, and in the case of Group C and Group D public servants proceeds itself under section 8A, which requires it to hear the public servant and then either cause an investigation, or have disciplinary proceedings initiated, or close the proceedings and proceed against the complainant under section 46 of the Lokpal Act; section 8B governs the investigation so ordered and its report; and section 11A creates a Director of Inquiry not below the rank of Joint Secretary for the inquiries the Lokpal refers.

Where these sections come from, and why they exist

Chapter 630 finished at section 8. The Act as passed in 2003 stopped there and went straight to section 9. The three lettered sections were inserted by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, section 58 read with the Schedule, with effect from 16 January 2014.

The reason is a design decision Parliament took in 2013 and rarely gets credit for. A single Lokpal for the whole Union could not possibly conduct preliminary inquiries against every public servant of every grade. So section 20(1) of the Lokpal Act made the Commission its inquiry arm for the services, and this Act had to be amended to receive the work.

The first proviso to section 20(1) of the Lokpal Act, in its own words: the Lokpal, if it has decided to proceed with the preliminary inquiry, shall, by a general or special order, refer the complaints or a category of complaints or a complaint received by it in respect of public servants belonging to Group A or Group B or Group C or Group D to the Central Vigilance Commission constituted under section 3(1) of the 2003 Act.

The second proviso splits the return path, and this is the sentence that decides everything else:

  • For Group A and Group B, the Commission, after making the preliminary inquiry, shall submit its report to the Lokpal in accordance with sections 20(2) and 20(4).
  • For Group C and Group D, the Commission shall proceed in accordance with the provisions of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003.
munotes.in339

Sections 8A, 8B and 11A: What the Lokpal Act Put Into This Act

Learn the split as a rule, because it is the commonest confusion in this part of the paper. Seniors go back up to the Lokpal. Juniors stay with the Commission. Sections 8A and 8B are what "stay with the Commission" means.

Section 8A: what happens after the preliminary inquiry

Section 8A(1). Where, after the conclusion of the preliminary inquiry relating to corruption of public servants belonging to Group C and Group D officials of the Central Government, the findings of the Commission disclose, after giving an opportunity of being heard to the public servant, a prima facie violation of conduct rules relating to corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, the Commission shall proceed with one or more of the following actions:

(a) cause an investigation by any agency or the Delhi Special Police Establishment, as the case may be;

(b) initiation of the disciplinary proceedings or any other appropriate action against the concerned public servant by the competent authority;

(c) closure of the proceedings against the public servant, and to proceed against the complainant under section 46 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013.

Section 8A(2): the clock. Every such preliminary inquiry shall ordinarily be completed within ninety days, and, for reasons to be recorded in writing, within a further period of ninety days from the date of receipt of the complaint.

Three things in section 8A are worth marks on their own.

The hearing. The findings must be reached after giving an opportunity of being heard to the public servant. A preliminary inquiry is not ordinarily an adversarial proceeding, and Parliament nevertheless wrote audi alteram partem into the section. Chapter 190 read the same requirement in section 20(3) of the Lokpal Act and chapter 490 will read the third proviso to section 8B of the Commissions of Inquiry Act; the principle recurs across this whole paper.

The words "one or more". The three actions are not alternatives in the strict sense. The Commission may cause an investigation and have disciplinary proceedings started, which is how a criminal case and a departmental case ordinarily run together.

Clause (c) has two limbs and students routinely quote only the first. Closure is not the end: the section directs the Commission to proceed against the complainant under section 46 of the Lokpal Act, which punishes a false and frivolous or vexatious complaint with imprisonment up to one year and fine up to one lakh rupees, cognizable only by a Special Court and only on a complaint by the person defamed or an officer authorised by the Lokpal.

And that is the single most criticised sentence in this amendment. Chapter 200 made the argument in the Lokpal Act's own context; it is stronger here. Read literally, closure of an inquiry triggers action against the complainant, as though every unproved complaint were a false one. Section 46 itself requires the complaint to have been false and frivolous or vexatious, and a Special Court will have to find that before convicting, so the practical protection survives. But the drafting invites a chilling reading, and a candidate who notices it is doing what the paper asks when it says to be critical.

munotes.in340

Sections 8A, 8B and 11A: What the Lokpal Act Put Into This Act

Section 8B: the investigation, and a departure from the Code

Section 8B(1). Where the Commission decides to investigate under section 8A(1)(a), it shall direct any agency, including the Delhi Special Police Establishment, to carry out the investigation as expeditiously as possible, to complete it within six months from the date of its order, and to submit the investigation report containing its findings to the Commission. The proviso allows the Commission to extend that period by a further six months for reasons to be recorded in writing.

Section 8B(2), and this is the provision to notice. Notwithstanding anything contained in section 173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, any agency, including the Delhi Special Police Establishment, shall, in respect of cases referred to it by the Commission, submit the investigation report to the Commission.

Why the non obstante clause is necessary. Section 173 of the Code requires the officer in charge of a police station to forward his report on completing an investigation to the Magistrate empowered to take cognizance. Without section 8B(2) an agency could not lawfully route its report anywhere else. The sub-section redirects the report to the Commission first, so that the Commission and not the investigating agency decides what becomes of the case.

Section 8B(3): the decision. The Commission shall consider every report received under sub-section (2) and may decide as to:

(a) file charge-sheet or closure report before the Special Court against the public servant;

(b) initiate the departmental proceedings or any other appropriate action against the public servant by the competent authority.

Stop and notice what section 8B(3)(a) does, because it contradicts the sentence every textbook uses about this institution. Chapters 630 and 750 describe the Commission as an advisory body with no power to prosecute. On this narrow track it has one. For a Group C or Group D public servant on a Lokpal reference, the Commission itself decides whether a charge-sheet or a closure report goes before the Special Court.

Keep the limits in view when you write it. The power exists only where the Lokpal has referred; only for Group C and Group D; and only after a section 8A inquiry and a section 8B investigation. It is a channel, not a general power. But it is real, and an answer that says the Commission can never prosecute is inaccurate after 16 January 2014.

munotes.in341

Sections 8A, 8B and 11A: What the Lokpal Act Put Into This Act

Section 11A: the Director of Inquiry

Section 11A(1). There shall be a Director of Inquiry, not below the rank of Joint Secretary to the Government of India, appointed by the Central Government, for conducting preliminary inquiries referred to the Commission by the Lokpal.

Section 11A(2). The Central Government shall provide the Director of Inquiry such officers and employees as may be required for the discharge of his functions under this Act.

This is the answer to a question chapter 630 left open: with what hands does the Commission inquire? For the Lokpal's references, with a Director of Inquiry of Joint Secretary rank and a staff.

And the same weakness as section 7 runs through it. The Director is appointed by the Central Government, not by the Commission, and the staff are provided by the Central Government. Compare the Lokpal Act: chapter 150 read section 11, which gives the Lokpal an Inquiry Wing headed by a Director of Inquiry as part of the institution itself. The Lokpal owns its inquiry arm. The Commission is given one.

The whole route, in order

1. A complaint reaches the Lokpal.

2. The Lokpal decides to proceed and orders a preliminary inquiry under section 20(1)(a) of its Act.

3. The first proviso obliges it to refer complaints against public servants of Groups A, B, C and D to the Commission.

4. The Commission holds the preliminary inquiry, through the Director of Inquiry under section 11A, within ninety days, extendable by ninety under section 8A(2), and gives the public servant an opportunity of being heard.

5. Then the route forks. Group A and Group B: report to the Lokpal under the second proviso to section 20(1). Group C and Group D: the Commission proceeds itself under section 8A.

6. Under section 8A(1) it causes an investigation, or has disciplinary proceedings initiated by the competent authority, or closes and proceeds against the complainant under section 46.

7. If it causes an investigation, section 8B(1) gives the agency six months, extendable by six, and the report comes to the Commission under section 8B(2) despite section 173 of the Code.

8. Under section 8B(3) the Commission decides on a charge-sheet or closure report before the Special Court, or departmental proceedings, or both.

A worked example

A citizen complains to the Lokpal that a Group C clerk in a Central Ministry demanded a payment to release a file.

munotes.in342

Sections 8A, 8B and 11A: What the Lokpal Act Put Into This Act

The Lokpal decides to proceed and orders a preliminary inquiry. Because the public servant is in Group C, the first proviso to section 20(1) obliges it to refer the complaint to the Commission.

The Commission inquires through the Director of Inquiry under section 11A, hears the clerk, and completes the inquiry in eighty days, within the ninety of section 8A(2).

The findings disclose a prima facie violation. Because the clerk is Group C, the Commission does not report to the Lokpal; it proceeds under section 8A and decides on clause (a) and clause (b) together, causing an investigation by the Delhi Special Police Establishment and asking the competent authority to start disciplinary proceedings.

The investigation. Section 8B(1) gives the agency six months from the date of the order. It asks for more time; the Commission extends by six months for reasons recorded in writing. The report comes to the Commission, not to the Magistrate, because of section 8B(2).

The decision. Under section 8B(3) the Commission directs that a charge-sheet be filed before the Special Court, and lets the departmental proceedings continue.

Change one fact: the officer is Group A. Everything up to the inquiry is the same, and then the second proviso to section 20(1) takes over: the Commission submits its report to the Lokpal under sections 20(2) and 20(4), and the Lokpal, not the Commission, decides what follows. Sections 8A and 8B never engage.

Change another: the inquiry finds nothing. The Commission closes under section 8A(1)(c), and the section in terms directs it to proceed against the complainant under section 46 of the Lokpal Act. In practice the Special Court must still find the complaint to have been false and frivolous or vexatious before anyone is convicted, and mere failure of proof is not that.

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal may choose whether to refer. The first proviso says shall, once it has decided to proceed with a preliminary inquiry.

That sections 8A and 8B apply to every complaint before the Commission. They apply on the Lokpal track, and section 8A in terms to Group C and Group D officials.

That the Commission reports to the Lokpal in every case. Only for Group A and Group B.

That the Commission can never prosecute. Section 8B(3)(a) lets it decide on a charge-sheet or closure report before the Special Court on this track.

That the Director of Inquiry belongs to the Commission. He is appointed by the Central Government under section 11A(1), which is exactly the difference between this arrangement and the Lokpal's own Inquiry Wing under section 11 of its Act.

That the ninety and six month periods are directory nothings. They are the only statutory time limits in this Act, and their extension needs reasons recorded in writing.

munotes.in343

Sections 8A, 8B and 11A: What the Lokpal Act Put Into This Act

Quick revision

Inserted by Act 1 of 2014, s.58 and the Schedule, w.e.f. 16 January 2014.

Lokpal Act s.20(1), first proviso: the Lokpal shall refer complaints against Group A, B, C and D public servants to the Commission for preliminary inquiry. Second proviso: A and B, report to the Lokpal; C and D, the Commission proceeds under this Act.

s.8A(1): after the preliminary inquiry into Group C and D officials, after hearing the public servant, on a prima facie violation the Commission takes one or more of: (a) cause an investigation, (b) initiation of disciplinary proceedings by the competent authority, (c) closure, and proceed against the complainant under s.46 of the Lokpal Act.

s.8A(2): preliminary inquiry ordinarily within ninety days, extendable by ninety, reasons in writing.

s.8B(1): investigation within six months, extendable by six, reasons in writing; report to the Commission.

s.8B(2): notwithstanding s.173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, the agency submits its report to the Commission.

s.8B(3): the Commission may decide to file a charge-sheet or closure report before the Special Court, or initiate departmental proceedings by the competent authority.

s.11A: a Director of Inquiry not below the rank of Joint Secretary, appointed by the Central Government, for the preliminary inquiries referred by the Lokpal, with staff provided by that Government.

Test yourself

1. How does a complaint before the Lokpal reach the Central Vigilance Commission, and what does the Commission then do? Under section 20(1)(a) of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 the Lokpal may order a preliminary inquiry, and the first proviso obliges it, by general or special order, to refer complaints against public servants of Groups A, B, C and D to the Commission constituted under section 3(1) of the 2003 Act. The Commission holds the inquiry, through the Director of Inquiry appointed under section 11A. The second proviso then splits the route: for Group A and Group B the Commission submits its report to the Lokpal under sections 20(2) and 20(4); for Group C and Group D it proceeds in accordance with the 2003 Act, which means sections 8A and 8B.

2. State the three courses open to the Commission under section 8A(1) and the condition precedent to any of them. The condition precedent is that after concluding the preliminary inquiry and after giving the public servant an opportunity of being heard, the Commission's findings disclose a prima facie violation of conduct rules relating to corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. It may then take one or more of three actions: cause an investigation by any agency or the Delhi Special Police Establishment; have disciplinary proceedings or other appropriate action initiated against the public servant by the competent authority; or close the proceedings and proceed against the complainant under section 46 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013.

munotes.in344

Sections 8A, 8B and 11A: What the Lokpal Act Put Into This Act

3. What is the significance of the non obstante clause in section 8B(2)? Section 173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 requires an investigating officer to forward his report on completion of the investigation to the Magistrate empowered to take cognizance. Section 8B(2) overrides that requirement for cases referred by the Commission, so that the agency, including the Delhi Special Police Establishment, submits its report to the Commission instead. Its significance is that it puts the decision on what follows an investigation with the Commission rather than with the agency or the Magistrate, which is what makes section 8B(3) workable.

4. Is it accurate to say that the Central Vigilance Commission has no power to prosecute? It is accurate as a general description and inaccurate as an absolute statement. The Commission's functions under section 8 are supervisory, inquisitorial, reviewing and advisory, and it does not ordinarily prosecute. But on the Lokpal track, that is where a complaint against a Group C or Group D public servant has been referred to it under the first proviso to section 20(1) of the Lokpal Act, and where it has held a preliminary inquiry under section 8A and caused an investigation under section 8B, section 8B(3)(a) empowers it to decide to file a charge-sheet or a closure report before the Special Court. The power is confined to that channel, and it has existed only since 16 January 2014.

5. Criticise section 8A(1)(c). Read literally it links closure of the proceedings against the public servant with proceeding against the complainant under section 46 of the Lokpal Act, as though an allegation that could not be established were for that reason a false one. Since section 46 punishes a false and frivolous or vexatious complaint with imprisonment up to one year and a fine up to one lakh rupees, the reading has an obvious chilling effect on the very complaints the machinery depends upon, and it sits oddly with the whole design of an anti-corruption statute that must attract information from inside the administration. The practical protection is that a Special Court can convict only on finding the complaint to have been false and frivolous or vexatious, and that cognizance is confined by section 46(3) to a complaint by the aggrieved person or an officer authorised by the Lokpal; but the answer is that the clause should have said that the Commission may proceed under section 46 where it finds the complaint to have been false, and not that closure is itself the occasion for it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in345

Chapter Sixty-Nine

Proceedings, and the Powers of a Civil Court

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Four working sections: how the Commission decides, who acts when its head cannot, the civil court powers it uses while inquiring, and the deeming that makes lying to it perjury.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 9 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 requires the proceedings of the Commission to be conducted at its headquarters, allows it by unanimous decision to regulate its own procedure and the allocation of business, requires business to be transacted unanimously as far as possible and by majority on a difference of opinion, and saves its acts from invalidity on the ground of a vacancy, a defective constitution, a defective appointment or an irregularity not affecting the merits; section 10 lets the President authorise a Vigilance Commissioner to act for the Central Vigilance Commissioner; section 11 gives the Commission the powers of a civil court trying a suit under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908 while conducting an inquiry; and section 12 deems it a civil court for section 195 and Chapter XXVI of the Code of Criminal Procedure and its proceedings judicial proceedings for sections 193, 196 and 228 of the Indian Penal Code.

Section 9: how a three-member body decides

9(1): place. The proceedings of the Commission shall be conducted at its headquarters.

9(2): its own procedure. The Commission may, by unanimous decision, regulate the procedure for transaction of its business and the allocation of its business among the Central Vigilance Commissioner and the other Vigilance Commissioners.

9(3): unanimity as the norm. Save as provided in sub-section (2), all business shall, as far as possible, be transacted unanimously.

9(4): majority as the fallback. Subject to sub-section (3), if the Commissioners differ in opinion on any matter, the matter shall be decided according to the opinion of the majority.

9(5): who presides. The Central Vigilance Commissioner, or, if for any reason he is unable to attend a meeting, the senior-most Vigilance Commissioner present.

9(6): the saving. No act or proceeding of the Commission shall be invalid merely by reason of: (a) any vacancy in, or any defect in the constitution of, the Commission; or (b) any defect in the appointment of a person acting as a Commissioner; or (c) any irregularity in the procedure of the Commission not affecting the merits of the case.

Two features are worth an examiner's attention.

The unanimity requirement in 9(2) is unusual. Most collegiate bodies regulate their own procedure by majority. Here the rules of business and the allocation of work need all three, so no two Commissioners can rearrange the Commission around the third. Ordinary decisions, by contrast, fall to the majority under 9(4) once unanimity fails.

munotes.in346

Proceedings, and the Powers of a Civil Court

Section 9(6) does not cure everything. Compare it with the far broader saving that section 4(2) gives to appointments. Section 9(6)(b) saves an act done by a person whose appointment is defective; it does not save an act done by a person who was never appointed at all, and clause (c) is confined to irregularities not affecting the merits. Chapter 610 is the proof that a defective appointment is not beyond challenge: when the recommendation was held non est, the appointment went with it.

Section 10: acting arrangements

10(1): a vacancy. On any vacancy in the office of the Central Vigilance Commissioner by reason of his death, resignation or otherwise, the President may by notification authorise one of the Vigilance Commissioners to act as Central Vigilance Commissioner until a new one is appointed.

10(2): an absence. When the Central Vigilance Commissioner is unable to discharge his functions owing to absence on leave or otherwise, such one of the Vigilance Commissioners as the President may by notification authorise shall discharge his functions until he resumes his duties.

Notice what section 10 does not say. It does not say the senior-most Vigilance Commissioner succeeds automatically. The President chooses, by notification, and the choice is the Government's. Section 9(5), which does use seniority, governs only who presides at a meeting.

And notice the gap this creates in practice. An acting Central Vigilance Commissioner appointed under section 10 has not gone through the Committee in section 4 and has not been recommended by anyone. Where a Government is slow to fill the substantive vacancy, an acting head chosen by it runs the anti-corruption watchdog indefinitely. The section fixes no outer limit on "until the appointment of a new Central Vigilance Commissioner", and chapter 750 counts that among the Commission's structural weaknesses.

Section 11: the powers of a civil court

The Commission shall, while conducting any inquiry referred to in clauses (b) and (c) of sub-section (1) of section 8, have all the powers of a civil court trying a suit under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908, and in particular in respect of:

(a) summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person from any part of India and examining him on oath; (b) requiring the discovery and production of any document; (c) receiving evidence on affidavits; (d) requisitioning any public record or copy thereof from any court or office; (e) issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or other documents; and (f) any other matter which may be prescribed.

This list is the standard Indian inquiry-powers formula. Chapter 440 read section 4 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 and chapter 170 read section 27 of the Lokpal Act; the six clauses recur almost word for word. When an examiner asks what powers an inquiry body has, the same six sentences answer for all three, and a candidate who says so has shown that he sees the pattern rather than a list.

munotes.in347

Proceedings, and the Powers of a Civil Court

A drafting difficulty a careful student should record. As printed, section 11 attaches these powers to inquiries "referred to in clauses (b) and (c) of sub-section (1) of section 8". Look back at chapter 630. Clause (b) is not an inquiry at all: it is the power to give directions to the Delhi Special Police Establishment. Clause (d), the inquiry into a complaint against an officer of the categories in section 8(2), which is the Commission's own principal inquiry power, is not named.

Two readings are possible and the book will not pretend to settle it. On a literal reading the civil court powers attach to a clause that confers no inquiry power and are absent from the clause that does. On a purposive reading the reference is to the inquiry functions of section 8(1), and clause (b) is an obvious slip for clause (d). What can be said with certainty is that the text as enacted reads as it reads, and that a candidate who quotes it accurately and identifies the difficulty is doing more than reproducing a syllabus.

Section 12: the deeming that gives the powers teeth

The Commission shall be deemed to be a civil court for the purposes of section 195 and Chapter XXVI of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, and every proceeding before the Commission shall be deemed to be a judicial proceeding within the meaning of sections 193 and 228 and for the purposes of section 196 of the Indian Penal Code.

What each limb does.

Section 195 of the Code and Chapter XXVI are the machinery by which a court prosecutes offences against its own authority and against public justice. No court may take cognizance of those offences except on a complaint in writing of the court concerned, and Chapter XXVI sets out the procedure by which the court makes that complaint. Deeming the Commission a civil court for those purposes means the Commission itself may set the prosecution in motion; a private complaint would not lie.

Section 193 of the Penal Code punishes intentionally giving or fabricating false evidence in any stage of a judicial proceeding. Because a proceeding before the Commission is deemed a judicial proceeding, a witness who lies to the Commission commits perjury, which is what makes the oath in section 11(a) mean anything.

munotes.in348

Proceedings, and the Powers of a Civil Court

Section 196 punishes corruptly using or attempting to use as true or genuine any evidence known to be false or fabricated.

Section 228 punishes intentional insult or interruption to a public servant sitting in any stage of a judicial proceeding, which is contempt in the face of the tribunal.

Currency, and it is the kind of point that separates a good answer from an ordinary one. The Indian Penal Code 1860 was replaced by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023 and the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 by the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita 2023, both from 1 July 2024. Section 12 has not been amended, and it is read through the rule in section 8 of the General Clauses Act 1897 that a reference to a repealed enactment is construed as a reference to the corresponding provision of the re-enactment. In the new Codes the corresponding provisions are section 215 and Chapter XXVIII of the Sanhita on procedure, and sections 229, 233 and 267 of the Nyaya Sanhita for false evidence, using false evidence, and insult or interruption in a judicial proceeding.

Do not overstate this in an answer. The correct form is: section 12 as enacted refers to the old Codes; those Codes were replaced with effect from 1 July 2024; the references are carried across by the General Clauses Act; the corresponding provisions are those named above. Write the old numbers first, because that is what the section says.

Sections 11 and 12 together

Section 11 gives the Commission the power to compel. It can summon a witness from anywhere in India, put him on oath, order documents produced and call for a public record.

Section 12 supplies the sanction if he defies or deceives. Lying is perjury, using a forged document is an offence, insulting the Commission in its sitting is an offence, and the Commission itself may complain so that a court can take cognizance.

What the two together still do not give. Neither section lets the Commission punish anybody. Chapter 460 makes the same point about a Commission of Inquiry, and it is the standing feature of Indian inquiry bodies: the powers of a civil court to gather evidence, and none of a criminal court to punish.

A worked example

The Commission is inquiring into a complaint against a Group 'A' officer.

It needs a file the Ministry will not part with. Section 11(b) lets it require discovery and production of the document; section 11(d) lets it requisition a public record or a copy from any court or office.

A contractor who is in another State will not come. Section 11(a) lets the Commission summon and enforce the attendance of any person from any part of India and examine him on oath.

munotes.in349

Proceedings, and the Powers of a Civil Court

He comes, is sworn, and gives an account the Commission later finds to be deliberately false. Section 12 deems the proceeding a judicial proceeding within the meaning of section 193 of the Penal Code, now section 229 of the Nyaya Sanhita, so the false evidence is an offence; and because the Commission is deemed a civil court for section 195 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, now section 215 of the Sanhita, the complaint must come from the Commission and no court will take cognizance without it.

During the sitting he abuses the Commissioner and refuses to let the proceedings continue. That is section 228 of the Penal Code, now section 267 of the Nyaya Sanhita, and the same route applies.

The Commission is divided two to one on the finding. Section 9(3) requires it to try for unanimity as far as possible; failing that, section 9(4) decides the matter by the majority.

Midway the Central Vigilance Commissioner resigns. Section 10(1) lets the President authorise, by notification, one of the Vigilance Commissioners to act until a new Central Vigilance Commissioner is appointed; and section 9(6)(a) ensures that the inquiry already done is not invalidated merely by reason of the vacancy.

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission is a court. It is deemed to be a civil court for two specified purposes and its proceedings are deemed judicial for three specified offences. Outside those deemings it is not a court and cannot try or punish anyone.

That the senior-most Vigilance Commissioner automatically takes over. Under section 10 the President authorises by notification. Seniority governs only who presides at a meeting under section 9(5).

That section 9(6) validates any appointment. It saves an act or proceeding from invalidity; it does not validate the appointment itself.

That the Commission decides everything by majority. Its procedure and allocation of business need a unanimous decision under section 9(2); business is to be transacted unanimously as far as possible; the majority decides only on a difference of opinion.

That the civil court powers are available for every inquiry. As printed, section 11 names clauses (b) and (c) of section 8(1) and not clause (d).

Quick revision

s.9(1) proceedings at the headquarters. s.9(2) procedure and allocation of business by unanimous decision. s.9(3) business transacted unanimously as far as possible. s.9(4) on a difference, majority. s.9(5) the Central Vigilance Commissioner presides, else the senior-most Vigilance Commissioner present. s.9(6) no act invalid merely by reason of a vacancy, a defect in constitution, a defect in appointment, or an irregularity not affecting the merits.

s.10 the President by notification authorises a Vigilance Commissioner to act on a vacancy, or to discharge the functions during absence on leave or otherwise.

munotes.in350

Proceedings, and the Powers of a Civil Court

s.11 all the powers of a civil court trying a suit under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908, in particular: attendance on oath from any part of India; discovery and production of documents; evidence on affidavits; requisitioning public records; commissions for examination; and any other prescribed matter. As printed, for inquiries under clauses (b) and (c) of s.8(1).

s.12 the Commission is deemed a civil court for s.195 and Chapter XXVI of the Code of Criminal Procedure, and its proceedings are deemed judicial proceedings for ss.193, 196 and 228 of the Indian Penal Code; read after 1 July 2024 as s.215 and Chapter XXVIII of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita and ss.229, 233 and 267 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita.

Test yourself

1. How does the Commission transact its business? At its headquarters under section 9(1). By unanimous decision it may regulate its own procedure and the allocation of business among the Commissioners under section 9(2). All other business is to be transacted unanimously as far as possible under section 9(3), and where the Commissioners differ, the matter is decided by the majority under section 9(4). The Central Vigilance Commissioner presides, or if he is unable to attend, the senior-most Vigilance Commissioner present. Section 9(6) saves its acts and proceedings from invalidity merely by reason of a vacancy, a defect in its constitution, a defect in the appointment of a person acting as a Commissioner, or an irregularity in procedure not affecting the merits.

2. What happens when the office of Central Vigilance Commissioner falls vacant? Section 10(1) empowers the President, by notification, to authorise one of the Vigilance Commissioners to act as Central Vigilance Commissioner until a new one is appointed, and section 10(2) makes similar provision where he is unable to discharge his functions owing to absence on leave or otherwise. The choice is the President's and is not governed by seniority, and the section sets no outer limit on how long an acting arrangement may continue, which is a criticism of it.

3. What powers does the Commission have while conducting an inquiry? All the powers of a civil court trying a suit under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908, and in particular the powers of summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person from any part of India and examining him on oath, requiring the discovery and production of any document, receiving evidence on affidavits, requisitioning any public record or copy from any court or office, issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or documents, and any other matter that may be prescribed. The formula is the same as section 4 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 and section 27 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013. As printed, section 11 attaches those powers to inquiries referred to in clauses (b) and (c) of section 8(1), although clause (b) is the direction-giving power and clause (d), the inquiry into a complaint, is not named.

munotes.in351

Proceedings, and the Powers of a Civil Court

4. What is the effect of section 12? It deems the Commission a civil court for the purposes of section 195 and Chapter XXVI of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, so that a prosecution for an offence against its authority or against public justice can be launched only on its own complaint and by the procedure that Chapter lays down; and it deems every proceeding before it a judicial proceeding within the meaning of sections 193 and 228 and for the purposes of section 196 of the Indian Penal Code, so that giving false evidence before it is perjury, corruptly using evidence known to be false is an offence, and intentional insult or interruption during its sitting is an offence. Since 1 July 2024 those references are read, through section 8 of the General Clauses Act 1897, as section 215 and Chapter XXVIII of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita 2023 and sections 229, 233 and 267 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023.

5. Do sections 11 and 12 make the Commission a court? No. Section 11 gives it the evidence-gathering powers of a civil court, and section 12 deems it a civil court and its proceedings judicial for the limited purposes named in the section. Outside those deemings it is not a court: it cannot try an offence, convict anyone or impose a punishment, and it can do no more than record what happened and set the criminal machinery in motion by its own complaint. That combination, full powers to gather evidence and none to punish, is the standing pattern of Indian inquiry bodies, and it is the same in the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 and in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in352

Chapter Seventy

Expenses, the Annual Report, and Protection

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Money that Parliament cannot vote down, a report that must be laid before both Houses with a separate part on the Central Bureau of Investigation, immunity for good faith, and public servant status for everyone in the building.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 13 charges the expenses of the Commission, including the salaries, allowances and pensions of the Commissioners, the Secretary and the staff, on the Consolidated Fund of India; section 14 makes it the duty of the Commission to present an annual report to the President within six months of the close of the year, containing a separate part on the functioning of the Delhi Special Police Establishment so far as it relates to section 4(1) of the 1946 Act, which the President shall cause to be laid before each House of Parliament; section 15 protects the Commission and its officers from suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding for anything done or intended to be done in good faith under the Act; and section 16 deems them public servants within the meaning of section 21 of the Indian Penal Code.

Section 13: charged on the Consolidated Fund

The expenses of the Commission, including any salaries, allowances and pensions payable to or in respect of the Central Vigilance Commissioner, the Vigilance Commissioners, the Secretary and the staff, shall be charged on the Consolidated Fund of India.

Understand what "charged" means, because the whole point turns on it. Article 112(3) of the Constitution lists the expenditure that is charged on the Consolidated Fund, and article 113(1) provides that so much of the estimates as relates to charged expenditure shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament. It may be discussed; it may not be voted upon; and it cannot be reduced or refused by the House.

The contrast is with a voted grant. A body funded by an ordinary demand for grants depends every year on the Government moving the demand and the House passing it, and a Government that dislikes an institution can starve it without ever amending its statute.

Where else in this syllabus the same device appears. Chapter 380 read article 148(6): the administrative expenses of the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General, including all salaries, allowances and pensions, are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India. Chapter 130 read section 10(1) of the Lokpal Act, which does the same for the Lokpal. All three anti-executive institutions are financed the same way, and the reason is identical: money is the easiest lever, so the Constitution and these statutes take it out of the Government's hand.

But keep chapter 620's section 7 in view when you write about it. The money is charged; the number of staff and their conditions of service are settled by rules the Central Government makes. An institution can be adequately funded on paper and understaffed in fact, and the Commission's own annual reports have said so for years. Section 13 secures the Commission's independence from the annual Budget vote; it does not secure its capacity.

munotes.in353

Expenses, the Annual Report, and Protection

Section 14: the annual report

14(1): the duty and the deadline. It shall be the duty of the Commission to present annually to the President a report as to the work done by the Commission, within six months of the close of the year under report.

14(2): the separate part. The report shall contain a separate part on the functioning of the Delhi Special Police Establishment in so far as it relates to section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946.

14(3): laying. On receipt of the report, the President shall cause the same to be laid before each House of Parliament.

Section 14(2) is the hinge between this Module and the next, and it is worth a sentence in any answer that compares the two bodies. Section 4(1) of the 1946 Act, which chapter 790 reads in full, places the superintendence of the Delhi Special Police Establishment in relation to Prevention of Corruption Act investigations in the Central Vigilance Commission. Section 14(2) requires the Commission to account publicly, and to Parliament, for how it has exercised that superintendence. So the supervision of the Central Bureau of Investigation's corruption work is itself supervised, and the supervisor of the supervisor is the House.

Why the laying requirement is the real sanction. Chapter 630 established that the Commission cannot direct an investigation, grant a sanction or impose a penalty. What it can do is write down what happened and have it laid before Parliament: the number of sanction applications pending beyond four months, the cases in which its advice was not accepted, the vacancies in Chief Vigilance Officer posts. Chapter 810 will make the same argument about the Comptroller and Auditor General's reports and chapter 350 made it about the Lokpal's. Publicity is the enforcement mechanism of the whole of Module III, and section 14 is where this institution acquires it.

Note the two soft edges. The report goes to the President, which means to the Government, and the President "shall cause" it to be laid; the Act sets no time limit for the laying. And the Act gives the House no duty to consider it. Chapter 900 works what happens after a report is laid: whether a Committee examines it, and what follows if none does.

munotes.in354

Expenses, the Annual Report, and Protection

Section 15: protection for good faith

No suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding shall lie against the Commission, the Central Vigilance Commissioner, any Vigilance Commissioner, the Secretary or any staff of the Commission in respect of anything which is in good faith done or intended to be done under this Act.

Read the words carefully, because each is doing work.

"No suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding" covers civil and criminal proceedings alike.

"In good faith" is the condition, and it is the whole of the protection. Section 3(22) of the General Clauses Act 1897 provides that a thing shall be deemed to be done in good faith where it is in fact done honestly, whether it is done negligently or not. So negligence does not defeat the protection; dishonesty does.

"Done or intended to be done under this Act" confines it to acts under the statute. An act wholly outside the Act is not protected at all.

What section 15 does not do. It does not bar judicial review. A writ under article 226 or 32 is not a suit or a prosecution against the Commission for something it did; it is a challenge to the legality of what it did, and chapter 610 is the proof that a court will grant it. The clause protects the officer from personal liability; it does not immunise the decision.

Where the same clause appears. Section 55 of the Lokpal Act, section 12 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act and section 21 of the Right to Information Act are in the same form. It is standard for every statutory body that must take decisions adverse to powerful people, and its rationale is simple: an inquiry officer who can be sued personally by the man he is inquiring into will not inquire.

Section 16: public servants

The Central Vigilance Commissioner, every Vigilance Commissioner, the Secretary and every staff member shall be deemed to be a public servant within the meaning of section 21 of the Indian Penal Code.

Notice the direction the deeming runs in, because students routinely get it backwards. This is not a privilege. Section 21 of the Penal Code defines who is a public servant, and the definition matters chiefly because it fixes who can commit the offences that only a public servant can commit: taking gratification, criminal misconduct, and the rest of what chapters 730 and 740 work under the Prevention of Corruption Act.

So the Act makes the watchdog watchable. The people who inquire into corruption are, by section 16, themselves public servants and themselves prosecutable for it. Section 2(c) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 has its own wide definition, and section 16 puts the matter beyond argument for this Commission.

munotes.in355

Expenses, the Annual Report, and Protection

The secondary effect. Public servant status also attracts the protective provisions of the Penal Code, now the Nyaya Sanhita, that punish assault or obstruction of a public servant in the discharge of his duty.

Section 16 and section 15 pull in opposite directions and that is deliberate. Section 15 stops a person the Commission has investigated from harassing its officers with litigation. Section 16 ensures the officers are not themselves above the criminal law. An answer that quotes only one of the two has described half the design.

A worked example

The Commission completes a year's work.

By 30 June of the following year, that is within six months of the close of the year under report, it must present its annual report to the President under section 14(1). The report must contain a separate part on the functioning of the Delhi Special Police Establishment so far as it relates to section 4(1) of the 1946 Act, under section 14(2), and the President shall cause it to be laid before each House under section 14(3).

The Government dislikes the report and proposes to cut the Commission's budget. It cannot do so by refusing a grant, because section 13 charges the whole of the Commission's expenses, including salaries and pensions, on the Consolidated Fund of India, and article 113(1) puts charged expenditure beyond the vote of Parliament.

What the Government could do instead is decline to amend the staff rules under section 7, so that sanctioned posts stay unfilled. Section 13 has no answer to that, and the report is the only remedy: the Commission can record the shortfall and have it laid before Parliament.

An officer against whom the Commission recommended action sues a Vigilance Commissioner for damages for defamation. Section 15 bars the suit if the act was in good faith done or intended to be done under this Act, and by section 3(22) of the General Clauses Act good faith means honestly, negligently or not.

The same officer instead files a writ petition contending that the Commission acted without jurisdiction. Section 15 is no answer. The petition is not a proceeding against the Commissioner for what he did; it questions the legality of the act, and the High Court will entertain it.

And a Commission official is alleged to have taken money to soften a report. Section 16 deems him a public servant within section 21 of the Penal Code, and he may be prosecuted under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 like anyone else.

What beginners get wrong

That "charged on the Consolidated Fund" means the Government pays for it. Every Union expense is paid from that Fund. Charged means it is not submitted to the vote of Parliament under article 113(1), so it cannot be reduced or refused.

munotes.in356

Expenses, the Annual Report, and Protection

That section 13 makes the Commission financially self-sufficient. It secures the money and not the staff, which section 7 leaves with the Central Government.

That the annual report goes to Parliament. It goes to the President, who causes it to be laid before each House.

That section 14 is about the Commission's own work only. Section 14(2) requires a separate part on the Delhi Special Police Establishment.

That section 15 bars writ petitions. It bars a suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding for something done in good faith. Judicial review of the act itself survives.

That section 16 is a privilege. It is the opposite: it makes the Commission's own people prosecutable as public servants.

Quick revision

s.13: expenses, including salaries, allowances and pensions of the Commissioners, the Secretary and the staff, charged on the Consolidated Fund of India; charged expenditure is not submitted to the vote of Parliament under article 113(1). Same device as article 148(6) for the Comptroller and Auditor General and s.10(1) of the Lokpal Act.

s.14(1): duty to present an annual report to the President within six months of the close of the year under report. s.14(2): a separate part on the Delhi Special Police Establishment so far as it relates to s.4(1) of the 1946 Act. s.14(3): the President shall cause it to be laid before each House of Parliament.

s.15: no suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding for anything in good faith done or intended to be done under the Act; good faith under s.3(22) of the General Clauses Act 1897 is honestly, whether negligently or not. Does not bar judicial review.

s.16: the Commissioners, the Secretary and the staff are deemed public servants within s.21 of the Indian Penal Code, so they are themselves prosecutable for corruption.

Test yourself

1. Why are the expenses of the Commission charged on the Consolidated Fund of India? Because charged expenditure, by article 113(1) of the Constitution, is not submitted to the vote of Parliament. It may be discussed but cannot be reduced or refused, so the Commission's salaries, allowances, pensions and other expenses do not depend on an annual demand for grants moved by the Government it exists to supervise. The same device is used by article 148(6) for the Comptroller and Auditor General and by section 10(1) of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, and its purpose in each case is to remove the most convenient lever a displeased executive would otherwise have.

2. State the requirements of section 14 and explain the importance of sub-section (2). The Commission must present an annual report on its work to the President within six months of the close of the year under report; the report must contain a separate part on the functioning of the Delhi Special Police Establishment so far as it relates to section 4(1) of the 1946 Act; and the President shall cause it to be laid before each House of Parliament. Sub-section (2) is important because section 4(1) of the 1946 Act vests the superintendence of that Establishment, in Prevention of Corruption Act matters, in this Commission. The sub-section therefore requires the supervisor of the Central Bureau of Investigation's corruption work to account publicly and to Parliament for how it has supervised, so that the supervision is itself supervised.

munotes.in357

Expenses, the Annual Report, and Protection

3. What protection does section 15 give, and what does it not? It gives the Commission, the Commissioners, the Secretary and the staff immunity from any suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding in respect of anything in good faith done or intended to be done under the Act, good faith meaning, under section 3(22) of the General Clauses Act 1897, honestly, whether negligently or not. It does not protect a dishonest act, does not extend to acts outside the Act, and does not bar judicial review under articles 226 and 32, which questions the legality of the act rather than seeking a remedy against the officer for having done it.

4. What is the effect of section 16 and why was it enacted? It deems the Commissioners, the Secretary and every member of the staff to be public servants within the meaning of section 21 of the Indian Penal Code. The chief consequence is that they are themselves capable of committing the offences that only a public servant can commit, so the personnel of the anti-corruption institution are subject to the anti-corruption law they administer. A secondary consequence is that the provisions punishing assault on or obstruction of a public servant in the discharge of his duty protect them. Read with section 15 the design is symmetrical: honest officers are protected from vexatious litigation, and dishonest ones are not protected from prosecution.

5. Does section 13 make the Commission independent? It makes it financially independent of the annual vote, which is a real and substantial protection, but it does not make the institution independent in its capacity. Section 7 leaves the number of the Commission's staff and their conditions of service to rules made by the Central Government in consultation with the Commission, and section 11A leaves the appointment of the Director of Inquiry and the provision of his officers to that Government as well. A Government cannot cut the Commission's money; it can decline to enlarge its establishment. The Commission's only remedy is the annual report under section 14, which is to say publicity, and that is the characteristic remedy of every institution in this paper.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in358

Chapter Seventy-One

Reports, Information, and Consultation

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Three short sections that put the Commission inside the disciplinary process: the inquiry report comes back to it, it may call for anything it needs, and the Government must consult it before making vigilance rules.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 17 requires the report of an inquiry undertaken by any agency on a reference from the Commission to be forwarded to the Commission, requires the Commission on receiving it to advise the Central Government or the public sector body concerned as to the further course of action, and requires that body to consider the advice and take appropriate action, with a proviso that where it does not agree with the advice it shall communicate its disagreement to the Commission for reasons to be recorded in writing; section 18 empowers the Commission to call for reports, returns and statements so as to enable it to exercise general supervision over vigilance and anti-corruption work; and section 19 requires the Central Government to consult the Commission in making any rules or regulations governing vigilance or disciplinary matters relating to persons appointed to public services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union or to members of the All-India Services.

Section 17: the report comes back, and the advice goes out

17(1). The report of the inquiry undertaken by any agency on a reference made by the Commission shall be forwarded to the Commission.

17(2). The Commission shall, on receipt of such report and after taking into consideration any other factors relevant thereto, advise the Central Government, and the corporations, Government companies, societies and local authorities owned or controlled by that Government, as to the further course of action.

17(3). The Central Government and those bodies shall consider the advice of the Commission and take appropriate action:

Proviso. Where the Central Government or such a body does not agree with the advice of the Commission, it shall, for reasons to be recorded in writing, communicate the same to the Commission.

Section 17(3) with its proviso is the most quoted sentence in this whole Module, and it needs to be read exactly. It does not say the advice binds. It says two different things:

A duty to consider. The Government and the public sector body shall consider the advice and take appropriate action. A duty to consider is a real administrative-law duty: the advice must actually be applied to the mind, and a decision taken without considering it is liable to be set aside.

A duty to give reasons for disagreeing. If the recipient does not agree, it shall communicate the disagreement to the Commission, for reasons to be recorded in writing.

munotes.in359

Reports, Information, and Consultation

Put the two together and you have the exact strength of this institution. The Commission cannot compel an outcome. What it can compel is a recorded, communicated reason for departing from its view, and the reason then becomes a document. A document can be quoted in the annual report under section 14, laid before Parliament under section 14(3), obtained under the Right to Information Act, and produced in a writ petition. Chapter 700 counts the cases of non-acceptance the Commission has published year after year.

This is the pattern the paper keeps returning to, so name it when you see it. The Lokpal, the Comptroller and Auditor General, a Commission of Inquiry and the Central Vigilance Commission are all bodies whose findings do not bind and whose power is the obligation they impose on somebody else to explain himself in writing. Chapter 470 called it the recommendatory model; section 17(3) is its clearest statutory form.

Note also what section 17(1) presupposes. It speaks of an inquiry undertaken by any agency on a reference made by the Commission, which is chapter 630's clause (c) and clause (d) power to cause an inquiry or investigation to be made. The Commission refers out and the report comes back. It is not an investigating agency and section 17 is the section that makes the arrangement work.

Section 18: power to call for information

The Commission may call for reports, returns and statements from the Central Government or from the corporations, Government companies, societies and other local authorities owned or controlled by that Government, so as to enable it to exercise general supervision over the vigilance and anti-corruption work in that Government and in those bodies.

Section 18 is what makes section 8(1)(h) operable. Chapter 630 read clause (h): superintendence over the vigilance administration of the Ministries and the public sector. A supervisor who cannot ask for figures cannot supervise, and section 18 supplies the power to ask.

Three features.

It is general, not case-specific. The purpose stated in the section is general supervision over vigilance and anti-corruption work, which is how the Commission builds the aggregate picture that goes into its annual report: pending complaints, pending sanction applications, pending departmental inquiries, vacancies in Chief Vigilance Officer posts.

It is a power to call for, not to seize. Compare section 11(b), which gives the Commission the discovery and production powers of a civil court while conducting an inquiry. Section 18 is the routine administrative counterpart, and it needs no inquiry to be on foot.

It carries no sanction. The Act does not say what follows if a Ministry does not send the return. There is no penalty, no contempt power and no direction that can be enforced. Chapter 750 puts this in the list of the Commission's weaknesses, and it is a fair one.

munotes.in360

Reports, Information, and Consultation

Section 19: consultation before rules are made

The Central Government shall, in making any rules or regulations governing the vigilance or disciplinary matters relating to persons appointed to public services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union or to members of the All-India Services, consult the Commission.

This is the Commission's one guaranteed voice in the making of the law it administers. The Central Civil Services (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules, the Conduct Rules and the corresponding All-India Services rules are the machinery by which every departmental proceeding in the Union runs, and section 19 makes the Commission a consultee whenever they are made or altered.

What "consult" requires. Chapter 240 read Justice Chandrashekaraiah v. Janekere C. Krishna, (2013) 3 SCC 117, on the meaning of consultation: it must be effective and meaningful, on full and identical material, and not a formality. The word carries the same content here. But consultation is not concurrence. The Government must genuinely consult; it need not agree.

And notice the gap. Section 19 binds the Central Government. It says nothing about the corporations, Government companies and societies that sections 8(1)(h), 17 and 18 all cover. Those bodies make their own conduct and discipline rules, and the Commission has no statutory right to be consulted before they do.

How the three sections work together

Take them in order and they describe a cycle.

Section 18 lets the Commission gather the picture, routinely and without any particular case.

Section 8(1)(c) and (d) let it inquire or cause an inquiry into a specific allegation, and section 17(1) brings the report back.

Section 17(2) turns the report into advice on the further course of action.

Section 17(3) obliges the recipient to consider it, and the proviso obliges it to record and communicate reasons if it disagrees.

Section 14 lets the Commission publish the aggregate of all of that in a report laid before both Houses.

And section 19 lets it shape the rules under which the next case will run.

Write it as a cycle in an answer and it reads as a system rather than a list. It is also the honest answer to whether the Commission is toothless: it has no teeth of its own, and it sits at the centre of a paper trail that ends in Parliament.

A worked example

The Commission causes an inquiry into an allegation against a Group 'A' officer of a Central Ministry, using a departmental agency rather than the Delhi Special Police Establishment.

The report. Under section 17(1) the agency forwards the report to the Commission, not to the Ministry.

munotes.in361

Reports, Information, and Consultation

The advice. Under section 17(2) the Commission considers it and any other relevant factors, and advises the Ministry as to the further course of action, say that a major penalty proceeding should be initiated.

The Ministry disagrees and thinks a minor penalty enough. Under section 17(3) it must consider the advice, and under the proviso, since it does not agree, it must communicate its disagreement to the Commission for reasons to be recorded in writing.

What the Commission can do with that. Nothing directly. It can record the case in the tally of instances of non-acceptance of its advice and put it in the annual report under section 14, which the President causes to be laid before each House of Parliament.

Separately, the Commission wants to know how common this is. Under section 18 it calls for reports, returns and statements from all Ministries on the disposal of its advice, to exercise general supervision over their vigilance work. If a Ministry does not respond, the Act provides no sanction.

A year later the Government proposes to amend the Central Civil Services (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules to change the procedure in departmental inquiries. Section 19 obliges it to consult the Commission first, and the consultation must be effective and meaningful and on full material; but the Government is not bound to accept what the Commission says.

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission's advice binds. It does not. Section 17(3) creates a duty to consider and, on disagreement, to record and communicate reasons.

That a disagreeing authority may simply ignore the advice. It may not. The proviso requires reasons in writing, communicated to the Commission.

That section 18 lets the Commission seize records. It lets it call for reports, returns and statements. The compulsive powers are in section 11 and only while an inquiry is on foot.

That section 19 requires the Commission's concurrence. It requires consultation, which must be meaningful but is not agreement.

That section 19 covers the public sector. It binds the Central Government in relation to Union services and the All-India Services.

Quick revision

s.17(1): the report of an inquiry by any agency on the Commission's reference is forwarded to the Commission.

s.17(2): the Commission, on the report and any other relevant factors, advises on the further course of action.

s.17(3): the recipient shall consider the advice and take appropriate action. Proviso: if it does not agree, it shall, for reasons to be recorded in writing, communicate the same to the Commission.

s.18: power to call for reports, returns and statements for general supervision over vigilance and anti-corruption work. No sanction for non-compliance.

munotes.in362

Reports, Information, and Consultation

s.19: the Central Government shall consult the Commission in making rules or regulations on vigilance or disciplinary matters for Union services and posts and the All-India Services. Consultation, not concurrence; and the public sector is not covered.

Test yourself

1. What happens to the report of an inquiry made on a reference by the Commission? Under section 17(1) it is forwarded to the Commission and not to the authority concerned. Under section 17(2) the Commission considers it, together with any other relevant factors, and advises the Central Government or the corporation, Government company, society or local authority concerned as to the further course of action. Under section 17(3) that body must consider the advice and take appropriate action, and by the proviso, if it does not agree, it must communicate its disagreement to the Commission for reasons to be recorded in writing.

2. Is the advice of the Central Vigilance Commission binding? Discuss. No. Section 17(3) imposes a duty to consider the advice and take appropriate action, not a duty to accept it, and the proviso expressly contemplates disagreement. What the section makes compulsory is the giving of reasons: a disagreeing authority must record them in writing and communicate them to the Commission. The practical consequence is that the reasons become a document which the Commission can quote in its annual report under section 14, which is laid before each House of Parliament under section 14(3), and which can be obtained under the Right to Information Act or produced in judicial review. The Commission therefore cannot compel a result and can compel an explanation, which is the same recommendatory model that governs the Lokpal, a Commission of Inquiry and the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General.

3. What is the scope of section 18 and what is its weakness? It allows the Commission to call for reports, returns and statements from the Central Government and from corporations established by or under a Central Act, Government companies, societies and other local authorities owned or controlled by that Government, for the purpose of exercising general supervision over vigilance and anti-corruption work. Its scope is general and administrative rather than case-specific, and it needs no inquiry to be pending, which distinguishes it from the civil court powers in section 11. Its weakness is that the Act attaches no consequence to a failure to comply: there is no penalty, no contempt power and no enforceable direction.

4. Explain section 19 and the meaning of consultation under it. Section 19 requires the Central Government, in making any rules or regulations governing vigilance or disciplinary matters relating to persons appointed to public services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union or to members of the All-India Services, to consult the Commission. Consultation on the authority of the decisions on the meaning of the word must be effective and meaningful and must proceed on full material placed before the consultee, and cannot be a formality; but it is not concurrence, and the Government having genuinely consulted may take a different view. The section is limited to the Central Government and does not extend to the public sector bodies that sections 17 and 18 otherwise cover.

munotes.in363

Reports, Information, and Consultation

5. How do sections 17, 18 and 19 together describe the Commission's place in the disciplinary process? Section 18 lets it build a general picture of vigilance work across the Union and the public sector. Section 8 lets it inquire or cause an inquiry into a particular allegation, and section 17(1) brings the resulting report back to it rather than to the department. Section 17(2) converts the report into advice on the further course of action, and section 17(3) with its proviso obliges the department to consider the advice and to record and communicate reasons for any disagreement. Section 14 lets the Commission publish the aggregate of that experience in an annual report laid before both Houses. Section 19 lets it influence the rules under which the next proceeding will be conducted. The Commission is therefore not a bystander to departmental discipline and not its master: it is embedded in the process at the points of information, advice, accountability and rule-making, and its sanction throughout is disclosure rather than compulsion.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in364

Chapter Seventy-Two

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

The Government makes the rules, the Commission makes the regulations with the Government's previous approval, both are laid before Parliament, and buried at the end are the two sections that appoint the Director of Enforcement and rebuilt the law of the Central Bureau of Investigation.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: sections 20 to 27 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 contain the rule-making power of the Central Government, the regulation-making power of the Commission subject to the previous approval of that Government, the laying requirement, the power to remove difficulties within two years, the transitional provision preserving the Commission set up by the Resolution of 11 February 1964, the appointment and two-year tenure of the Director of Enforcement, the amendment of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 that inserted sections 1A, 4, 4A, 4B, 4C and 6A into it, and the repeal of the Resolution of 4 April 1999; and in Subramanian Swamy v. Director, Central Bureau of Investigation, (2014) 8 SCC 682, a Constitution Bench declared section 6A invalid as violative of article 14 and declared section 26(c) of this Act invalid to that extent.

Sections 20 and 21: who makes what

Section 20: rules, by the Central Government. The Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, make rules for carrying out the provisions of the Act, and in particular for the number of members of the staff and their conditions of service under section 7, any other power of a civil court to be prescribed under section 11(f), and any other matter required to be prescribed.

Section 21: regulations, by the Commission. The Commission may, with the previous approval of the Central Government, by notification, make regulations not inconsistent with this Act and the rules, for all matters for which provision is expedient, and in particular for the duties and powers of the Secretary under section 3(4) and the procedure to be followed by the Commission under section 9(2).

Compare the two and the hierarchy is plain. The Government's rules are subject only to the Act. The Commission's regulations are subject to the Act and the rules, and cannot be made at all without the Government's previous approval.

Now put section 21 beside section 9(2), which chapter 650 read. Section 9(2) lets the Commission regulate its own procedure and allocate its business by unanimous decision. Section 21(2)(b) then requires that same procedure to be made by regulation, which needs the previous approval of the Central Government. So the Commission's control of its own procedure is unanimous inside the Commission and conditional outside it. That is a small illustration of the theme chapter 750 sets out: the independence of this institution is real in its people and partial in its working.

munotes.in365

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

Section 22: laying, and the modification power

Every notification under section 8(2)(b), that is the notification specifying the level of public sector officers within the Commission's inquiry jurisdiction, and every rule and every regulation, shall be laid before each House of Parliament while it is in session, for a total period of thirty days, comprised in one session or in two or more successive sessions; and if, before the expiry of the session immediately following, both Houses agree in making any modification or agree that it should not be made, it shall have effect only in the modified form or be of no effect, without prejudice to the validity of anything previously done under it.

This is the standard "subject to modification" laying formula, and it belongs to Module III. Chapter 870 works legislative control over delegated legislation in general; section 22 is this Act's instance of it, and it is the stronger of the two common forms, because the House may modify and not merely annul.

Note what section 22 does not cover: the annual report under section 14. That is laid under section 14(3) and Parliament has no power to modify it, which is right, because a report is not legislation. Do not confuse the two layings in an answer.

Sections 23 and 24: the transitional sections

Section 23: removal of difficulties. The Central Government may, by order not inconsistent with the Act, remove a difficulty arising in giving effect to it, but no such order after two years from commencement; and every order shall be laid before each House.

The two-year limit is the whole safeguard. A removal of difficulties clause lets the executive alter the working of a statute by order, which is why the courts read it narrowly and why Parliament times it out. This one expired in 2005.

Section 24: the existing Vigilance Commission. With effect from the constitution of the Commission under section 3(1), the Central Vigilance Commission set up by the Resolution of the Government of India in the Ministry of Home Affairs No. 24/7/64-AVD dated 11 February 1964 continues to discharge its functions so far as they are not inconsistent with the Act, and: (a) its actions and decisions are deemed to have been taken by the Commission; (b) its pending proceedings are deemed transferred; (c) its employees become employees of the Commission on the same terms; (d) its assets and liabilities are transferred.

Section 24 is the statute's own acknowledgement of chapter 570. The Commission of 1964 was not abolished and re-created; it was continued. The institution is one institution from the Santhanam Committee's recommendation to today, and the 2003 Act gave it a statute rather than a birth. Quote section 24 when an examiner asks whether the Central Vigilance Commission was created in 2003. It was not.

munotes.in366

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

Section 25: the Director of Enforcement, and the 2021 amendment

Notwithstanding anything in the Foreign Exchange Management Act 1999 or any other law, the Central Government shall appoint a Director of Enforcement in the Directorate of Enforcement in the Ministry of Finance on the recommendation of a Committee consisting of:

the Central Vigilance Commissioner, Chairperson; the Vigilance Commissioners, Members; the Secretary in charge of the Ministry of Home Affairs; the Secretary in charge of the Ministry of Personnel; and the Secretary in charge of the Department of Revenue, Ministry of Finance.

Clause (b): the Committee shall take into consideration the integrity and experience of the officers eligible.

Clause (c): no person below the rank of Additional Secretary to the Government of India is eligible.

Clause (d): the Director shall continue to hold office for a period of not less than two years from the date he assumes office.

The 2021 amendment, and this is a currency point. Two provisos were inserted by Act 46 of 2021, section 2, with effect from 14 November 2021:

  • the period for which the Director holds office on his initial appointment may, in public interest, on the recommendation of the Committee and for reasons to be recorded in writing, be extended up to one year at a time;
  • no such extension shall be granted after the completion of a period of five years in total, including the initial appointment.

Clause (e): the Director shall not be transferred except with the previous consent of the Committee.

Clauses (f) and (g): the Committee, in consultation with the Director, recommends officers for posts above the level of Deputy Director and recommends extension or curtailment of their tenure, and the Central Government passes such orders as it thinks fit to give effect to the recommendation.

Why section 25 surprises students, and why it is worth a paragraph. The Directorate of Enforcement is a Finance Ministry body enforcing the foreign exchange and money laundering laws. Its Director is nevertheless appointed on the recommendation of a Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner, under this Act. The reason is Vineet Narain, which chapter 580 works: the Supreme Court gave directions on the Enforcement Directorate as well as on the Central Bureau of Investigation, and Parliament in 2003 put both sets of directions into statute, one in section 25 and the other in section 26.

munotes.in367

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

And note the exact shape of the 2021 change, because it is easy to state loosely. The minimum tenure of two years is untouched. What 2021 added is a ceiling of five years reached one year at a time, each extension needing the Committee's recommendation, the public interest and reasons recorded in writing. The same amendment was made for the Director of the Delhi Special Police Establishment, and chapter 800 works it there.

Section 26: the section that rebuilt the CBI's statute

Section 26 amended the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, and everything chapters 780 to 800 read in that Act was put there by this one.

(a) inserted section 1A, an interpretation section: words used in that Act and not defined there but defined in this Act have the meanings assigned in this Act.

(b) substituted section 4 and inserted sections 4A, 4B and 4C:

  • section 4(1): the superintendence of the Delhi Special Police Establishment so far as it relates to investigation of offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 shall vest in the Commission;
  • section 4(2): in all other matters the superintendence vests in the Central Government;
  • section 4(3): the administration vests in the Director, appointed by the Central Government, with such of an Inspector-General's powers as that Government specifies;
  • section 4A: the Committee that recommends the Director, which shall take into consideration the views of the outgoing Director and shall recommend a panel of officers on the basis of seniority, integrity and experience in the investigation of anti-corruption cases, chosen from the Indian Police Service;
  • section 4B: the Director shall hold office for not less than two years notwithstanding anything to the contrary in the rules, and shall not be transferred except with the previous consent of the Committee;
  • section 4C: appointments of Superintendent of Police and above, and extension or curtailment of their tenure, on the Committee's recommendation after consulting the Director.

(c) inserted section 6A: the Delhi Special Police Establishment shall not conduct any inquiry or investigation into a Prevention of Corruption Act offence except with the previous approval of the Central Government where the allegation relates to (a) employees of the Central Government of the level of Joint Secretary and above and (b) such officers as are appointed by the Central Government in the public sector bodies; with sub-section (2) dispensing with approval for cases involving arrest of a person on the spot on the charge of accepting or attempting to accept any gratification other than legal remuneration.

munotes.in368

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

Subramanian Swamy: a Constitution Bench strikes down part of this Act

Facts. Subramanian Swamy v. Director, Central Bureau of Investigation, (2014) 8 SCC 682, AIR 2014 SC 2140, Writ Petition (Civil) No. 38 of 1997, decided on 6 May 2014 by a Constitution Bench of five judges: R.M. Lodha CJ, who wrote the judgment, A.K. Patnaik, Sudhansu Jyoti Mukhopadhaya, Dipak Misra and Fakkir Mohamed Ibrahim Kalifulla JJ. The challenge was to section 6A of the 1946 Act, inserted by section 26(c) of this Act, which required the Central Government's previous approval before the agency could even inquire into a corruption allegation against an officer of the level of Joint Secretary and above.

Held. The Court held that section 6A(1), which requires the approval of the Central Government to conduct any inquiry or investigation into an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 where the allegation relates to employees of the Central Government of the level of Joint Secretary and above and to such officers as are appointed by the Central Government in corporations, Government companies, societies and local authorities owned or controlled by the Government, is invalid and violative of article 14 of the Constitution; and, as a necessary corollary, the provision contained in section 26(c) of Act 45 of 2003 to that extent is also declared invalid. The writ petitions were allowed.

Read that second sentence again, because it is the fact this chapter exists to deliver. The Supreme Court did not merely strike down a section of the 1946 Act. It declared section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 itself invalid to that extent. A student who can say that a Constitution Bench struck down a provision of the very Act that created the statutory Commission has said something no summary in the market says.

Why it matters, and the link back to chapter 580. Section 6A was the Single Directive in statutory clothing. The Single Directive was the executive instruction, struck down in Vineet Narain in 1998, that the agency could not investigate senior officers without prior sanction. Parliament re-enacted it in 2003 as a section of an Act; and in 2014 the Court struck it down again, this time on article 14: a classification that shields officers of and above a particular rank from even a preliminary inquiry has no rational relation to the object of detecting and punishing corruption, since the status of the accused is irrelevant to whether the offence was committed.

And the sequel, which belongs to chapter 740 but should be flagged here. Section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, inserted by the amendment of 2018, requires previous approval before a police officer conducts any enquiry, inquiry or investigation into an offence alleged to have been committed by a public servant where the alleged offence relates to a recommendation made or decision taken in the discharge of official functions. That is a differently drawn requirement, resting on the nature of the act rather than on the rank of the officer, which is precisely the distinction Subramanian Swamy turned on.

munotes.in369

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

Section 27, and the Schedule

Section 27(1): repeal. The Resolution of the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions No. 371/20/99-AVD.III dated 4 April 1999, as amended on 13 August 2002, is repealed.

Section 27(2): saving. Notwithstanding that repeal and the cesser of operation of the Central Vigilance Commission Ordinance 1999, anything done or action taken under the Resolution and the Ordinance, including appointments and actions under the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 and the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act 1973 as amended by that Ordinance, is deemed to have been done under this Act as if the amendments had been in force at all material times.

Section 27 completes the story chapter 580 told. Vineet Narain was decided in December 1997. The Government gave effect to it first by Ordinance in 1999, then by Resolution, and finally by this Act in 2003; and section 27 stitches the three together so that nothing done in the interval fell through.

The Schedule carries the form of oath under section 5(3), set out in chapter 620.

A worked example

The Central Government proposes to notify, under section 8(2)(b), the level of officers of Central public sector undertakings who will fall within the Commission's inquiry jurisdiction.

Is a notification needed at all? Yes, if the Government wishes to confine the jurisdiction, because the proviso to section 8(2)(b) provides that until such a notification issues, all officers of those bodies are deemed to be within clause (d). Doing nothing leaves the jurisdiction at its widest.

What Parliament may then do. Section 22 requires the notification to be laid before each House while in session for a total of thirty days, and both Houses may, before the expiry of the session immediately following, agree in modifying it or in resolving that it should not be made. If they modify it, it has effect only as modified; if they resolve against it, it is of no effect; and in either case anything previously done under it stands.

The Commission then wishes to settle its own procedure for transacting business. Section 9(2) requires a unanimous decision of the Commissioners, and section 21(2)(b) requires the procedure to be made by regulation, which by section 21(1) needs the previous approval of the Central Government and must not be inconsistent with the Act or with the rules made under section 20. Unanimity inside the Commission and approval outside it.

munotes.in370

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

A difficulty arises in giving effect to some provision of the Act. Section 23 would have allowed the Central Government to remove it by order, but only within two years of commencement, so the power expired in 2005 and the only route now is an amendment.

A question arises about the validity of something the pre-2003 Commission decided. Section 24 answers it: the Commission set up by the Resolution of 11 February 1964 was continued, its actions and decisions are deemed to have been taken by the statutory Commission, its pending proceedings deemed transferred, and its employees, assets and liabilities carried over.

And a party contends that the requirement of the Central Government's approval before an inquiry against a Joint Secretary still applies. It does not. Section 6A was declared invalid in 2014 and section 26(c) of this Act with it, and in 2023 the declaration was held to operate from 11 September 2003, so the requirement never validly existed.

What beginners get wrong

That sections 20 to 27 are formal. Section 25 appoints the Director of Enforcement, section 26 rewrote the law of the Central Bureau of Investigation, and part of section 26 has been struck down.

That the Commission makes its own rules. The Central Government makes the rules under section 20. The Commission makes regulations under section 21, with that Government's previous approval, and they must not be inconsistent with the rules.

That section 6A is still in force. It was declared invalid on 6 May 2014, and section 26(c) of this Act with it.

That the 2021 amendment extended the Director of Enforcement's term to five years. It allows extension up to one year at a time, in public interest, on the Committee's recommendation and for reasons recorded in writing, subject to a total of five years including the initial appointment.

That the Commission was created in 2003. Section 24 continues the Commission set up by the Resolution of 11 February 1964.

Quick revision

s.20 rules by the Central Government. s.21 regulations by the Commission with the previous approval of that Government, not inconsistent with the Act or the rules.

s.22 the s.8(2)(b) notification, the rules and the regulations are laid before each House for thirty days, and both Houses may modify or annul, without prejudice to anything previously done.

s.23 removal of difficulties by order, barred after two years from commencement, every order laid before each House.

s.24 the Commission set up by the Resolution of 11 February 1964 is continued: its decisions deemed the Commission's, proceedings transferred, employees and assets and liabilities carried over.

munotes.in371

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

s.25 the Director of Enforcement is appointed on the recommendation of a Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner with the Vigilance Commissioners and the Secretaries of Home, Personnel and Revenue; not below Additional Secretary; not less than two years; no transfer without the Committee's consent. Act 46 of 2021, w.e.f. 14 November 2021: extension one year at a time, maximum five years in total, in public interest, reasons in writing.

s.26 amended the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946: inserted s.1A; substituted s.4 (superintendence in corruption matters in the Commission, all else in the Central Government, administration in the Director) and inserted ss.4A, 4B, 4C; and inserted s.6A, prior approval for Joint Secretary and above.

Subramanian Swamy v. Director, Central Bureau of Investigation, (2014) 8 SCC 682, five judges, 6 May 2014: s.6A(1) is invalid and violative of article 14, and as a necessary corollary s.26(c) of Act 45 of 2003 to that extent is also declared invalid.

s.27 repeals the Resolution of 4 April 1999 and saves everything done under it and under the Ordinance of 1999.

Test yourself

1. Distinguish the rule-making power under section 20 from the regulation-making power under section 21. Section 20 vests the rule-making power in the Central Government, exercisable by notification in the Official Gazette for carrying out the purposes of the Act, and in particular for the number and conditions of service of the staff under section 7 and any further civil court power to be prescribed under section 11(f). Section 21 vests the regulation-making power in the Commission, but only with the previous approval of the Central Government, and the regulations must not be inconsistent with the Act or with the rules; in particular they may provide for the duties and powers of the Secretary and for the Commission's own procedure under section 9(2). The Commission's power is therefore subordinate in two ways, requiring prior approval and yielding to the rules.

2. What does section 22 require, and how does it differ from the laying of the annual report? Section 22 requires the notification under section 8(2)(b) and every rule and regulation to be laid before each House while in session for a total of thirty days, and empowers both Houses, before the expiry of the session immediately following, to agree in modifying the instrument or in resolving that it should not be made, whereupon it takes effect only as modified or is of no effect, without prejudice to anything previously done under it. The annual report is laid under section 14(3), and Parliament has no power to modify or annul it. The distinction is that section 22 is legislative control over delegated legislation, while section 14(3) is accountability for the exercise of executive functions.

munotes.in372

Rules, Regulations, and the Tail of the Act

3. Explain section 25 and the amendment of 2021. Section 25 provides, notwithstanding the Foreign Exchange Management Act 1999 or any other law, that the Central Government shall appoint the Director of Enforcement on the recommendation of a Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner and consisting also of the Vigilance Commissioners and the Secretaries in charge of Home Affairs, Personnel and Revenue; the Committee is to consider integrity and experience; no one below the rank of Additional Secretary is eligible; the Director holds office for not less than two years; and he may not be transferred without the Committee's previous consent, while appointments above the level of Deputy Director are made on the Committee's recommendation in consultation with him. By Act 46 of 2021, with effect from 14 November 2021, two provisos were inserted allowing the initial period to be extended in public interest, on the Committee's recommendation and for reasons to be recorded in writing, up to one year at a time, subject to a total of five years including the initial appointment.

4. What did section 26 do, and what remains of it? It amended the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 by inserting section 1A, substituting section 4 and inserting sections 4A, 4B and 4C, and by inserting section 6A. The substituted section 4 vested superintendence over the Establishment's Prevention of Corruption Act investigations in the Commission, superintendence in all other matters in the Central Government and administration in the Director; sections 4A to 4C created the selection Committee for the Director, his minimum two-year tenure and the protection against transfer, and the machinery for appointments of Superintendent of Police and above. Section 6A, requiring the Central Government's previous approval before an inquiry or investigation against officers of the level of Joint Secretary and above, was held invalid and violative of article 14 in Subramanian Swamy in 2014, and section 26(c) of this Act was declared invalid to that extent. Everything else in section 26 stands, and it is the statutory foundation of the Central Bureau of Investigation as it exists today.

5. Was the Central Vigilance Commission created by the Act of 2003? No. It was set up by the Resolution of the Government of India in the Ministry of Home Affairs dated 11 February 1964, on the recommendation of the Santhanam Committee, and section 24 of the Act expressly continues it: its actions and decisions are deemed to be those of the statutory Commission, its pending proceedings are deemed transferred, its employees become employees of the Commission on the same terms and its assets and liabilities are transferred. What the Act of 2003 did, following the directions in Vineet Narain and after the Ordinance of 1999 and the Resolution of 4 April 1999 repealed by section 27, was to give an existing executive body a statutory foundation, a fixed tenure, a charged budget and a defined jurisdiction.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in373

Chapter Seventy-Three

The Chief Vigilance Officer

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Every Ministry and every public sector body has an officer whose job is vigilance, who is the Commission's eyes inside a department it cannot enter, and who reports both to the Commission and to the head of the very organisation he is watching.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Chief Vigilance Officer is not created by the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003; the office rests on executive instructions traceable to the Government's Resolution of 11 February 1964 that set up the Commission on the Santhanam Committee's recommendation, and it is the machinery through which the Commission exercises the superintendence over vigilance administration conferred by section 8(1)(h), obtains the reports, returns and statements it calls for under section 18, and receives the material on which it advises under section 17.

Why there has to be such an officer

Chapter 630 established what the Commission is: three people at a headquarters in Delhi, with no police force, no field establishment and no power to enter a Ministry.

Chapter 660 established what it must produce: an annual report to Parliament on vigilance and anti-corruption work across the whole of the Union Government and the public sector.

Between the two there is a gap, and the Chief Vigilance Officer fills it. He is a serving officer of the organisation, ordinarily of a senior rank, designated to handle its vigilance work; and he is, in the Commission's own long-used phrase, an extension of the Commission within the organisation.

The statutory hooks, and they are hooks and not a foundation. The Act never uses the words "Chief Vigilance Officer". What it does is:

section 8(1)(h), superintendence over the vigilance administration of Ministries and public sector bodies, which presupposes that each has one;

section 18, the power to call for reports, returns and statements to exercise general supervision over vigilance and anti-corruption work, which is what the officer supplies;

section 19, consultation before the Government makes vigilance or disciplinary rules, which are the rules the officer administers.

Say this plainly in an answer, because it is the point an examiner is testing. The whole working machinery of vigilance in India sits on executive instructions, and only its supervision sits in a statute. That is the reverse of what a student expects, and it is the reason a Chief Vigilance Officer's position is as weak as the next section shows.

What the office actually does

Preventive vigilance. Studying the procedures of the organisation where corruption is likely: purchase, contract, recruitment, licensing, inspection. Identifying the sensitive posts and having officers rotated out of them. Reviewing rules that leave too much discretion undefined. The Commission has said for decades that this is the larger half of the job and the half that is neglected.

munotes.in374

The Chief Vigilance Officer

Punitive vigilance. Receiving complaints, deciding whether a complaint discloses a vigilance angle, having a preliminary inquiry or investigation made, drafting the charge-sheet, processing the departmental proceeding, and referring the matter to the Commission for advice where the rules require it.

Surveillance and detection. Maintaining the agreed list of officers of doubtful integrity, watching the sensitive areas, and scrutinising the annual property returns that the conduct rules require of every public servant.

Liaison. With the Commission, with the Central Bureau of Investigation, and with the disciplinary authority.

The distinction between a vigilance angle and a mere administrative lapse is where a Chief Vigilance Officer's judgment first bites, and it decides everything downstream. An error of judgment honestly made, however costly, is a departmental matter. An act showing an improper motive, a gratification, or a favour to a person with whom the officer has an interest carries a vigilance angle and starts the machinery in chapter 700.

The weakest joint in the system: dual reporting

The Chief Vigilance Officer reports to two masters.

To the Commission, which supervises vigilance administration under section 8(1)(h), sends him its advice, and expects him to be its officer inside the organisation.

To the head of his own organisation, the Secretary of the Ministry or the Chairman and Managing Director of the public sector undertaking, who is his administrative superior, who writes on his work, who controls his posting, and who is very often the person whose subordinates, and occasionally whose own decisions, are the subject of the vigilance case.

Set the problem out concretely, because that is what makes it an answer rather than a complaint. A Chief Vigilance Officer in a public sector undertaking who recommends a major penalty proceeding against a Director of the same undertaking is asking his own organisation's board to punish one of its own. The Chairman who receives that recommendation is the man on whose report the officer's future depends.

How the system tries to manage it.

Appointment with the Commission's concurrence. Chief Vigilance Officers in the public sector undertakings and in the banks are appointed with the Commission's prior concurrence, and the Commission assesses the candidates for integrity. This takes the choice of the watchdog out of the hands of the watched.

Outside appointment and a fixed tenure. The officer is ordinarily brought in from outside the organisation for a fixed term, so that he has no history in it and no future in it.

The Commission's assessment of his work. The Commission records its own assessment of a Chief Vigilance Officer's performance, which enters his service record beside his organisation's.

munotes.in375

The Chief Vigilance Officer

And what none of that solves. These are administrative arrangements, revisable by the executive at will, resting on no statute, enforceable by nobody. There is no fixed statutory tenure, no bar on premature repatriation, no protection of the kind sections 5 and 6 give the Commissioners themselves. The institution that supervises vigilance has a charged budget and a Supreme Court reference for its removal; the officer who actually does vigilance has neither.

Where the office sits in the chain

Complaint reaches the Chief Vigilance Officer, or is sent down to him by the Commission.

He decides whether there is a vigilance angle. If not, it goes to the administrative side.

If there is, he causes an inquiry or investigation, ordinarily departmental, or the matter goes to the Central Bureau of Investigation if it discloses a criminal offence.

On the report he forms a view and, in the cases the instructions require, refers it to the Commission for first stage advice: chapter 700.

The disciplinary proceeding runs under the Central Civil Services (Classification, Control and Appeal) Rules or the corresponding rules, with the Chief Vigilance Officer processing it.

On the inquiry officer's report the matter goes back to the Commission for second stage advice.

The disciplinary authority passes the order, which may or may not follow the advice. If it does not, section 17(3) requires the reasons to be recorded in writing and communicated to the Commission.

And the whole of it is aggregated by the Commission under section 18 and published under section 14.

A worked example

A complaint reaches a Ministry alleging that a tender was tailored to one bidder.

The Chief Vigilance Officer examines it and finds that the technical specification was altered after the pre-bid conference in a way that only one firm could meet, and that the file carries no reason for the alteration.

Vigilance angle or not? The alteration itself might be an error of judgment. The absence of any recorded reason, together with the fact that it excluded every competitor, gives it a vigilance angle. He proceeds.

He has an investigation made, obtains the file, and finds that the officer who altered the specification had no authority to do so.

He recommends a major penalty proceeding and, the officer being of a level that requires it, refers the case to the Commission for first stage advice. The Commission advises accordingly.

The Secretary of the Ministry disagrees and wants a minor penalty. Section 17(3) requires him to consider the Commission's advice, and the proviso requires him, on disagreeing, to record his reasons in writing and communicate them to the Commission.

Note the position the Chief Vigilance Officer is now in. His recommendation and the Commission's advice are on one side; his own Secretary is on the other; and the Secretary writes his annual report. That is the dual reporting problem in a single file, and it is the honest answer to why the office needs a statutory footing.

munotes.in376

The Chief Vigilance Officer

What beginners get wrong

That the Act creates the office. It does not. The Act supervises a vigilance administration whose units it never names.

That the Chief Vigilance Officer is a Commission employee. He is an officer of his own organisation, designated to do vigilance work, whose appointment in the public sector requires the Commission's concurrence.

That he punishes anybody. He processes; the disciplinary authority decides.

That his function is chiefly punitive. The Commission's own position is that preventive vigilance is the larger part of the job.

That the dual reporting is a theoretical difficulty. It is the practical one, and every serious review of the system since the Santhanam Committee has said so.

Quick revision

Not a statutory office. It rests on executive instructions, traceable to the Resolution of 11 February 1964. The Act's hooks are s.8(1)(h) superintendence over vigilance administration, s.18 reports, returns and statements, and s.19 consultation on vigilance rules.

Functions: preventive vigilance (procedures, sensitive posts, rotation, discretion), punitive vigilance (complaints, inquiries, charge-sheets, references for advice), surveillance and detection (agreed list, property returns), liaison with the Commission and the Central Bureau of Investigation.

The threshold he applies: is there a vigilance angle, that is an improper motive, a gratification or a favour, as against an honest error of judgment?

The weakness: dual reporting. He answers to the Commission and to the head of his own organisation, who controls his posting and writes on his work. Managed by appointment with the Commission's concurrence, an outsider on a fixed term, and the Commission's own assessment of his performance; secured by no statute at all.

Test yourself

1. What is a Chief Vigilance Officer, and on what does the office rest? He is an officer of a Ministry, department or public sector organisation designated to handle its vigilance work, and he functions as an extension of the Central Vigilance Commission within that organisation. The office is not created by the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, which nowhere uses the expression; it rests on executive instructions traceable to the Government Resolution of 11 February 1964 which set up the Commission on the recommendation of the Santhanam Committee. The Act's connection with the office is indirect: section 8(1)(h) gives the Commission superintendence over the vigilance administration of which he is the working unit, section 18 lets the Commission call for the reports, returns and statements he supplies, and section 19 requires consultation before the rules he administers are made.

munotes.in377

The Chief Vigilance Officer

2. Describe his functions. They fall into four groups. Preventive vigilance, which is the examination of the organisation's procedures in the areas where corruption is likely, the identification of sensitive posts and the rotation of officers in them, and the tightening of rules that leave discretion undefined. Punitive vigilance, which is the receipt and examination of complaints, the decision whether a complaint carries a vigilance angle, the causing of inquiries and investigations, the drafting of charge-sheets, the processing of departmental proceedings and the reference of cases to the Commission for advice. Surveillance and detection, which includes maintaining the agreed list of officers of doubtful integrity and scrutinising the property returns required by the conduct rules. And liaison with the Commission, with the Central Bureau of Investigation and with the disciplinary authority.

3. What is meant by a vigilance angle and why does it matter? A vigilance angle exists where the act complained of suggests an improper motive, the acceptance of a gratification, or a favour shown to a person in whom the officer has an interest, as distinct from an honest error of judgment however costly. It matters because it is the threshold decision the Chief Vigilance Officer takes at the outset: a case without a vigilance angle is dealt with on the administrative side, while a case with one enters the vigilance machinery of inquiry, reference to the Commission for advice and departmental proceedings.

4. Explain the problem of dual reporting and how the system attempts to meet it. The Chief Vigilance Officer reports to the Commission, which supervises vigilance administration and sends him its advice, and simultaneously to the head of his own organisation, who is his administrative superior, controls his posting and reports on his work, and whose own subordinates or decisions may be the subject of the case. The conflict is structural. The system meets it by requiring the Commission's prior concurrence to the appointment of Chief Vigilance Officers in public sector undertakings and banks, with the Commission assessing integrity; by bringing the officer in from outside the organisation for a fixed term so that he has neither a past nor a future in it; and by having the Commission record its own assessment of his performance. All three are administrative arrangements resting on no statute and revisable by the executive, and none gives him anything comparable to the fixed tenure and protected removal that sections 5 and 6 give the Commissioners.

5. Why is it significant that the office is not statutory? Because it makes the whole operative layer of vigilance in India a creature of executive instruction while only the supervising layer is statutory. The Commission has a fixed term, a charged budget, a Supreme Court reference for removal and a report laid before Parliament; the officer who receives the complaints, decides the vigilance angle, causes the inquiries and processes the proceedings has none of these, and can be repatriated to his parent organisation without any of the safeguards that make an anti-corruption officer able to act against his own superiors. Any serious proposal to strengthen the system therefore begins with putting the office on a statutory footing, and its absence is a fair criticism to make in an answer on the weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in378

Chapter Seventy-Four

First and Second Stage Advice

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

The Commission is consulted twice in a departmental case, once before the charge-sheet and once before the penalty; and at neither point does what it says bind anybody.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the practice known as first stage and second stage advice is the working form of the Commission's advisory function under sections 8(1)(g) and 17 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003; first stage advice is tendered on the investigation report, before any proceeding is initiated, and tells the disciplinary authority whether to proceed and how; second stage advice is tendered after the inquiry officer has reported, before the penalty is imposed; and by section 17(3) the disciplinary authority must consider the advice and take appropriate action, and where it does not agree must communicate its disagreement to the Commission for reasons to be recorded in writing.

Where the two stages come from

The statute gives the function and not the stages. Section 8(1)(g) empowers the Commission to tender advice, on a reference or otherwise. Section 17(2) requires it, on receipt of an inquiry report made on its reference, to advise as to the further course of action. Section 17(3) obliges the recipient to consider the advice and, on disagreement, to record and communicate reasons.

The two stages are the executive practice built on that foundation, laid down in the Government's vigilance instructions and in the Commission's own manual, and worked every day in every Ministry.

Get the description right in an answer. Do not write that section 17 provides for first and second stage advice; it does not use the words. Write that section 17 is the statutory basis of an advisory function which the vigilance instructions organise into two stages.

First stage advice

When. After the investigation is complete and before any proceeding is initiated. The Chief Vigilance Officer has the investigation report and the departmental comments; the Commission is consulted on what should be done with them.

On what material. The complaint, the investigation report, the comments of the officer's department, the relevant files, and the Chief Vigilance Officer's own recommendation.

What the advice may say. Ordinarily one of:

initiate a major penalty proceeding, and in that case the Commission ordinarily settles the shape of the charge; initiate a minor penalty proceeding; administrative action, such as a warning or a caution, which is not a penalty; closure of the case, where the allegation is not made out; prosecution, where the material discloses a criminal offence, in which case the matter goes to the sanctioning authority and to the investigating agency.

Why the first stage matters more than the second. It is the stage at which a case is either launched or buried, and burying it costs nothing and shows nowhere. The requirement of consulting the Commission before the decision is the only external check on a department's decision to do nothing. An answer that explains this has explained the real function of the whole arrangement.

munotes.in379

First and Second Stage Advice

Second stage advice

When. After the inquiry officer has submitted his report and before the disciplinary authority passes its order, that is before the penalty.

On what material. The inquiry officer's report, the record of the inquiry, the disciplinary authority's tentative view, and the officer's representation where one has been made.

What the advice may say. Whether the charges are held proved on the evidence; and if so, what penalty is appropriate. The Commission may also advise that the inquiry was defective and should be remitted.

The second stage is the quality check. The first stage decides whether the machine starts; the second decides whether what came out of it is sound. In practice a great many second stage advices are about proportion: the department has held a charge proved and proposes a censure where the finding calls for a major penalty, or the reverse.

What happens when the advice is not accepted

Section 17(3) and its proviso are the whole answer, and chapter 670 read them.

The disciplinary authority shall consider the advice and take appropriate action. If it does not agree, it shall, for reasons to be recorded in writing, communicate the same to the Commission.

Three consequences follow, and they are the marks in this question.

The advice does not bind. There is no provision making it binding, no appeal against a departure from it, and no penalty for departing.

The departure must be reasoned and in writing. A disciplinary authority cannot simply not act on the advice. It must form and record a reason and send it to the Commission, and a decision taken without considering the advice at all is liable to be set aside in judicial review for failure to take a relevant consideration into account.

The reason becomes evidence. It goes into the Commission's annual report under section 14, which the President causes to be laid before each House of Parliament under section 14(3). Every year the Commission publishes the count of cases in which its advice was not accepted, and lists them. That is the sanction: not compulsion but publication.

Whether the advice should bind, which is the essay question

The case for making it binding. An advisory body inside a department that does not want a case pursued is an ornament. The Commission sees the case with no interest in its outcome; the disciplinary authority sees a colleague. Every serious review since the Santhanam Committee has noted that non-acceptance clusters in exactly the cases where the officer is senior.

munotes.in380

First and Second Stage Advice

The case against. Discipline is a function of the employer, and the power to punish carries the duty to be satisfied. If the Commission's advice bound the disciplinary authority, the authority that hears would not decide and the authority that decides would not hear, which offends the rule that chapter 190 sets out. The officer proceeded against has no hearing before the Commission. And an order passed in obedience to advice would be an order passed without applying the mind, which is itself a ground of review.

The reconciliation, and it is the answer to write. The present model does not ask the Commission to decide; it asks the disciplinary authority to decide in the open. The obligation to record and communicate reasons, coupled with publication in a report laid before Parliament, is designed to make an unreasoned departure costly rather than impossible. Whether it is costly enough is the real question, and the honest answer is that it is not, because a reason recorded in a file and counted in a table attracts no consequence at all unless somebody in Parliament chooses to raise it. Chapter 900 shows how rarely that happens.

A middle proposal worth naming. That the advice bind unless the disciplinary authority obtains the concurrence of an authority one level higher, so that a departure needs a decision by someone who is not the officer's own superior. That preserves the employer's power and removes the conflict, and it is the shape of the reform chapter 750 recommends.

A worked example

A Chief Vigilance Officer's investigation discloses that a Deputy Secretary passed a bill for work not done.

First stage. The case is referred to the Commission with the investigation report and the department's comments. The Commission advises initiation of a major penalty proceeding and settles the article of charge.

The department disagrees and thinks a minor penalty enough. Section 17(3) obliges it to consider the advice, and the proviso obliges it to record its reasons in writing and communicate them to the Commission. It does so, saying the loss was small. The case is now recorded as one of non-acceptance and will appear in the annual report.

Suppose instead the department accepts. A major penalty proceeding is initiated, an inquiry officer is appointed and holds the inquiry, and reports that the charge is proved.

Second stage. Before the order, the case goes back to the Commission with the inquiry report and the disciplinary authority's tentative view of a censure. The Commission advises that on a proved charge of passing a bill for work not done, a censure is disproportionate and a major penalty is called for.

munotes.in381

First and Second Stage Advice

The disciplinary authority imposes a reduction in rank. That is action on the advice, and the file closes.

Or it imposes a censure anyway. It must record and communicate reasons. The officer punished has his own remedy in appeal and in judicial review; the Commission has none, except the annual report.

What beginners get wrong

That the stages are in the Act. They are executive practice built on sections 8(1)(g) and 17.

That first stage advice is advice on the penalty. It is advice on whether and how to proceed, given before any proceeding starts. Penalty is the second stage.

That the Commission conducts the inquiry. It does not. The inquiry officer does, under the disciplinary rules; the Commission advises on the report.

That non-acceptance is a breach of the Act. It is expressly contemplated by the proviso to section 17(3). What would breach the Act is not considering the advice, or departing from it without recording and communicating reasons.

That the officer proceeded against is heard by the Commission. He is not, which is one of the arguments against making the advice binding.

Quick revision

Statutory basis: s.8(1)(g), tender advice on a reference or otherwise; s.17(2), advise on the further course of action on an inquiry report; s.17(3), the authority shall consider the advice, and on disagreement shall record reasons in writing and communicate them. The Act does not use the words "first stage" or "second stage".

First stage: after investigation, before initiating any proceeding. Options: major penalty proceeding, minor penalty proceeding, administrative action, closure, or prosecution. The only external check on a decision to do nothing.

Second stage: after the inquiry officer's report, before the penalty. Advice on whether the charges are proved and on the appropriate penalty, or on remitting a defective inquiry.

Non-acceptance: permitted, but the reasons must be recorded in writing and communicated to the Commission, and the case is counted and published in the annual report laid before both Houses under s.14.

The debate: binding advice would separate the authority that hears from the authority that decides and would deny the officer a hearing before the body whose view prevails; non-binding advice is only as strong as the cost of publication. The middle course is a departure requiring the concurrence of a higher authority.

Test yourself

1. What is first stage advice and when is it tendered? It is the advice the Commission tenders after the investigation into a complaint is complete and before any disciplinary proceeding is initiated, on the investigation report, the department's comments and the Chief Vigilance Officer's recommendation. It advises whether to proceed and how: by a major penalty proceeding, in which case the Commission ordinarily settles the charge, by a minor penalty proceeding, by administrative action such as a warning, by closure of the case, or by prosecution where the material discloses a criminal offence. Its importance is that it is the only external check on a department's decision to take no action at all, which is the decision that costs nothing and shows nowhere.

munotes.in382

First and Second Stage Advice

2. What is second stage advice? It is the advice tendered after the inquiry officer has submitted his report and before the disciplinary authority passes its order, on the report, the record of the inquiry and the authority's tentative view. It addresses whether the charges are made out on the evidence and, if so, what penalty is appropriate, and it may advise that a defective inquiry be remitted. In practice it functions chiefly as a check on proportion between the finding and the penalty proposed.

3. Is the Commission's advice binding on the disciplinary authority? No. Section 17(3) requires the Central Government and the public sector bodies to consider the advice and take appropriate action, and the proviso expressly contemplates disagreement, requiring only that the disagreement be communicated to the Commission for reasons to be recorded in writing. There is no provision making the advice binding, no appeal from a departure and no penalty for departing. What is compulsory is consideration and, on disagreement, a written reason, and a decision taken without considering the advice is open to judicial review for failure to take account of a relevant consideration.

4. What follows when the advice is not accepted? The disciplinary authority must record its reasons in writing and communicate them to the Commission. The Commission counts the case among the instances of non-acceptance of its advice and publishes it in the annual report it presents to the President under section 14(1), which the President causes to be laid before each House of Parliament under section 14(3). The sanction is therefore disclosure and not compulsion, and the recorded reason is available for scrutiny in Parliament, under the Right to Information Act and in any proceeding in which the departmental decision is challenged.

5. Should the advice of the Central Vigilance Commission be made binding? Discuss. The case for it is that an advisory body has least influence exactly where it is most needed, since non-acceptance clusters in cases against senior officers, and that the disciplinary authority is the officer's own superior and so is not disinterested. The case against it is that discipline is a function of the employer, that a binding advice would separate the authority which decides from the authority which has heard the case, offending the principle that he who decides must hear, that the officer proceeded against is given no hearing before the Commission, and that an order passed merely in obedience to advice is an order passed without applying the mind and is itself reviewable. The present design avoids both by requiring the decision to be taken in the open, with reasons recorded, communicated and published. Its weakness is that publication attracts a consequence only if Parliament acts on it. A middle course, which preserves the employer's power while removing the conflict, is to provide that a departure from the advice requires the concurrence of an authority higher than the officer's own disciplinary authority.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in383

Chapter Seventy-Five

State Vigilance Commissions

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Corruption is investigated by the State police in the States, and every State has built some vigilance machinery of its own, but none of it has the statutory footing the Central Vigilance Commission acquired in 2003, and in Maharashtra the anti-corruption work sits with a police wing while the statutory institution is the Lokayukta.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the label "Vigilance Commissions" is plural because vigilance is not a Union monopoly; by section 17 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 the ordinary investigating officers for corruption offences outside the Delhi Special Police Establishment are officers of the State police of the ranks specified, and by section 63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 every State was required to establish a Lokayukta by a law of its Legislature; the State vigilance commissions and anti-corruption bureaux that operate alongside them rest, like the Central Vigilance Commission before 2003, on executive resolutions and not on statute, and the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 does not extend to them.

Why the plural matters

Chapter 590 read section 1(2) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003: it extends to the whole of India, and the Commission it creates has jurisdiction over Central Government servants and the Central public sector. It has no jurisdiction over a State Government servant, a State public sector undertaking or a municipality.

So a whole tier of Indian administration is outside the Act, and it is the tier a citizen actually meets: the tahsildar, the municipal engineer, the transport office, the State electricity board, the police station.

Who investigates corruption there. Section 17 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 answers it. No police officer below the rank of an Inspector of Police in the case of the Delhi Special Police Establishment, of an Assistant Commissioner of Police in the metropolitan areas of Bombay, Calcutta, Madras and Ahmedabad and in any other notified metropolitan area, and of a Deputy Superintendent of Police or an officer of equivalent rank elsewhere, may investigate an offence under the Act without the order of a Magistrate or make an arrest without a warrant.

Read the section for what it assumes. It assumes that in every State outside the metropolitan areas a Deputy Superintendent of Police is the ordinary investigating officer for corruption. The State police, and not any commission, is the anti-corruption investigating agency in the States, and every State organises those officers into a wing, commonly called an Anti-Corruption Bureau or a Vigilance Department.

What a State vigilance commission is

The pattern follows the Centre's, one step behind. Chapter 570 showed how the Central Vigilance Commission was set up by a Resolution of 11 February 1964 on the Santhanam Committee's recommendation, and remained an executive body for thirty-nine years until the Act of 2003 gave it a statute.

munotes.in384

State Vigilance Commissions

The States did the same thing and mostly stopped there. A State vigilance commission, where one exists, is ordinarily created by a Government Resolution or order, advises the State Government on vigilance and disciplinary matters in the State services, supervises the State's vigilance machinery, and tenders advice on departmental proceedings in the same two stages chapter 700 described.

And this book will not tell you how many States have one, or what any particular State's resolution says, because the resolutions are not in front of it. What can be stated on the material here is the legal position: the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 creates one Commission with a Central jurisdiction; it does not create State commissions, does not require a State to have one, and confers no power on the Commission over a State body. A candidate who states that much accurately and does not invent particulars has done better than one who supplies a confident list.

Where a statutory State institution does exist, it is the Lokayukta. That is the point section 63 of the Lokpal Act 2013 forces: every State shall establish a body to be known as the Lokayukta for the State, if not so established, constituted or appointed, by a law made by the State Legislature, to deal with complaints relating to corruption against certain public functionaries, within a period of one year from the commencement of the Act.

Maharashtra, which is the State MU examines

The statutory institution is the Lokayukta, under the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971, worked in chapters 250 to 270.

Two provisions of that Act belong in this chapter.

Section 7 confines the Lokayukta and the Upa-Lokayuktas to investigating actions of the public servants within their jurisdiction on complaints involving a grievance or an allegation. They are complaint bodies, not supervisors of the State's vigilance administration.

Section 17 allows the Governor, by notification and after consultation with the Lokayukta, to confer additional functions in relation to the redress of grievances and eradication of corruption. It is the section under which the State can widen the institution without amending the Act.

Notice what the 1971 Act does not contain, and it is the answer to a comparison question. There is no equivalent of section 8(1)(a) superintendence over an investigating agency, no equivalent of section 8(1)(h) superintendence over vigilance administration, and no equivalent of section 19 consultation on vigilance rules. The Maharashtra Lokayukta is an ombudsman; it is not a vigilance commission, and the two labels in MU's syllabus are not two names for the same thing.

munotes.in385

State Vigilance Commissions

And the anti-corruption investigation. In Maharashtra it is done by police officers of the ranks section 17 of the Prevention of Corruption Act specifies, organised as the State's Anti-Corruption Bureau, which is a wing of the State police and not a commission. It reports within the State Government's own structure, which is the same conflict, one tier down, that chapter 690 described for the Chief Vigilance Officer and chapter 790 describes for the Central Bureau of Investigation.

And now the currency point chapter 270 established, which must be stated correctly. The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023, published as Mah. XLVI of 2025 after the Governor's assent on 14 November 2025, would replace the 1971 Act. Only sections 1, 3 and 4 have been brought into force, so section 66, its repeal section, has not operated and the 1971 Act still governs. Write the 1971 Act as the law in force and the 2023 Act as the law enacted and not yet commenced.

The comparison to make in an answer

The Central Vigilance Commission supervises vigilance administration, supervises corruption investigations by the Central Bureau of Investigation, advises on departmental proceedings, and is statutory since 2003 with a charged budget and a protected tenure.

A State vigilance commission, where one exists, does the first and third of those for a State, and does so under an executive resolution, without a charged budget or a protected tenure. It is where the Centre was before 2003.

A State Lokayukta does something different again: it takes complaints from citizens against named public functionaries, and reports. It is statutory, and section 63 of the Lokpal Act made it compulsory.

Say the consequence out loud, because it is the examinable point. A State public servant is watched by police officers who belong to the State Government, supervised, if at all, by a commission that the State Government created by order and can abolish by order, and is answerable to a Lokayukta whose findings do not bind. Every safeguard the Union built after Vineet Narain is missing at the tier where most citizens meet the administration.

A worked example

A citizen in Maharashtra alleges that a municipal officer demanded a payment to release a building permission.

The Central Vigilance Commission has nothing to do with it. The officer is not a Central Government servant or an officer of a Central public sector body, so section 8(1)(c), section 8(1)(d) and section 8(2) do not reach him.

Who investigates. Section 17 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 requires an officer not below the rank of a Deputy Superintendent of Police or equivalent outside the metropolitan areas, and not below an Assistant Commissioner of Police in the metropolitan area of Bombay, and that officer belongs to the State police.

munotes.in386

State Vigilance Commissions

The statutory complaint body. The Maharashtra Lokayukta under the 1971 Act, which investigates on a complaint involving a grievance or an allegation and reports under section 12.

The Lokpal. Not available: chapter 100 read section 14, and its jurisdiction runs to public servants under the Union, not to a municipal officer of a State.

Now suppose the same officer is on deputation to a Central public sector undertaking. He then falls within section 8(2)(b) of the 2003 Act as an officer of a notified level in a body owned or controlled by the Central Government, and the Commission's clause (d) jurisdiction opens. The tier of government, not the person, decides which machinery applies, and that is the sentence to write.

What beginners get wrong

That the Central Vigilance Commission supervises State vigilance. It does not. Its jurisdiction is Central.

That a State Lokayukta is a State vigilance commission. The Lokayukta is a complaint and investigation body created by statute; a vigilance commission is a supervisory and advisory body ordinarily created by resolution. The Maharashtra Act of 1971 contains no superintendence power at all.

That the Anti-Corruption Bureau is an independent commission. It is a wing of the State police, staffed by officers of the ranks section 17 of the Prevention of Corruption Act specifies.

That section 63 of the Lokpal Act created State vigilance commissions. It required every State to establish a Lokayukta by a law made by the State Legislature within one year.

That the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023 is in force. Only sections 1, 3 and 4 are, so the 1971 Act still governs.

Quick revision

Why plural: the 2003 Act's jurisdiction is Central; the State tier is outside it altogether.

Who investigates in the States: s.17 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, an officer not below an Assistant Commissioner of Police in the metropolitan areas of Bombay, Calcutta, Madras and Ahmedabad and any other notified metropolitan area, and not below a Deputy Superintendent of Police or equivalent elsewhere; that is the State police, organised as an Anti-Corruption Bureau.

State vigilance commissions: ordinarily created by Government Resolution, advisory and supervisory within the State, no statute, no charged budget, no protected tenure. Where the Centre stood before 2003.

s.63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013: every State shall establish a Lokayukta by a law made by the State Legislature within one year.

Maharashtra: the Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 governs; s.7 confines it to complaints involving a grievance or an allegation and s.17 lets the Governor confer additional functions after consulting the Lokayukta. No superintendence power, so it is an ombudsman and not a vigilance commission. The Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023, Mah. XLVI of 2025, has only ss.1, 3 and 4 in force, so s.66 has not repealed the 1971 Act.

munotes.in387

State Vigilance Commissions

Test yourself

1. Why does the syllabus label speak of Vigilance Commissions in the plural? Because vigilance in India is not a Union monopoly. The Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 creates a single Commission whose jurisdiction under sections 8(1) and 8(2) runs to Central Government servants and to corporations, Government companies, societies and local authorities owned or controlled by the Central Government. State Government servants, State public sector undertakings and local bodies are outside it. Vigilance at that tier is done by State machinery, and a book that taught only the Central Commission would have answered half the label.

2. Who investigates corruption offences in a State? Police officers of the State, of the ranks fixed by section 17 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988: not below an Assistant Commissioner of Police in the metropolitan areas of Bombay, Calcutta, Madras and Ahmedabad and in any other area notified as metropolitan under section 8(1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, and not below a Deputy Superintendent of Police or an officer of equivalent rank elsewhere, no lower officer being competent to investigate without a Magistrate's order or to arrest without a warrant. Those officers are ordinarily organised into a State Anti-Corruption Bureau or vigilance department, which is a wing of the State police and not an independent commission.

3. How does a State vigilance commission differ from the Central Vigilance Commission? In its foundation and therefore in its strength. The Central Commission has been statutory since 2003, with a selection Committee under section 4, a fixed term under section 5, removal only on a Supreme Court reference under section 6, expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund under section 13 and an annual report laid before Parliament under section 14. A State vigilance commission, where one exists, is ordinarily created by a Government Resolution or order, has no statutory tenure, no charged budget and no laying requirement, and can be reconstituted or abolished by the same executive that created it. Its position corresponds to that of the Central Commission between 1964 and 2003.

4. Is the Maharashtra Lokayukta a vigilance commission? No. Under the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971 it investigates the actions of public servants within its jurisdiction on complaints involving a grievance or an allegation and reports under section 12, and section 17 allows the Governor to confer additional functions relating to the redress of grievances and the eradication of corruption after consulting the Lokayukta. The Act contains nothing corresponding to section 8(1)(a) or section 8(1)(h) of the Central Act, so the Lokayukta neither supervises an investigating agency nor superintends the State's vigilance administration, and it is not consulted on the making of vigilance or disciplinary rules. It is an ombudsman, and the two labels in the syllabus name two different institutions.

munotes.in388

State Vigilance Commissions

5. What does section 63 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 require of the States, and what does it not? It requires every State, within one year of the commencement of the Act, to establish by a law made by the State Legislature a body to be known as the Lokayukta for the State, to deal with complaints relating to corruption against certain public functionaries, if such a body has not already been established, constituted or appointed. It prescribes neither the composition, nor the jurisdiction, nor the powers of that body, and it says nothing about State vigilance commissions, anti-corruption bureaux or the supervision of State vigilance administration. The result is that the State tier has a compulsory ombudsman of the State Legislature's own design and no compulsory vigilance commission at all.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in389

Chapter Seventy-Six

The Commission and the Lokpal

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Two anti-corruption institutions look at the same public servants; the Lokpal reaches upward to Ministers and Members of Parliament where the Commission cannot go, the Commission reaches down into the services where the Lokpal cannot cope, and since 2014 the Lokpal must send the services back down to the Commission.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the jurisdiction of the Lokpal under section 14 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 extends to the Prime Minister with the safeguards in the proviso, to Ministers of the Union, to members of either House of Parliament, to Group A, B, C and D officers serving in connection with the affairs of the Union and to office holders in bodies financed or controlled by the Central Government, while the jurisdiction of the Central Vigilance Commission under section 8 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 extends to All-India Service officers serving under the Union, Group A officers and notified levels of officers in the Central public sector; the two overlap over the services, and the overlap is managed by the first proviso to section 20(1) of the Lokpal Act, which obliges the Lokpal to refer complaints against Group A, B, C and D public servants to the Commission for preliminary inquiry, and by sections 8A, 8B and 11A of the 2003 Act, which tell the Commission what to do with them.

The two jurisdictions, laid side by side

What only the Lokpal can reach.

The Prime Minister, under section 14(1)(a), subject to the proviso: no inquiry in so far as the allegation relates to international relations, external and internal security, public order, atomic energy and space; and no inquiry unless a full bench consisting of the Chairperson and all Members considers its initiation and at least two-thirds of the Members approve; and any such inquiry is held in camera, with the records not published if the complaint is dismissed.

Ministers of the Union, under section 14(1)(b). Members of either House of Parliament, under section 14(1)(c).

None of these is within the Commission's jurisdiction at all. Section 8(2) of the 2003 Act names All-India Service officers serving under the Union, Group 'A' officers of the Central Government, and notified levels of public sector officers. A Minister is not a Government servant and no clause of section 8(2) touches him. That single fact is the most important difference between the two institutions, and chapter 90 explained why: the Lokpal exists because the machinery of 1964 could not reach the political executive.

What both can reach. The services. Section 14(1)(d) and (e) of the Lokpal Act cover Group A, B, C and D officers serving in connection with the affairs of the Union, and section 14(1)(f) covers office holders in the bodies it names. Section 8(1)(d) with section 8(2) of the 2003 Act covers All-India Services under the Union and Group 'A', and notified public sector levels.

munotes.in390

The Commission and the Lokpal

What only the Commission can do. Everything that is not a complaint against a person: superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment's corruption investigations under section 8(1)(a), superintendence over vigilance administration under section 8(1)(h), review of pending sanction applications under section 8(1)(f), advice on departmental proceedings under section 17, consultation on vigilance rules under section 19, and the whole of chapters 690 and 700.

Write this as the organising sentence of the answer. The Lokpal is a complaint body with a political jurisdiction. The Commission is a supervisory and advisory body with an administrative jurisdiction. They meet over the services, and only there.

How the overlap is managed

The referral, and it is mandatory. The first proviso to section 20(1) of the Lokpal Act: the Lokpal, if it has decided to proceed with the preliminary inquiry, shall, by a general or special order, refer the complaints or a category of complaints or a complaint received by it in respect of public servants belonging to Group A or Group B or Group C or Group D to the Central Vigilance Commission.

The return, and it splits. The second proviso: for Group A and Group B, the Commission submits its report to the Lokpal under sections 20(2) and 20(4); for Group C and Group D, the Commission proceeds in accordance with the 2003 Act, which is sections 8A and 8B, worked in chapter 640.

The enabling amendments. The same Act of 2013 inserted section 8(2)(c) into the 2003 Act, so that on a Lokpal reference the Commission's clause (d) jurisdiction extends to Groups B, C and D as well, which it otherwise does not; and inserted sections 8A, 8B and 11A, giving the Commission the procedure, the timetable and the Director of Inquiry for that work.

So the relationship is not a boundary line but a pipe. Complaints against the services enter at the Lokpal and are piped down to the Commission. The seniors come back up; the juniors are finished below. Parliament's design was that one institution should receive the complaints and the other should do the inquiry work, and it amended both statutes on the same day to make that work.

Where the design is criticised

The Lokpal became a post office for the services. Section 20(1) says the Lokpal may order a preliminary inquiry by its Inquiry Wing or any agency; the first proviso then says that having decided to proceed it shall refer service complaints to the Commission. Since the great majority of complaints against public servants are against the services, the practical effect is that the Lokpal's own Inquiry Wing under section 11 handles the small minority, and the Commission does the volume.

munotes.in391

The Commission and the Lokpal

The Commission gained work without gaining strength. Chapter 640 noted that the Director of Inquiry under section 11A is appointed by the Central Government, and chapter 620 that the Commission does not control its own staffing under section 7. It received a statutory duty to inquire on the Lokpal's references and no corresponding control over the means.

And the two are differently protected. The Lokpal's Chairperson and Members have five years or seventy under section 6, removal under section 37 on a reference that one hundred Members of Parliament or a citizen's petition can start, an Inquiry Wing of its own under section 11 and a Prosecution Wing under section 12. The Commission has four years or sixty-five, removal on a reference the President alone can make, no wing of its own and no prosecution arm outside section 8B(3). The junior institution in the pipeline is the better protected one, and the volume of the work sits with the weaker.

The one thing the Commission has that the Lokpal does not

Section 25 of the 2003 Act. Chapter 680 read it: the Director of Enforcement is appointed on the recommendation of a Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner. And section 26 of the same Act put the superintendence of the Delhi Special Police Establishment's corruption investigations in the Commission.

So the Commission sits above the two Union investigating agencies and the Lokpal does not. Section 25 of the Lokpal Act allows the Lokpal to give direction and control to an agency, including the Delhi Special Police Establishment, in respect of cases referred by it, and the agency must report back to it; but that is case-specific, and the general superintendence remains with the Commission under section 4(1) of the 1946 Act.

Which produces the oddity worth naming in an answer. In a case referred by the Lokpal, the agency answers to the Lokpal. In every other corruption case it answers to the Commission. The Central Bureau of Investigation therefore has two supervisors, and which one applies depends on how the case arrived.

A worked example

A complaint alleges that a Union Minister took a payment to influence the award of a contract, and that the Joint Secretary and a Section Officer in the Ministry executed it.

The Minister. Only the Lokpal can inquire: section 14(1)(b). The Commission has no jurisdiction over him at any stage.

munotes.in392

The Commission and the Lokpal

The Joint Secretary. He is a Group 'A' officer, so both bodies have jurisdiction. The complaint is before the Lokpal, and having decided to proceed with a preliminary inquiry it must refer it to the Commission under the first proviso to section 20(1). The Commission inquires through the Director of Inquiry under section 11A within the ninety days of section 8A(2), and reports back to the Lokpal under the second proviso, because he is Group A.

The Section Officer. He is Group C, ordinarily outside the Commission's jurisdiction altogether, but section 8(2)(c) brings him in on this reference. The Commission inquires; and because he is Group C it does not report to the Lokpal but proceeds itself under section 8A, and may cause an investigation under section 8B, ending in its own decision on a charge-sheet or closure report before the Special Court.

Three officers, one incident, three routes, and the differences are of tier and not of gravity. That is the point to make in the closing paragraph of an answer.

Now suppose the same allegation had come to the Commission directly, without a Lokpal complaint. It could inquire into the Joint Secretary under section 8(1)(d) with section 8(2)(a). It could not touch the Section Officer, because section 8(2)(c) operates only on a reference made by the Lokpal. And it could not touch the Minister at all.

What beginners get wrong

That the Lokpal replaced the Commission. It did not. The Act of 2013 amended the Act of 2003 and gave the Commission more work.

That the two have concurrent jurisdiction over everybody. They overlap only over the services. The political executive is the Lokpal's alone; vigilance supervision, advice and the agencies are the Commission's alone.

That the Lokpal may keep a service complaint. The first proviso to section 20(1) says shall refer, once it has decided to proceed with a preliminary inquiry.

That the Commission reports to the Lokpal in every referred case. Only for Group A and Group B. Group C and D stay with it.

That the Lokpal supervises the Central Bureau of Investigation. It directs and controls the agency in cases it has referred, under section 25 of its Act. The general superintendence in corruption matters is the Commission's, under section 4(1) of the 1946 Act as substituted by section 26 of the 2003 Act.

Quick revision

Only the Lokpal: the Prime Minister ( excluding international relations, external and internal security, public order, atomic energy and space; full bench and two-thirds approval; in camera; records not published if dismissed), Ministers of the Union, members of either House.

Both: the services, Groups A to D under s.14(1)(d) and (e) of the Lokpal Act; All-India Services under the Union, Group 'A' and notified public sector levels under s.8(2) of the 2003 Act.

munotes.in393

The Commission and the Lokpal

Only the Commission: superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment's corruption investigations, superintendence over vigilance administration, review of sanction pendency, advice in departmental proceedings, consultation on vigilance rules, the Chief Vigilance Officer system, and the appointment Committee for the Director of Enforcement under s.25.

The pipe: first proviso to s.20(1), the Lokpal shall refer service complaints to the Commission; second proviso, A and B come back up, C and D stay down under ss.8A and 8B; s.8(2)(c) widens the Commission's jurisdiction for the referred case; s.11A gives it a Director of Inquiry.

The criticism: the volume of service complaints sits with the less protected institution, which does not control its own inquiry staff.

Test yourself

1. Compare the jurisdiction of the Lokpal with that of the Central Vigilance Commission. The Lokpal's jurisdiction under section 14 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 covers the Prime Minister, subject to the exclusions and the full bench and two-thirds approval required by the proviso, Ministers of the Union, members of either House of Parliament, Group A, B, C and D officers serving in connection with the affairs of the Union, and office holders in the bodies described in clause (f). The Commission's jurisdiction to inquire under section 8(1)(d) with section 8(2) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 covers members of the All-India Services serving in connection with the affairs of the Union, Group 'A' officers of the Central Government, and notified levels in Central public sector bodies, with Groups B, C and D added only on a Lokpal reference. The political executive is therefore exclusive to the Lokpal, the services are shared, and the Commission's supervisory, advisory and rule-consultation functions have no counterpart in the Lokpal Act.

2. How is the overlap between the two managed? By the first proviso to section 20(1) of the Lokpal Act, which obliges the Lokpal, once it has decided to proceed with a preliminary inquiry, to refer complaints against public servants of Groups A, B, C and D to the Commission by a general or special order; and by the second proviso, which requires the Commission to report to the Lokpal in the case of Group A and Group B and to proceed under its own Act in the case of Group C and Group D. To make this work the Lokpal Act inserted section 8(2)(c) into the 2003 Act, extending the Commission's inquiry jurisdiction to Groups B, C and D on such a reference, and inserted sections 8A, 8B and 11A giving the Commission the procedure, the timetable and a Director of Inquiry.

munotes.in394

The Commission and the Lokpal

3. Criticise the arrangement. Three criticisms are available. First, the referral is mandatory and the services constitute the great bulk of complaints, so the Lokpal's own Inquiry Wing under section 11 does comparatively little and the Commission does the volume, which makes the Lokpal something close to a post office for service complaints. Second, the Commission received the duty without the means: the Director of Inquiry under section 11A is appointed by the Central Government, and the Commission's staff strength is fixed by rules that Government makes under section 7. Third, the protections are inverted. The Lokpal's Chairperson and Members have a longer term, a removal process that a hundred Members of Parliament or a citizen's petition can set in motion, an Inquiry Wing and a Prosecution Wing of their own; the Commission has a shorter term, removal on a reference the President alone can make, and no wing of its own. The heavier work sits with the weaker institution.

4. Which of the two supervises the Central Bureau of Investigation? Ordinarily the Commission. Section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, as substituted by section 26 of the 2003 Act, vests the superintendence of the Establishment, so far as it relates to investigation of offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, in the Commission, and section 8(1)(a) and (b) of the 2003 Act confer the corresponding functions on it. But in a case referred by the Lokpal, section 25 of the Lokpal Act gives the Lokpal direction and control over the agency for that case and requires it to report back. The agency therefore has two supervisors, and which applies depends on the route by which the case came to it.

5. Did the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 weaken the Central Vigilance Commission? It did not weaken its powers and it did not strengthen its position. The Act enlarged the Commission's inquiry jurisdiction by inserting section 8(2)(c), gave it a statutory procedure and timetable in sections 8A and 8B, gave it for the first time a power to decide on a charge-sheet or closure report before the Special Court in section 8B(3)(a), and gave it a Director of Inquiry in section 11A. What it did not do was give the Commission any greater control over its own staff, any longer tenure, any wider removal safeguard, or any share in the political jurisdiction it reserved to the Lokpal. The net result is a Commission doing more work from the same institutional position, which is a fair way to state the effect in an answer.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in395

Chapter Seventy-Seven

What Corruption Is in Law

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

The Act the whole vigilance machinery enforces: it defines a public servant very widely, defines corruption as an undue advantage, punishes the taker, punishes the giver in his own right since 2018, and punishes the company that gives.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 extends to the whole of India and applies also to all citizens of India outside India; section 2(c) defines a public servant in nine sub-clauses; section 2(d), inserted in 2018, defines undue advantage as any gratification whatever other than legal remuneration; section 7 punishes a public servant who obtains, accepts or attempts to obtain an undue advantage with the intention of performing a public duty improperly or as a reward for doing so; section 8 punishes the person who gives or promises an undue advantage; section 9 punishes a commercial organisation whose associated person bribes for its business; section 10 punishes the director, manager, secretary or officer with whose consent or connivance the organisation's offence was committed; section 11 punishes a public servant who obtains a valuable thing without consideration from a person concerned in a proceeding before him; and section 12 punishes abetment whether or not the offence is committed.

Section 1: extent

The Act extends to the whole of India and applies also to all citizens of India outside India.

The words "except the State of Jammu and Kashmir" were omitted by Act 34 of 2019, section 95 and the Fifth Schedule, with effect from 31 October 2019. That is the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, and the omission is a small currency point worth carrying.

Section 2(c): who is a public servant

The definition has nine sub-clauses, and its width is the point:

(i) any person in the service or pay of the Government, or remunerated by fees or commission for the performance of any public duty; (ii) any person in the service or pay of a local authority; (iii) any person in the service or pay of a corporation established by or under a Central, Provincial or State Act, or an authority or body owned or controlled or aided by the Government, or a Government company; (iv) any Judge, including any person empowered by law to discharge adjudicatory functions; (v) any person authorised by a court of justice to perform a duty connected with the administration of justice, including a liquidator, receiver or commissioner; (vi) any arbitrator or other person to whom a cause has been referred for decision or report by a court or a competent public authority; (vii) any person holding an office by virtue of which he prepares, publishes, maintains or revises an electoral roll or conducts an election or part of one; (viii) any person holding an office by virtue of which he is authorised or required to perform any public duty; (ix) any president, secretary or other office-bearer of a registered co-operative society engaged in agriculture, industry, trade or banking which receives or has received financial aid from Government.

munotes.in396

What Corruption Is in Law

Explanation 1. Persons falling under any of the sub-clauses are public servants whether appointed by the Government or not.

Explanation 2. Wherever the words public servant occur, they are to be understood of every person in actual possession of the situation of a public servant, whatever legal defect there may be in his appointment.

Section 2(b): public duty means a duty in the discharge of which the State, the public or the community at large has an interest; and the Explanation says "State" includes a corporation established by or under a Central, Provincial or State Act, an authority or body owned or controlled or aided by the Government, or a Government company.

Sub-clause (viii) read with section 2(b) is the sweep-up, and it is the clause to cite when the person does not obviously fit. Anyone who holds an office by virtue of which he is authorised or required to perform a duty in which the public has an interest is a public servant, whether or not he draws Government pay.

And this is where chapter 1100 connects. P.V. Narasimha Rao v. State (CBI/SPE), (1998) 4 SCC 626, held a Member of Parliament to be a public servant under section 2(c), while holding by a majority that article 105(2) barred prosecution of one who voted after taking a bribe. The first half survives; the second was overruled by seven judges in Sita Soren v. Union of India, 2024 INSC 161, on 4 March 2024. Chapter 1100 works it.

Section 2(d): undue advantage, the 2018 word

"Undue advantage" means any gratification whatever, other than legal remuneration.

Explanation (a). The word gratification is not limited to pecuniary gratifications or to gratifications estimable in money.

Explanation (b). The expression legal remuneration is not restricted to remuneration paid to a public servant, but includes all remuneration which he is permitted by the Government or the organisation which he serves to receive.

Two consequences that decide problems.

A bribe need not be money. A job for a relative, a seat in a college, a favour of any kind is a gratification, because the Explanation removes the money limitation expressly.

A payment the rules allow is not an undue advantage, however large, because legal remuneration covers everything the Government or the organisation permits him to receive.

munotes.in397

What Corruption Is in Law

Section 7: the taker

Any public servant who:

(a) obtains or accepts or attempts to obtain from any person an undue advantage, with the intention to perform or cause performance of public duty improperly or dishonestly, or to forbear or cause forbearance to perform such duty, by himself or by another public servant; or

(b) obtains or accepts or attempts to obtain an undue advantage as a reward for the improper or dishonest performance of a public duty or for forbearing to perform it, by himself or another public servant; or

(c) performs or induces another public servant to perform improperly or dishonestly a public duty, or to forbear performance, in anticipation of or in consequence of accepting an undue advantage,

shall be punishable with imprisonment for not less than three years, which may extend to seven years, and shall also be liable to fine.

Explanation 1, and it answers the commonest question set on this Act. The obtaining, accepting or attempting to obtain an undue advantage shall itself constitute an offence even if the performance of a public duty by the public servant is not or has not been improper.

The Act's own illustration. A public servant "S" asks a person "P" to give him five thousand rupees to process his routine ration card application on time. "S" is guilty of an offence under this section.

Learn the illustration; it is in the statute and it disposes of the standard defence. "I only did what he was entitled to, and I did it properly" is no answer. Taking money for doing what you were bound to do anyway is the offence.

Explanation 2 extends "obtains", "accepts" and "attempts to obtain" to cases where the public servant obtains the advantage for himself or for another person, by abusing his position, by using his personal influence over another public servant, or by any other corrupt or illegal means; and makes it immaterial whether he acts directly or through a third party.

Section 8: the giver, and the 2018 change

Section 8(1). Any person who gives or promises to give an undue advantage to another person or persons, with intention (i) to induce a public servant to perform improperly a public duty, or (ii) to reward such public servant for the improper performance of public duty, shall be punishable with imprisonment up to seven years, or with fine, or with both.

First proviso: compulsion. The section shall not apply where a person is compelled to give such undue advantage.

Second proviso: the seven day report. The person so compelled shall report the matter to the law enforcement authority or investigating agency within seven days from the date of giving such undue advantage.

munotes.in398

What Corruption Is in Law

Third proviso. Where the offence is committed by a commercial organisation, it shall be punishable with fine.

Illustration. "P" gives a public servant "S" ten thousand rupees to ensure that he is granted a licence over all the other bidders. "P" is guilty.

Explanation. It is immaterial whether the person to whom the advantage is given is the same person who is to perform the public duty, and immaterial whether it is given directly or through a third party.

Section 8(2): the trap-case exception. Nothing in sub-section (1) applies to a person who, after informing a law enforcement authority or investigating agency, gives or promises an undue advantage in order to assist that authority in its investigation of the offence.

This is the change of 2018 that every answer must record. Before the amendment the bribe-giver was punished chiefly as an abettor under the old section 12. Since 26 July 2018 giving is an offence in its own right under section 8, with its own punishment.

And the compulsion proviso is the counterweight, so state the two together. A citizen who is squeezed for a bribe is not made a criminal, provided he was compelled and provided he reports within seven days. The condition is real: the protection depends on the report, and a person who pays and stays silent loses it.

Sections 9 and 10: the company and its officers

Section 9(1). Where an offence under the Act has been committed by a commercial organisation, it is punishable with fine if a person associated with it gives or promises an undue advantage to a public servant intending (a) to obtain or retain business for it, or (b) to obtain or retain an advantage in the conduct of business for it.

The proviso, and it is the compliance defence. It is a defence for the organisation to prove that it had in place adequate procedures in compliance of such guidelines as may be prescribed to prevent persons associated with it from undertaking such conduct.

Section 9(2). A person is said to give or promise an undue advantage if he is alleged to have committed the offence under section 8, whether or not he has been prosecuted for it.

Section 9(3)(a) defines a commercial organisation to include a body incorporated in India carrying on business in India or outside; a body incorporated outside India carrying on business or part of a business in India; a partnership firm or association of persons formed in India carrying on business anywhere; and any other partnership or association formed outside India carrying on business in India.

Section 10. Where an offence under section 9 is committed by a commercial organisation and is proved to have been committed with the consent or connivance of any director, manager, secretary or other officer, that person is guilty and punishable with imprisonment not less than three years, up to seven years, and fine. The Explanation provides that "director", in relation to a firm, means a partner.

munotes.in399

What Corruption Is in Law

Sections 9 and 10 are the corporate half of the 2018 amendment, and they matter to this paper for a reason beyond corruption law. Chapter 630 established that the Commission's jurisdiction reaches corporations, Government companies, societies and local authorities owned or controlled by the Central Government. Sections 9 and 10 reach the private company on the other side of the transaction, which no vigilance machinery in this syllabus touches. Corruption has two sides and only one of them has a Chief Vigilance Officer.

Sections 11 and 12

Section 11. A public servant who accepts or obtains or attempts to obtain, for himself or any other person, any undue advantage without consideration, or for a consideration he knows to be inadequate, from a person he knows to have been, to be, or to be likely to be concerned in any proceeding or business transacted or about to be transacted by him, or having any connection with the official functions or public duty of himself or of a public servant to whom he is subordinate, or from a person he knows to be interested in or related to the person so concerned, is punishable with imprisonment not less than six months, up to five years, and fine.

Section 11 needs no bargain and no improper act. There is no requirement of a quid pro quo, no requirement that the public servant did anything improper, and no requirement of a demand. The gift itself, from a person with business before him, is the offence. It is the section that catches the wedding present from a contractor, and the reason the conduct rules require every public servant to declare gifts.

Three words in section 11 were changed in 2018: "valuable thing" became "undue advantage", "or agrees to accept" was omitted, and "official functions" became "official functions or public duty", all by Act 16 of 2018, section 5, with effect from 26 July 2018.

Section 12: abetment. Whoever abets any offence punishable under the Act, whether or not that offence is committed in consequence of that abetment, is punishable with imprisonment not less than three years, up to seven years, and fine. Section 12 was substituted by Act 16 of 2018, section 6.

Note the words "whether or not that offence is committed". Abetment under this Act is complete on the abetment, which is a departure from the ordinary rule that the punishment for abetment follows the offence.

munotes.in400

What Corruption Is in Law

A worked example

A contractor wants a running bill cleared.

He pays the dealing clerk five thousand rupees to move the file, and the bill was in every respect payable. The clerk is guilty under section 7, and Explanation 1 with the statutory illustration disposes of the defence that nothing improper was done. The contractor is guilty under section 8(1), unless he was compelled and reported within seven days.

He instead sends a television set to the Executive Engineer's house at Diwali, asking for nothing. No bargain, so section 7 is difficult. Section 11 fits exactly: an undue advantage without consideration, from a person the officer knows to be concerned in business transacted by him. And a television is a gratification, because the Explanation to section 2(d) says a gratification is not limited to pecuniary gratifications.

The payment was made by the contractor's firm, a private limited company, to obtain the contract. The company is liable under section 9(1), punishable with fine, unless it proves it had adequate procedures in compliance with the prescribed guidelines. If the payment was made with the consent or connivance of its managing director, he is guilty under section 10 and faces three to seven years.

A junior officer merely advised the contractor whom to approach, and the payment never happened. Section 12: abetment is punishable whether or not the offence is committed in consequence.

And the officer's salary and the dearness allowance he draws? Not an undue advantage at all, because legal remuneration includes all remuneration which the Government or the organisation permits him to receive.

What beginners get wrong

That the pre-2018 sections are the law. Sections 7 to 12 were substituted by Act 16 of 2018 with effect from 26 July 2018. Answers written from an old summary describe repealed text.

That a bribe must be money. Explanation (a) to section 2(d) says a gratification is not limited to pecuniary gratifications or to those estimable in money.

That taking money for doing a proper act is no offence. Explanation 1 to section 7 and the statutory illustration say it is.

That the bribe-giver is only an abettor. Since 2018 he commits an offence in his own right under section 8.

That a person compelled to pay is automatically safe. The first proviso protects him only if compelled; the second requires him to report within seven days.

That section 11 needs a bargain. It does not: an undue advantage without consideration from a person with business before the officer is enough.

munotes.in401

What Corruption Is in Law

Quick revision

s.1: whole of India, and applies to all citizens of India outside India. The Jammu and Kashmir exception was omitted w.e.f. 31 October 2019.

s.2(b) public duty: a duty in which the State, the public or the community at large has an interest. s.2(c) public servant: nine sub-clauses, (viii) the sweep-up, anyone holding an office by virtue of which he must perform a public duty; Explanation 2, actual possession of the situation, whatever the legal defect in his appointment.

s.2(d) undue advantage = any gratification whatever, other than legal remuneration; gratification not limited to money; legal remuneration = everything the Government or the organisation permits him to receive.

s.7 the taker: obtains, accepts or attempts to obtain, with intent to act improperly, as a reward, or acts improperly in anticipation or in consequence. Three to seven years and fine. Explanation 1: an offence even if the performance was not improper; illustration, five thousand rupees to process a routine ration card.

s.8 the giver: gives or promises, to induce or to reward improper performance. Up to seven years or fine or both. Not applicable where compelled, provided the payer reports within seven days; s.8(2) exempts a person assisting an investigation after informing the authority.

s.9 the commercial organisation, punishable with fine; defence of adequate procedures per prescribed guidelines. s.10 the director, manager, secretary or officer with whose consent or connivance, three to seven years and fine.

s.11 an undue advantage without consideration from a person concerned in a proceeding or business before him: six months to five years and fine, no bargain and no improper act needed.

s.12 abetment, whether or not the offence is committed: three to seven years and fine.

Test yourself

1. Who is a public servant under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988? Section 2(c) defines the expression in nine sub-clauses covering persons in the service or pay of the Government or remunerated by it by fees or commission for a public duty, persons in the service or pay of a local authority, persons in the service or pay of a corporation established by or under a Central, Provincial or State Act or of an authority or body owned, controlled or aided by Government or of a Government company, Judges and persons empowered to discharge adjudicatory functions, persons authorised by a court to perform duties in the administration of justice including liquidators, receivers and commissioners, arbitrators and persons to whom a matter has been referred by a court or competent public authority, persons holding electoral roll or election offices, persons holding an office by virtue of which they are authorised or required to perform any public duty, and office bearers of registered co-operative societies receiving Government financial aid. Explanation 1 makes it immaterial whether the person was appointed by the Government, and Explanation 2 applies the expression to anyone in actual possession of the situation whatever the legal defect in his appointment.

munotes.in402

What Corruption Is in Law

2. What is an undue advantage? By section 2(d), inserted by Act 16 of 2018, it means any gratification whatever other than legal remuneration. The Explanation provides that gratification is not limited to pecuniary gratifications or to gratifications estimable in money, so a favour, a job for a relative or any other benefit qualifies; and that legal remuneration is not restricted to what is paid to the public servant but includes all remuneration which he is permitted by the Government or by the organisation he serves to receive, so nothing the rules allow can be an undue advantage.

3. Is it an offence for a public servant to take money for doing something he was bound to do properly? Yes. Explanation 1 to section 7 provides that the obtaining, accepting or attempting to obtain an undue advantage shall itself constitute an offence even if the performance of a public duty by the public servant is not or has not been improper, and the illustration to the section puts a public servant asking five thousand rupees to process a routine ration card application on time and says he is guilty. The offence lies in taking for the doing, not in the doing being wrong.

4. What did the amendment of 2018 change about the liability of the bribe-giver? Before 26 July 2018 the giver was ordinarily prosecuted as an abettor. Act 16 of 2018 substituted section 8 to make giving or promising to give an undue advantage, with intent to induce or reward improper performance of a public duty, an offence in its own right punishable with imprisonment up to seven years or fine or both, added sections 9 and 10 to make a commercial organisation liable to fine and its consenting or conniving director, manager, secretary or officer liable to three to seven years, and provided in the first and second provisos to section 8 that the section does not apply to a person compelled to give the advantage who reports the matter to the law enforcement authority or investigating agency within seven days, and in section 8(2) that it does not apply to a person who, after informing such an authority, gives an advantage to assist its investigation.

5. Distinguish section 7 from section 11. Section 7 requires a connection between the advantage and the performance of a public duty: the advantage is obtained with the intention of acting improperly, or as a reward for having done so, or the improper act is done in anticipation or in consequence of it. Section 11 requires no such connection. It is enough that the public servant accepted or obtained or attempted to obtain, for himself or another, an undue advantage without consideration or for a consideration he knew to be inadequate, from a person he knew to be concerned or likely to be concerned in a proceeding or business transacted by him, or connected with his official functions or public duty, or from a person he knew to be interested in or related to such a person. Section 11 therefore catches the unbargained gift, carries a lower punishment of six months to five years, and is the statutory reason why the conduct rules require gifts to be declared.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in403

Chapter Seventy-Eight

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

Two offences of criminal misconduct instead of five, a presumption that disproportionate assets are illicit enrichment, a prior approval before any inquiry into an official decision, and a prior sanction before any court can take cognizance.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 13 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, as substituted by Act 16 of 2018, defines criminal misconduct as the dishonest or fraudulent misappropriation or conversion of property entrusted to a public servant or under his control, and intentional illicit enrichment during the period of office, with a presumption of illicit enrichment where he is or has been in possession of pecuniary resources or property disproportionate to his known sources of income which he cannot satisfactorily account for, punishable with four to ten years and fine; section 17 fixes the ranks of officers competent to investigate; section 17A requires the previous approval of the appropriate Government before any enquiry, inquiry or investigation into an offence relatable to a recommendation made or decision taken in the discharge of official functions; section 18 allows inspection of bankers' books; and section 19 forbids a court to take cognizance of an offence under sections 7, 11, 13 and 15 without the previous sanction of the authority competent to remove the public servant.

Section 13 as it now stands, and as it stood

Section 13(1), as substituted in 2018. A public servant is said to commit the offence of criminal misconduct:

(a) if he dishonestly or fraudulently misappropriates or otherwise converts for his own use any property entrusted to him or any property under his control as a public servant, or allows any other person so to do; or

(b) if he intentionally enriches himself illicitly during the period of his office.

Explanation 1: the presumption. A person shall be presumed to have intentionally enriched himself illicitly if he, or any person on his behalf, is in possession of or has at any time during the period of his office been in possession of pecuniary resources or property disproportionate to his known sources of income which the public servant cannot satisfactorily account for.

Explanation 2. "Known sources of income" means income received from any lawful sources.

Section 13(2): punishment. Not less than four years, extending to ten years, and fine. The minimum was raised from one year and the maximum from seven years by Act 1 of 2014, section 58 and the Schedule, with effect from 16 January 2014, that is by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act.

What was removed, and you must know it because every older account still teaches it. The pre-2018 section 13(1) had five clauses: habitual acceptance of gratification (a) and of valuable things (b), misappropriation (c), obtaining a valuable thing or pecuniary advantage by corrupt or illegal means or by abusing his position or without any public interest (d), and possession of disproportionate assets (e).

munotes.in404

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

The two big losses are (d) and the old (e).

Clause (d) was the workhorse. "Abuse of position to obtain a pecuniary advantage for himself or for any other person" was the clause under which most decision-based corruption cases were charged, and it was also the clause most criticised, because a decision that turned out badly could be described as an abuse of position after the event.

The 2018 Act's answer was to delete it and to convert the disproportionate assets clause from an offence into a presumption. Disproportionate assets are no longer the offence; illicit enrichment is the offence under clause (b), and disproportionate assets are the evidence from which it is presumed.

How to state the change in an answer. Criminal misconduct is now confined to misappropriation and illicit enrichment. Conduct formerly charged under clause (d), taking an undue advantage in connection with official action, now falls to be charged under the rewritten sections 7 and 11, which chapter 730 sets out. The Act moved the emphasis from the quality of a decision to the taking of an advantage, and that is a defensible policy: it protects the honest officer who takes a risky decision and does not protect the one who is paid.

Section 14: the habitual offender. Whoever, convicted of an offence under this Act, subsequently commits an offence punishable under it, is punishable with not less than five years, extending to ten years, and fine.

Section 17: who may investigate

Chapter 710 read it. Notwithstanding the Code of Criminal Procedure, no police officer below the rank of an Inspector of Police in the Delhi Special Police Establishment, of an Assistant Commissioner of Police in the metropolitan areas of Bombay, Calcutta, Madras and Ahmedabad and any other notified metropolitan area, and of a Deputy Superintendent of Police or an officer of equivalent rank elsewhere, may investigate an offence under the Act without the order of a Magistrate, or arrest for it without a warrant.

The rank requirement is itself a safeguard, and an unusual one: the ordinary rule is that any officer in charge of a police station may investigate a cognizable offence. Corruption cases were thought too easy to misuse against public servants, so the Act raised the floor.

Section 17A: the Single Directive's ghost

No police officer shall conduct any enquiry or inquiry or investigation into any offence alleged to have been committed by a public servant under this Act, where the alleged offence is relatable to any recommendation made or decision taken by such public servant in the discharge of his official functions or duties, without the previous approval of:

munotes.in405

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

(a) the Central Government, for a person employed, or employed at the time of the alleged offence, in connection with the affairs of the Union; (b) the State Government, for a person so employed in connection with the affairs of a State; (c) the authority competent to remove him from his office at the time of the alleged offence, in any other case.

First proviso. No approval is necessary for cases involving arrest of a person on the spot on the charge of accepting or attempting to accept any undue advantage for himself or any other person.

Second proviso. The authority shall convey its decision within three months, extendable by one month for reasons to be recorded in writing.

Now put chapter 680 beside this, because the pair is the best single illustration in the paper of a legal idea being defeated and then re-enacted in a form that survives.

1997. The Single Directive, an executive instruction requiring prior sanction before the Central Bureau of Investigation could investigate senior officers, was struck down in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226.

2003. Parliament re-enacted it as section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, inserted by section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, requiring the Central Government's previous approval where the allegation related to officers of the level of Joint Secretary and above.

2014. A Constitution Bench struck that down too, in Subramanian Swamy v. Director, Central Bureau of Investigation, (2014) 8 SCC 682, as violative of article 14, and declared section 26(c) invalid with it. The vice was the classification by rank: the seniority of the accused has no rational relation to whether the offence was committed.

2018. Parliament enacted section 17A, which requires approval not by reference to the rank of the officer but by reference to the nature of the act: only where the alleged offence is relatable to a recommendation made or a decision taken in the discharge of official functions or duties.

That distinction is the whole point, and it is what an examiner is looking for. Section 6A protected a class of persons. Section 17A protects a class of acts, and it protects them for a reason the courts have themselves given many times: an officer who must decide should not be deterred by the prospect that his decision will be investigated as a crime. A trap case is expressly outside it, by the first proviso.

munotes.in406

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

Whether section 17A survives article 14 is a fair question to raise and not to answer. It is a wider protection than section 6A in one way, since it covers every public servant and not only the senior; and narrower in another, since it protects only decision-related allegations. State the argument on both sides and stop there.

Section 18: bankers' books

Where a police officer competent under section 17 has reason to suspect an offence and considers it necessary for the investigation or inquiry, he may, notwithstanding any other law, inspect bankers' books so far as they relate to the accounts of the suspected persons or of any person suspected of holding money on their behalf, and take certified copies; and the bank is bound to assist him.

Proviso. The power may not be exercised by an officer below the rank of Superintendent of Police unless specially authorised by an officer of or above that rank.

Section 18 is what makes clause (b) of section 13 provable. Illicit enrichment is presumed from disproportionate assets, and assets are traced through bank accounts, including accounts held by others on the officer's behalf, which Explanation 1 expressly covers by the words "or any person on his behalf".

Section 19: previous sanction for prosecution

Section 19(1). No court shall take cognizance of an offence punishable under sections 7, 11, 13 and 15 alleged to have been committed by a public servant except with the previous sanction, save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013:

(a) for a person employed, or employed at the time of the alleged offence, in connection with the affairs of the Union, and not removable save by or with the sanction of the Central Government, of that Government; (b) the same for a State, of the State Government; (c) in any other case, of the authority competent to remove him from his office.

Two amendments in the opening words matter. "Sections 7, 10, 11, 13 and 15" became "sections 7, 11, 13 and 15" in 2018, section 10 having become the corporate officers' provision. And the words "save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013" were inserted by that Act with effect from 16 January 2014: chapter 220 read section 23 of the Lokpal Act, under which the Lokpal grants the sanction in cases before it, which is the one place in Indian law where the sanction has been taken out of the employer's hands.

The provisos, inserted in 2018, and they are examinable.

First: a private complainant, that is a person other than a police officer or an officer of an investigating agency or other law enforcement authority, cannot even request sanction unless (i) he has filed a complaint in a competent court and (ii) the court has not dismissed it under section 203 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and has directed him to obtain the sanction.

munotes.in407

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

Second: on such a request from a private person, the Government or competent authority shall not accord sanction without providing an opportunity of being heard to the public servant.

Third: the authority shall endeavour to convey the decision within three months of receiving the proposal.

Fourth: where legal consultation is required, that period may be extended by one month for reasons to be recorded in writing.

Fifth: the Central Government may prescribe guidelines for the purpose of sanction.

The Explanation extends "public servant" in sub-section (1) to a person who has ceased to hold the office during which the offence is alleged to have been committed.

And now the link this whole Module has been building towards. Chapter 630 read section 8(1)(f) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act: the Commission shall review the progress of applications pending with the competent authorities for sanction of prosecution. Section 19 is why that function exists. A sanction never decided is a prosecution never begun, and the three month endeavour in the third proviso has no consequence attached to its breach. The only thing that happens to a Ministry that sits on a sanction request is that the Commission counts it and publishes the count in a report laid before Parliament.

The private complainant provisos cut the other way and deserve a critical sentence. They were added in 2018 and they make a citizen's prosecution of a public servant considerably harder: he must first file a complaint in court, survive section 203, obtain a direction, and then face a sanction process in which the public servant is heard and he is not. Whether that is a safeguard against harassment or an obstacle to accountability is exactly the kind of question this paper sets.

A worked example

An investigation discloses that a Deputy Secretary of a Ministry recommended a licence to a firm whose director is his brother-in-law, and that his family's assets grew by an amount he cannot explain.

Before any inquiry into the recommendation. Section 17A requires the previous approval of the Central Government, because the alleged offence is relatable to a recommendation made in the discharge of official functions, and the authority must convey its decision within three months, extendable by one for reasons recorded.

The assets allegation is different. It is not relatable to any recommendation or decision, so section 17A does not apply to it and the investigation may proceed.

munotes.in408

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

Who investigates. Section 17: at least a Deputy Superintendent of Police or equivalent outside the metropolitan areas, or an Inspector if the Delhi Special Police Establishment is investigating.

The bank accounts. Section 18 allows inspection of bankers' books, including of persons suspected of holding money on his behalf, by an officer of or above the rank of Superintendent of Police or one specially authorised by such an officer.

The charge. Not under the old clause (d), which no longer exists. Section 13(1)(b), intentional illicit enrichment, with Explanation 1 raising the presumption from the disproportionate assets which he cannot satisfactorily account for; and, if he was paid, section 7.

Before the court can take cognizance. Section 19: the previous sanction of the Central Government, he being a Union employee not removable save by or with its sanction. The authority should convey its decision in three months, or four where legal consultation is needed.

If the sanction request sits undecided for two years. Nothing in section 19 provides a remedy. The Commission reviews the pendency under section 8(1)(f) and publishes it under section 14.

Now suppose he had retired before the complaint. The Explanation to section 19(1) applies: he is still a public servant for the purpose of sanction, and sanction is still required.

And suppose the complaint had come from a private citizen and not from the agency. The first proviso stops him from even requesting sanction until he has filed a complaint in a competent court, survived section 203 of the Code and obtained a direction to seek sanction; and the second proviso requires the public servant to be heard before sanction is accorded.

What beginners get wrong

That section 13(1)(d) is the law. It was deleted by Act 16 of 2018. Criminal misconduct is now misappropriation and illicit enrichment only.

That disproportionate assets are an offence. They are the basis of a presumption under Explanation 1 to section 13(1)(b).

That known sources of income means income known to the department. Explanation 2 defines it as income received from any lawful sources.

That section 17A is the same as section 6A. Section 6A classified by rank and was struck down. Section 17A classifies by the nature of the act, and expressly exempts a trap case.

That sanction is always the Government's to give. Section 19(1) is expressly "save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013", and section 23 of that Act gives it to the Lokpal in cases before it.

That a retired officer needs no sanction. The Explanation to section 19(1) says otherwise.

munotes.in409

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

Quick revision

s.13(1) criminal misconduct, as substituted in 2018: (a) dishonest or fraudulent misappropriation or conversion of property entrusted or under control, or allowing another to do it; (b) intentional illicit enrichment. Explanation 1: presumed from possession, by him or on his behalf, of pecuniary resources or property disproportionate to known sources of income which he cannot satisfactorily account for. Explanation 2: known sources = income from any lawful sources. s.13(2): four to ten years and fine (raised from one to seven by the Lokpal Act, w.e.f. 16 January 2014). The old clauses (a) to (e), including abuse of position, are GONE.

s.14 habitual offender: five to ten years and fine.

s.17 ranks: Inspector in the Delhi Special Police Establishment; Assistant Commissioner of Police in the metropolitan areas of Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Ahmedabad and any other notified metropolitan area; Deputy Superintendent of Police or equivalent elsewhere.

s.17A previous approval before any enquiry, inquiry or investigation where the offence is relatable to a recommendation made or decision taken in the discharge of official functions; Union, State or removing authority as the case may be; no approval for an on-the-spot arrest in a trap case; decision in three months, extendable by one, reasons in writing. Replaces the rank-based s.6A struck down in Subramanian Swamy.

s.18 inspection of bankers' books, including accounts of persons holding money on his behalf; the bank bound to assist; not below Superintendent of Police unless specially authorised.

s.19 previous sanction before cognizance of an offence under ss.7, 11, 13 and 15, save as provided in the Lokpal Act; from the Union, the State or the removing authority. Provisos of 2018: a private complainant must first file a complaint, survive s.203 of the Code, and be directed to obtain sanction; the public servant must be heard; decision endeavoured in three months, extendable by one for legal consultation; guidelines may be prescribed. Explanation: includes a person who has ceased to hold the office.

Test yourself

1. What is criminal misconduct under section 13 as it now stands? Since Act 16 of 2018 a public servant commits criminal misconduct if he dishonestly or fraudulently misappropriates or otherwise converts for his own use any property entrusted to him or under his control as a public servant, or allows another person to do so; or if he intentionally enriches himself illicitly during the period of his office. Explanation 1 raises a presumption of intentional illicit enrichment where he, or any person on his behalf, is or at any time during the period of office has been in possession of pecuniary resources or property disproportionate to his known sources of income which he cannot satisfactorily account for, and Explanation 2 defines known sources of income as income received from any lawful sources. The punishment is imprisonment of not less than four years extending to ten years and fine.

munotes.in410

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

2. What did the amendment of 2018 remove from section 13, and with what effect? It removed the five clauses of the old sub-section (1), of which the most important were clause (d), obtaining a valuable thing or pecuniary advantage by corrupt or illegal means, by abusing his position, or without any public interest, and clause (e), possession of disproportionate assets as a substantive offence. The effect is twofold. Conduct formerly charged as an abuse of position in connection with an official decision must now be charged, if at all, under the rewritten sections 7 and 11, which turn on the taking of an undue advantage. And disproportionate assets have been converted from an offence into the evidentiary foundation of a presumption of illicit enrichment. The policy behind the change is that an officer should be prosecuted for being paid and not for taking a decision that turned out badly.

3. Explain section 17A and its relation to the Single Directive. Section 17A, inserted in 2018, forbids a police officer to conduct any enquiry, inquiry or investigation into an offence under the Act alleged against a public servant where the offence is relatable to a recommendation made or decision taken by him in the discharge of his official functions or duties, without the previous approval of the Central Government, the State Government or the authority competent to remove him, as the case may be; no approval is necessary for an arrest on the spot on a charge of accepting or attempting to accept an undue advantage, and the authority must convey its decision within three months, extendable by one month for reasons recorded in writing. Its relation to the Single Directive is that of a third attempt at the same idea. The Directive was an executive instruction requiring prior sanction to investigate senior officers, struck down in Vineet Narain in 1998; it was re-enacted as section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act by section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 and struck down again in Subramanian Swamy in 2014 as violative of article 14 because it classified by the rank of the accused. Section 17A avoids that vice by classifying by the nature of the act rather than the seniority of the actor.

4. What is the requirement of previous sanction, and who grants it? Section 19(1) provides that no court shall take cognizance of an offence punishable under sections 7, 11, 13 and 15 alleged against a public servant except with previous sanction, save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013. The sanction is granted by the Central Government where the person is or was employed in connection with the affairs of the Union and is not removable save by or with its sanction, by the State Government in the corresponding case of a State, and in any other case by the authority competent to remove him from office. Under section 23 of the Lokpal Act the Lokpal grants the sanction in cases before it, which is the single instance in Indian law of the sanction being taken away from the employer.

munotes.in411

Criminal Misconduct, and the Sanction to Prosecute

5. Why does the Central Vigilance Commission review sanction applications, and what can it do about them? Because section 19 makes the sanction a precondition of cognizance, so that a sanction request which is never decided defeats the prosecution as completely as a refusal, and because the third proviso to section 19(1) requires only that the authority endeavour to convey its decision within three months, attaching no consequence to a failure. Section 8(1)(f) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 accordingly empowers the Commission to review the progress of applications pending with the competent authorities for sanction of prosecution. What it can do is count and publish: it cannot grant the sanction, cannot direct the authority to decide and cannot penalise delay, and its only remedy is to record the pendency in the annual report which section 14(3) requires to be laid before each House of Parliament.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in412

Chapter Seventy-Nine

The Weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission

Syllabus topic 3, "Vigilance Commissions"

In one line

An advisory body with no investigating arm of its own, whose advice does not bind, whose superintendence over the Central Bureau of Investigation stops short of controlling it, whose staff and inquiry officers are given to it by the Government it watches, and whose only sanction is publication.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Central Vigilance Commission is criticised under six heads, namely that its selection Committee gives the Government two of three votes, that section 6(3) permits removal by executive order on five grounds without any reference to the Supreme Court, that section 7 and section 11A leave its staff and its Director of Inquiry to the Central Government, that its advice under section 17 does not bind and its power under section 18 carries no sanction, that its superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment under section 8(1)(a) is expressly barred by the proviso to section 8(1)(b) from requiring any case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner while the administrative control of that agency rests elsewhere, and that its jurisdiction excludes the political executive altogether.

The six criticisms, each anchored to a section

1. The weakest selection committee in the syllabus

Section 4(1): the Prime Minister as Chairperson, the Minister of Home Affairs, and the Leader of the Opposition. Two of the three are of the Government.

Compare. Chapter 110: the Lokpal's Selection Committee of five gives the Government two, with the Speaker, the Chief Justice or his nominee, and an eminent jurist. Chapter 270: Maharashtra's Committee of seven under the 2023 Act gives the ruling side four. Chapter 800: the Committee for the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation is the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and the Chief Justice or his nominee, which is one of three.

The point to make. The Committee that chooses the head of the anti-corruption watchdog has no judicial member and no independent member at all, and it is the only appointment committee in this paper of which that is true.

What answers the criticism, in part. Chapter 610: Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, (2011) 4 SCC 1. A Committee the Government controlled recommended by majority, and the Supreme Court declared the recommendation non est and quashed the appointment because institutional integrity had not been considered. The composition is weak; the judicial review of its exercise is not. An answer that gives both halves is a better answer than one that gives either.

2. Section 6(3): a short route to removal

Section 6(1) looks judicial: removal by the President on proved misbehaviour or incapacity only after a Supreme Court reference and report.

munotes.in413

The Weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission

Section 6(3) undoes part of it. Notwithstanding sub-section (1), the President may remove by order on five grounds, two of which turn on an opinion: conviction of an offence which in the opinion of the Central Government involves moral turpitude, and unfitness in the opinion of the President by reason of infirmity of mind or body. No reference, no inquiry, no hearing, no report.

Compare article 148: the Comptroller and Auditor General is removed in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, and there is no short route at all. Compare section 37 of the Lokpal Act: a Supreme Court inquiry in every case, and the reference may be triggered by a hundred Members of Parliament or a citizen's petition.

Rank the three in an answer, and note that the ranking tracks how much each institution can do to a Minister: the Comptroller and Auditor General is the most protected, the Lokpal next, this Commission last.

3. It does not own its own hands

Section 7: the Central Government, in consultation with the Commission, makes the rules on the number of the Commission's staff and their conditions of service.

Section 11A(1) and (2): the Director of Inquiry for the preliminary inquiries the Lokpal refers is appointed by the Central Government, and that Government provides his officers and employees.

Compare section 11 of the Lokpal Act, chapter 150: the Lokpal has an Inquiry Wing of its own, headed by its own Director of Inquiry; and section 12, a Prosecution Wing with a Director of Prosecution.

The sentence to write. Section 13 charges the Commission's money on the Consolidated Fund so that Parliament cannot vote it down, and section 7 then lets the Government decide how many people that money employs. The Act secured the Commission's independence and left its capacity in the hands of the executive it supervises, and the Commission's own annual reports have recorded staff shortages and vacant Chief Vigilance Officer posts for years.

4. The advice does not bind and the information cannot be compelled

Section 17(3): the authority shall consider the advice and take appropriate action; on disagreement it shall record reasons in writing and communicate them. That is all.

Section 18: the Commission may call for reports, returns and statements. The Act attaches no consequence to a refusal to send them.

State the strength honestly before stating the weakness, because that is what a good answer does. The obligation to record and communicate a reason for departing, coupled with publication in an annual report laid before both Houses under section 14, makes an unreasoned departure costly rather than impossible. The weakness is that a cost which depends entirely on somebody in Parliament choosing to notice is a weak cost, and chapter 900 shows how rarely reports laid before the House are taken up.

munotes.in414

The Weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission

The reform to name. That a departure from the advice should require the concurrence of an authority higher than the officer's own disciplinary authority. It preserves the employer's power to decide and removes the conflict of the superior deciding about his own subordinate.

5. Superintendence without control

Section 8(1)(a): superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment in corruption investigations. The proviso to section 8(1)(b): the Commission shall not exercise powers so as to require the Establishment to investigate or dispose of any case in a particular manner.

And section 4(3) of the 1946 Act, chapter 790: the administration of that police establishment vests in the Director appointed by the Central Government.

Separate the three things carefully, because the distinction is the answer. Superintendence over corruption investigations is the Commission's. Superintendence in all other matters is the Central Government's, under section 4(2). Administration, which means postings, transfers, promotions, discipline and resources, is the Director's under the Central Government, and the Commission has no part in it.

So the Commission supervises what the agency does in corruption cases and has no say over who does it, where he sits or what happens to him afterwards. Chapter 800 shows that the officers above the level of Superintendent of Police are recommended by a different Committee under section 4C of the 1946 Act, on which the Central Vigilance Commissioner does not sit. A supervisor with no influence over the career of the supervised is a supervisor in name for much of the time, and this is the most substantial of the six criticisms.

And there is a further complication chapter 720 named. In a case referred by the Lokpal, section 25 of the Lokpal Act gives that body direction and control over the agency for that case. The Central Bureau of Investigation therefore has two supervisors and answers to whichever the route of the case selects.

6. The political executive is outside its jurisdiction

Section 8(2) names All-India Service officers serving under the Union, Group 'A' officers of the Central Government, and notified levels in the Central public sector. A Minister is not a Government servant and no clause reaches him.

This is not a defect of drafting; it is the design, and it is why the Lokpal exists. Chapter 90 traced the forty-five years of failed Lokpal Bills; chapter 720 set out the division. Say it as a division of labour and not as an oversight, and the answer improves.

munotes.in415

The Weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission

But name the practical consequence. Corruption in a Ministry ordinarily involves both a Minister and officials. The Commission may inquire into the officials and must stop at the Minister's door, and the Lokpal may inquire into both but must send the officials back down to the Commission. One transaction, two institutions, and neither sees the whole of it unless they cooperate.

What is genuinely strong, and should be said

A fixed four-year term and a removal that ordinarily requires a Supreme Court reference.

Expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund under section 13, so the budget cannot be voted down.

An annual report laid before both Houses under section 14, with a separate part on the Central Bureau of Investigation under section 14(2).

Civil court powers under section 11 and the judicial proceeding deeming under section 12.

A share in the appointment of the two Union investigating agencies: the Committee for the Director of Enforcement under section 25 is chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner.

And, since 2014, a real power to prosecute on one narrow track: section 8B(3)(a), chapter 640.

An answer that lists only weaknesses is not a critical answer; it is a hostile one. The examiner is asking whether the institution works, and the honest reply is that it is well designed for supervision and advice and badly equipped for enforcement, and that its designers knew it.

A worked example

A Chief Vigilance Officer reports that a Joint Secretary cleared a contract irregularly and that a Minister's office pressed for the clearance.

The Minister. Outside section 8(2) altogether. The Commission can do nothing about him; the complaint would have to go to the Lokpal under section 14(1)(b) of its Act.

The Joint Secretary. Within section 8(2)(a). The Commission may inquire or cause an inquiry under section 8(1)(d).

It wants the agency to investigate. It may cause an investigation, exercise superintendence under section 8(1)(a) and review progress under section 8(1)(e); it may not require the case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner, by the proviso to section 8(1)(b). And before any inquiry into the clearance itself, section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act requires the previous approval of the Central Government, because the allegation is relatable to a decision taken in the discharge of official functions.

It advises a major penalty proceeding. The Ministry disagrees and records reasons under the proviso to section 17(3). That is the end of the Commission's power over the outcome.

It asks the Ministry for returns on similar cases. Section 18 lets it ask; nothing lets it compel.

It records everything in the annual report. Section 14(1) and (3): to the President, and laid before each House.

munotes.in416

The Weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission

Count what the Commission actually achieved. It could not touch the Minister, could not direct the investigation, could not compel the return, could not impose the penalty and could not grant the sanction. What it did was create a written record that a departure from its advice had been made and put it before Parliament. That is the institution, accurately described, and it is what the concluding paragraph of a good answer says.

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission controls the Central Bureau of Investigation. It superintends its corruption investigations; administration is the Director's under the Central Government, and no case may be required to be disposed of in a particular manner.

That the Commission is toothless. It has a charged budget, civil court powers, a share in appointing the Director of Enforcement and, since 2014, a power to decide on a charge-sheet on the Lokpal track. What it lacks is a power to compel an outcome.

That the Lokpal made it redundant. It gave it more work: chapter 720.

That the weaknesses are in the drafting. Most of them are deliberate choices about where a decision should rest, and an answer that shows the choice is better than one that alleges a mistake.

Quick revision

1. Selection Committee: two of three are of the Government, and there is no judicial or independent member. Answered in part by Centre for Public Interest Litigation, (2011) 4 SCC 1.

2. s.6(3): removal by executive order on five grounds, two resting on an opinion, with no Supreme Court reference. Weaker than article 148 and than s.37 of the Lokpal Act.

3. ss.7 and 11A: staff and the Director of Inquiry come from the Central Government. The Lokpal has its own Inquiry and Prosecution Wings.

4. ss.17 and 18: advice does not bind, information cannot be compelled; the sanction is publication under s.14. Reform: a departure should need the concurrence of a higher authority.

5. s.8(1)(a) with the proviso to s.8(1)(b) and s.4(3) of the 1946 Act: superintendence without administration, and no say in the careers of the officers supervised. Two supervisors, since s.25 of the Lokpal Act gives that body direction and control in cases it refers.

6. s.8(2): the political executive is outside its jurisdiction by design.

The strengths: fixed term, Supreme Court removal on the main route, charged budget, report laid before both Houses with a separate part on the agency, civil court powers, the Director of Enforcement Committee chair, and s.8B(3)(a).

munotes.in417

The Weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission

Test yourself

1. Is the Central Vigilance Commission an effective anti-corruption institution? Discuss. It is effective as a supervisor and an adviser and ineffective as an enforcer, and the design intended that.

On the side of strength it has a fixed four-year term under section 5, removal ordinarily requiring a Supreme Court reference under section 6(1), expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund under section 13 so that its budget cannot be voted down, the powers of a civil court under section 11 with proceedings deemed judicial under section 12, superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment's corruption investigations under section 8(1)(a), the chair of the Committee that recommends the Director of Enforcement under section 25, an annual report laid before both Houses with a separate part on that Establishment under section 14, and since 2014 the power under section 8B(3)(a) to decide on a charge-sheet before the Special Court in cases referred by the Lokpal.

On the side of weakness its Selection Committee gives the Government two of three votes with no judicial member, section 6(3) allows removal by executive order on grounds resting on an opinion, sections 7 and 11A leave its staff and its Director of Inquiry to the Central Government, its advice under section 17 does not bind and its power to call for information under section 18 carries no sanction, the proviso to section 8(1)(b) forbids it to require any case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner while the administration of the agency vests in a Director appointed by the Central Government, and the political executive is outside its jurisdiction altogether.

Its real sanction throughout is disclosure, and the value of disclosure depends on Parliament acting upon it.

2. Why is it said that the Commission has superintendence without control? Because the Act separates three things. Superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment so far as it relates to Prevention of Corruption Act investigations vests in the Commission by section 4(1) of the 1946 Act; superintendence in all other matters vests in the Central Government by section 4(2); and the administration of the force vests in the Director appointed by the Central Government by section 4(3). The Commission therefore supervises what the agency does in corruption cases, and has no part in postings, transfers, promotions, discipline or resources, which are the levers that actually influence how an officer behaves. The proviso to section 8(1)(b) completes the picture by forbidding it to require any case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner, and section 4C of the 1946 Act places appointments of Superintendent of Police and above with a different Committee on which the Central Vigilance Commissioner does not sit.

munotes.in418

The Weaknesses of the Central Vigilance Commission

3. Compare the security of tenure of the Central Vigilance Commissioner with that of the Comptroller and Auditor General and of the Lokpal. The Comptroller and Auditor General is removed under article 148(1) in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, which requires an address of each House supported by the prescribed majority, and there is no alternative route. The Chairperson and Members of the Lokpal are removed under section 37 of the Lokpal Act only on a Supreme Court inquiry, and the reference may be made by the President on a petition signed by at least a hundred Members of Parliament or on a citizen's petition if the President is satisfied that it should be referred. The Central Vigilance Commissioner is removed under section 6(1) by the President on proved misbehaviour or incapacity after a Supreme Court reference which only the President may make, and under section 6(3) may be removed by executive order on five grounds without any reference at all, two of those grounds resting on an opinion of the Central Government or of the President. His protection is therefore the weakest of the three, and the order tracks how far each institution can reach into the political executive.

4. Suggest reforms. Four suggestions follow directly from the criticisms. First, reconstitute the Selection Committee under section 4 to include a judicial or independent member, so that the Government does not command a majority in choosing the head of the anti-corruption machinery. Second, delete or narrow section 6(3) so that removal on any ground other than the objective ones of insolvency, conviction and paid employment requires the Supreme Court reference that section 6(1) prescribes. Third, transfer to the Commission the power to determine its own establishment under section 7 and to appoint the Director of Inquiry under section 11A, on the model of the Lokpal's own Inquiry Wing. Fourth, provide that a disciplinary authority departing from the Commission's advice under section 17(3) must obtain the concurrence of an authority higher than itself, which preserves the employer's power to decide while removing the conflict of a superior deciding about his own subordinate.

5. Why does the Commission publish the cases in which its advice was not accepted? Because publication is its only sanction. Section 17(3) obliges a disciplinary authority to consider the advice and, on disagreement, to record reasons in writing and communicate them, but does not make the advice binding, provides no appeal and imposes no penalty. Section 18 lets the Commission call for information and attaches no consequence to a refusal. What remains is section 14, under which the Commission must present an annual report to the President within six months of the close of the year and the President must cause it to be laid before each House of Parliament. By counting and listing the departures from its advice and the delays in sanction under section 8(1)(f), the Commission converts an administrative decision into a parliamentary record. Whether that is a sufficient sanction is a fair question, and the honest answer is that it is sufficient only to the extent that Parliament chooses to act upon what is laid before it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in419

Chapter Eighty

What the Central Bureau of Investigation Actually Is

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

India's premier investigating agency has no statute of its own; it is the Delhi Special Police Establishment constituted under an Act of 1946, renamed by a Home Ministry Resolution of 1 April 1963, and every power it exercises comes from that Act.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Central Bureau of Investigation is not a statutory body created by any Act called by that name; the force in law is the Delhi Special Police Establishment constituted by the Central Government under section 2 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, and the name Central Bureau of Investigation was given to the organisation by the Government of India's Resolution No. 4/31/61-T/MHA dated 1 April 1963, as the Supreme Court recited in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226; the offences it may investigate are those notified by the Central Government under section 3, its powers outside the Union territories rest on an order under section 5 and the consent of the State under section 6, and its superintendence and administration are governed by section 4 as substituted in 2003.

The fact to open with

Search the statute book for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act and you will not find one.

The Act is the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, Act 25 of 1946. Section 2(1) empowers the Central Government to constitute a special police force to be called the Delhi Special Police Establishment for the investigation, in any Union territory, of offences notified under section 3.

The name came thirty-nine years later than the force and by a Resolution, not a law. In Vineet Narain the Supreme Court set out the history and recorded: the Central Bureau of Investigation was established on 1 April 1963 by the Government of India's Resolution No. 4/31/61-T/MHA, to meet the need for a central police agency at the disposal of the Central Government to investigate not only bribery and corruption but also breaches of central fiscal laws, frauds in Government departments and public sector undertakings, and other serious crimes.

Three consequences follow, and every one of them is examinable.

Everything the agency does, it does as the Delhi Special Police Establishment. A first information report is registered by that Establishment, an arrest is made under the powers section 2(2) confers, and a charge-sheet is filed by officers of that force. The words "Central Bureau of Investigation" have no operative legal effect at all.

Its jurisdiction is therefore the Act's jurisdiction, and the Act begins in the Union territories. Chapters 810 and 820 show how it gets out of them.

And its existence rests on an executive Resolution, which is precisely the ground on which the whole organisation was challenged in 2013: chapter 900.

munotes.in420

What the Central Bureau of Investigation Actually Is

Say all of this in the first paragraph of any question on the Central Bureau of Investigation. It is short, it is verifiable, and it distinguishes an answer immediately.

Section 2: what the force is

Section 2(1). Notwithstanding anything in the Police Act 1861, the Central Government may constitute a special police force called the Delhi Special Police Establishment for the investigation in any Union territory of offences notified under section 3.

The non obstante clause matters. Police is a State subject, and the Police Act 1861 is the general law of police organisation. Parliament had to displace it to create a force of its own.

Section 2(2). Subject to any orders of the Central Government, members of the Establishment shall have throughout any Union territory, in relation to the investigation of such offences and the arrest of persons concerned in them, all the powers, duties, privileges and liabilities which police officers of that Union territory have in connection with the investigation of offences committed there.

Section 2(3). Any member of the Establishment of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector may, subject to such orders, exercise in any Union territory any of the powers of the officer in charge of a police station in the area in which he is for the time being.

Read section 2(2) and (3) together and the technique of the whole Act appears. The Act does not invent police powers. It borrows them: a member of the Establishment is given the powers of the local police, and an officer of or above Sub-Inspector is given the powers of a station house officer. The Establishment is a police force that carries the local law with it wherever the Act lets it go, and chapter 810 shows the same technique used again for the States in section 5(2) and (3).

Section 3: the offences

The Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, specify the offences or classes of offences which are to be investigated by the Delhi Special Police Establishment.

One sentence, and it is the whole of the agency's subject-matter jurisdiction.

Note what the section does not do. It does not name a single offence. The list is entirely in the Central Government's hands, revisable by notification and not by amendment of the Act. The words "committed in connection with matters concerning Departments of the Central Government" were omitted from the section by Act 26 of 1952, so even that limitation is gone.

And note the consequence for the reader of a newspaper. When it is said that a case has been "given to the Central Bureau of Investigation", the legal question is always the same pair: is the offence one notified under section 3, and does the Establishment have jurisdiction in the place where it was committed? If the answer to either is no, the agency cannot investigate however grave the matter.

munotes.in421

What the Central Bureau of Investigation Actually Is

Section 4: who the agency answers to

Chapter 680 read the section as section 26(b) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 substituted it, with effect from 11 September 2003:

4(1). The superintendence of the Delhi Special Police Establishment so far as it relates to investigation of offences alleged to have been committed under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 shall vest in the Commission.

4(2). Save as otherwise provided in sub-section (1), the superintendence in all other matters shall vest in the Central Government.

4(3). The administration shall vest in an officer appointed by the Central Government, referred to as the Director, who shall exercise in respect of the Establishment such of the powers exercisable by an Inspector-General of Police in respect of a State police force as the Central Government may specify.

Learn the three-way split, because half the confusion about this agency comes from collapsing it.

Corruption investigations: superintended by the Central Vigilance Commission. Everything else: superintended by the Central Government. Administration in all matters: the Director, under the Central Government.

And "administration" is the larger word. Postings, transfers, promotions, discipline, deployment and resources are administration; and chapter 750 showed what that means for the reality of the Commission's supervision.

What the agency looks like today

The Supreme Court's recital in Vineet Narain records the growth. The Establishment's function was enlarged to cover all departments of the Government of India, its superintendence was transferred to the Home Department, and after the Resolution of 1963 the organisation acquired three Investigation Divisions: the Anti-Corruption Division, the Special Crimes Division and the Economic Offences Division, the last being separated because of the increased workload of bank frauds and economic offences in 1994.

Which is why the syllabus places this label where it does. Only the Anti-Corruption Division's work is superintended by the Central Vigilance Commission under section 4(1). The Special Crimes and Economic Offences Divisions answer to the Central Government under section 4(2). The agency that the vigilance machinery supervises is one part of a larger organisation, and chapter 850 takes the structure further.

A worked example

A newspaper reports that a case of a bank fraud in Nagpur has been handed to the Central Bureau of Investigation.

What has actually happened, in law. The offence must be one notified under section 3. The Delhi Special Police Establishment must have jurisdiction in Maharashtra, which requires an order of the Central Government under section 5 extending its powers and jurisdiction to that area, and the consent of the State Government under section 6. Only then may its officers act, and when they do, section 5(2) deems them members of the police force of that area.

munotes.in422

What the Central Bureau of Investigation Actually Is

Who supervises the case. A bank fraud is not necessarily an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. If it is not, section 4(1) does not apply and superintendence is the Central Government's under section 4(2). If a public servant took an undue advantage, that part of the case falls under section 4(1) and the Central Vigilance Commission superintends it.

Who decides who investigates it, where he sits and whether he is transferred. The Director, under section 4(3), and above the level of Superintendent of Police the Committee under section 4C, which chapter 800 works.

And if the State had withdrawn its general consent? Chapters 820 and 830 answer it, and the answer is not the one most students expect.

What beginners get wrong

That there is a Central Bureau of Investigation Act. There is not. The Act is the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, and the name comes from a Resolution of 1 April 1963.

That the Central Vigilance Commission supervises the whole agency. Only its Prevention of Corruption Act investigations, under section 4(1).

That the Act lists the offences the agency may investigate. Section 3 leaves the whole list to a notification by the Central Government.

That the agency has all-India jurisdiction of its own. Section 2 confines it to the Union territories; sections 5 and 6 are how it reaches a State.

That the Director is chosen by the Government alone. Since 2003 he is appointed on the recommendation of a Committee: section 4A, chapter 800.

Quick revision

No Central Bureau of Investigation Act. The force is the Delhi Special Police Establishment, constituted under s.2 of Act 25 of 1946; the name comes from Government of India Resolution No. 4/31/61-T/MHA dated 1 April 1963, recited by the Supreme Court in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226.

s.1(2): extends to the whole of India. s.2(1): notwithstanding the Police Act 1861, the Central Government may constitute the force for investigation in any Union territory of offences notified under s.3. s.2(2): members have all the powers of the local police there. s.2(3): a member of or above Sub-Inspector has the powers of an officer in charge of a police station.

s.3: the Central Government by notification specifies the offences. The Act names none.

munotes.in423

What the Central Bureau of Investigation Actually Is

s.4, substituted by s.26(b) of the CVC Act 2003 w.e.f. 11 September 2003: (1) superintendence in Prevention of Corruption Act investigations vests in the Commission; (2) superintendence in all other matters vests in the Central Government; (3) administration vests in the Director, with such powers of an Inspector-General of Police as the Central Government specifies.

Three Divisions: Anti-Corruption, Special Crimes, Economic Offences, the last separated in 1994. Only the first is superintended by the Commission.

Test yourself

1. Is the Central Bureau of Investigation a statutory body? Not under that name. There is no Act called the Central Bureau of Investigation Act. The force in law is the Delhi Special Police Establishment, which the Central Government is empowered to constitute by section 2 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, and the name Central Bureau of Investigation was conferred on the organisation by the Government of India's Resolution No. 4/31/61-T/MHA dated 1 April 1963, as recited by the Supreme Court in Vineet Narain. Every power the agency exercises is a power under the Act of 1946, and the Resolution adds nothing to those powers.

2. What are the powers of a member of the Delhi Special Police Establishment? Within any Union territory, by section 2(2), all the powers, duties, privileges and liabilities which police officers of that Union territory have in connection with the investigation of offences committed there, in relation to the investigation of notified offences and the arrest of persons concerned in them; and by section 2(3), if he is of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector, any of the powers of the officer in charge of a police station in the area where he is for the time being. Both are subject to any orders the Central Government may make. Outside the Union territories his powers depend on an order under section 5 and the consent of the State under section 6, and when he acts under such an order section 5(2) deems him a member of the police force of that area.

3. Which offences may the agency investigate? Those which the Central Government specifies by notification in the Official Gazette under section 3. The Act itself names none, and the words limiting the section to offences committed in connection with matters concerning Departments of the Central Government were omitted by Act 26 of 1952. The subject-matter jurisdiction of India's principal investigating agency is therefore fixed entirely by executive notification and can be altered without amending the Act.

4. Explain the division of superintendence and administration under section 4. Section 4, as substituted by section 26(b) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 with effect from 11 September 2003, divides the position three ways. Superintendence of the Establishment so far as it relates to the investigation of offences under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 vests in the Central Vigilance Commission. Superintendence in all other matters vests in the Central Government. And the administration of the force vests in the Director, an officer appointed by the Central Government, who exercises in respect of the Establishment such of the powers of an Inspector-General of Police as that Government specifies. Since administration covers postings, transfers, promotions, discipline and resources, the Commission's superintendence extends to how corruption cases are handled and not to the careers of the officers who handle them.

munotes.in424

What the Central Bureau of Investigation Actually Is

5. Why does it matter that the agency has no Act of its own? For three reasons. First, its subject-matter jurisdiction is fixed by notification under section 3 and its territorial reach by orders under section 5 and consents under section 6, so both can be altered by the executive without reference to Parliament. Second, the safeguards that were added, the selection Committee for the Director in section 4A, the minimum tenure in section 4B and the appointment machinery in section 4C, sit in an Act of 1946 that was drafted for a war-time force of a few officers, and there is no statutory statement of the agency's functions, structure or accountability. Third, the fact that the organisation itself was created by a Resolution and not by legislation was the basis of the constitutional challenge to its existence in 2013, which remains undecided.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in425

Chapter Eighty-One

The War-Time Origin

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

The agency began as a war-time expedient: an executive order of 1941 to police corruption in war purchases, made permanent by an Ordinance and then by the Act of 1946, and it has never been re-founded since.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: as the Supreme Court recorded in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, the Special Police Establishment was formed during the Second World War when large sums of public money were being spent on the war and there arose enormous potential for corruption among the officers dealing with supplies; an executive order was made by the Government of India in 1941 setting it up under a Deputy Inspector-General in the then Department of War; the need for a central agency to investigate bribery and corruption by Central Government servants continued after the war, and the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 was brought into force, under which the superintendence was transferred to the Home Department and the functions were enlarged to cover all departments of the Government of India.

The three steps

1941: an executive order. The Government of India set up the Special Police Establishment under a Deputy Inspector-General in the then Department of War. It was an executive arrangement, made for a particular problem: the war was being paid for out of public money, purchases were vast and urgent, and the officers who placed them could be bought.

1943: an Ordinance. The Establishment was continued under the ordinance-making power, which is how a war-time government legislates.

1946: the Act. The Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, Act 25 of 1946, was brought into force. Section 7 of the Act, as originally enacted, repealed Ordinance 22 of 1946, and section 7 itself was later repealed by the Repealing and Amending Act 1950, having done its work.

The Act's own footnotes carry the rest of the story of extension, and they are worth a line because they show a force spreading outward one notification at a time: the Act was extended to Goa, Daman and Diu by Regulation 12 of 1962; to Dadra and Nagar Haveli by Regulation 6 of 1963 with effect from 1 July 1965; to Pondicherry by Regulation 7 of 1963 with effect from 1 October 1963; to Lakshadweep with effect from 1 October 1967; and to Sikkim with effect from 15 May 1976. The words "except the State of Jammu and Kashmir" in section 1(2) were omitted by Act 62 of 1956.

1963: the name. The Resolution of 1 April 1963 created the Central Bureau of Investigation as the organisation within which the Establishment sits, and widened the work beyond bribery and corruption to breaches of central fiscal laws, frauds in Government departments and public sector undertakings, and other serious crimes.

munotes.in426

The War-Time Origin

Why the origin is the answer to a criticism

An examiner who asks whether the Central Bureau of Investigation needs its own Act is asking a question whose answer begins here.

The Act was written for a small, temporary, single-purpose force. A Deputy Inspector-General, a war department, a defined evil, and an expected end date. It has seven sections, of which one is a short title, one is a repeal that has itself been repealed, and one is a single sentence leaving the offences to a notification.

What it has been asked to carry since. A national investigating agency of thousands of officers, working in every State, in three Divisions, on corruption, economic offences and serious crime; conducting investigations ordered by the Supreme Court and by High Courts; and holding the confidence, or not, of the entire political system.

The mismatch is the whole of the case for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act, and chapter 940 makes it in full. Every safeguard the agency now has was bolted on later: the superintendence split in section 4 came in 2003, the selection Committee for the Director in section 4A came in 2003 and was reconstituted in 2014, the two-year tenure in section 4B came in 2003, the Director of Prosecution in section 4BA came in 2014, and the extension of the Director's tenure in section 4B came in 2021. The trunk is a war-time statute and everything else is a graft.

What a student should take from it

The agency's problems are structural and old. It has always been an executive creation: an order in 1941, an Ordinance in 1943, an Act that constitutes a force and leaves everything else to notification, and a Resolution in 1963 that named it. At no point did Parliament sit down and decide what a central investigating agency should be, what it should do, and to whom it should answer.

That is why the same three devices keep being invented for it by other people. Chapter 930 shows them: a plural selection committee, a fixed minimum tenure, and supervision from outside the force. Every one of them was supplied by the Supreme Court in Vineet Narain in 1998 and put into the Act by Parliament in 2003, and each is a patch on a hole the 1946 Act left because the force it created was never meant to last.

A worked example

An examiner asks: "Trace the history of the Central Bureau of Investigation and explain its legal foundation."

munotes.in427

The War-Time Origin

Open with the war. An executive order of 1941 created the Special Police Establishment under a Deputy Inspector-General in the Department of War, because war purchases invited corruption.

Then the Ordinance and the Act. The Establishment was continued by Ordinance 22 of 1946, which the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 repealed by its section 7; superintendence went to the Home Department and its functions were enlarged to all departments of the Government of India.

Then the Resolution. On 1 April 1963, Resolution No. 4/31/61-T/MHA created the Central Bureau of Investigation, widening the work beyond corruption.

Then the legal foundation, which is the marked half of the question. Section 2 constitutes the force for the Union territories; section 3 leaves the offences to notification; sections 5 and 6 extend it to a State with that State's consent; section 4 as substituted in 2003 splits superintendence between the Commission and the Central Government and gives administration to the Director.

Close with the mismatch. A seven-section war-time Act carrying a national agency, with every modern safeguard added by amendment after 2003.

What beginners get wrong

That the agency was created in 1963. The force was created in 1941 and given a statute in 1946. 1963 is the name.

That the 1946 Act was a considered piece of institutional design. It was the peacetime continuation of a war-time expedient, and its brevity shows it.

That the safeguards are original. The selection Committee, the tenure, the Director of Prosecution and the superintendence split were all added between 2003 and 2021.

That the Act stopped at Delhi. Section 1(2) extends it to the whole of India; what is confined to the Union territories is the force's ordinary jurisdiction under section 2.

Quick revision

1941: an executive order, the Special Police Establishment under a Deputy Inspector-General in the Department of War, because of corruption in war purchases.

1943: continued by Ordinance. 1946: the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, Act 25 of 1946; s.7 repealed Ordinance 22 of 1946 and was itself repealed by the Repealing and Amending Act 1950. Superintendence to the Home Department; functions enlarged to all departments of the Government of India.

1963: Resolution No. 4/31/61-T/MHA of 1 April 1963 creates the Central Bureau of Investigation and widens the work to central fiscal laws, frauds in departments and public sector undertakings, and other serious crimes.

Extensions by regulation and notification: Goa, Daman and Diu 1962; Dadra and Nagar Haveli from 1 July 1965; Pondicherry from 1 October 1963; Lakshadweep from 1 October 1967; Sikkim from 15 May 1976. The Jammu and Kashmir exception in s.1(2) omitted by Act 62 of 1956.

munotes.in428

The War-Time Origin

The point: a seven-section war-time Act carrying a national agency, with the superintendence split, the selection Committee and the tenure added in 2003, the Director of Prosecution in 2014 and the tenure extension in 2021. Every safeguard is a graft.

Test yourself

1. Trace the origin of the Central Bureau of Investigation. It began as the Special Police Establishment, set up by an executive order of the Government of India in 1941 under a Deputy Inspector-General in the then Department of War, because the very large sums of public money being spent on the Second World War created an enormous potential for corruption among the officers dealing with supplies. It was continued by Ordinance, and when the need for a central agency to investigate bribery and corruption by Central Government servants persisted after the war, the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 was brought into force, its section 7 repealing Ordinance 22 of 1946. Superintendence was transferred to the Home Department and the functions were enlarged to cover all departments of the Government of India. The name Central Bureau of Investigation dates from the Government of India's Resolution No. 4/31/61-T/MHA of 1 April 1963, which also widened the work to breaches of central fiscal laws, frauds in Government departments and public sector undertakings and other serious crimes.

2. Why is the war-time origin relevant to the modern criticism of the agency? Because the statute was drafted for a small, temporary, single-purpose force and has never been replaced. The Act has seven sections, of which one is the short title and one a repeal that has itself been repealed, and its section 3 leaves the entire list of offences to executive notification. That instrument now carries a national agency of three Divisions operating in every State on corruption, economic offences and serious crime. Every institutional safeguard it possesses was added by amendment long afterwards: the superintendence split, the selection Committee and the minimum tenure in 2003, the Director of Prosecution in 2014, the reconstituted Committee in 2014 and the extension of the Director's tenure in 2021. The mismatch between the instrument and the institution is the principal argument for a dedicated statute.

3. What did section 7 of the Act of 1946 do? It repealed Ordinance 22 of 1946, under which the Special Police Establishment had been continued after the executive order of 1941, so that the force stood on an Act of the legislature rather than on an ordinance. Section 7 was itself repealed by the Repealing and Amending Act 1950, its purpose having been spent, which is the ordinary fate of a repealing section once the repeal it effected has taken place.

munotes.in429

The War-Time Origin

4. Did the Act of 1946 apply to the whole of India from the beginning? Section 1(2) extends the Act to the whole of India, but the words "except the State of Jammu and Kashmir" stood in it until they were omitted by Act 62 of 1956, and the Act was separately extended to several territories as they came under Indian administration, to Goa, Daman and Diu by Regulation 12 of 1962, to Dadra and Nagar Haveli with effect from 1 July 1965, to Pondicherry with effect from 1 October 1963, to Lakshadweep with effect from 1 October 1967 and to Sikkim with effect from 15 May 1976. It is important to distinguish the extent of the Act, which is the whole of India, from the ordinary jurisdiction of the force it constitutes, which section 2 confines to the Union territories and which reaches a State only through an order under section 5 with the consent required by section 6.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in430

Chapter Eighty-Two

The Act of 1946, Read Section by Section

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

Four short sections constitute a police force, borrow the local police's powers for it, and leave the offences it may investigate to a notification.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 1 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 gives the short title and extends the Act to the whole of India; section 1A, inserted by section 26(a) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, provides that words and expressions used in this Act and not defined but defined in that Act shall have the meanings assigned to them there; section 2 empowers the Central Government, notwithstanding the Police Act 1861, to constitute a special police force called the Delhi Special Police Establishment for the investigation in any Union territory of offences notified under section 3, gives its members the powers of the local police there and gives a member of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector the powers of an officer in charge of a police station; and section 3 empowers the Central Government to specify by notification the offences or classes of offences to be investigated by the Establishment.

Section 1: title and extent

(1) Short title. The Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946.

(2) Extent. It extends to the whole of India, the words "except the State of Jammu and Kashmir" having been omitted by Act 62 of 1956.

Distinguish the extent of the Act from the jurisdiction of the force, because students collapse them constantly. The Act runs everywhere in India. The force it constitutes may, under section 2, investigate in any Union territory. To act in a State it needs an order under section 5 and the consent of that State under section 6. Extent is where the statute is law; jurisdiction is where the police may act.

Section 1A: the definitions come from another Act

Inserted by section 26(a) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003:

"Words and expressions used herein and not defined but defined in the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 shall have the meanings, respectively, assigned to them in that Act."

A small section with a large implication, and it is worth a sentence in any answer on the relationship between the two bodies. The Act of 1946 has no definition clause of its own. Since 2003 it reads its vocabulary out of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, which is why the word "Commission" in section 4(1), used without explanation, means the Central Vigilance Commission constituted under section 3(1) of that Act.

It also shows how thoroughly the 2003 Act rebuilt this one. Chapter 680 listed the grafts: section 1A, the substituted section 4, sections 4A, 4B, 4C and section 6A. The 1946 Act as it stands today is largely a creature of 2003, 2014 and 2021, and only sections 1, 2, 3, 5 and 6 are substantially the original.

munotes.in431

The Act of 1946, Read Section by Section

Section 2: constitution and powers

Section 2(1): the force. Notwithstanding anything in the Police Act 1861, the Central Government may constitute a special police force to be called the Delhi Special Police Establishment for the investigation in any Union territory of offences notified under section 3.

Three things to notice, each of which is examinable.

The non obstante clause. Police and public order are State subjects under Entries 1 and 2 of the State List. Parliament's competence to constitute this force comes from the Union List's entries on the Union territories and on the Central Bureau of Intelligence and Investigation, Entry 8, and chapter 900 shows that the relationship between that entry and this force is precisely what was put in issue in 2013. The clause displaces the general police law so that the new force is not a creature of it.

"May constitute". The force exists because the Central Government constituted it, not because the Act created it. The Act is an enabling statute.

"In any Union territory". The original words were "for the State of Delhi", omitted by Act 26 of 1952, and the expression was successively substituted to reach its present form. The jurisdiction has always been territorial and has always started small.

Section 2(2): borrowed powers. Subject to any orders of the Central Government, members of the Establishment shall have throughout any Union territory, in relation to the investigation of notified offences and the arrest of persons concerned in them, all the powers, duties, privileges and liabilities which police officers of that Union territory have in connection with the investigation of offences committed there.

Section 2(3): station house powers. Any member of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector may, subject to such orders, exercise in any Union territory any of the powers of the officer in charge of a police station in the area where he is for the time being, and when so exercising them shall be deemed to be an officer in charge of a police station.

Why section 2(3) is more important than it looks. Under the criminal procedure law it is the officer in charge of a police station who registers a first information report, who investigates a cognizable offence without a Magistrate's order, and who files the report on completing the investigation. Without section 2(3) a member of this Establishment could not do any of those things. Section 2(3) is the provision that turns the Establishment into a working police force, and chapter 810 shows section 5(3) doing the identical job for a State.

munotes.in432

The Act of 1946, Read Section by Section

And note the rank floor and the recurring words "subject to any orders which the Central Government may make in this behalf". The floor is Sub-Inspector; and the Central Government may condition every one of these powers by order. Even the operational powers of the force are held at the executive's pleasure.

Section 3: the offences

The Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, specify the offences or classes of offences which are to be investigated by the Delhi Special Police Establishment.

The words "committed in connection with matters concerning Departments of the Central Government" were omitted by Act 26 of 1952, section 5. Before that omission the notified offences had to have a Central connection. After it there is no subject-matter limit in the Act at all: whatever the Central Government notifies, the Establishment investigates.

Three consequences, and the third is the one to argue.

Everything the agency may investigate is on a list the Government writes. Add to the notification and the agency's remit grows; subtract and it shrinks. No Bill, no debate, no vote.

Jurisdiction is always a two-part question. Is the offence notified under section 3, and does the force have territorial jurisdiction under section 2, or under section 5 with a section 6 consent? A defect in either is fatal, and both are routinely taken as preliminary objections.

And this is the strongest single argument for a dedicated statute. Compare the National Investigation Agency Act 2008, which chapter 920 reads: it has a Schedule of scheduled offences, and the Schedule is amended by Parliament. One central agency's remit is set by law and the other's by notification, and the difference is not one of principle but of the accident that one agency was created in 2008 and the other in 1946.

A worked example

An officer of the Establishment, a Sub-Inspector, is in Delhi and receives information disclosing a cognizable offence of cheating a Central Government department.

Is the offence within section 3? Only if it is one the Central Government has notified. If it has not been notified, the officer has no power under this Act however clear the offence.

Is he territorially competent? Delhi is a Union territory, so section 2 applies directly and no order under section 5 or consent under section 6 is needed.

May he register the case and investigate? Yes. He is of the rank of Sub-Inspector, so section 2(3) gives him the powers of an officer in charge of a police station in that area, and section 2(2) gives him the powers of the local police in relation to investigation and arrest.

munotes.in433

The Act of 1946, Read Section by Section

Change the place to Pune. Maharashtra is a State, not a Union territory. Section 2 does not reach it. He needs an order of the Central Government under section 5(1) extending the powers and jurisdiction of the Establishment to that area, and by section 6 nothing in section 5 enables him to exercise those powers without the consent of the State Government.

Change the rank to Assistant Sub-Inspector. Section 2(3) does not apply: the floor is Sub-Inspector. He may assist under section 2(2) but cannot exercise station house powers.

Change the offence to one under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 against a Joint Secretary. Two further filters engage: the superintendence of the Central Vigilance Commission under section 4(1), and section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act, which requires the previous approval of the Central Government before any enquiry, inquiry or investigation if the allegation is relatable to a recommendation made or decision taken in the discharge of official functions.

What beginners get wrong

That the Act's extent is the force's jurisdiction. The Act extends to the whole of India; the force's ordinary jurisdiction under section 2 is the Union territories.

That the Act defines its terms. It has no definition clause. Section 1A reads them out of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003.

That the Act lists the offences. Section 3 leaves them wholly to a notification, and the Central-connection limitation was removed in 1952.

That any member of the force can register a case. Only a member of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector, under section 2(3).

That the force's powers are its own. They are the local police's powers, borrowed, and every borrowing is subject to orders of the Central Government.

Quick revision

s.1(2): the Act extends to the whole of India; the Jammu and Kashmir exception omitted by Act 62 of 1956. Extent is not jurisdiction.

s.1A, inserted by s.26(a) of the CVC Act 2003: words not defined here but defined in that Act take that Act's meanings. Which is why "the Commission" in s.4(1) needs no definition.

s.2(1): notwithstanding the Police Act 1861, the Central Government may constitute the Delhi Special Police Establishment for investigation in any Union territory of offences notified under s.3.

s.2(2): members have all the powers, duties, privileges and liabilities of the local police there, for investigation of those offences and arrest.

s.2(3): a member of or above Sub-Inspector has the powers of an officer in charge of a police station and is deemed to be one. The provision that makes registration and investigation possible.

munotes.in434

The Act of 1946, Read Section by Section

s.3: the Central Government by notification specifies the offences. The words limiting them to matters concerning Departments of the Central Government were omitted by Act 26 of 1952, leaving no subject-matter limit in the Act.

Every power in s.2 is "subject to any orders which the Central Government may make in this behalf".

Test yourself

1. Distinguish the extent of the Act from the jurisdiction of the force. Section 1(2) provides that the Act extends to the whole of India, which means the statute is law everywhere in the country. The jurisdiction of the force it enables the Central Government to constitute is quite different: section 2(1) confines the investigation to any Union territory, and section 2(2) and (3) give members their powers throughout any Union territory. To act in a State the force requires an order of the Central Government under section 5(1) extending its powers and jurisdiction to that area, and by section 6 nothing in section 5 enables a member to exercise those powers in a State, other than a Union territory or railway area, without the consent of that State Government.

2. What is the effect of section 1A? Inserted by section 26(a) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, it provides that words and expressions used in the 1946 Act and not defined in it, but defined in the 2003 Act, shall have the meanings assigned to them in that Act. The 1946 Act has no definition clause of its own, so since 2003 it borrows its vocabulary. The practical illustration is that section 4(1) vests superintendence in "the Commission" without saying which, and section 1A supplies the answer, namely the Central Vigilance Commission constituted under section 3(1) of the 2003 Act.

3. Explain the powers conferred by section 2. Section 2(1) empowers the Central Government, notwithstanding anything in the Police Act 1861, to constitute a special police force called the Delhi Special Police Establishment for the investigation in any Union territory of offences notified under section 3. Section 2(2) provides that, subject to any orders of the Central Government, its members shall have throughout any Union territory, in relation to the investigation of such offences and the arrest of persons concerned in them, all the powers, duties, privileges and liabilities of police officers of that Union territory in connection with the investigation of offences committed there. Section 2(3) provides that a member of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector may, subject to such orders, exercise in any Union territory any of the powers of the officer in charge of a police station in the area where he is for the time being, and shall while so acting be deemed to be such an officer. The technique is one of borrowing rather than of creation: the Establishment carries the powers of the local police with it, and section 2(3) in particular is what enables its officers to register and investigate a case at all.

munotes.in435

The Act of 1946, Read Section by Section

4. How is the subject-matter jurisdiction of the agency determined, and why is that criticised? By notification. Section 3 provides simply that the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, specify the offences or classes of offences to be investigated by the Establishment, and the words which had confined those offences to matters concerning Departments of the Central Government were omitted by Act 26 of 1952. The Act therefore names no offence at all, and the remit of India's principal investigating agency can be enlarged or reduced by an executive notification without any legislative act. The contrast usually drawn is with the National Investigation Agency Act 2008, which lists the scheduled offences in a Schedule that Parliament amends, and the difference is an accident of the age of the two statutes rather than a considered distinction.

5. A Head Constable of the Establishment wishes to register a first information report in Chandigarh. Advise him. He cannot. Section 2(3) confers the powers of an officer in charge of a police station only on a member of the Establishment of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector, and it is the officer in charge of a police station who registers a first information report and investigates a cognizable offence. A Head Constable is below that floor. He may assist in an investigation under section 2(2) as a member of the force, but the case must be registered by an officer of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector. Chandigarh being a Union territory, no order under section 5 or consent under section 6 is required, but the offence must be one notified under section 3, and every power is in terms subject to any orders which the Central Government may make.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in436

Chapter Eighty-Three

Superintendence: Section 4

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

As enacted the Central Government superintended the whole force; since 2003 the Central Vigilance Commission superintends its corruption investigations, the Central Government superintends everything else, and the Director administers it; and superintendence, the Supreme Court has held, never included the power to direct a particular investigation.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 4 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, as substituted by section 26(b) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 with effect from 11 September 2003, provides that the superintendence of the Establishment in so far as it relates to the investigation of offences alleged to have been committed under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 shall vest in the Commission, that save as so provided the superintendence in all other matters shall vest in the Central Government, and that the administration shall vest in an officer appointed by the Central Government called the Director, who shall exercise such of the powers of an Inspector-General of Police as that Government may specify; and in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, the Supreme Court held that superintendence in section 4(1) does not include control of the initiation and the actual process of investigation.

Section 4 as it now stands

4(1). The superintendence of the Delhi Special Police Establishment in so far as it relates to investigation of offences alleged to have been committed under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 shall vest in the Commission.

4(2). Save as otherwise provided in sub-section (1), the superintendence of the said police establishment in all other matters shall vest in the Central Government.

4(3). The administration of the said police establishment shall vest in an officer appointed in this behalf by the Central Government, referred to as the Director, who shall exercise in respect of that police establishment such of the powers exercisable by an Inspector-General of Police in respect of the police force in a State as the Central Government may specify in this behalf.

The three-way split, and it must be written out exactly.

WhatWho
Superintendence of Prevention of Corruption Act investigationsthe Central Vigilance Commission
Superintendence in all other mattersthe Central Government
Administration of the force, in every matterthe Director, appointed by the Central Government

And the word that decides the value of the first row is "administration". Postings, transfers, promotions, discipline, deployment, resources: all administration, all outside the Commission. Chapter 750 drew the conclusion; this is the section it rests on.

What section 4 said before 2003

As enacted, section 4 vested the superintendence of the Establishment in the Central Government simply, without division and without any mention of a commission.

munotes.in437

Superintendence: Section 4

So the change of 2003 is the whole reform, and it was ordered by a court. Chapter 580 worked Vineet Narain; the direction was that the Central Vigilance Commission be given statutory status and be entrusted with the responsibility of superintendence over the Central Bureau of Investigation's functioning in corruption cases, and section 26(b) of the 2003 Act is Parliament carrying it out.

Note the limit Parliament kept. It moved only corruption. Everything else stayed with the Central Government under section 4(2), and administration stayed with the Director under the Central Government in section 4(3). The reform relocated one row of the table and left the other two where they were.

What "superintendence" means, and this is the holding to learn

The question in Vineet Narain was whether the power of superintendence in section 4(1), then vested in the Central Government, was wide enough to support the Single Directive, an executive instruction requiring prior sanction before the agency could investigate senior officers.

The Court's construction, in its own terms. There can be no doubt that the overall administration of the force vests in the Central Government, which also includes, by virtue of section 3, the power to specify the offences to be investigated by it. But the general superintendence over the functioning of the department, and the specification of the offences to be investigated, is not the same as and does not include within it the control of the initiation and the actual process of investigation, that is, direction.

Once the agency is empowered to investigate an offence generally by its specification under section 3, the process of investigation, including its initiation, is to be governed by the statutory provisions which provide for the initiation and manner of investigation of the offence. That is not an area which can be included within the meaning of superintendence in section 4(1).

And the conclusion. It is the notification under section 3 which confers and determines the jurisdiction of the agency to investigate an offence; once that jurisdiction is attracted, the actual investigation is governed by the general law applicable to such investigation. The word superintendence in section 4(1) cannot be construed in a wider sense to permit supervision of the actual investigation of an offence contrary to the manner provided by the statutory provisions, and the broad proposition urged on behalf of the Union of India, that it could by a directive under section 4(1) curtail or inhibit the agency's jurisdiction to investigate an offence specified under section 3, could not be accepted.

The clinching comparison the Court drew. A previous sanction for prosecution is expressly required by section 6 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1947, now section 19 of the Act of 1988, without which no court may take cognizance. There is no such requirement of previous sanction for investigation in either Act. A requirement the legislature did not impose cannot be imposed as a condition precedent by an executive directive.

munotes.in438

Superintendence: Section 4

Learn that last argument as a technique, because it recurs. Where a statute expressly requires prior permission at one stage and says nothing about another, the silence is deliberate. Chapters 680 and 740 show Parliament twice responding by enacting the permission requirement it had omitted, first as section 6A of this Act and then as section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act.

The proviso in the Commission's own Act

Chapter 630 read the proviso to section 8(1)(b) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003: while exercising superintendence under clause (a) or giving directions under clause (b), the Commission shall not exercise powers in such a manner so as to require the Delhi Special Police Establishment to investigate or dispose of any case in a particular manner.

That proviso is Vineet Narain's construction of superintendence, written into the statute. Parliament, having moved superintendence over corruption cases from the Central Government to the Commission, took care that the Commission should not acquire the very power the Court had denied to the Government. Superintendence changed hands; its content did not.

What superintendence therefore is, and is not

It is. Supervision of the functioning of the Establishment in corruption matters. Reviewing the progress of investigations under section 8(1)(e) of the 2003 Act. Reviewing the pendency of sanction applications under section 8(1)(f). Giving directions for the discharge of the responsibility entrusted by section 4(1). Requiring the annual accounting that section 14(2) demands.

It is not. Deciding whether to register a case. Deciding whom to charge-sheet. Deciding when to close. Any of those would be control of the initiation or the actual process of investigation, which the Court held superintendence never included and which the proviso to section 8(1)(b) forbids in terms.

And it is not administration. The Commission has no say in who investigates, where he is posted or what happens to his career.

A worked example

The Establishment registers a corruption case against a public sector officer and eight months pass with no progress.

May the Commission ask why? Yes. That is supervision of the functioning of the agency in a corruption matter: section 4(1) of the 1946 Act with sections 8(1)(a) and 8(1)(e) of the 2003 Act.

May it direct that the officer be charge-sheeted? No. That is control of the actual process of investigation, outside superintendence on the Vineet Narain construction and forbidden by the proviso to section 8(1)(b).

munotes.in439

Superintendence: Section 4

May it direct that the case be closed? No, for the same reason.

May it have the investigating officer transferred? No. That is administration, which section 4(3) vests in the Director.

May the Central Government direct the investigation? No. Section 4(1) has taken superintendence in corruption matters away from it altogether, and even when it held that power Vineet Narain held the power did not extend so far.

Suppose the case is not a corruption case but a bank fraud. Superintendence is then the Central Government's under section 4(2), and the same limit applies: superintendence does not include direction of a particular investigation.

What can actually be done about the delay, then? The Commission can review it, record it, and put it in the separate part on the Establishment that section 14(2) of the 2003 Act requires in its annual report, which is laid before both Houses. Once again the sanction is disclosure.

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission controls the agency. It superintends its corruption investigations. Administration is the Director's; other superintendence is the Central Government's.

That superintendence includes directing a case. Vineet Narain held it does not, and the proviso to section 8(1)(b) of the 2003 Act says so expressly.

That the Central Government lost all control in 2003. It kept superintendence in all other matters under section 4(2), the appointment of the Director under section 4(3), the notification of offences under section 3, and the power to condition the force's powers by order under section 2.

That the Director's powers are those of a Director-General. Section 4(3) gives him such of the powers of an Inspector-General of Police as the Central Government may specify, which is again a matter for the executive.

Quick revision

s.4(1): superintendence of Prevention of Corruption Act investigations vests in the Commission. s.4(2): superintendence in all other matters vests in the Central Government. s.4(3): administration vests in the Director, appointed by the Central Government, with such of an Inspector-General's powers as that Government specifies.

Substituted by s.26(b) of the CVC Act 2003, w.e.f. 11 September 2003, in performance of the direction in the Vineet Narain directions.

Vineet Narain on superintendence: general superintendence over the functioning of the department, and the specification of offences under s.3, do not include the control of the initiation and the actual process of investigation, that is direction; once jurisdiction is attracted by the s.3 notification, the investigation is governed by the general law. The clinching point: the statute expressly requires previous sanction for prosecution (s.19 of the 1988 Act) and none for investigation, so no directive may impose one.

munotes.in440

Superintendence: Section 4

Proviso to s.8(1)(b) of the CVC Act: the Commission shall not require any case to be investigated or disposed of in a particular manner. The holding, enacted.

Test yourself

1. Who exercises superintendence over the Central Bureau of Investigation? It depends on the subject matter. By section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, as substituted in 2003, superintendence in so far as it relates to the investigation of offences alleged to have been committed under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 vests in the Central Vigilance Commission. By section 4(2), save as so provided, superintendence in all other matters vests in the Central Government. Administration of the force in every matter vests, by section 4(3), in the Director appointed by the Central Government, who exercises such of the powers of an Inspector-General of Police as that Government may specify.

2. What does superintendence mean, on the authority of Vineet Narain? The Supreme Court held that the overall administration of the force vests in the Central Government and includes, by virtue of section 3, the power to specify the offences to be investigated; but that general superintendence over the functioning of the department, and the specification of offences, is not the same as and does not include the control of the initiation and the actual process of investigation, which is direction. Once the agency is empowered to investigate an offence by a notification under section 3, the process of investigation, including its initiation, is governed by the statutory provisions applicable to investigation generally, and that is not an area within the meaning of superintendence in section 4(1). The word cannot be construed widely enough to permit supervision of the actual investigation contrary to the manner provided by statute, and the Union's contention that it could by a directive curtail or inhibit the agency's jurisdiction to investigate a notified offence was rejected.

3. What was the clinching argument the Court used against the Single Directive? That the legislature had provided expressly for previous sanction at one stage and not at another. Section 6 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1947, now section 19 of the Act of 1988, requires previous sanction before a court may take cognizance of the offence; neither that Act nor the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act nor any other statutory provision requires previous sanction for investigation. A condition precedent which the legislature had not imposed could not be imposed by an executive directive purporting to be an exercise of the power of superintendence.

4. How is that holding reflected in the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003? In the proviso to section 8(1)(b), which provides that while exercising the powers of superintendence under clause (a) or giving directions under clause (b) the Commission shall not exercise its powers in such a manner as to require the Delhi Special Police Establishment to investigate or dispose of any case in a particular manner. Parliament, having transferred superintendence over corruption investigations from the Central Government to the Commission, wrote the Court's construction of the word into the statute, so that the new holder of the power should not acquire the very control the Court had held the power never carried.

munotes.in441

Superintendence: Section 4

5. What can the Commission actually do about an investigation that has stalled? It may exercise superintendence over the functioning of the Establishment in that corruption matter under section 4(1) of the 1946 Act and section 8(1)(a) of the 2003 Act, review the progress of the investigation under section 8(1)(e), give directions for the discharge of the responsibility entrusted by section 4(1) under section 8(1)(b), and review the pendency of any sanction application under section 8(1)(f). It may not direct that the accused be charge-sheeted or that the case be closed, since that is control of the actual process of investigation, and it may not have the investigating officer transferred, since that is administration vested in the Director. What remains to it is to record the delay in the separate part on the Establishment which section 14(2) requires in its annual report, and which section 14(3) requires the President to cause to be laid before each House of Parliament.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in442

Chapter Eighty-Four

The Director, and the Committee

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

The Director is chosen by a committee of three of whom only one is of the Government, holds office for at least two years, cannot be transferred without that committee's consent, and since 2021 may be kept on one year at a time up to five.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 requires the Central Government to appoint the Director on the recommendation of a Committee consisting of the Prime Minister as Chairperson, the Leader of the Opposition recognised as such in the House of the People or, where there is no such Leader, the Leader of the single largest Opposition Party in that House, and the Chief Justice of India or a Judge of the Supreme Court nominated by him; section 4B provides that the Director shall hold office for not less than two years notwithstanding anything to the contrary in his conditions of service and shall not be transferred without the Committee's previous consent, and by the provisos inserted in 2021 that period may in public interest be extended up to one year at a time subject to a total of five years; section 4BA creates a Directorate of Prosecution; and section 4C provides for appointments to posts of the level of Superintendent of Police and above on the recommendation of a different Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner.

Section 4A: the Committee

4A(1). The Central Government shall appoint the Director on the recommendation of the Committee consisting of:

(a) the Prime Minister, Chairperson; (b) the Leader of Opposition recognised as such in the House of the People, or, where there is no such Leader of Opposition, the Leader of the single largest Opposition Party in that House, Member; (c) the Chief Justice of India or a Judge of the Supreme Court nominated by him, Member.

4A(2). No appointment of a Director shall be invalid merely by reason of any vacancy or absence of a Member in the Committee.

4A(3). The Committee shall recommend a panel of officers (a) on the basis of seniority, integrity and experience in the investigation of anti-corruption cases, and (b) chosen from among officers belonging to the Indian Police Service constituted under the All-India Services Act 1951, for being considered for appointment as Director.

Count the votes and compare, because this is the best selection committee in the paper. One of three is of the Government. Chapter 750 counted the Central Vigilance Commission's Committee at two of three, chapter 110 the Lokpal's at two of five, and chapter 270 Maharashtra's 2023 Committee at four of seven.

The history of the section is itself examinable. As inserted by section 26(b) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, the Committee was headed by the Central Vigilance Commissioner. Section 4A(1) was substituted by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, section 58 and the Schedule, with effect from 16 January 2014, to the present three-member composition. Clause (b) was then substituted by Act 28 of 2014, section 2, with effect from 29 November 2014, to add the "single largest Opposition Party" fallback, and the same Act inserted sub-section (2).

munotes.in443

The Director, and the Committee

And notice what that 2014 amendment tells you. Chapter 230 worked the five-year Lokpal vacancy that turned on there being no recognised Leader of the Opposition, and chapter 610 noticed that the Central Vigilance Commission Act had solved the same problem in an Explanation in 2003. Parliament amended this Act in November 2014 to solve it here and did not amend the Lokpal Act. Three statutes, the same problem, and only two of them fixed.

Section 4B: tenure, and the amendment of 2021

4B(1). The Director shall, notwithstanding anything to the contrary contained in the rules relating to his conditions of service, continue to hold office for a period of not less than two years from the date on which he assumes office.

The non obstante clause is the whole safeguard. Ordinary service rules would let the Government move him at will. Section 4B(1) overrides them.

The two provisos, inserted by the Delhi Special Police Establishment (Amendment) Act 2021, Act 45 of 2021, which received the President's assent on 18 December 2021 and is deemed to have come into force on 14 November 2021, replacing an Ordinance of 2021 which section 3 of that Act repealed while saving everything done under it:

"Provided that the period for which the Director holds the office on his initial appointment may, in public interest, on the recommendation of the Committee under sub-section (1) of section 4A and for the reasons to be recorded in writing, be extended up to one year at a time:

Provided further that no such extension shall be granted after the completion of a period of five years in total including the period mentioned in the initial appointment."

4B(2). The Director shall not be transferred except with the previous consent of the Committee referred to in section 4A(1).

State the 2021 change precisely, because it is easy to get wrong. The two-year minimum is untouched. What is added is a power to extend, one year at a time, in public interest, on the Committee's recommendation, for reasons recorded in writing, up to a total of five years including the initial appointment. The identical amendment was made to section 25(d) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act for the Director of Enforcement by Act 46 of 2021, chapter 680.

munotes.in444

The Director, and the Committee

And state the criticism, because MU asks for it. A fixed non-extendable tenure is a protection against the appointing authority; an extendable one is a relationship with it. An officer in the fifth year of a tenure renewed annually by a Committee the Government sits on has a different set of incentives from one who knows he leaves in two years whatever he does. The safeguards of recording reasons, the public interest and the Committee's recommendation are real, and they do not remove the incentive. The honest answer states both.

Section 4BA: the Director of Prosecution

Inserted by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, section 58 and the Schedule, with effect from 16 January 2014.

(1) There shall be a Directorate of Prosecution headed by a Director who shall be an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary to the Government of India, for conducting prosecution of cases under this Act.

(2) The Director of Prosecution shall function under the overall supervision and control of the Director.

(3) The Central Government shall appoint him on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission.

(4) He shall, notwithstanding anything to the contrary in the rules relating to his conditions of service, continue to hold office for a period of not less than two years.

Two points. The same three devices appear again: an appointment on somebody else's recommendation, a fixed minimum tenure, and an officer of specified rank. And the recommending body here is the Central Vigilance Commission, so the Commission has a hand in the prosecution arm of an agency whose corruption investigations it superintends.

Section 4C: everybody above Superintendent of Police

4C(1), as substituted by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 with effect from 16 January 2014. The Central Government shall appoint officers to the posts of the level of Superintendent of Police and above except Director, and also recommend the extension or curtailment of the tenure of such officers, on the recommendation of a committee consisting of:

(a) the Central Vigilance Commissioner, Chairperson; (b) the Vigilance Commissioners, Members; (c) the Secretary in charge of the Ministry of Home Affairs, Member; (d) the Secretary in charge of the Department of Personnel, Member.

Proviso. The Committee shall consult the Director before submitting its recommendation to the Central Government.

4C(2). On receipt of the recommendation, the Central Government shall pass such orders as it thinks fit to give effect to it.

Two Committees, and the difference between them is the most useful fact in this chapter.

munotes.in445

The Director, and the Committee

For the Director: Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition, Chief Justice or his nominee. Judicial member present; Government in a minority.

For everybody else above Superintendent of Police: Central Vigilance Commissioner, Vigilance Commissioners, and two Secretaries to the Government. No judicial member; the Commissioners and two serving Secretaries.

So the safeguard thins sharply below the top. The head of the agency is chosen by a body the Government does not control; the officers who actually conduct the investigations are appointed, extended and curtailed by a body of which two members are serving Secretaries of the Government. An answer that notices this has found the real weakness in the agency's insulation, and it is a better point than the familiar complaint about the Director.

And note who is not on either Committee: the Director sits on neither. He is only consulted under the proviso to section 4C(1), and section 4A(2) of the pre-2014 text required the Committee for his own successor to take the views of the outgoing Director, a requirement the substituted section 4A no longer contains.

A worked example

The office of Director falls vacant.

The Committee. Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People, and the Chief Justice or a Judge of the Supreme Court nominated by him. If no Leader of the Opposition is recognised, the Leader of the single largest Opposition Party takes that place, by the substitution of 2014. If a member is absent or a seat is vacant, section 4A(2) prevents that invalidating the appointment.

The panel. Section 4A(3): officers of the Indian Police Service, on the basis of seniority, integrity and experience in the investigation of anti-corruption cases.

Tenure. Not less than two years under section 4B(1), notwithstanding his service rules.

In the second year the Government wishes to move him to another post. Section 4B(2): not without the previous consent of the Committee.

At the end of two years the Government wishes to keep him. The first proviso to section 4B(1): an extension of up to one year at a time, in public interest, on the Committee's recommendation and for reasons recorded in writing; and by the second proviso no extension after five years in total.

A Joint Director's posting. Not the Director's decision and not this Committee's. Section 4C: the Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner, with the Vigilance Commissioners and the Secretaries of Home Affairs and Personnel, after consulting the Director, recommends; and the Central Government passes such orders as it thinks fit to give effect to the recommendation.

And the prosecutor. Section 4BA: a Director of Prosecution not below the rank of Joint Secretary, appointed by the Central Government on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission, holding office for not less than two years, under the overall supervision and control of the Director.

munotes.in446

The Director, and the Committee

What beginners get wrong

That the Central Vigilance Commissioner chairs the Committee for the Director. He did until 16 January 2014; since then the Committee is the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and the Chief Justice or his nominee, and the Commissioner chairs the section 4C Committee instead.

That the 2021 amendment gives the Director a five-year term. It permits extension one year at a time on the Committee's recommendation, in public interest and for recorded reasons, up to five years in total including the initial appointment.

That the Director cannot be moved for two years in any circumstances. He may be transferred with the previous consent of the Committee under section 4B(2).

That the panel may be drawn from anywhere. Section 4A(3)(b) confines it to the Indian Police Service.

That the Director appoints his own senior officers. Section 4C gives that to a different Committee; the Director is only consulted.

Quick revision

s.4A(1), substituted by the Lokpal Act w.e.f. 16 January 2014: the Committee is the Prime Minister (Chairperson), the Leader of the Opposition in the House of the People or, if none is recognised, the Leader of the single largest Opposition Party (clause (b) substituted by Act 28 of 2014 w.e.f. 29 November 2014), and the Chief Justice of India or his nominee Judge. One of three is of the Government. s.4A(2): a vacancy or absence does not invalidate. s.4A(3): a panel on seniority, integrity and experience in anti-corruption investigation, from the Indian Police Service.

s.4B(1): not less than two years, notwithstanding his service rules. Provisos inserted by Act 45 of 2021, assent 18 December 2021, deemed in force 14 November 2021: extension in public interest, on the s.4A Committee's recommendation, reasons in writing, one year at a time, maximum five years in total. s.4B(2): no transfer without the Committee's previous consent.

s.4BA, inserted w.e.f. 16 January 2014: a Directorate of Prosecution headed by a Director not below Joint Secretary, appointed on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission, two-year minimum, under the overall supervision and control of the Director.

s.4C: posts of Superintendent of Police and above except Director, and extension or curtailment of their tenure, on the recommendation of a Committee of the Central Vigilance Commissioner (Chairperson), the Vigilance Commissioners, and the Secretaries of Home Affairs and of Personnel, after consulting the Director; the Central Government then passes such orders as it thinks fit.

munotes.in447

The Director, and the Committee

Test yourself

1. How is the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation appointed? By the Central Government on the recommendation of the Committee constituted by section 4A(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, consisting of the Prime Minister as Chairperson, the Leader of the Opposition recognised as such in the House of the People or, where there is no such Leader, the Leader of the single largest Opposition Party in that House, and the Chief Justice of India or a Judge of the Supreme Court nominated by him. The Committee recommends a panel of officers of the Indian Police Service chosen on the basis of seniority, integrity and experience in the investigation of anti-corruption cases, and no appointment is invalid merely by reason of a vacancy or the absence of a member.

2. What protection does the Director have in his tenure? Section 4B(1) provides that notwithstanding anything to the contrary in the rules relating to his conditions of service he shall continue to hold office for not less than two years from the date he assumes office, and section 4B(2) that he shall not be transferred except with the previous consent of the Committee under section 4A(1). Since the amendment of 2021 the period of his initial appointment may, in public interest, on the recommendation of that Committee and for reasons to be recorded in writing, be extended up to one year at a time, but no extension may be granted after the completion of five years in total including the initial appointment.

3. Criticise the amendment of 2021. A fixed and non-extendable tenure protects an officer against the authority that appointed him, because nothing he does can shorten it and nothing he does can lengthen it. An extendable tenure converts that protection into a relationship: an officer who may be given a further year, on the recommendation of a Committee on which the Prime Minister sits, has an interest in the view the Government takes of his work in a way that an officer with a fixed two-year term does not. Against that it must be said that the extension requires the Committee's recommendation and not the Government's decision alone, that it must be in public interest, that reasons must be recorded in writing, that it can be given only a year at a time, and that the total is capped at five years. The answer is that the safeguards are genuine and that they do not remove the incentive, and both halves belong in the answer.

4. Distinguish the Committee under section 4A from the Committee under section 4C. The section 4A Committee recommends the Director and consists of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition or the Leader of the single largest Opposition Party, and the Chief Justice or a Judge nominated by him, so that only one of its three members belongs to the Government and a judicial member is present. The section 4C Committee recommends appointments to posts of the level of Superintendent of Police and above other than the Director, and the extension or curtailment of their tenure, and consists of the Central Vigilance Commissioner as Chairperson, the Vigilance Commissioners, the Secretary in charge of the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Secretary in charge of the Department of Personnel, so that there is no judicial member and two serving Secretaries of the Government sit on it. The insulation of the agency is therefore strongest at its head and appreciably weaker at the level of the officers who actually conduct the investigations.

munotes.in448

The Director, and the Committee

5. What is the Directorate of Prosecution? Section 4BA, inserted by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 with effect from 16 January 2014, provides for a Directorate of Prosecution headed by a Director of Prosecution not below the rank of Joint Secretary to the Government of India, for conducting prosecutions of cases under the Act. He functions under the overall supervision and control of the Director of the Establishment, is appointed by the Central Government on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission, and holds office for not less than two years notwithstanding anything to the contrary in the rules relating to his conditions of service. Its significance is that it separates the conduct of the prosecution from the conduct of the investigation within the agency, and that it gives the Central Vigilance Commission a role in the prosecution arm of the agency whose corruption investigations it superintends under section 4(1).

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in449

Chapter Eighty-Five

Offences, and the Extension of Powers

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

An order of the Central Government can extend the force's powers to any area in a State, and when it does the officer stops being an outsider: the Act deems him a member of that State's own police force.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 5(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 empowers the Central Government by order to extend to any area, including railway areas, in a State not being a Union territory, the powers and jurisdiction of members of the Delhi Special Police Establishment for the investigation of any offences or classes of offences specified in a notification under section 3; section 5(2) provides that a member acting under such an order shall be deemed to be a member of the police force of that area and be vested with its powers, functions and privileges and subject to its liabilities; and section 5(3), inserted by Act 40 of 1964, provides that a member of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector may exercise the powers of the officer in charge of a police station in that area and shall be deemed to be such an officer within the limits of his station.

Section 5(1): the order

The Central Government may by order extend to any area (including railway areas) in a State, not being a Union territory, the powers and jurisdiction of members of the Delhi Special Police Establishment for the investigation of any offences or classes of offences specified in a notification under section 3.

Read the sentence for the four things it fixes.

Who extends: the Central Government, by order. Not by notification in the Gazette, as section 3 requires; simply by order.

To what: any area, including railway areas, in a State. The area may be as small or as large as the order makes it.

For what: only the offences or classes of offences specified in a notification under section 3. Section 5 cannot enlarge the subject matter; it can only carry the existing subject matter into a new place.

And what section 5 says nothing about: the State's consent. That is section 6, and the two must always be read together. Section 5 is the power and section 6 is the condition on its exercise.

The original words were "in India outside the State of Delhi", substituted by Act 26 of 1952, and "a Part A State or a Part B State" was substituted by the Adaptation of Laws Order 1956 into the present form. The section has always been about getting the force beyond its home territory.

munotes.in450

Offences, and the Extension of Powers

Sections 5(2) and 5(3): the deeming that does the work

5(2). When the powers and jurisdiction are extended to an area, a member of the Establishment may, subject to any orders of the Central Government, discharge the functions of a police officer in that area and shall, while so discharging them, be deemed to be a member of the police force of that area and be vested with the powers, functions and privileges and be subject to the liabilities of a police officer belonging to that police force.

5(3), inserted by Act 40 of 1964, section 5. Where such an order is made, then without prejudice to sub-section (2), any member of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector may, subject to any orders of the Central Government, exercise the powers of the officer in charge of a police station in that area, and when so exercising them shall be deemed to be an officer in charge of a police station discharging the functions of such an officer within the limits of his station.

The deeming is the elegant part of this Act and it should be explained, not merely quoted.

The criminal procedure law knows nothing of a "Central Bureau of Investigation officer". It knows a police officer and an officer in charge of a police station, and it gives them their powers by those names. So the Act does not write a parallel code of investigation powers; it turns its own officers into the local article. A member acting in Pune under a section 5 order is, for the purposes of that investigation, a Maharashtra police officer, and a Sub-Inspector is a station house officer.

And the deeming cuts both ways, which students miss. Section 5(2) vests him with the local force's powers, functions and privileges and subjects him to its liabilities. He gains nothing he could not have had as a local officer and loses none of the accountability. A complaint against him lies as it would against a local policeman, and the safeguards of the criminal procedure law apply to him unchanged.

Compare section 2(2) and (3), chapter 780. The identical technique is used for the Union territories. Section 5 is section 2 done again for a State, with section 6 added as the price.

Section 7 and the shape of the Act

Section 7 was the repeal of Ordinance 22 of 1946, and was itself repealed by the Repealing and Amending Act 1950, as chapter 770 recorded.

Which leaves the Act with a very short spine, and it is worth setting out once so that the whole is visible:

s.1 title and extent. s.1A definitions borrowed from the 2003 Act. s.2 the force, and its powers in the Union territories. s.3 the notification of offences. s.4 superintendence and administration. s.4A the Committee for the Director. s.4B his tenure. s.4BA the Director of Prosecution. s.4C officers of and above Superintendent of Police. s.5 extension to a State. s.6 the State's consent. s.6A struck down in 2014.

munotes.in451

Offences, and the Extension of Powers

There is nothing else. No statement of functions, no accountability provision, no reporting requirement, no complaints mechanism, no code of investigation, no relationship with the State police beyond the deeming in section 5(2). Everything the agency does beyond this list is done under the general criminal law, under executive instructions, or under the Crime Manual it writes for itself, and chapter 940 makes that the case for a statute.

A worked example

The Central Government wishes the Establishment to investigate a class of banking offences in Maharashtra.

Step one, section 3. The offences must be specified in a notification in the Official Gazette as offences to be investigated by the Establishment. If they are not, nothing else can help.

Step two, section 5(1). An order extending to the area in Maharashtra the powers and jurisdiction of members of the Establishment for the investigation of those notified offences.

Step three, section 6. The consent of the Government of Maharashtra, without which nothing in section 5 enables a member to exercise those powers there. Chapter 820 takes this up.

Once all three are in place. A Deputy Superintendent of the Establishment in Pune is, by section 5(2), deemed a member of the Maharashtra police force, with its powers, functions and privileges and subject to its liabilities; and by section 5(3), being above the rank of Sub-Inspector, he may exercise the powers of the officer in charge of a police station and is deemed to be one within the limits of his station. He may therefore register the case and investigate it.

Now change one fact: the offence is a class not covered by the section 3 notification. The section 5 order cannot cure it. Section 5 extends the place, never the subject. The Central Government would have to amend the notification under section 3 first.

Change another: the area is a railway area. Section 5(1) expressly includes railway areas, and section 6 expressly excludes a railway area from the consent requirement, so no State consent is needed there.

What beginners get wrong

That section 5 gives the agency all-India jurisdiction. It gives the Central Government a power to extend, area by area, and section 6 conditions its exercise on the State's consent outside a Union territory or railway area.

That a section 5 order can add offences. It cannot. The offences come only from a section 3 notification.

munotes.in452

Offences, and the Extension of Powers

That a section 5 order needs a Gazette notification. Section 5(1) says "by order". Section 3 is the provision that requires a notification in the Official Gazette.

That the deeming in section 5(2) gives the officer extra powers. It gives him the local police officer's powers and subjects him to the same liabilities.

That any officer of the force can register a case in a State. Section 5(3) requires or above the rank of Sub-Inspector, exactly as section 2(3) does in a Union territory.

Quick revision

s.5(1): the Central Government may by order extend to any area, including railway areas, in a State not being a Union territory, the powers and jurisdiction of members of the Establishment, for the investigation of offences specified in a s.3 notification. Place only, never subject matter.

s.5(2): a member so acting is deemed a member of the police force of that area, with its powers, functions and privileges and subject to its liabilities.

s.5(3), inserted by Act 40 of 1964: a member of or above Sub-Inspector may exercise the powers of, and is deemed to be, the officer in charge of a police station within the limits of his station.

s.6 is the condition on s.5 and is the next chapter.

s.7: repealed Ordinance 22 of 1946; itself repealed by the Repealing and Amending Act 1950.

The whole Act: ss.1, 1A, 2, 3, 4, 4A, 4B, 4BA, 4C, 5, 6, and the struck-down 6A. No statement of functions, no accountability provision, no reporting requirement, no complaints mechanism.

Test yourself

1. How does the Delhi Special Police Establishment acquire jurisdiction in a State? By a two-stage process which section 6 conditions. First the offences must be specified in a notification issued by the Central Government under section 3. Then, under section 5(1), the Central Government may by order extend to any area, including railway areas, in a State not being a Union territory, the powers and jurisdiction of members of the Establishment for the investigation of those offences. Section 6 then provides that nothing in section 5 shall be deemed to enable a member to exercise those powers and jurisdiction in any area in a State, other than a Union territory or railway area, without the consent of that State Government.

2. What is the effect of section 5(2) and section 5(3)? Section 5(2) provides that a member acting under a section 5 order may discharge the functions of a police officer in that area and shall while doing so be deemed to be a member of the police force of that area, vested with its powers, functions and privileges and subject to its liabilities. Section 5(3), inserted by Act 40 of 1964, adds that a member of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector may exercise the powers of the officer in charge of a police station in that area and shall be deemed to be such an officer within the limits of his station. The effect is that the Act creates no separate code of investigation powers but converts its own officers into the local article, so that the ordinary criminal procedure law applies to them exactly as it applies to the State police, both in what they may do and in what they answer for.

munotes.in453

Offences, and the Extension of Powers

3. Can an order under section 5 enlarge the offences the agency may investigate? No. Section 5(1) extends powers and jurisdiction only for the investigation of offences or classes of offences already specified in a notification under section 3. The two provisions divide the work: section 3 fixes what may be investigated and section 5 fixes where. To add an offence the Central Government must amend the section 3 notification, and no order under section 5 can supply the deficiency.

4. Is the consent of the State needed to act in a railway area? No. Section 5(1) expressly includes railway areas among the areas to which the powers and jurisdiction may be extended, and section 6 excludes from the consent requirement any area in a State which is a Union territory or a railway area. Railways being a Union subject, the exclusion is consistent with the distribution of legislative power.

5. What does the shortness of the Act tell you about the agency? That the agency's legal foundation was never designed for the institution it now is. The whole Act consists of the short title and extent, a borrowed definitions clause, the constitution of the force and its powers in the Union territories, a one-sentence power to notify offences, the superintendence and administration provision, the four lettered sections on the Director, the Director of Prosecution and senior appointments, the extension provision, the consent provision and a struck-down section 6A. It contains no statement of the agency's functions, no accountability or reporting requirement, no complaints mechanism, no code of investigation and no provision governing its relationship with the State police beyond the deeming in section 5(2). Everything else the agency does rests on the general criminal law, on executive instruction, or on the manual it writes for itself, and that gap is the principal argument for enacting a dedicated statute.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in454

Chapter Eighty-Eight

Section 6A, Struck Down Twice

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

The same rule was made three times in thirty years and struck down twice, and in 2023 the Supreme Court held that when it was struck down it had never been in force at all.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Single Directive, first issued in 1969, required the prior sanction of the Secretary of the Ministry concerned before the agency took up any enquiry against a decision-making level officer of the rank of Joint Secretary or above; it was struck down in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226; it was re-enacted as section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 by section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003; a Constitution Bench declared section 6A invalid and violative of article 14 in Subramanian Swamy v. Director, Central Bureau of Investigation, (2014) 8 SCC 682; and a Constitution Bench in Central Bureau of Investigation v. R.R. Kishore, decided on 11 September 2023, held that the declaration operates retrospectively and that section 6A is not in force from the date of its insertion, 11 September 2003.

Stage 1: the Single Directive, 1969

What it was, in the Supreme Court's own description. The Single Directive was a consolidated set of instructions issued to the agency by the various Ministries and Departments, requiring the prior sanction of the designated authority to initiate an investigation against officers of the Government, public sector undertakings and nationalised banks above a certain level. It was first issued in 1969 and thereafter amended on many occasions.

Directive 4.7(3)(i), in the form before the Court. In regard to any person who is or has been a decision making level officer, that is Joint Secretary or equivalent or above in the Central Government, or such officers on deputation to a public sector undertaking, officers of the Reserve Bank of India at that level, Executive Directors and above of the Securities and Exchange Board of India, and Chairmen and Managing Directors, Executive Directors and bank officers one level below the Board of nationalised banks, there should be prior sanction of the Secretary of the Ministry or Department concerned before the Establishment takes up any enquiry, preliminary enquiry or regular case, including ordering a search. Without such sanction, no enquiry shall be initiated.

Notice three things about it. It was an executive instruction, not law. It classified by rank. And it stopped the agency at the enquiry stage, before any case existed, which meant that no record of the allegation was ever made.

Stage 2: struck down, 1997

Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, decided on 18 December 1997.

munotes.in466

Section 6A, Struck Down Twice

The reasoning, worked in chapter 790. Superintendence under section 4(1) covers the general functioning of the department and the specification of offences under section 3; it does not include the control of the initiation and the actual process of investigation. Once jurisdiction is attracted by the section 3 notification, the investigation is governed by the general law. And the clinching point: the statute expressly requires previous sanction for prosecution, in section 6 of the Act of 1947, now section 19 of the Act of 1988, and requires none for investigation. A condition precedent the legislature had not imposed could not be imposed by executive directive.

So the Directive died for want of authority, not for want of merit. The Court did not say that protecting senior officers from casual investigation was a bad idea; it said the executive could not do it by instruction. That distinction is what made the next stage possible.

Stage 3: re-enacted, 1998 and 2003

Parliament took the invitation. An Ordinance followed in 1998, and then section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 inserted section 6A into the Act of 1946, with effect from 11 September 2003:

6A(1). The Establishment shall not conduct any inquiry or investigation into an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 except with the previous approval of the Central Government where the allegation relates to (a) employees of the Central Government of the level of Joint Secretary and above, and (b) such officers as are appointed by the Central Government in corporations established by or under a Central Act, Government companies, societies and local authorities owned or controlled by that Government.

6A(2). No approval is necessary for cases involving arrest of a person on the spot on the charge of accepting or attempting to accept any gratification other than legal remuneration.

It is the Single Directive with the vice cured, or so it seemed. The instruction had failed because it was an instruction. Now it was a section of an Act, made by Parliament, with the same rank threshold and the same trap-case exception.

Stage 4: struck down again, 2014

Subramanian Swamy v. Director, Central Bureau of Investigation, (2014) 8 SCC 682, Constitution Bench of five judges, R.M. Lodha CJ, A.K. Patnaik, Sudhansu Jyoti Mukhopadhaya, Dipak Misra and Fakkir Mohamed Ibrahim Kalifulla JJ, decided 6 May 2014.

Held, in paragraph 98. Section 6A(1), which requires approval of the Central Government to conduct any inquiry or investigation into an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 where the allegation relates to employees of the Central Government of the level of Joint Secretary and above and to such officers as are appointed by the Central Government in the public sector bodies, is invalid and violative of article 14 of the Constitution. As a necessary corollary, the provision contained in section 26(c) of Act 45 of 2003 to that extent is also declared invalid.

munotes.in467

Section 6A, Struck Down Twice

The vice this time was the classification. Making a statute of the Directive cured the objection about authority and exposed a different one about equality. Corruption is corruption whoever commits it, and the rank of the accused has no rational relation to the object of detecting and punishing it; a classification that shields officers of and above a level from even a preliminary enquiry therefore fails article 14.

And notice the collateral casualty, which chapter 680 recorded. The Court declared section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 invalid to that extent. A provision of the Act that gave the Commission its statute was itself struck down.

Stage 5: never in force at all, 2023

Central Bureau of Investigation v. R.R. Kishore, decided on 11 September 2023 by a Constitution Bench of five judges: Sanjay Kishan Kaul, Sanjiv Khanna, Abhay S. Oka, Vikram Nath, who wrote the judgment, and J.K. Maheshwari JJ.

The question. Whether the 2014 declaration operated only from 6 May 2014, so that an enquiry begun without approval between 2003 and 2014 was bad, or retrospectively, so that section 6A had never validly required anything.

Held, in paragraph 43. Once a law is declared unconstitutional as violative of Part III, it would be held to be void ab initio, still born, unenforceable and non est in view of article 13(2) and its interpretation by authoritative pronouncements. Therefore the declaration made by the Constitution Bench in Subramanian Swamy will have retrospective operation. Section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act is held to be not in force from the date of its insertion, that is 11 September 2003.

The article 20(1) argument, and why it failed. It was urged that giving the declaration retrospective effect would offend article 20(1), which forbids conviction for an act that was not an offence when committed and a penalty greater than that in force then. The Court's answer is that article 20(1) is about the creation of offences and the enhancement of punishment, and section 6A created no offence and prescribed no penalty. It was a procedural bar on the initiation of an enquiry, and removing a procedural bar retrospectively does not convict anyone of anything he was not liable for at the time.

Learn the two dates together, because the coincidence is exact and it is memorable. Section 6A was inserted on 11 September 2003 and was held, on 11 September 2023, not to have been in force from that very date. Twenty years to the day.

munotes.in468

Section 6A, Struck Down Twice

Stage 6: the third attempt, 2018, and it is still standing

Section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, worked in chapter 740, inserted by Act 16 of 2018 with effect from 26 July 2018.

No police officer shall conduct any enquiry or inquiry or investigation into an offence under that Act alleged against a public servant where the alleged offence is relatable to any recommendation made or decision taken by such public servant in discharge of his official functions or duties, without the previous approval of the Union, the State, or the removing authority as the case may be; no approval for an arrest on the spot in a trap case; and the decision to be conveyed within three months, extendable by one for reasons recorded in writing.

The difference, and it is the whole point of the chapter.

The Directive and section 6A classified by the RANK of the accused. A Joint Secretary was protected and a Deputy Secretary was not, on identical facts.

Section 17A classifies by the NATURE of the act. Every public servant is protected, and only in respect of an allegation relatable to a recommendation made or a decision taken in the discharge of official functions. A demand for a bribe is not such an allegation, and the first proviso puts a trap case outside the section expressly.

Whether section 17A itself survives article 14 has not been decided, and an answer should say so and stop. The arguments both ways are short. For it: the classification is between decision-related allegations and others, which is intelligible and bears a rational relation to the object of protecting honest decision-making. Against it: the practical effect is again to require the permission of the accused's own employer before a corruption case can be looked at, and the three-month period has no consequence attached to its breach.

The sequence in one table

YearWhatFate
1969Single Directive, an executive instruction, prior sanction for Joint Secretary and abovestruck down 1997
1997the Vineet Narain decision: superintendence does not include directing an investigation; no statutory sanction for investigation exists
1998Ordinance re-enacting it
2003s.6A inserted by s.26(c) of the CVC Act, w.e.f. 11 September 2003struck down 2014
2014the Subramanian Swamy decision: s.6A invalid, violative of article 14; s.26(c) invalid to that extent
2018s.17A of the PC Act, approval by reference to the nature of the actin force
2023the R.R. Kishore decision: the declaration is retrospective; s.6A not in force from 11 September 2003
munotes.in469

Section 6A, Struck Down Twice

A worked example

In 2009 the agency began a preliminary enquiry against a Joint Secretary without the approval of the Central Government, and the accused took the objection that section 6A had not been complied with.

On the law as it stood in 2009. Section 6A was on the statute book and the enquiry appeared to be barred.

After 6 May 2014. Section 6A was declared invalid; but the accused argued that the declaration operated only from that date and that the enquiry of 2009 was bad when it was begun.

After 11 September 2023. The argument fails. Section 6A is held not in force from 11 September 2003, so there was never a valid requirement of approval and there was nothing to comply with.

Would article 20(1) protect him? No. Section 6A created no offence and prescribed no punishment; it was a procedural bar, and article 20(1) is confined to the creation of offences and the enhancement of penalties.

Now bring the facts forward to 2020, with the allegation that he took a decision that favoured a firm. Section 17A applies: no enquiry, inquiry or investigation without the previous approval of the Central Government, because the allegation is relatable to a decision taken in the discharge of official functions, with the decision to be conveyed within three months.

And change the allegation to a demand for money, caught in a trap. The first proviso to section 17A applies: no approval is necessary for a case involving arrest on the spot on the charge of accepting or attempting to accept an undue advantage.

What beginners get wrong

That section 6A was struck down for the same reason as the Single Directive. The Directive fell because the executive could not impose a condition the legislature had not; section 6A fell because its classification by rank offended article 14.

That the 2014 declaration operated only from 2014. R.R. Kishore in 2023 held it retrospective: section 6A was never in force.

That article 20(1) saves an enquiry begun without approval. Article 20(1) is about offences and punishments, not procedural bars.

That section 17A is the same rule again. It classifies by the nature of the act, not the rank of the actor, and expressly exempts a trap case.

That only section 6A fell in 2014. Section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 was declared invalid to that extent as well.

Quick revision

1969 the Single Directive, executive instructions, prior sanction of the Secretary before any enquiry against a decision making level officer, Joint Secretary or equivalent or above, including a search; first issued 1969 and amended many times.

munotes.in470

Section 6A, Struck Down Twice

1997 Vineet Narain: superintendence does not extend to directing an investigation; the statute requires previous sanction for prosecution and none for investigation.

1998 Ordinance. 2003 s.6A inserted by s.26(c) of the CVC Act, w.e.f. 11 September 2003; s.6A(2) excepts an on-the-spot arrest.

2014 Subramanian Swamy, five judges, 6 May 2014, paragraph 98: s.6A(1) invalid and violative of article 14; s.26(c) of Act 45 of 2003 declared invalid to that extent.

2023 Central Bureau of Investigation v. R.R. Kishore, five judges, 11 September 2023, paragraph 43: an unconstitutional law is void ab initio, still born, unenforceable and non est under article 13(2), so the declaration has retrospective operation and s.6A is not in force from 11 September 2003. Article 20(1) does not assist, being confined to offences and punishments.

2018 s.17A of the PC Act: approval by reference to the nature of the act, not the rank; no approval for a trap case; decision in three months, extendable by one.

Test yourself

1. Trace the history of the requirement of prior approval before investigating a senior public servant for corruption. It begins with the Single Directive, a consolidated set of instructions issued to the agency by the Ministries and Departments, first issued in 1969 and amended many times, requiring the prior sanction of the Secretary of the Ministry concerned before any enquiry, preliminary enquiry or regular case, including a search, against a decision making level officer of the rank of Joint Secretary or equivalent or above and certain public sector, Reserve Bank, Securities and Exchange Board and bank officers.

It was struck down in Vineet Narain in 1997 on the ground that the power of superintendence in section 4(1) did not extend to controlling the initiation of an investigation, and that a condition precedent which the legislature had not imposed could not be imposed by executive directive. Parliament re-enacted it, first by an Ordinance in 1998 and then as section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, inserted by section 26(c) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 with effect from 11 September 2003.

A Constitution Bench declared section 6A invalid as violative of article 14 in Subramanian Swamy on 6 May 2014, and declared section 26(c) invalid to that extent. A Constitution Bench in Central Bureau of Investigation v. R.R. Kishore held on 11 September 2023 that the declaration operates retrospectively and that section 6A was not in force from the date of its insertion. Parliament's third attempt is section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, inserted in 2018, which is still in force.

munotes.in471

Section 6A, Struck Down Twice

2. Why was section 6A held to violate article 14? Because it classified by the rank of the accused. Section 6A required the previous approval of the Central Government before any inquiry or investigation into a corruption allegation against employees of the Central Government of the level of Joint Secretary and above and against certain officers appointed by that Government in the public sector, so that on identical facts an officer of one rank could be investigated at once and an officer of the next could not be investigated at all without permission. The seniority of the accused bears no rational relation to the object of the Prevention of Corruption Act, which is to detect and punish corruption, and a classification that shields a class of persons from even a preliminary enquiry therefore fails the test of article 14.

3. What was decided in Central Bureau of Investigation v. R.R. Kishore? A Constitution Bench held on 11 September 2023 that once a law is declared unconstitutional as violative of Part III it is void ab initio, still born, unenforceable and non est in view of article 13(2), so that the declaration made in Subramanian Swamy has retrospective operation, and that section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act is not in force from the date of its insertion, namely 11 September 2003. The practical consequence is that an enquiry or investigation begun between 2003 and 2014 without the approval of the Central Government cannot be challenged for want of that approval, because there was never a valid requirement of it.

4. Was that retrospective operation contrary to article 20(1)? No. Article 20(1) provides that no person shall be convicted of any offence except for violation of a law in force at the time of the commission of the act charged, nor subjected to a penalty greater than that which might have been inflicted under the law in force at the time of the offence. It is directed at the creation of offences and the enhancement of punishments. Section 6A created no offence and prescribed no penalty; it imposed a procedural bar on the initiation of an enquiry. Removing that bar retrospectively does not expose anyone to conviction for an act that was innocent when done, or to a greater punishment than the law then allowed, and article 20(1) is therefore not attracted.

5. How does section 17A differ from section 6A, and is it safe from the same objection? Section 6A required approval by reference to the rank of the accused, protecting employees of the level of Joint Secretary and above. Section 17A requires approval by reference to the nature of the act, forbidding an enquiry, inquiry or investigation without previous approval only where the alleged offence is relatable to a recommendation made or a decision taken by the public servant in the discharge of his official functions or duties, and it applies to every public servant regardless of rank while expressly excepting a case involving arrest on the spot on a charge of accepting or attempting to accept an undue advantage. Whether it would survive a challenge under article 14 has not been decided. In its favour it may be said that the classification between decision-related allegations and others is intelligible and bears a rational relation to the object of protecting honest decision-making, an object the courts have themselves recognised. Against it, the practical effect is once more to require the permission of the accused's own employer before a corruption allegation may be looked into, and the three-month period within which the decision is to be conveyed carries no consequence for its breach.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in472

Chapter Eighty-Nine

The Organisation of the Agency

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

Three investigation Divisions, a prosecution directorate created by statute in 2014, a Director at the head with the powers of an Inspector-General, and everybody above Superintendent of Police appointed by a committee outside the agency.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the organisation of the Central Bureau of Investigation follows the enlargement of its work recorded by the Supreme Court in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, from the Anti-Corruption Division to the Special Crimes Division and, in 1994 because of the increased workload of bank frauds and economic offences, a separate Economic Offences Division; its administration vests in the Director under section 4(3) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, who exercises such of the powers of an Inspector-General of Police as the Central Government specifies; its prosecutions are conducted by a Directorate of Prosecution headed by an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary appointed on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission under section 4BA; and appointments to posts of the level of Superintendent of Police and above, and the extension or curtailment of their tenure, are made under section 4C on the recommendation of a committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner.

The three Divisions

The Supreme Court's recital of the growth, in Vineet Narain, is the primary source and is worth quoting in an answer.

The Special Police Establishment was formed for corruption in war supplies. After the Act of 1946 its functions were enlarged to cover all departments of the Government of India, and its superintendence was transferred to the Home Department. The Resolution of 1 April 1963 created the Central Bureau of Investigation, to meet the felt need of a central police agency to investigate not only bribery and corruption but also breaches of central fiscal laws, frauds in Government departments and public sector undertakings, and other serious crimes. On that enlargement an Economic Offences Wing was added. Two Divisions were then created, the Anti-Corruption Division and the Special Crimes Division, the latter dealing with conventional crimes besides economic offences; and in 1994, because of the increased workload of bank frauds and economic offences, a separate Economic Offences Wing was established, since when the agency has had three Investigation Divisions: the Anti-Corruption Division, the Special Crimes Division and the Economic Offences Division.

Now put that beside section 4, and the syllabus's placement of this label makes sense.

The Anti-Corruption Division does the work over which section 4(1) gives superintendence to the Central Vigilance Commission.

The Special Crimes Division and the Economic Offences Division do work over which section 4(2) leaves superintendence with the Central Government.

munotes.in473

The Organisation of the Agency

So an examiner who asks whether the Commission supervises the Central Bureau of Investigation is asking a question with two answers, and the right one names the Division. It supervises one of three, and only its Prevention of Corruption Act investigations within that one.

The statutory posts

The Director, section 4(3). Administration of the whole force vests in him. He exercises such of the powers of an Inspector-General of Police in respect of a State police force as the Central Government may specify, which means his own powers are set by executive specification. Appointment and tenure are chapter 800.

The Director of Prosecution, section 4BA, inserted with effect from 16 January 2014. A Directorate of Prosecution headed by an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary, for conducting prosecutions of cases under the Act; he functions under the overall supervision and control of the Director; he is appointed by the Central Government on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission; and he holds office for not less than two years notwithstanding his service rules.

Why a separate directorate matters. An agency that both investigates and prosecutes has an interest in defending its own investigation. Separating the prosecutor, even inside the same organisation, is the standard answer, and it is the same instinct that led to a Prosecution Wing in section 12 of the Lokpal Act.

And the qualification to make in the same breath. Section 4BA(2) puts the Director of Prosecution under the overall supervision and control of the Director of the agency, so the separation is of function and not of authority.

Officers of and above Superintendent of Police, section 4C. Appointed by the Central Government, and their tenure extended or curtailed, on the recommendation of a committee of the Central Vigilance Commissioner as Chairperson, the Vigilance Commissioners, and the Secretaries in charge of Home Affairs and of Personnel, after consulting the Director.

Everyone below that level. The Act says nothing. It is a matter of the Government's ordinary rules for the service, and officers are largely drawn on deputation from the State police forces and the Indian Police Service.

The staffing problem, and it belongs in an evaluative answer

The Act gives the agency no cadre of its own. Chapter 810 listed the whole statute and nothing in it creates a service. The consequence is that a large part of the agency's strength is on deputation, and a deputationist returns to a parent force whose Government may be the very Government whose officers he investigated.

It is the same structural fault as the Chief Vigilance Officer's dual reporting in chapter 690, one level up. The officer's present duty and his future employer point in different directions, and the Act supplies no answer at all because it was never written to.

munotes.in474

The Organisation of the Agency

And it is the reason the section 4C Committee matters more than it looks. Extension and curtailment of tenure for every officer of and above Superintendent of Police is a decision of that Committee, on which the Central Vigilance Commissioner presides but two serving Secretaries to the Government sit. Chapter 800 drew the comparison with the section 4A Committee, and it is worth repeating here: the insulation is strong at the head and appreciably weaker in the body.

The cases the agency is known by, and how to use them

MU sets the same stem on five of its nine papers: "Describe the role of the Central Bureau of Investigation in the inquiries of Corruption and maladministration in the country. Give recent examples and cases handled by the agency." A candidate who names no instance has left half the question unanswered.

This book gives only the matters its own sources record, and says which source records each. A list of famous investigations copied from a newspaper is exactly what the evidence discipline forbids, and an examiner cannot check it either.

The hawala or Jain diaries matter, which produced Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, chapter 580. The allegation was of payments made through unofficial foreign exchange channels to persons holding high office, and the petition complained that the agency and the other agencies had not investigated because of the alleged involvement of several persons holding high offices in the executive. It is the case that produced the continuing mandamus, the superintendence split in section 4, the selection Committee in section 4A and the two-year tenure in section 4B.

The palmolein import matter, which produced Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, (2011) 4 SCC 1, chapter 610. A criminal case in that matter was pending against P.J. Thomas in Kerala when he was recommended as Central Vigilance Commissioner, and the Supreme Court declared the recommendation "non est" and quashed the appointment for failure to consider institutional integrity.

The coal block allocations, which produced Manohar Lal Sharma v. Principal Secretary, decided on 25 August 2014, R.M. Lodha CJ. The Court held that the allocation of coal blocks based on the recommendations made in all the thirty-six meetings of the Screening Committee is illegal, and that allocation through the Government dispensation route is also illegal as impermissible under the scheme of the governing Act. It is the matter in which the description of the agency discussed in chapter 880 was used from the bench.

munotes.in475

The Organisation of the Agency

The disputed appointment of 2018, which produced Common Cause v. Union of India (2019), (2019) 3 SCC 1, chapter 880: the orders of 23 October 2018 divesting the Director of his powers were set aside for want of the section 4A(1) Committee's consent.

A prosecution in Assam, which produced Navendra Kumar v. Union of India, 2013 Cri LJ 5009, chapter 900: a charge-sheet filed by the agency before the Special Judge, Assam, Kamrup, which the Gauhati High Court quashed along with the Resolution of 1 April 1963.

How to deploy them, which is the part worth marks. Do not list them as a catalogue of scandals. Use each to make a point about the agency: the hawala matter for inertia where the accused is powerful, the palmolein matter for who is put in charge of anti-corruption machinery, the coal blocks for the relationship between the agency and its political masters, the 2018 orders for what the statutory safeguards are worth, and the Assam prosecution for the foundation the agency stands on. Five matters, five different structural criticisms, all sourced.

A worked example

A corruption case against a public sector Chairman and an economic offence of bank fraud arise out of the same transaction.

Which Division. The corruption allegation belongs to the Anti-Corruption Division; the bank fraud to the Economic Offences Division.

Who superintends. The Prevention of Corruption Act part: the Central Vigilance Commission, under section 4(1). The bank fraud: the Central Government, under section 4(2). One transaction, two supervisors.

Who runs the investigation. Officers of the agency under the Director, in whom administration vests under section 4(3).

Who prosecutes. The Directorate of Prosecution under section 4BA, headed by an officer not below Joint Secretary appointed on the Central Vigilance Commission's recommendation, functioning under the overall supervision and control of the Director.

The Superintendent of Police in charge is due for transfer. Section 4C: the recommendation of the Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner, after consulting the Director; the Central Government then passes such orders as it thinks fit.

The Inspector on the team is a deputationist from a State police force. Nothing in the Act governs him, and his repatriation is a matter for the Government and his parent force.

What beginners get wrong

That the Commission supervises the whole agency. It supervises the Prevention of Corruption Act investigations, which is the work of one of the three Divisions.

That the Director of Prosecution is independent of the Director. Section 4BA(2) places him under the overall supervision and control of the Director.

That the Director's powers are fixed by the Act. Section 4(3) gives him such of an Inspector-General's powers as the Central Government may specify.

munotes.in476

The Organisation of the Agency

That the agency has its own service. The Act creates none.

That the Director controls all senior appointments. Section 4C gives them to a committee outside the agency, which merely consults him.

Quick revision

Three Investigation Divisions, on the Supreme Court's recital: Anti-Corruption, Special Crimes, and Economic Offences, the last separated in 1994 because of bank frauds and economic offences. Only the Anti-Corruption Division's Prevention of Corruption Act work is superintended by the Commission under s.4(1); the rest by the Central Government under s.4(2).

s.4(3): administration in the Director, with such of an Inspector-General's powers as the Central Government specifies.

s.4BA (w.e.f. 16 January 2014): a Directorate of Prosecution under a Director not below Joint Secretary, appointed on the Commission's recommendation, two years minimum, under the overall supervision and control of the Director.

s.4C: posts of Superintendent of Police and above except Director, and extension or curtailment of tenure, on the recommendation of the Committee of the Central Vigilance Commissioner, the Vigilance Commissioners and the Secretaries of Home Affairs and Personnel, after consulting the Director.

Below that level the Act says nothing, and a force largely staffed on deputation has the same conflict as the Chief Vigilance Officer in chapter 690.

Test yourself

1. Describe the organisational structure of the Central Bureau of Investigation. As the Supreme Court recorded in Vineet Narain, the agency grew out of the Special Police Establishment whose functions were enlarged after 1946 to cover all departments of the Government of India, and after the Resolution of 1 April 1963 acquired an Anti-Corruption Division and a Special Crimes Division, to which was added, in 1994 because of the increased workload of bank frauds and economic offences, a separate Economic Offences Division, so that it has three Investigation Divisions. Its administration vests in the Director under section 4(3) of the Act of 1946, who exercises such of the powers of an Inspector-General of Police as the Central Government specifies. Since 2014 section 4BA provides for a Directorate of Prosecution headed by an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary, appointed on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission for a term of not less than two years and functioning under the overall supervision and control of the Director. Appointments to posts of the level of Superintendent of Police and above other than the Director, and the extension or curtailment of the tenure of such officers, are made under section 4C on the recommendation of a committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner with the Vigilance Commissioners and the Secretaries in charge of Home Affairs and of Personnel, after consulting the Director.

munotes.in477

The Organisation of the Agency

2. Which part of the agency's work does the Central Vigilance Commission supervise? Only the investigation of offences alleged to have been committed under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, which is the work of the Anti-Corruption Division, and offences with which a public servant may be charged at the same trial. Section 4(1) of the Act of 1946 vests superintendence over that work in the Commission, and section 4(2) leaves superintendence in all other matters, which includes the whole of the Special Crimes Division's and the Economic Offences Division's work, with the Central Government. Administration in every matter vests in the Director under section 4(3).

3. What is the significance of the Directorate of Prosecution? It separates the conduct of the prosecution from the conduct of the investigation, which matters because an agency that does both has an institutional interest in defending its own investigation rather than in an impartial assessment of the evidence. Section 4BA requires the head of the Directorate to be an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary to the Government of India, appointed by the Central Government on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission and holding office for not less than two years notwithstanding his conditions of service, which are the same three devices of external recommendation, rank floor and fixed tenure used throughout this Module. The qualification is that section 4BA(2) places him under the overall supervision and control of the Director of the Establishment, so the separation is of function and not of authority.

4. Why is the absence of a dedicated cadre a weakness? Because the Act creates no service of its own, so a large part of the agency's strength consists of officers on deputation from the Indian Police Service and the State police forces, each of whom will return to a parent force whose Government may be the very Government whose officers he has investigated. His present duty and his future employer therefore point in different directions, which is precisely the conflict identified for the Chief Vigilance Officer, one level up. The Act contains no answer to it, because it was written in 1946 for a small war-time force and has never been replaced, and the point is a strong one in support of the case for a dedicated statute.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in478

Chapter Ninety

How a Case Begins

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

If the information discloses a cognizable offence a first information report must be registered and no preliminary inquiry is permissible; but corruption is one of the categories in which, where the information does not disclose the offence, a preliminary inquiry may be made to find out whether it does.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Lalita Kumari v. Government of Uttar Pradesh, (2014) 2 SCC 1, a Constitution Bench held that registration of a first information report is mandatory under section 154 of the Code of Criminal Procedure if the information discloses the commission of a cognizable offence and no preliminary inquiry is permissible in such a situation; that where the information does not disclose a cognizable offence but indicates the necessity for an inquiry, a preliminary inquiry may be conducted only to ascertain whether a cognizable offence is disclosed; that the scope of such an inquiry is not to verify the veracity of the information but only to ascertain whether it reveals a cognizable offence; that corruption cases are among the illustrative categories in which such an inquiry may be made; and that a preliminary inquiry should be time bound and in any case should not exceed seven days.

The two kinds of case

In the agency's practice a matter is either a preliminary enquiry or a regular case.

A preliminary enquiry is an inquiry into whether the information discloses a cognizable offence at all. No first information report is registered, the person concerned is not an accused, and the powers of investigation under the Code, such as arrest and compelled attendance, are not available.

A regular case is a registered case. A first information report is recorded, the powers of investigation are available, and it ends in a report to the court under the completing-of-investigation provision, whether a charge-sheet or a closure report.

The distinction is the agency's own vocabulary and it is not in the Act. It comes from the Crime Manual the agency writes for itself, and chapter 940 makes the point that the internal law of India's principal investigating agency is a departmental manual. Say that in an answer; it is a fair criticism precisely stated.

But the legal test is not the agency's. It is section 154 of the Code as the Supreme Court has construed it.

Lalita Kumari: the eight directions

Lalita Kumari v. Government of Uttar Pradesh, (2014) 2 SCC 1, AIR 2014 SC 187, Constitution Bench, P. Sathasivam CJ presiding.

(i) Registration of a first information report is mandatory under section 154 of the Code if the information discloses the commission of a cognizable offence, and no preliminary inquiry is permissible in such a situation.

munotes.in479

How a Case Begins

(ii) If the information does not disclose a cognizable offence but indicates the necessity for an inquiry, a preliminary inquiry may be conducted only to ascertain whether a cognizable offence is disclosed or not.

(iii) If the inquiry discloses a cognizable offence, the report must be registered. Where a preliminary inquiry ends in closing the complaint, a copy of the entry of closure must be supplied to the first informant forthwith and not later than one week, disclosing reasons in brief.

(iv) The police officer cannot avoid his duty of registering the offence if a cognizable offence is disclosed, and action must be taken against erring officers who do not register it.

(v) The scope of a preliminary inquiry is not to verify the veracity or otherwise of the information received but only to ascertain whether the information reveals any cognizable offence.

(vi) What type of case and in which cases a preliminary inquiry is to be conducted depends on the facts and circumstances. The categories in which it may be made are: matrimonial and family disputes; commercial offences; medical negligence cases; corruption cases; and cases of abnormal delay or laches, for example over three months' delay in reporting without satisfactory explanation. These are illustrations and not exhaustive.

(vii) A preliminary inquiry should be made time bound and in any case should not exceed seven days, and the fact and causes of delay must be reflected in the General Diary entry.

(viii) All information relating to cognizable offences, whether it results in registration or in an inquiry, must be mandatorily and meticulously reflected in the General Diary, and the decision to conduct a preliminary inquiry must also be reflected there.

Direction (v) is the one students misstate, and the misstatement is the difference between a right answer and a wrong one. A preliminary inquiry is not an inquiry into whether the allegation is true. It is an inquiry into whether the information, taken as it stands, reveals a cognizable offence. An officer who conducts a preliminary inquiry to satisfy himself that the accused is guilty before registering a case has exceeded the direction.

And direction (vi) is why this case belongs in this paper. Corruption cases are named, so the agency's practice of a preliminary enquiry in corruption matters has express sanction, within the limits the other directions impose: only where the information does not itself disclose the offence, only to ascertain whether it does, and ordinarily within seven days.

The extra filter in a corruption case since 2018

Chapter 740 read section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988.

munotes.in480

How a Case Begins

No police officer shall conduct any enquiry or inquiry or investigation into an offence under that Act alleged against a public servant where the alleged offence is relatable to any recommendation made or decision taken by such public servant in the discharge of his official functions or duties, without the previous approval of the Union, the State or the removing authority. No approval is needed for an arrest on the spot in a trap case; and the decision must be conveyed within three months, extendable by one for reasons recorded in writing.

Note the collision of the two rules and how it is resolved, because it is exactly the kind of question this paper sets.

Lalita Kumari says registration is mandatory and no preliminary inquiry is permissible where the information discloses a cognizable offence. Section 17A says no enquiry, inquiry or investigation at all without approval, in the class of case it describes.

The resolution is that they operate on different questions. Lalita Kumari construes section 154 of the Code, a general provision. Section 17A is a special statutory bar, enacted afterwards, applying to a defined class of allegation. A special later provision prevails over a general earlier one on the point it covers, so in a decision-related corruption allegation the approval must come first, and once it does, Lalita Kumari governs what follows.

And note the limit of the collision. Section 17A bites only where the allegation is relatable to a recommendation made or a decision taken in the discharge of official functions. A bare demand for money is not, so in the ordinary bribery case Lalita Kumari applies untouched and the report must be registered at once.

Who may register the case

Chapter 780 and chapter 810 supplied it, and it is worth restating here because it is the practical first question.

In a Union territory: a member of the Establishment of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector, who by section 2(3) has the powers of, and is deemed to be, the officer in charge of a police station.

In a State: the same rank, under section 5(3), but only where the Central Government has made an order under section 5(1) for that area and the State has consented under section 6, or a constitutional court has directed the investigation.

And the offence must be within the section 3 notification in either case.

A worked example

A complaint reaches the agency that a Central Government officer demanded five lakh rupees to clear a file.

Does the information disclose a cognizable offence? An offence under section 7 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988 is disclosed on the face of it. Registration is mandatory and no preliminary inquiry is permissible: direction (i).

munotes.in481

How a Case Begins

Does section 17A apply? The allegation is a demand, not something relatable to a recommendation or decision. It does not, and no approval is needed.

Change the allegation: the officer is said to have granted a licence in return for a payment, and the material is a note that the licence was irregular. Now the allegation is relatable to a decision taken in the discharge of official functions, and section 17A requires the previous approval of the Central Government before any enquiry, inquiry or investigation.

Change it again: an anonymous letter says only that the officer is "known to be corrupt". That information does not disclose a cognizable offence. Under directions (ii) and (vi), corruption being a named category, a preliminary inquiry may be made, only to ascertain whether a cognizable offence is disclosed, ordinarily within seven days, with the decision to hold it entered in the General Diary.

The preliminary inquiry finds nothing. Under direction (iii) the complaint may be closed, and a copy of the closure entry must go to the first informant within one week, with brief reasons.

The preliminary inquiry does disclose a cognizable offence. The report must be registered.

A Head Constable proposes to register it. He cannot: section 2(3) or section 5(3) requires an officer of or above Sub-Inspector.

What beginners get wrong

That a preliminary inquiry tests whether the allegation is true. Direction (v): only whether the information reveals a cognizable offence.

That a preliminary inquiry is always available in a corruption case. Only where the information does not itself disclose a cognizable offence. If it does, registration is mandatory.

That the seven-day limit is a rule of the Act. It is a direction of the Supreme Court, and delay must be recorded in the General Diary.

That section 17A applies to every corruption allegation. Only to one relatable to a recommendation made or a decision taken in the discharge of official functions, and never to an on-the-spot arrest in a trap case.

That the preliminary enquiry and regular case distinction comes from the Act. It comes from the agency's own Crime Manual.

Quick revision

Lalita Kumari v. Government of Uttar Pradesh, (2014) 2 SCC 1, Constitution Bench, paragraph 111: (i) registration mandatory under s.154 if the information discloses a cognizable offence, and no preliminary inquiry is permissible then; (ii) where it does not but an inquiry is indicated, a preliminary inquiry only to ascertain whether a cognizable offence is disclosed; (iii) if disclosed, must register; if closed, entry to the informant within one week with brief reasons; (iv) the officer cannot avoid the duty, and action against erring officers; (v) the scope is not to verify veracity but only whether a cognizable offence is revealed; (vi) illustrative categories: matrimonial and family disputes, commercial offences, medical negligence, corruption cases, and abnormal delay such as over three months; (vii) time bound, not exceeding seven days; (viii) everything entered in the General Diary, including the decision to hold an inquiry.

munotes.in482

How a Case Begins

s.17A of the PC Act 1988 is a special later bar for allegations relatable to a recommendation or decision in the discharge of official functions; it prevails on the ground it covers, and does not apply to a bare demand or to a trap case arrest on the spot.

Who registers: an officer of or above Sub-Inspector, under s.2(3) in a Union territory and s.5(3) in a State, the offence being within the s.3 notification and consent or a court's direction being in place.

Test yourself

1. When must a first information report be registered, and when may a preliminary inquiry be held? On the authority of Lalita Kumari, registration is mandatory under section 154 of the Code of Criminal Procedure if the information discloses the commission of a cognizable offence, and no preliminary inquiry is permissible in that situation. Where the information does not disclose a cognizable offence but indicates the necessity for an inquiry, a preliminary inquiry may be conducted, and only to ascertain whether a cognizable offence is disclosed. If the inquiry discloses one, the report must be registered; if it ends in closure, a copy of the closure entry with brief reasons must be supplied to the first informant within one week. The inquiry must be time bound and should not exceed seven days, and all information relating to cognizable offences and the decision to hold an inquiry must be entered in the General Diary.

2. What is the scope of a preliminary inquiry? It is not to verify the veracity or otherwise of the information received, but only to ascertain whether the information reveals a cognizable offence. An officer who uses a preliminary inquiry to satisfy himself that the accused is guilty, or to test the truth of the allegation before registering the case, has exceeded the direction, because the truth of the allegation is the subject of the investigation and not of the inquiry that precedes registration.

3. In which categories of case may a preliminary inquiry be held? The Court gave five illustrations and said they were not exhaustive: matrimonial and family disputes, commercial offences, medical negligence cases, corruption cases, and cases where there is abnormal delay or laches in initiating criminal prosecution, for example a delay of over three months in reporting the matter without satisfactory explanation. Corruption being expressly named, the practice of the Central Bureau of Investigation of registering a preliminary enquiry in corruption matters has express sanction, subject always to the rule that no preliminary inquiry is permissible where the information itself discloses a cognizable offence.

munotes.in483

How a Case Begins

4. How do Lalita Kumari and section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act fit together? They operate on different questions and do not truly conflict. Lalita Kumari construes section 154 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, a general provision governing the registration of cognizable offences. Section 17A, inserted in 2018, is a special statutory bar which forbids any enquiry, inquiry or investigation into an offence under that Act alleged against a public servant, where the alleged offence is relatable to a recommendation made or decision taken in the discharge of his official functions or duties, without the previous approval of the appropriate authority. Being both special and later, it prevails on the ground it covers, so in a decision-related allegation the approval must be obtained first and Lalita Kumari then governs what follows. Section 17A does not apply to a bare demand for a bribe, nor to a case involving arrest on the spot on a charge of accepting or attempting to accept an undue advantage, and in those cases Lalita Kumari applies without qualification.

5. What is the difference between a preliminary enquiry and a regular case in the agency's practice, and what is the criticism of that practice? A preliminary enquiry is an inquiry into whether the information discloses a cognizable offence, in which no first information report is registered, the person concerned is not an accused and the powers of investigation under the Code are not available. A regular case is a registered case, in which the report is recorded, the investigative powers are available and the matter ends in a report to the court. The criticism is that this vocabulary and the rules governing it come not from the Act, which says nothing about either, but from the Crime Manual the agency writes for itself. The internal law of India's principal investigating agency is therefore a departmental document, alterable by the agency, and the only external control over it is the general law of section 154 as the Supreme Court has construed it. That gap is one of the strongest particular arguments for enacting a dedicated statute.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in484

Chapter Ninety-One

The Court-Monitored Investigation

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

The Court keeps the case before it and requires the agency to report progress, but it does not direct the investigation, does not look at the material, and steps out the moment a charge-sheet is filed.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Vineet Narain v. Union of India, (1998) 1 SCC 226, the Supreme Court described the procedure it had adopted as one of continuing mandamus, a new tool forged because of the peculiar needs of the matter, under which the Court retained the petition, required the investigating agency to report the progress of the investigation to it and to no one else, and made it clear that the task of the monitoring court would end the moment a charge-sheet was filed in respect of a particular investigation, when the ordinary processes of the law would take over.

Why the device was invented

The problem the Court stated in its own words. "Inertia was the common rule whenever the alleged offender was a powerful person." The petition had been brought complaining of the inertia of the agency and the other agencies to investigate offences because of the alleged involvement of several persons holding high offices in the executive, and for a considerable time the disinclination of the agencies to proceed with the investigation was apparent.

The Court's diagnosis, which is the heart of the whole Module. The accusation, if true, revealed a nexus between high ranking politicians and bureaucrats. "The constitution and working of the investigating agencies revealed the lacuna of its inability to perform whenever powerful persons were involved." For that reason a close examination of the constitution of these agencies and their control assumed significance, and it became necessary to take measures to ensure permanency in the remedial effect to prevent reversion to inertia of the agencies in such matters.

Read that last sentence carefully, because it explains why one judgment produced two entirely different kinds of relief. The Court needed a remedy for this case, which is the continuing mandamus; and a remedy for the next case, which is the structural directions that became sections 4, 4A, 4B and 4C in 2003. Chapter 580 has the second half; this chapter has the first.

What continuing mandamus is

An ordinary mandamus is a single command. The Court directs an authority to do its duty and the petition is disposed of.

A continuing mandamus is a retained petition. The Court does not dispose of the matter. It directs the agency to proceed with the investigation and to report the progress to the Court at intervals, and it keeps the case on its board until the investigation is complete.

munotes.in485

The Court-Monitored Investigation

The two features that make it work.

Reporting to the Court and not to the executive. In Vineet Narain the Court, having regard to the direction in which the investigations were leading, found it necessary to direct the agency not to report the progress of the investigations to the person occupying the highest office in the political executive, and it said why: to eliminate any impression of bias or lack of fairness or objectivity and to maintain the credibility of the investigations.

A fixed end point. The Court made it clear that the task of the monitoring court would end the moment a charge-sheet was filed in respect of a particular investigation, and that the ordinary processes of the law would then take over.

What the Court refuses to do, and this is where the marks are

It does not direct the investigation. Monitoring is not direction. The Court requires the agency to proceed and to report; it does not tell it whom to question, whom to arrest or whom to charge. That would be exactly what chapter 790 showed superintendence itself does not permit, and it would make the Court the investigating authority.

It does not examine the material to form a view on guilt. The Court's concern is that the investigation should proceed fairly and without inertia, not that it should reach a particular conclusion.

It does not hear the accused on the merits. The persons investigated are not before the Court as accused; a monitored investigation determines nothing against them.

And it ends at the charge-sheet. Once a report is filed the trial court takes over, and it is the trial court and not the monitoring court that decides whether cognizance is taken, whether charges are framed and whether the accused is guilty. The monitoring court has no supervisory role over the trial.

The reason for that last limit is protective, and the Court said so. It was careful not to prejudice the right of those who might be accused to a full and fair trial. A court that had superintended the collection of evidence and then tried the case would be judging its own work.

The criticism, and it should be given fairly

That the device makes the Court a party to the investigation. Even without directing it, a court that receives progress reports, sets timetables and asks why nothing has happened has taken on an executive function, and it does so without the safeguards of an executive process: no hearing for the person investigated, no reasons published, and no appeal.

That it is unequal. The device is available where a petition is brought and entertained, which in practice means in matters of public prominence. A person whose case is not monitored is investigated by the same agency without the same urgency, and the Court's own answer in chapter 830 was that the agency would otherwise be flooded.

munotes.in486

The Court-Monitored Investigation

That it substitutes a remedy for a reform. Every monitored investigation is an admission that the ordinary machinery did not work, and monitoring a case does not repair the machinery.

And the honest answer to all three, which is the answer to write. The Court in Vineet Narain did not treat the device as sufficient. It expressly said that measures were needed to ensure permanency in the remedial effect to prevent reversion to inertia, and it gave the structural directions that Parliament enacted in 2003. The continuing mandamus was the emergency measure; the selection Committee and the fixed tenure were the cure. A student who presents the two halves as one design has understood the judgment.

A worked example

A petition alleges that an agency has done nothing for two years on a case implicating serving Ministers.

What the Court may do. Entertain the petition under article 32 or article 226; require the agency to proceed; require periodic status reports to the Court; direct, if the circumstances require it, that the reports not be shared with the political executive; and retain the petition.

What the Court will not do. Direct that a named person be arrested or charge-sheeted; express a view on guilt; or hear the persons investigated on the merits of the allegations.

When the Court's role ends. On the filing of the charge-sheet in that investigation. The trial then proceeds in the ordinary way before the competent court.

Suppose the agency files a closure report instead. The monitoring ends in the same way, and what happens to the closure report is for the court taking cognizance, which may accept it, direct further investigation, or take cognizance despite it: chapter 910.

Suppose the petitioner is dissatisfied with the trial. He must go to the appellate court in the ordinary way. The monitoring court is functus officio, and its earlier orders give him no standing in the trial.

What beginners get wrong

That the Court supervises the investigation's content. It monitors progress, not direction.

That monitoring continues through the trial. It ends at the charge-sheet.

That the Court's orders decide anything against the persons investigated. They decide nothing; the trial does.

That continuing mandamus was invented as a general remedy. The Court called it a new tool forged because of the peculiar needs of this matter, and coupled it with structural directions precisely because a case-by-case remedy was not enough.

That the direction not to report to the political executive is standard. It was made having regard to the direction in which the investigations were leading, that is on the facts, and for a stated reason: to maintain the credibility of the investigations.

munotes.in487

The Court-Monitored Investigation

Quick revision

The problem: "Inertia was the common rule whenever the alleged offender was a powerful person"; the constitution and working of the agencies revealed the lacuna of its inability to perform whenever powerful persons were involved; hence measures to ensure permanency in the remedial effect.

The device: continuing mandamus, "a new tool forged because of the peculiar needs of this matter". The petition is retained; the agency reports progress to the Court; in that case the Court directed that progress not be reported to the person occupying the highest office in the political executive, to eliminate any impression of bias or lack of fairness or objectivity and to maintain the credibility of the investigations.

The limits: no direction of the investigation, no view on guilt, no hearing of the persons investigated, and the monitoring ends the moment a charge-sheet is filed, when the ordinary processes of the law take over, so that the right to a full and fair trial is not prejudiced.

The criticism: it gives the Court an executive function without an executive process; it is available only where a petition is entertained; and it is a remedy and not a reform. The Court's own answer was the structural directions, enacted in 2003.

Test yourself

1. What is a continuing mandamus? It is a procedure by which a constitutional court, instead of issuing a single command and disposing of the petition, retains the matter before it, directs the investigating agency to proceed with the investigation, and requires it to report the progress to the Court from time to time until the investigation is complete. The Supreme Court described it in Vineet Narain as a new tool forged because of the peculiar needs of that matter, where the inertia of the agencies in investigating allegations involving persons holding high office had persisted for a considerable time.

2. Why did the Court direct that progress not be reported to the political executive? Because of the direction in which the investigations were leading, the accusations involving persons holding high offices in the executive. The Court's stated purposes were to eliminate any impression of bias or lack of fairness or objectivity and to maintain the credibility of the investigations. It was a direction made on the facts of that case and for those reasons, and not a general rule applicable to every monitored investigation.

3. What are the limits of the monitoring jurisdiction? The Court monitors the progress of the investigation and does not direct its content: it does not decide whom to question, arrest or charge, which would make it the investigating authority and would go beyond what even the statutory power of superintendence permits. It does not examine the material to form a view on guilt, and it does not hear the persons investigated on the merits, so that nothing is decided against them in the monitoring proceeding. Above all, the Court made it clear that the task of the monitoring court ends the moment a charge-sheet is filed in respect of a particular investigation, when the ordinary processes of the law take over, and it did so expressly in order not to prejudice the right of those who might be accused to a full and fair trial.

munotes.in488

The Court-Monitored Investigation

4. Criticise the device. Three criticisms are available. It gives the Court an executive function, since a court that receives progress reports, fixes timetables and asks why nothing has been done is supervising an investigation, and it does so without the safeguards of an executive process, without a hearing for the person investigated, without published reasons and without an appeal. It is unequal, because it operates only where a petition is brought and entertained, which in practice means in matters of public prominence, while other cases proceed before the same agency without the same urgency. And it substitutes a remedy for a reform, since every monitored investigation is an admission that the ordinary machinery failed and monitoring one case repairs nothing. The Court's own answer to the third criticism is the strongest defence of the device: it said that measures were needed to ensure permanency in the remedial effect and to prevent reversion to inertia, and it gave the structural directions on appointment, tenure and superintendence which Parliament enacted in 2003.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in489

Chapter Ninety-Two

The Caged Parrot

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

The best known sentence ever said about the agency was said from the bench and not written into a judgment, and the episode that tested whether the 2003 safeguards actually work came six years later.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the description of the Central Bureau of Investigation as a caged parrot speaking in its master's voice was used by the Bench during the hearing of the coal block allocation matter in 2013, and it is an observation made in the course of hearing rather than a proposition of law laid down in a judgment; the legal test of the agency's insulation came in Common Cause v. Union of India (2019), (2019) 3 SCC 1, where the Supreme Court held that the word "transferred" in section 4B(2) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 must be read to include the divestment of the Director's powers and functions, and set aside orders of the Central Vigilance Commission and of the Central Government which had divested the Director of his powers without the previous consent of the Committee constituted under section 4A(1).

First, a caution about the phrase itself

The words are quoted in every discussion of the agency, and they are quoted wrongly.

They were said in the course of a hearing, in the coal block allocation matter in 2013, when it emerged that a status report the agency had filed in a court-monitored investigation had been shown outside the agency before it was filed.

They are not in a reported judgment, and this book will not attribute them to one. An observation from the bench is not a holding, does not bind, and cannot be cited as authority. A student who writes "the Supreme Court held that the CBI is a caged parrot" has made an error of a kind that an examiner in an LL.M. paper is entitled to mark down.

The correct way to use it in an answer. As a description that entered public discourse and captured a real criticism, attributed as an observation made during the hearing of the coal blocks matter, followed at once by the law. The phrase is evidence of a perception; the cases are evidence of the position.

What provoked it

Chapter 870 explained the continuing mandamus, and one of its two features was that the agency reports to the Court. In Vineet Narain the Court had gone further and directed that progress not be reported to the person occupying the highest office in the political executive, for the stated reason of maintaining the credibility of the investigations.

The complaint in 2013 was that a status report in a monitored investigation had not stayed within that discipline. Whatever the detail, the structural point is the one to take: a report meant for the Court had been seen by the executive whose officers were being investigated, which is precisely the mischief the Vineet Narain direction had been designed to prevent.

munotes.in490

The Caged Parrot

So the phrase is not a comment about corruption inside the agency. It is a comment about control: about an investigating agency whose administrative masters are the people it investigates. Everything in chapters 750, 790 and 850 has been building to it.

The real test: Common Cause v. Union of India, 2019

Facts. Common Cause v. Union of India (2019), (2019) 3 SCC 1, AIR 2019 SC 438, decided on 8 January 2019 by Ranjan Gogoi CJ, Sanjay Kishan Kaul and K.M. Joseph JJ. By orders dated 23 October 2018 the Central Vigilance Commission and the Central Government divested the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation of his powers, functions, duties and supervisory role, and a Joint Director was asked to look after the duties of the Director. The orders were made without obtaining the previous consent of the Committee constituted under section 4A(1).

The question. Whether the Commission and the Central Government were competent to divest the Director of all his powers, functions, duties and supervisory role without the prior consent of that Committee. The petitioners contended that such consent is the inbuilt mandate of the statute, flowing from the operative directions of the Court in paragraph 58 of Vineet Narain.

Held. The Court held that the enactment of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, and the amendments it made to the 1946 Act by its section 26, are a sequel to the operative directions in Vineet Narain, and must be read in that light. If the legislative intent had been to confer on any authority of the State a power to take interim measures against the Director thereby affecting his functioning, the legislation would have contained enabling provisions to that effect and would have been differently worded.

On the word "transferred" in section 4B(2), and this is the reasoning to learn. If the word were understood in its ordinary parlance and limited to a change from one post to another, so that the requirement of previous consent applied only to a transfer strictly so called, such an interpretation would be self-defeating and would clearly negate the legislative intent, because it would then be free for the State authority to effectively disengage the Director from functioning by adopting various modes, known and unknown, which may not amount to transfer but would still have the same effect as a transfer, namely cessation of the exercise of the powers and functions of the post.

munotes.in491

The Caged Parrot

The order. The Court set aside the three orders of 23 October 2018, that of the Commission divesting the Director of his powers, functions, duties and supervisory role, that of the Central Government to the same effect, and that by which a Joint Director was asked to look after the duties of the Director. It directed that the matter be considered by the Committee under section 4A(1) within a week, and, the question of divestment being still open before that Committee, directed that the Director on reinstatement cease and desist from taking any major policy decisions until the Committee's decision, his role in the interregnum being confined to the ongoing routine functions without any fresh initiative having no major policy or institutional implications.

Why it matters. It is the answer to the question whether the 2003 safeguards are real. They are real, and they are narrow. A statutory protection expressed as a bar on transfer was held to cover a divestment of powers, because otherwise the protection could be evaded by any device that produced the same effect. The safeguard held; and it held only because a court read it purposively, and only after the Director had already been removed from his functions for over two months.

The honest assessment, which is what the question really asks

What the statutory safeguards have achieved.

A selection Committee the Government does not control, section 4A: the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and the Chief Justice or his nominee.

A fixed minimum tenure, section 4B(1), notwithstanding the service rules.

A bar on removal from the post by any device, section 4B(2) as construed in 2019.

Judicial review of an appointment that ignores institutional integrity, chapter 610, and of a recommendation that is non est.

The consent barrier lowered for the citizen, chapter 830, so that a State's refusal does not defeat a remedy.

What they have not achieved.

Administration is still the Central Government's, through a Director it appoints, section 4(3).

Officers of and above Superintendent of Police are appointed, extended and curtailed by a Committee with two serving Secretaries on it, section 4C, chapter 800.

The Director's own tenure is now extendable a year at a time up to five, section 4B as amended in 2021, which converts a protection into a relationship, chapter 800.

There is no cadre, so a large part of the force returns to parent governments, chapter 850.

The offences it may investigate are still fixed by notification under section 3, chapter 810.

And no Act states its functions or its accountability at all.

munotes.in492

The Caged Parrot

The sentence to end an evaluative answer with. The safeguards protect the office of the Director and leave the agency where it was. The head cannot be moved without a Committee's consent; the officers who conduct the investigations can be, the work it may take up is set by notification, and the organisation has no statute of its own. That is why the criticism captured in the phrase has outlived the reforms of 2003.

A worked example

The Government wishes to remove a Director who has begun an inquiry against a senior Minister, and is advised that a transfer needs the Committee's consent.

It instead issues an order divesting him of his powers and functions and asking a Joint Director to look after the duties of the post, leaving him formally in office.

Is that lawful? No. On Common Cause the word "transferred" in section 4B(2) is not confined to a change from one post to another. Reading it so would be self-defeating and would negate the legislative intent, because the authority could then disengage the Director by modes known and unknown producing the same effect. The order requires the previous consent of the Committee and, made without it, is liable to be set aside.

What is the remedy? The orders are set aside and the matter goes to the section 4A(1) Committee, which is the body the statute makes the judge of the question.

Does he resume full charge at once? In 2019 the Court, the question of divestment still being open before the Committee, restricted him to routine functions with no fresh initiative and no major policy decisions until the Committee decided.

And if the Committee then consents to the divestment? Then it is lawful. The section does not forbid the removal of a Director; it forbids his removal by the executive alone.

What beginners get wrong

That the Supreme Court "held" the agency to be a caged parrot. It is an observation from the bench during a hearing, not a holding.

That "transferred" in section 4B(2) means only a change of post. Common Cause held it covers divestment of powers and functions.

That the 2019 decision restored the Director to full authority. It set the orders aside and confined him to routine functions without fresh initiative pending the Committee's decision.

That the safeguards protect the agency. They protect the office of the Director. The officers below him are appointed, extended and curtailed under section 4C, and the work it may take up is fixed under section 3.

Quick revision

The phrase: used from the bench during the hearing of the coal blocks matter in 2013, not a holding. Cite it as a perception, never as authority.

munotes.in493

The Caged Parrot

What provoked it: a status report in a court-monitored investigation seen outside the agency, which is the mischief the the Vineet Narain directions direction against reporting to the political executive was designed to prevent.

Common Cause v. Union of India (2019), (2019) 3 SCC 1, 8 January 2019, Gogoi CJ, Kaul and K.M. Joseph JJ: the 2003 Act and its amendments to the 1946 Act are a sequel to the operative directions in Vineet Narain; had the legislature meant to allow interim measures against the Director it would have said so; "transferred" in s.4B(2) is not confined to a change of post, since that reading would be self-defeating and would let the authority disengage the Director by modes known and unknown. The orders of 23 October 2018 divesting the Director were set aside; the matter went to the s.4A(1) Committee within a week; and the Director was confined meanwhile to routine functions without fresh initiative.

The assessment: the safeguards protect the office of the Director and leave untouched administration under s.4(3), s.4C appointments, the 2021 extendable tenure, the absence of a cadre and the notification power in s.3.

Test yourself

1. How should the description of the agency as a caged parrot be used in an answer? As a description of a perception and not as a proposition of law. It was used by the Bench in the course of hearing the coal block allocation matter in 2013, when it emerged that a status report filed in a court-monitored investigation had been seen outside the agency before filing, and it is an observation made during a hearing rather than a holding in a reported judgment. It should be attributed accordingly and followed at once by the law, which is contained in Vineet Narain on superintendence, Subramanian Swamy on section 6A and Common Cause on section 4B(2). To write that the Supreme Court held the agency to be a caged parrot is an error of attribution.

2. What was decided in Common Cause v. Union of India in 2019? That the Central Vigilance Commission and the Central Government were not competent, without the previous consent of the Committee constituted under section 4A(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, to divest the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation of his powers, functions, duties and supervisory role. The Court held that the 2003 Act and the amendments it made to the 1946 Act are a sequel to the operative directions in Vineet Narain; that had the legislature intended to confer on any State authority a power to take interim measures against the Director affecting his functioning, it would have enacted enabling provisions and drafted the legislation differently; and that the word "transferred" in section 4B(2) cannot be confined to a change from one post to another, because such a reading would be self-defeating and would negate the legislative intent by leaving the authority free to disengage the Director by modes known and unknown having the same effect. It set aside the three orders of 23 October 2018, directed the matter to be placed before the section 4A(1) Committee within a week, and confined the Director in the meanwhile to ongoing routine functions without fresh initiative and without major policy decisions.

munotes.in494

The Caged Parrot

3. Do the statutory safeguards of 2003 work? They work for the office of the Director and not for the agency. The selection Committee under section 4A gives the Government one vote of three; the minimum tenure under section 4B(1) overrides the service rules; and section 4B(2), as construed in 2019, prevents removal from the functions of the post by any device short of the Committee's consent. Against that, administration of the force still vests under section 4(3) in a Director appointed by the Central Government; officers of and above the level of Superintendent of Police are appointed and their tenure extended or curtailed under section 4C by a Committee on which two serving Secretaries sit; the Director's own tenure has been made extendable a year at a time up to five years by the amendment of 2021, which converts a protection into a relationship; the agency has no cadre of its own, so much of its strength is on deputation from governments it may have to investigate; and the offences it may take up remain fixed by executive notification under section 3. The reforms secured the head of the agency and left its body where it was, which is why the criticism has outlived them.

4. Why does the episode of the status report matter beyond its own facts? Because it goes to the one feature that makes a court-monitored investigation worth having. The purpose of requiring the agency to report to the Court, and in Vineet Narain of directing that progress not be reported to the person occupying the highest office in the political executive, was to eliminate any impression of bias or lack of fairness or objectivity and to maintain the credibility of the investigation. A report intended for the Court that is seen by the executive whose officers are being investigated defeats that purpose exactly, and it does so without any breach of a statutory provision, because no provision of the Act of 1946 governs the matter at all. The episode is therefore an illustration of the general point that the agency's conduct is regulated by directions in particular cases and by its own manual, and not by a statute of its own.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in495

Chapter Ninety-Three

The Agency and the Right to Information

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

The agency is listed in the Second Schedule to the Right to Information Act, so the Act does not apply to it; but the exemption expressly does not cover information about allegations of corruption or human rights violations.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 24(1) of the Right to Information Act 2005 provides that nothing contained in the Act shall apply to the intelligence and security organisations specified in the Second Schedule, being organisations established by the Central Government, or to any information furnished by such organisations to that Government; the Central Bureau of Investigation was added to that Schedule at serial number 23 by notification G.S.R. 442(E) dated 9 June 2011; and the first proviso to section 24(1) provides that the information pertaining to the allegations of corruption and human rights violations shall not be excluded under the sub-section, the second proviso requiring that where the information sought is in respect of allegations of violation of human rights it shall be provided only after the approval of the Central Information Commission and, notwithstanding section 7, within forty-five days of the receipt of the request.

Section 24 read closely

24(1): the exemption. Nothing contained in this Act shall apply to the intelligence and security organisations specified in the Second Schedule, being organisations established by the Central Government, or any information furnished by such organisations to that Government.

Notice how wide that is. It is not an exemption from disclosure of particular documents, of the kind section 8 provides. It disapplies the Act. The listed body has no obligation to appoint a Public Information Officer, no obligation to publish under section 4, and no obligation to answer.

And notice the second limb. Information furnished by such an organisation to the Central Government is also outside the Act. So a report the agency sends to a Ministry does not become disclosable by reaching the Ministry.

First proviso: the carve-out, and it is the point of the chapter. The information pertaining to the allegations of corruption and human rights violations shall not be excluded under this sub-section.

Second proviso: the human rights route. Where the information sought is in respect of allegations of violation of human rights, it shall only be provided after the approval of the Central Information Commission and, notwithstanding section 7, shall be provided within forty-five days of the receipt of the request.

Read the two provisos together and a distinction appears that is easy to miss and worth marks. For corruption, the first proviso removes the exemption and no approval of the Central Information Commission is required; the request is dealt with in the ordinary way. For human rights violations, the exemption is also removed, but the information goes only with the Commission's approval and on a forty-five day clock instead of the ordinary thirty days in section 7.

munotes.in496

The Agency and the Right to Information

24(2) and (3): how the Schedule changes. The Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, amend the Schedule by including any other intelligence or security organisation established by it, or omitting one already specified; and every such notification shall be laid before each House of Parliament.

24(4): the States. The Act does not apply to such intelligence and security organisations established by a State Government as that Government may specify by notification, with the same proviso that information pertaining to allegations of corruption and human rights violations is not excluded.

The criticism, and it is a real one

The agency is not an intelligence or security organisation. Section 24(1) exempts intelligence and security organisations. The Second Schedule as originally enacted listed bodies of that character. The Central Bureau of Investigation is a police force investigating crime, and it is listed alongside the National Investigation Agency and the National Intelligence Grid, added by the same notification of 9 June 2011.

The argument for the listing. Its Special Crimes Division handles terrorism and organised crime, its investigations may involve sources whose exposure would endanger them, and premature disclosure of an investigation defeats it.

The argument against. Those are reasons for exempting particular information, which section 8 already does, clause by clause, subject to the public interest override in section 8(2). They are not reasons for disapplying the whole Act, which removes even the obligation to publish the organisation's structure, functions and rules under section 4.

And the sharpest form of the argument, which is the one to write. The agency's principal statutory work under section 4(1) of the Act of 1946 is the investigation of corruption. The first proviso to section 24(1) says information pertaining to allegations of corruption is not excluded. So the exemption is at its widest exactly where the agency's work is least like an intelligence organisation's, and it is lifted exactly where that work lies. The listing and the proviso pull against each other, which is what happens when a body is put on a list drawn for a different kind of organisation.

The one thing a careful answer will not say. That the agency is wholly outside the Right to Information Act. It is not, because of the first proviso.

A worked example

A citizen asks the agency for information.

He asks for the general orders governing the conduct of preliminary enquiries. Section 24(1) disapplies the Act to the agency, and this is neither a corruption nor a human rights matter. The request need not be answered.

munotes.in497

The Agency and the Right to Information

He asks for the status of a corruption case registered against a named public servant. The first proviso applies: information pertaining to allegations of corruption is not excluded. The Act applies to that request, and the ordinary provisions govern it, including the exemptions in section 8, which may still protect information whose disclosure would impede the investigation.

That last point is the qualification a good answer adds. The proviso removes the section 24 bar; it does not make the information disclosable regardless. Section 8 still applies, and the officer must decide the request under it.

He asks for information about an allegation of a custodial death by officers of the agency. That is an allegation of a human rights violation. The exemption is lifted, but by the second proviso the information may be given only after the approval of the Central Information Commission, and must be provided within forty-five days.

He asks the Ministry instead for the report the agency sent it. The second limb of section 24(1) covers information furnished by such organisations to that Government, so the request fails at the Ministry as well, unless it too falls within a proviso.

The Government wishes to add another agency to the Schedule. Section 24(2) allows it by notification, and section 24(3) requires the notification to be laid before each House of Parliament.

What beginners get wrong

That the agency is completely outside the Act. The first proviso to section 24(1) keeps corruption and human rights information inside it.

That section 24 exempts documents. It disapplies the Act to the listed organisation, which is much wider.

That the Central Information Commission's approval is needed for corruption information. It is required only for human rights information, under the second proviso.

That the ordinary thirty-day period applies to human rights requests. The second proviso substitutes forty-five days, notwithstanding section 7.

That the Schedule can be changed only by Parliament. Section 24(2) allows amendment by notification, laid before each House under section 24(3).

Quick revision

s.24(1): nothing in the Act applies to the intelligence and security organisations in the Second Schedule established by the Central Government, or to information furnished by them to that Government.

The agency is at serial 23, added with the National Investigation Agency and the National Intelligence Grid by notification G.S.R. 442(E) dated 9 June 2011.

First proviso: information pertaining to allegations of corruption and human rights violations shall not be excluded.

Second proviso: human rights information only after the approval of the Central Information Commission, and, notwithstanding s.7, within forty-five days.

munotes.in498

The Agency and the Right to Information

s.24(2) and (3): the Schedule is amended by notification, which must be laid before each House. s.24(4): the same for State organisations the State notifies, with the same proviso.

The criticism: s.24 is written for intelligence and security organisations, and a police force investigating corruption is not one; the case for withholding particular material is met by s.8, which is subject to the public interest override, and does not require the whole Act to be disapplied.

Test yourself

1. Does the Right to Information Act 2005 apply to the Central Bureau of Investigation? Not generally. Section 24(1) provides that nothing contained in the Act shall apply to the intelligence and security organisations specified in the Second Schedule, being organisations established by the Central Government, or to any information furnished by such organisations to that Government, and the agency was added to that Schedule at serial number 23 by notification G.S.R. 442(E) dated 9 June 2011, together with the National Investigation Agency and the National Intelligence Grid. But the first proviso to section 24(1) provides that information pertaining to allegations of corruption and human rights violations shall not be excluded under the sub-section, so requests of those two kinds are within the Act.

2. What is the difference between the two provisos to section 24(1)? The first removes the exemption for information pertaining to allegations both of corruption and of human rights violations. The second attaches conditions to the human rights limb only: where the information sought is in respect of allegations of violation of human rights, it shall be provided only after the approval of the Central Information Commission and, notwithstanding section 7, within forty-five days of the receipt of the request. A request about corruption therefore needs no approval of the Commission and runs on the ordinary timetable, while a request about a human rights violation needs approval and has a longer statutory period.

3. Does the first proviso make corruption information disclosable in every case? No, and the distinction matters. The proviso removes the bar created by section 24, so that the Act applies to the request. The request must then be dealt with under the ordinary provisions of the Act, including the exemptions in section 8, which may protect information whose disclosure would impede the process of investigation or apprehension or prosecution of offenders, subject to the public interest override. What the proviso gives is entry into the Act, not an entitlement to the information.

4. Criticise the inclusion of the agency in the Second Schedule. Section 24 is drawn for intelligence and security organisations, and the Central Bureau of Investigation is a police force investigating crime, whose principal statutory work under section 4(1) of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 is the investigation of corruption. The genuine reasons for withholding material from its files, that disclosure would endanger sources, prejudice an investigation or reveal methods, are all reasons for exempting particular information, which section 8 of the Act already provides for clause by clause and subject to the public interest override in section 8(2). They are not reasons for disapplying the whole Act, which removes even the duty to publish the organisation's structure, functions, powers and rules under section 4 and the duty to appoint a Public Information Officer. The strongest form of the criticism is that the exemption is widest precisely where the agency's work is least like an intelligence organisation's, and is lifted by the first proviso precisely where that work lies, so that the listing and the proviso pull against each other.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in499

Chapter Ninety-Four

The Challenge to the Agency's Existence

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

In 2013 a High Court held that the Resolution which created the Central Bureau of Investigation was not law at all, that the agency is not part of the force the Act of 1946 constitutes, and quashed both the Resolution and the charge-sheet before it; the Supreme Court stayed the judgment, an application to vacate the stay was declined, and the question is still open.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Navendra Kumar v. Union of India, 2013 Cri LJ 5009, decided on 6 November 2013, a Division Bench of the Gauhati High Court declined to hold the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 to be an invalid piece of legislation but held that the Central Bureau of Investigation is neither an organ nor a part of the Delhi Special Police Establishment and cannot be treated as a police force constituted under that Act, that the Resolution of 1 April 1963 was not an executive action of the Union within article 73 since it was neither a decision of the Union Cabinet nor assented to by the President and could at best be regarded as departmental instructions, which are neither law within article 13(3)(a) nor procedure established by law within article 21, and accordingly set aside and quashed that Resolution and the charge-sheet and trial resting on it; the judgment has been stayed by the Supreme Court and an application for vacation of the stay has been declined.

The argument, in four steps

Chapter 760 established the foundation: the force in law is the Delhi Special Police Establishment, constituted under section 2 of the Act of 1946, and the Central Bureau of Investigation is the name given to the organisation by a Resolution of 1 April 1963. The Gauhati High Court took that foundation and asked what it will bear.

Step one: what is the Resolution? Article 73 extends the executive power of the Union to the matters on which Parliament may legislate. The Court held that the Resolution of 1 April 1963 was not, strictly speaking, an executive action of the Union within the meaning of article 73, because the executive instructions it embodied were not the decision of the Union Cabinet nor were they assented to by the President. It could therefore be regarded, at best, as departmental instructions.

Step two: are departmental instructions law? Article 13(3)(a) defines "law" for the purposes of Part III to include an Ordinance, order, bye-law, rule, regulation, notification, custom or usage having the force of law. The Court held the Resolution cannot be termed law within the meaning of article 13(3)(a).

Step three: can they supply the procedure article 21 requires? Article 21 permits deprivation of life or personal liberty only according to procedure established by law. The Court held that the instructions embodied in the Resolution cannot be regarded to fall within the expression "procedure established by law" in article 21.

munotes.in500

The Challenge to the Agency's Existence

Step four: the consequence. The actions of the CBI in registering a case, arresting a person as an offender, conducting search and seizure, prosecuting an accused and the like offend article 21 and are liable to be struck down as unconstitutional.

The chain is short and it is not obviously wrong, which is why the case matters. Arrest and prosecution deprive a person of personal liberty; article 21 requires a law; a departmental resolution is not a law; therefore an agency that exists only by a departmental resolution cannot arrest or prosecute.

What the Court did and did not hold

It did NOT hold the Act of 1946 invalid. In terms: "we decline to hold and declare that the DSPE Act, 1946, is not a valid piece of legislation". The statute stands.

It DID hold that the agency is not the statutory force. "We do hold that the CBI is neither an organ nor a part of the DSPE and the CBI cannot be treated as a 'police force' constituted under the DSPE Act, 1946."

That distinction is the whole case and students collapse it. The argument is not that Parliament could not create a central investigating force; it is that the force Parliament created and the organisation that operates are not the same thing.

It set aside and quashed the Resolution of 1 April 1963, whereby the CBI has been constituted.

It quashed the charge-sheet filed against the appellant and the trial resting on it.

And it added a saving that shows the Court was not trying to free the accused. "Quashing of the proceedings pending in the CBI Court would not be a bar to any further investigation by police having jurisdiction over the subject-matter." The offence remained investigable; only the agency's competence was denied.

The stay, which must be stated with the holding

The judgment has been stayed by the Supreme Court, and an application for vacation of the stay has been declined. That is recorded in the Delhi High Court's judgment in Virbhadra Singh v. Central Bureau of Investigation, where a party sought to rely on the Gauhati reasoning and the Court noted that the decision "is currently stayed by the Supreme Court" and that "a subsequent application for vacation of stay also stands declined."

So the position to state in an answer is precise and threefold. The Gauhati High Court so held. The judgment has been stayed and is not law in force. And the Supreme Court has not decided the question, so the argument has neither been accepted nor rejected on the merits.

munotes.in501

The Challenge to the Agency's Existence

Do not write that the Supreme Court "reversed" or "overruled" it. A stay suspends the operation of a judgment; it decides nothing.

The counter-arguments a good answer will give

That the name is not the institution. Everything the agency does, it does through officers of the Delhi Special Police Establishment exercising powers under sections 2, 3 and 5 of the Act. A first information report is registered by an officer of that Establishment of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector under section 2(3) or 5(3), not by "the CBI". On this view the Resolution is an administrative reorganisation and a change of name, and it confers no power because none is needed.

That Parliament has since legislated on the basis that the agency exists. Section 4(1) of the 1946 Act, substituted in 2003, speaks of superintendence over the Delhi Special Police Establishment; but section 4A creates a Committee for the appointment of the Director, section 4B fixes his tenure, section 4BA creates a Directorate of Prosecution and section 4C provides for officers of and above Superintendent of Police, and all of them plainly legislate for the organisation as it exists. Parliament amended the Act four times between 2003 and 2021 on that footing.

That a very great deal turns on it. If the Resolution is a nullity, the consequences for concluded prosecutions and pending trials over sixty years are enormous, and the Court itself was careful to preserve further investigation by the police having jurisdiction.

And the honest reply to the counter-arguments, which is the strongest part of the answer. They are answers to the practical problem and not to the legal one. Legislating around an institution does not create it, and the fact that a nullity would be inconvenient is not a reason for holding that it is not a nullity. The real answer to the Gauhati argument is a Central Bureau of Investigation Act, which would put the question beyond argument in a single section, and chapter 940 makes that case.

A worked example

An accused before a Special Judge takes the objection that the agency has no legal existence and that the charge-sheet is a nullity.

Can he rely on the Gauhati decision? He may cite it, but it is stayed and its operation is suspended, so no court is bound to follow it and it cannot be relied on as a subsisting declaration.

Is the objection therefore hopeless? No. The question of law it raises has never been decided by the Supreme Court, and the stay is not a decision. A court asked the question today would have to decide it, and could decide it either way.

munotes.in502

The Challenge to the Agency's Existence

What is the answer on the merits, on the material in this chapter? That the powers exercised are the powers of the Delhi Special Police Establishment under sections 2, 3 and 5 of a valid Act, that the officers acting are officers of that Establishment, and that the Resolution of 1963 renamed and reorganised rather than created. The reply is that the organisation that in fact registers, investigates and prosecutes is constituted by the Resolution, and that the Gauhati Court's chain from article 73 to article 13(3)(a) to article 21 has not been answered.

What would settle it? A statute. One section enacting that there shall be a Central Bureau of Investigation, stating its constitution and its powers, would dispose of the whole argument.

What beginners get wrong

That the Court struck down the Act of 1946. It expressly declined to hold the Act invalid.

That the Supreme Court overruled the judgment. It stayed it, and declined to vacate the stay. It has not decided the question.

That the decision freed the accused. The Court expressly said the quashing was no bar to further investigation by police having jurisdiction.

That the argument is a technicality. It runs on article 21: arrest and prosecution require a procedure established by law, and a departmental resolution is not law.

That the argument is settled because Parliament has amended the Act. Legislating about an organisation is not the same as constituting it, though it is a real argument on the other side.

Quick revision

Navendra Kumar v. Union of India, 2013 Cri LJ 5009, Gauhati High Court, Division Bench, 6 November 2013.

Held: the Resolution of 1 April 1963 was not an executive action of the Union within article 73, being neither a decision of the Union Cabinet nor assented to by the President; at best departmental instructions; not "law" within article 13(3)(a); not "procedure established by law" within article 21; so the agency's acts of registering a case, arresting, searching and prosecuting offend article 21.

Order: declined to hold the DSPE Act 1946 invalid; held the agency is neither an organ nor a part of the Delhi Special Police Establishment and cannot be treated as a police force constituted under it; set aside and quashed the Resolution of 1 April 1963, the charge-sheet and the trial resting on it; but no bar to further investigation by the police having jurisdiction.

STAYED by the Supreme Court, and a later application to vacate the stay was declined, as recorded in the Delhi High Court in Virbhadra Singh v. Central Bureau of Investigation, W.P.(Crl.) 2757/2015, 31 March 2017. A stay decides nothing; the question is open.

munotes.in503

The Challenge to the Agency's Existence

The counter-arguments: the powers exercised are the Establishment's under ss.2, 3 and 5; Parliament has legislated for the organisation in ss.4A, 4B, 4BA and 4C; and a nullity would unsettle sixty years of prosecutions. All are practical answers to a legal question, and the real answer is a statute.

Test yourself

1. What was held in Navendra Kumar v. Union of India? A Division Bench of the Gauhati High Court held on 6 November 2013 that the Resolution of 1 April 1963 by which the Central Bureau of Investigation was constituted was not, strictly speaking, an executive action of the Union within the meaning of article 73, because the executive instructions it embodied were neither a decision of the Union Cabinet nor assented to by the President, and could at best be regarded as departmental instructions; that such instructions are not law within the meaning of article 13(3)(a) and do not fall within the expression procedure established by law in article 21; and that consequently the actions of the agency in registering a case, arresting a person, conducting search and seizure and prosecuting an accused offend article 21 and are liable to be struck down. It declined to hold that the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 was an invalid piece of legislation, but held that the agency is neither an organ nor a part of that Establishment and cannot be treated as a police force constituted under the Act, and it set aside and quashed the Resolution, the charge-sheet and the trial resting on it, while making clear that the quashing was no bar to further investigation by the police having jurisdiction.

2. What is the present status of that decision? It has been stayed by the Supreme Court, and a subsequent application for vacation of the stay was declined, as the Delhi High Court recorded in Virbhadra Singh v. Central Bureau of Investigation on 31 March 2017. The judgment is therefore not law in force and no court is bound by it. But a stay suspends the operation of a judgment and decides nothing, so the question of law it raises has not been determined by the Supreme Court one way or the other, and it remains open.

3. What are the arguments against the Gauhati reasoning? Three. That the name is not the institution: every power exercised is a power of the Delhi Special Police Establishment under sections 2, 3 and 5 of a valid Act, exercised by officers of that Establishment of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector, so the Resolution reorganised and renamed rather than created and confers no power because none is needed. That Parliament has legislated on the footing that the organisation exists, in section 4A creating a Committee for the appointment of its Director, section 4B fixing his tenure, section 4BA creating a Directorate of Prosecution and section 4C providing for its senior officers, amending the Act on that basis four times between 2003 and 2021. And that treating the Resolution as a nullity would unsettle sixty years of investigations and prosecutions, which is why the Court itself preserved further investigation by the police having jurisdiction. The reply to all three is that they are answers to the practical difficulty rather than to the legal question, since legislating about an institution does not constitute it, and the inconvenience of a conclusion is not a reason for rejecting it.

munotes.in504

The Challenge to the Agency's Existence

4. Why is this the strongest argument in the book for a dedicated statute? Because it shows that the foundational question about India's principal investigating agency, whether it lawfully exists at all, has been answered in the negative by a High Court, has been stayed rather than decided, and has stood open for more than a decade. Every other criticism in this Module concerns how the agency is controlled, staffed, supervised or insulated. This one concerns whether it is there. A single section of a statute enacting that there shall be a Central Bureau of Investigation, and stating its constitution, its functions and its powers, would dispose of the whole argument, and the fact that no such section has been enacted in more than sixty years is itself the point.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in505

Chapter Ninety-Five

Further Investigation and Fresh Investigation

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

A Magistrate may order further investigation to complete a report; only a higher court may order a fresh or de novo investigation; and no investigating agency may reopen on its own an offence on which it has already reported.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Vinay Tyagi v. Irshad Ali, (2013) 5 SCC 762, the Supreme Court held that the court of competent jurisdiction is duty bound to consider all reports, records and documents submitted by the investigating agency as its report under section 173(2) of the Code of Criminal Procedure, subject only to an order of the Magistrate at the prosecution's request excluding a document, or an order of a higher court in exercise of its extraordinary or inherent jurisdiction directing that a report or part of it be excluded, struck off the record and treated as non est; and that no investigating agency is empowered to conduct a fresh, de novo or re-investigation in relation to an offence on which it has already filed a report under section 173(2), such an investigation being possible only on the orders of the higher courts, which must then pass a specific order on the fate of the investigation already conducted and the report already filed.

Why this belongs in a paper on public authorities

Chapters 440 to 470 worked the report of a Commission of Inquiry, and chapter 470 established that it is recommendatory: it decides nothing, and a finding in it is not evidence in a criminal trial.

So the question an examiner asks is the obvious next one. A Commission, or a court-monitored inquiry, or a departmental proceeding, concludes that the police investigation was inadequate or partisan. What can be done about it? The answer is not in the Commissions of Inquiry Act or in the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act. It is in the criminal procedure law and in the writ jurisdiction, and it comes in three grades.

The three grades

1. Further investigation. A continuation of the existing investigation. The earlier report stands, and a supplementary report is filed. It is provided for by section 173(8) of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973, and a Magistrate may direct it.

2. Re-investigation, or fresh or de novo investigation. The earlier investigation is treated as of no effect and the matter is investigated afresh. Only a higher court may direct it.

3. Transfer to another agency. The investigation is taken from one force and given to another, ordinarily the Central Bureau of Investigation. That is chapter 830, and its own threshold applies: a prima facie case on the material, and an exceptional situation.

munotes.in506

Further Investigation and Fresh Investigation

What Vinay Tyagi decided

Vinay Tyagi v. Irshad Ali, (2013) 5 SCC 762, decided on 13 December 2012, Swatanter Kumar J.

Answer to Question 1: everything goes to the court. The court of competent jurisdiction is duty bound to consider all reports, the entire records and the documents submitted therewith by the investigating agency as its report in terms of section 173(2) of the Code. The rule is subject to only two exceptions:

(a) a specific order of the Magistrate at the request of the prosecution, limited to excluding a document or statement or part of it;

(b) an order of a higher court in exercise of its extraordinary or inherent jurisdiction directing that a report, whether the primary report, a supplementary report, or a report on fresh investigation or re-investigation, or any part of it, be excluded, struck off the court record and treated as non est.

Answer to Question 2, and this is the holding to learn. No investigating agency is empowered to conduct a fresh, de novo or re-investigation in relation to the offence for which it has already filed a report in terms of section 173(2) of the Code. It is only upon the orders of the higher courts empowered to pass such orders that such an investigation can be conducted, in which event the higher courts will have to pass a specific order with regard to the fate of the investigation already conducted and the report so filed before the Magistrate.

On the Magistrate's power. It is the judicial conscience of the Magistrate that has to be satisfied on the record and the documents placed before him. "It will be a travesty of justice if the court cannot be permitted to direct further investigation to clear its doubt and to order the investigating agency to further substantiate its charge sheet." Whether he should direct further investigation depends on the facts.

And the sentence that fixes the hierarchy. "Where the Magistrate can only direct further investigation, the courts of higher jurisdiction can direct further, re-investigation or even investigation de novo depending on the facts of a given case. It will be the specific order of the court that would determine the nature of investigation."

Why the distinction is not a technicality

Because a fresh investigation destroys what has been done. If the earlier investigation is wiped out, evidence collected under it may be lost, an accused released may not be traceable, and the delay may be fatal to the prosecution. The power is therefore reserved to a higher court, which must, in the same order, say what becomes of the earlier investigation and the report already filed.

Because a further investigation preserves it. The earlier report stands, the supplementary report is added, and the court considers both. Nothing is lost.

munotes.in507

Further Investigation and Fresh Investigation

And because an agency cannot help itself. The most important practical consequence of Question 2 is that an agency dissatisfied with its own concluded investigation cannot simply start again. It must go to a court. That is a protection for the accused, who would otherwise be exposed to serial investigations of the same offence at the agency's choice, and it is the answer to a problem chapter 870's continuing mandamus does not reach.

How the three grades meet the earlier chapters

A Commission of Inquiry finds the investigation was partisan. Its report is recommendatory and proves nothing. But the report is material, and a High Court under article 226 may act on it: it may direct further investigation, a re-investigation, or a transfer to the Central Bureau of Investigation on the Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights principle.

The Central Vigilance Commission's advice was not accepted. That is a departmental matter, chapter 700, and has nothing to do with the criminal case.

The court monitoring an investigation is dissatisfied. Chapter 870: it may require the agency to proceed, but its role ends at the charge-sheet, and thereafter the remedy is the one in this chapter, before the court seised of the case.

A worked example

The police file a charge-sheet. A Commission of Inquiry later reports that the investigation ignored the material witnesses.

Before the Magistrate. He is duty bound to consider all the reports, records and documents filed under section 173(2). He may, on the facts, direct further investigation, and the agency must file a supplementary report. He may not order a fresh or de novo investigation.

Before the High Court under article 226. It may direct further investigation, or re-investigation, or investigation de novo, and it is the specific order of the court that determines the nature of the investigation. If it orders a fresh investigation it must also say what becomes of the earlier investigation and the report already filed.

May the agency itself reopen the matter? No. No investigating agency is empowered to conduct a fresh, de novo or re-investigation in relation to an offence on which it has already reported under section 173(2).

May the prosecution have a statement excluded from the record? Only by a specific order of the Magistrate at its request, limited to that document or part; or by an order of a higher court treating a report or part of it as "non est".

And a transfer to the central agency? That is a different question, governed by chapter 830: a direction under article 226 or article 32, on a prima facie case disclosed by the material, used sparingly and in exceptional situations.

munotes.in508

Further Investigation and Fresh Investigation

What beginners get wrong

That further investigation and re-investigation are the same. Further investigation continues and produces a supplementary report; re-investigation replaces.

That a Magistrate can order a fresh investigation. He can order further investigation. Fresh, de novo or re-investigation is for a higher court.

That an agency may reopen its own case. It may not, once it has reported under section 173(2).

That a higher court ordering a fresh investigation need say nothing more. It must pass a specific order on the fate of the earlier investigation and the report already filed.

That a Commission of Inquiry's report can itself set a prosecution going. It cannot. It is material on which a court may act; the order must come from the court.

Quick revision

Vinay Tyagi v. Irshad Ali, (2013) 5 SCC 762, 13 December 2012, Swatanter Kumar J.

Question 1: the court is duty bound to consider all reports, records and documents filed as the report under s.173(2), subject only to (a) a specific order of the Magistrate at the prosecution's request excluding a document or part, and (b) an order of a higher court in its extraordinary or inherent jurisdiction that a report or part be excluded, struck off the record and treated as non est.

Question 2: no investigating agency may conduct a fresh, de novo or re-investigation into an offence on which it has already reported under s.173(2); only the higher courts may order it, and must then pass a specific order on the fate of the earlier investigation and report.

The hierarchy: the Magistrate may direct further investigation only; higher courts may direct further, re-investigation or de novo; and the court's specific order determines the nature of the investigation.

Currency: the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 was replaced by the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita 2023 from 1 July 2024, and the references are carried across by s.8 of the General Clauses Act 1897.

Test yourself

1. Distinguish further investigation from re-investigation. Further investigation is a continuation of the existing investigation: the report already filed under section 173(2) of the Code stands, the agency investigates further and files a supplementary report, and the court considers both. Re-investigation, also called fresh or de novo investigation, treats the earlier investigation as of no effect and begins again. The distinction matters because further investigation preserves what has been collected while re-investigation destroys it, which is why a Magistrate may direct only the former and the power to direct the latter is reserved to the higher courts, which must in the same order say what becomes of the investigation already conducted and the report already filed.

munotes.in509

Further Investigation and Fresh Investigation

2. May an investigating agency reopen an investigation it has closed? No. On the authority of Vinay Tyagi, no investigating agency is empowered to conduct a fresh, de novo or re-investigation in relation to an offence for which it has already filed a report in terms of section 173(2) of the Code. Such an investigation can be conducted only upon the orders of the higher courts empowered to pass such orders. The rule protects the accused from serial investigations of the same offence at the agency's own choice, and it places the decision to reopen with a court rather than with the body whose earlier work is in question.

3. What must the court do with the reports filed by the investigating agency? It is duty bound to consider all the reports, the entire records and the documents submitted with them as the agency's report in terms of section 173(2). There are only two exceptions. A specific order may be passed by the Magistrate at the request of the prosecution, limited to excluding a particular document or statement or part of it. And a higher court, in exercise of its extraordinary or inherent jurisdiction, may direct that any report, whether the primary report, a supplementary report or a report on fresh investigation or re-investigation, or any part of it, be excluded, struck off the court record and treated as non est.

4. A Commission of Inquiry reports that a police investigation was partisan. What follows? Nothing automatically, because the report of a Commission is recommendatory and decides nothing, and a finding in it is not evidence in a criminal trial. But the report is material, and a court may act on it. The Magistrate seised of the case may, on the facts, direct further investigation and require a supplementary report. A High Court under article 226 or the Supreme Court under article 32 may direct further investigation, re-investigation or investigation de novo, and it is the specific order of the court that determines which; if a fresh investigation is ordered the court must also determine the fate of the earlier investigation and report. In a proper case the court may instead transfer the investigation to the Central Bureau of Investigation, which requires a prima facie case disclosed by the material and is a power to be exercised sparingly and in exceptional situations.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in510

Chapter Ninety-Six

The Other Central Agencies

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

Three other central investigating bodies, and the comparison is the point: one has no Act of its own, one has an Act with a Schedule that Parliament amends, and one is created by a section of the Companies Act.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: besides the Central Bureau of Investigation the Union has a Directorate of Enforcement, whose Director is appointed under section 25 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 on the recommendation of a Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner and whose tenure was made extendable up to five years by the amendment of 2021; a National Investigation Agency, constituted under section 3 of the National Investigation Agency Act 2008 for the investigation and prosecution of offences under the Acts specified in its Schedule, with powers throughout India and, subject to any international treaty or domestic law of the country concerned, outside India; and a Serious Fraud Investigation Office established under section 211 of the Companies Act 2013 to investigate frauds relating to a company, headed by a Director not below the rank of Joint Secretary and consisting of experts in banking, corporate affairs, taxation, forensic audit, capital market, information technology, law and such other fields as may be prescribed.

The Directorate of Enforcement

Its own law. It enforces the foreign exchange and money laundering statutes, and it is a Finance Ministry body.

Its Director comes from this syllabus. Section 25 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, chapter 680: appointment by the Central Government on the recommendation of a Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner, with the Vigilance Commissioners and the Secretaries of Home Affairs, Personnel and Revenue; integrity and experience to be considered; not below Additional Secretary; not less than two years; and no transfer without the Committee's consent.

The 2021 amendment. By Act 46 of 2021, the initial period may, in public interest, on the Committee's recommendation and for reasons to be recorded in writing, be extended up to one year at a time, and no extension after five years in total including the initial appointment.

Why section 25 sits in this Act at all. Because Vineet Narain gave directions about the Enforcement Directorate as well as the Central Bureau of Investigation, and Parliament put both sets into the same statute in 2003: chapter 680.

The criticism is the same as for the Director of the agency, chapter 800: an extendable tenure is a relationship with the extending authority, and the same amendment was made to both offices in the same session.

The National Investigation Agency

Section 3(1): the constitution, and read it beside section 2(1) of the 1946 Act. Notwithstanding anything in the Police Act 1861, the Central Government may constitute a special agency to be called the National Investigation Agency for investigation and prosecution of offences under the Acts specified in the Schedule.

munotes.in511

The Other Central Agencies

Section 3(2): the powers. Officers of the Agency shall have throughout India and, subject to any international treaty or domestic law of the country concerned, outside India, in relation to the investigation of Scheduled Offences and the arrest of persons concerned in them, all the powers, duties, privileges and liabilities which police officers have in connection with the investigation of offences committed therein.

Section 3(3): an officer of or above the rank of Sub-Inspector may exercise throughout India any of the powers of the officer in charge of a police station in the area where he is present.

Now make the three comparisons, because this is the examinable core of the chapter.

The name is in the Act. Section 3(1) names the National Investigation Agency. The Act of 1946 names the Delhi Special Police Establishment and no statute anywhere names the Central Bureau of Investigation: chapters 760 and 900. The whole Gauhati argument could not be made against this agency.

The offences are in a Schedule. Section 3(1) confines the Agency to offences under the Acts specified in the Schedule, and a Schedule is part of the Act and is amended by Parliament. Section 3 of the 1946 Act leaves the offences to a notification by the Central Government: chapter 810.

And there is no consent requirement. Section 3(2) gives the officers powers throughout India, and section 6 provides the mechanism: on receipt of information about a Scheduled Offence the officer in charge of the police station forwards the report to the State Government forthwith; the State Government forwards it to the Central Government as expeditiously as possible; the Central Government determines within fifteen days whether the offence is a Scheduled Offence and whether, having regard to the gravity of the offence and other relevant factors, it is a fit case to be investigated by the Agency; and if it so opines it shall direct the Agency to investigate.

Compare that with sections 5 and 6 of the 1946 Act. The State forwards the report; the Central Government decides; the State's role is to transmit. There is no consent, and no equivalent of the withdrawal of general consent that chapter 820 worked. Parliament in 2008 simply did not enact one.

The federalism question that follows, and a good answer raises it without pretending to settle it. If police is a State subject and Entry 80 of List I carries a consent condition on its face, how does a statute of 2008 confer all-India police powers without consent? The answers offered are that the Scheduled Offences are terrorism and offences against the sovereignty and security of the State, which fall within the Union's own entries and not merely within the police entry; and that the Agency's jurisdiction is over offences and not over the general policing of a State. The question has been litigated and this book does not assert an outcome it has not read.

munotes.in512

The Other Central Agencies

The Serious Fraud Investigation Office

Section 211(1) of the Companies Act 2013. The Central Government shall, by notification, establish an office to be called the Serious Fraud Investigation Office to investigate frauds relating to a company; with a proviso that until it is so established, the Office set up by the Government of India Resolution No. 45011/16/2003-Adm-I dated 2 July 2003 shall be deemed to be that Office for the purposes of the section.

The proviso is the fact this chapter exists to deliver. The Serious Fraud Investigation Office was, like the Central Bureau of Investigation, created by a Government Resolution, in 2003. Parliament in 2013 put it on a statutory footing and expressly deemed the Resolution body to be the statutory one until the notification issued. That is precisely the treatment the Central Bureau of Investigation has never received.

Section 211(2) and (3): the composition. Headed by a Director, appointed by the Central Government by notification, who shall be an officer not below the rank of a Joint Secretary with knowledge and experience of corporate affairs; and consisting of such number of experts appointed from among persons of ability, integrity and experience in banking, corporate affairs, taxation, forensic audit, capital market, information technology, law, or such other fields as may be prescribed.

Note what the composition tells you. It is a specialist body, not a police force: accountants, bankers and lawyers rather than police officers. The design answers a criticism made of the general agency, that economic offences need skills a police cadre does not have.

Section 211(4) and (5): the Central Government appoints such experts, officers and employees as it considers necessary, on terms it prescribes.

The comparison table, which is the answer to the question

CBINIASFIO
Named in a statute?No. The Act names the Delhi Special Police Establishment; the name comes from a Resolution of 1963Yes, s.3(1) of the 2008 ActYes, s.211(1) of the Companies Act 2013
Offences fixed bynotification under s.3the Schedule to the Act, amended by Parliamentfrauds relating to a company
State consentrequired, s.6, outside a Union territory or railway areanot required; s.6 is a reference and direction mechanismnot applicable
HeadDirector, s.4A Committee: PM, Leader of the Opposition, CJI or his nomineeDirector-General under the ActDirector not below Joint Secretary, appointed by the Central Government
Compositionpolice officers, largely on deputationpolice officersexperts in banking, corporate affairs, taxation, forensic audit, capital market, information technology and law
Existence ever challenged?Yes, chapter 900No such argument is availableNo such argument is available
munotes.in513

The Other Central Agencies

The sentence the table exists for. The oldest and best known of the three is the only one without a statute of its own, and every difficulty in chapters 810, 820, 850 and 900 follows from that single fact.

A worked example

A large fraud in a listed company involves bribery of a Central Government officer and a suspected diversion of funds abroad.

The corporate fraud. The Serious Fraud Investigation Office under section 211 of the Companies Act 2013, whose experts in forensic audit and capital markets are the right instrument.

The bribery of the public servant. The Central Bureau of Investigation, the offence being under the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, and superintendence of that investigation lying with the Central Vigilance Commission under section 4(1) of the 1946 Act. If the company's operations are in a State, section 6 consent or a court's direction is required.

The diversion of funds abroad. The Directorate of Enforcement, under the foreign exchange and money laundering laws, its Director appointed under section 25 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003.

If there were also a terrorist financing allegation. The National Investigation Agency, if the offence is under an Act in its Schedule; the officer in charge of the police station forwards the report to the State Government, which forwards it to the Central Government, which decides within fifteen days whether it is a Scheduled Offence and a fit case, and if so directs the Agency. No State consent is involved.

Four agencies, one transaction, four different legal foundations, and only one of them has no statute naming it.

What beginners get wrong

That the National Investigation Agency needs State consent. It does not. Section 6 provides a reference and direction mechanism, and section 3(2) gives its officers powers throughout India.

That the Serious Fraud Investigation Office is a police body. It is a specialist office of experts, headed by a Director not below Joint Secretary.

That the Directorate of Enforcement's Director is appointed under a Finance Ministry law. He is appointed under section 25 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, on the recommendation of a Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner.

That all central agencies rest on executive resolutions. Two of the three named here are statutory, and the Companies Act expressly converted the Resolution body of 2003 into a statutory one.

munotes.in514

The Other Central Agencies

Quick revision

Directorate of Enforcement: Director under s.25 of the CVC Act 2003, Committee chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner with the Vigilance Commissioners and the Secretaries of Home, Personnel and Revenue; not below Additional Secretary; two years minimum; no transfer without consent; Act 46 of 2021, extension one year at a time, five years total.

National Investigation Agency: s.3(1), notwithstanding the Police Act 1861, a special agency for investigation and prosecution of offences under the Acts specified in the Schedule; s.3(2), powers throughout India and, subject to treaty or the other country's law, outside India; s.3(3), an officer of or above Sub-Inspector has station house powers throughout India; s.6, report to the State Government forthwith, forwarded to the Central Government, which decides within fifteen days on gravity and fitness and directs the Agency. No State consent.

Serious Fraud Investigation Office: s.211(1) of the Companies Act 2013, established by notification to investigate frauds relating to a company; the proviso deems the Office set up by the Resolution of 2 July 2003 to be it until then; s.211(2) and (3), a Director not below Joint Secretary and experts in banking, corporate affairs, taxation, forensic audit, capital market, information technology, law or as prescribed.

The comparison: the CBI is the only one of the four bodies in this Module not named in any statute, the only one whose offences are fixed by notification, the only one needing State consent, and the only one whose existence has been judicially challenged.

Test yourself

1. How does the National Investigation Agency differ from the Central Bureau of Investigation in its legal foundation? In three ways that matter. It is named in its own statute, section 3(1) of the National Investigation Agency Act 2008 empowering the Central Government to constitute a special agency to be called the National Investigation Agency, whereas no statute names the Central Bureau of Investigation, the Act of 1946 naming only the Delhi Special Police Establishment. Its subject-matter jurisdiction is fixed by the Schedule to the Act, which is part of the Act and is amended by Parliament, whereas section 3 of the Act of 1946 leaves the offences to a notification by the Central Government. And its officers have the powers of police officers throughout India under section 3(2), with no requirement of State consent, section 6 instead providing that the police station report is forwarded through the State Government to the Central Government, which determines within fifteen days whether the offence is a Scheduled Offence and, having regard to gravity and other relevant factors, a fit case for the Agency, and if so directs it to investigate.

munotes.in515

The Other Central Agencies

2. What is the Serious Fraud Investigation Office and how was it constituted? It is the specialist body established under section 211(1) of the Companies Act 2013, by notification of the Central Government, to investigate frauds relating to a company. The proviso to that sub-section is significant: until the Office was so established, the Serious Fraud Investigation Office set up by the Government of India Resolution No. 45011/16/2003-Adm-I dated 2 July 2003 was deemed to be that Office for the purposes of the section. It is headed by a Director appointed by the Central Government by notification, who must be an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary with knowledge and experience of corporate affairs, and it consists of experts appointed from among persons of ability, integrity and experience in banking, corporate affairs, taxation, forensic audit, capital market, information technology, law and such other fields as may be prescribed.

3. Why is the proviso to section 211(1) worth noticing in a paper on the Central Bureau of Investigation? Because it is exactly the treatment that agency has never received. The Serious Fraud Investigation Office was, like the Central Bureau of Investigation, created by a Government Resolution, in its case in July 2003. When Parliament came to legislate for it in 2013 it established the office by statute and expressly deemed the Resolution body to be the statutory body until the notification issued, so that continuity was preserved and the question of the Resolution's legal character could never arise. A single equivalent provision would dispose of the argument accepted by the Gauhati High Court in 2013 about the Central Bureau of Investigation.

4. Who appoints the Director of Enforcement and on what terms? The Central Government, under section 25 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, notwithstanding the Foreign Exchange Management Act 1999 or any other law, on the recommendation of a Committee consisting of the Central Vigilance Commissioner as Chairperson, the Vigilance Commissioners, and the Secretaries in charge of Home Affairs, Personnel and the Department of Revenue. The Committee must consider integrity and experience; no person below the rank of Additional Secretary is eligible; the Director holds office for not less than two years and may not be transferred without the Committee's previous consent; and since Act 46 of 2021 the period of his initial appointment may, in public interest, on the Committee's recommendation and for reasons recorded in writing, be extended up to one year at a time, subject to a total of five years including the initial appointment. The provision sits in this Act because the directions in Vineet Narain covered the Enforcement Directorate as well as the Central Bureau of Investigation and Parliament enacted both sets in the same statute in 2003.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in516

Chapter Ninety-Seven

How an Agency Is Insulated

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

Across the Vigilance Commission, the Central Bureau of Investigation, the Enforcement Directorate and the State police, the courts and Parliament have reached for the same three devices every time: a plural selection body, a fixed minimum tenure, and a complaints or supervisory body outside the force.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the recurring technique of insulating an investigating or supervisory body from the executive it must act against consists of three devices, a selection committee on which the Government does not command a majority, a minimum tenure fixed by statute notwithstanding the ordinary service rules together with a bar on removal or transfer except with that committee's consent, and an external body to receive complaints against the force or to supervise it; and the same three appear in sections 4, 5 and 6 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, in sections 4, 4A, 4B, 4BA and 4C of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, in section 25 of the 2003 Act for the Director of Enforcement, and in the directions issued by the Supreme Court for the State police in Prakash Singh v. Union of India, (2006) 8 SCC 1.

Device 1: a plural selection body

The idea. If the Government alone chooses the head of the body that must investigate the Government, the choice is the point of failure. So the choice is given to a committee, and the composition of the committee is the safeguard.

Where it appears in this Module.

Central Vigilance Commissioner, section 4(1) of the 2003 Act: the Prime Minister, the Minister of Home Affairs, the Leader of the Opposition. Two of three of the Government.

Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation, section 4A of the 1946 Act: the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition or the leader of the single largest Opposition party, and the Chief Justice or a Judge nominated by him. One of three.

Director of Enforcement, section 25 of the 2003 Act: the Central Vigilance Commissioner, the Vigilance Commissioners, and the Secretaries of Home Affairs, Personnel and Revenue.

Officers of and above Superintendent of Police, section 4C of the 1946 Act: the same Commissioner-chaired committee.

Director of Prosecution, section 4BA of the 1946 Act: on the recommendation of the Central Vigilance Commission.

Director General of Police of a State, direction (2) in Prakash Singh: selected by the State Government from among the three senior-most officers empanelled for promotion to that rank by the Union Public Service Commission on the basis of length of service, very good record and range of experience.

The technique varies in strength and the variation is the examinable point. The strongest form puts a judicial member on the committee, as section 4A does. The next removes the choice of candidates from the Government, as Prakash Singh does by requiring empanelment by the Union Public Service Commission and confining the choice to three names. The weakest gives the Government a majority and no judicial member, as section 4 of the 2003 Act does. Rank them in an answer and you have shown the design rather than listed it.

munotes.in517

How an Agency Is Insulated

Device 2: a fixed minimum tenure, and a bar on removal

The idea. A fixed term removes the incentive to please, because nothing the officer does can shorten it; and a bar on transfer stops the term being defeated by moving him.

Where it appears.

Commissioners, sections 5 and 6 of the 2003 Act: four years or sixty-five, removal ordinarily only on a Supreme Court reference, with the section 6(3) exception.

Director of the agency, section 4B of the 1946 Act: not less than two years notwithstanding anything to the contrary in his conditions of service, and no transfer without the Committee's previous consent, which chapter 880 showed covers a divestment of powers.

Director of Enforcement, section 25(d) and (e) of the 2003 Act: the same two years and the same bar on transfer.

Director of Prosecution, section 4BA(4): not less than two years.

State police, directions (2) and (3) in Prakash Singh: the Director General of Police a minimum of two years irrespective of his date of superannuation, removable only in consultation with the State Security Commission consequent on disciplinary action, conviction or incapacity; and officers on operational duties in the field, the Inspector General in charge of a Zone, the Deputy Inspector General in charge of a Range, the Superintendent in charge of a district and the Station House Officer, a prescribed minimum of two years unless removed after disciplinary proceedings, conviction or incapacity.

Chiefs of the Central Police Organisations, direction (7): also a minimum tenure of two years.

And the counter-current, which an answer must name. The amendments of 2021 made the tenure of the Director of the agency and of the Director of Enforcement extendable one year at a time up to five years. Chapters 680 and 800 made the criticism: a fixed tenure protects against the appointing authority, and an extendable one creates a relationship with it. The device has been used consistently for twenty years and has been qualified in both places in the same session.

Device 3: a body outside the force

The idea. Neither the force nor its political master can be trusted to judge the force. So a third body is created: to supervise, to receive complaints, or to report publicly.

munotes.in518

How an Agency Is Insulated

Where it appears.

Superintendence over the agency's corruption investigations vested in the Central Vigilance Commission, section 4(1) of the 1946 Act, and the requirement of a separate part on the agency in the Commission's annual report laid before Parliament, section 14(2) of the 2003 Act.

The Commission's own accountability, section 14, and the charge on the Consolidated Fund in section 13, so that no annual vote controls it.

The State Security Commission, direction (1) in Prakash Singh: constituted in every State to ensure that the State Government does not exercise unwarranted influence or pressure on the State police, and to lay down broad policy guidelines so that the police acts according to the laws of the land and the Constitution, its functions including evaluation of the performance of the State police and the preparation of a report for being placed before the State legislature.

The Police Establishment Board, direction (5): a departmental board of the Director General and four senior officers deciding all transfers, postings, promotions and other service matters of officers of and below the rank of Deputy Superintendent of Police, the State Government being able to interfere in exceptional cases only after recording its reasons.

The Police Complaints Authority, direction (6), and it is the one device this Module's central bodies do not have. At the district level headed by a retired District Judge and at the State level by a retired Judge of the High Court or Supreme Court, the head chosen from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice; members chosen from a panel prepared by the State Human Rights Commission, Lok Ayukta or State Public Service Commission; the State level Authority taking cognizance of serious misconduct including death, grievous hurt or rape in police custody, the district level also of extortion, land or house grabbing or serious abuse of authority; and, crucially, the recommendations of the Complaints Authority at both levels for any action, departmental or criminal, against a delinquent police officer shall be binding on the concerned authority.

Stop on that last word, because it is the sharpest comparison in the Module. The Central Vigilance Commission's advice, chapter 700, does not bind: section 17(3) requires only that the authority consider it and record reasons for disagreeing. The Police Complaints Authority's recommendation, in the Supreme Court's own direction, is binding. A student who notices that a court-designed body for the State police was given the very power Parliament withheld from the statutory Commission has found the best single point for an evaluative answer.

munotes.in519

How an Agency Is Insulated

The separation the Court added, and this Module's version of it

Direction (4) in Prakash Singh: the investigating police shall be separated from the law and order police to ensure speedier investigation, better expertise and improved rapport with the people, with full coordination between the two wings, beginning in towns of ten lakhs or more and extending gradually.

This Module's version of the same instinct is section 4BA, the Directorate of Prosecution: chapter 850. Both separate a function inside a force so that one interest does not colour another. Both are also incomplete: section 4BA(2) leaves the Director of Prosecution under the overall supervision and control of the Director, and the separation of investigation from law and order was directed only for the larger towns to begin with.

Where the devices have not been used, and it is the list to close on

No cadre for the agency. Chapter 850: a force largely on deputation, returning to parent governments.

No complaints body against the agency. Nothing corresponds to direction (6).

No statement of functions and no reporting duty in the 1946 Act. The only reporting duty is the Commission's, under section 14(2) of the other Act.

No control by the agency over its own senior postings. Section 4C gives them to a committee on which two serving Secretaries sit, and the Director is only consulted.

And the subject matter still fixed by notification. Section 3, chapter 810.

A worked example

A Government wishes to remove an inconvenient head of an investigating body.

If it is the Central Vigilance Commissioner. Section 6(1) requires proved misbehaviour or incapacity and a Supreme Court reference; but section 6(3) allows removal by order on five grounds, two of which rest on an opinion.

If it is the Director of the agency. Section 4B(2): no transfer without the previous consent of the section 4A Committee, and on Common Cause a divestment of powers counts as a transfer.

If it is the Director of Enforcement. Section 25(e): no transfer without the section 25(a) Committee's consent.

If it is a State Director General of Police. Direction (2) in Prakash Singh: a minimum of two years irrespective of superannuation, and relief only in consultation with the State Security Commission consequent on disciplinary action, conviction or incapacity.

If it is the Superintendent in charge of the district investigating the case. Direction (3): a prescribed two-year minimum; and for a central agency officer of that level, section 4C, which requires the Committee's recommendation for a curtailment of tenure.

In every case the answer has the same shape: the Government cannot act alone, and the body whose consent it needs is the safeguard. The differences between the cases are differences in how independent that body is, which is why device 1 is the foundation of the other two.

munotes.in520

How an Agency Is Insulated

What beginners get wrong

That insulation means independence from all control. It means the control is plural: nobody acts alone.

That a fixed tenure and an extendable tenure are the same protection. They are opposite in effect.

That the Central Vigilance Commission is the strongest of these bodies. Its selection committee is the weakest, its removal provision has a short route, and its advice does not bind.

That the Police Complaints Authority's recommendations are advisory. Direction (6) makes them binding on the concerned authority.

That these devices are all statutory. Devices 1 to 3 for the State police rest on directions of the Supreme Court issued for compliance till framing of the appropriate legislations, which is itself a comment on how much of Indian police reform is judicial.

Quick revision

Device 1, a plural selection body: s.4(1) CVC Act (PM, Home Minister, Leader of the Opposition, two of three of the Government); s.4A DSPE Act (PM, Leader of the Opposition, CJI or his nominee, one of three); s.25 CVC Act for the Director of Enforcement; s.4C for officers above Superintendent of Police; s.4BA on the Commission's recommendation; Prakash Singh direction (2), the DGP from the three senior-most officers empanelled by the Union Public Service Commission.

Device 2, a fixed tenure and a bar on removal: ss.5 and 6 CVC Act; s.4B DSPE Act, two years notwithstanding the service rules and no transfer without the Committee's consent; s.25(d) and (e); s.4BA(4); Prakash Singh (2), (3) and (7), two years for the DGP, for field officers down to the Station House Officer, and for Chiefs of Central Police Organisations. Qualified by the 2021 extendable tenure in both central offices.

Device 3, a body outside the force: s.4(1) DSPE Act superintendence in the Commission and s.14(2) CVC Act the separate part in a report laid before Parliament; Prakash Singh (1) the State Security Commission, reporting to the State legislature; (5) the Police Establishment Board, the Government interfering only for recorded reasons; (6) the Police Complaints Authority, headed by a retired Judge from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice, whose recommendations shall be binding on the concerned authority.

The comparison to make: the Commission's advice does not bind; the Police Complaints Authority's recommendation does.

Test yourself

1. What are the three devices by which an investigating or supervisory body is insulated from the executive? First, a plural selection body, so that the head of the body is chosen by a committee rather than by the Government alone, the safeguard lying in the committee's composition and in particular in whether it contains a judicial or independent member and whether the Government commands a majority. Second, a minimum tenure fixed by statute notwithstanding the ordinary conditions of service, together with a bar on removal or transfer except with the consent of that committee, so that the officer's term cannot be shortened by any device. Third, a body outside the force, whether to supervise it, to receive complaints against it, or to report on it publicly, since neither the force nor its political master can be trusted to judge the force. All three appear in the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, in the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 as amended, and in the directions issued for the State police in Prakash Singh v. Union of India.

munotes.in521

How an Agency Is Insulated

2. Compare the selection committees in this Module and rank them. The strongest is the Committee under section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act for the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation, consisting of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition or the leader of the single largest Opposition party, and the Chief Justice or a Judge nominated by him, so that a judicial member is present and the Government has one vote of three. Next comes the arrangement directed in Prakash Singh for a State Director General of Police, which does not create a committee but removes the choice of candidates from the Government by requiring empanelment by the Union Public Service Commission and confining the choice to the three senior-most empanelled officers. Then the Committees under sections 25 and 4C, chaired by the Central Vigilance Commissioner but containing two or three serving Secretaries of the Government and no judicial member. Weakest is the Committee under section 4(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act itself, of the Prime Minister, the Minister of Home Affairs and the Leader of the Opposition, in which the Government has two of three votes and there is no judicial or independent member at all.

3. What is the significance of the Police Complaints Authority for a question on the Central Vigilance Commission? Because of a single word in direction (6). The Supreme Court directed a Police Complaints Authority at the district level headed by a retired District Judge and at the State level by a retired Judge of the High Court or the Supreme Court, the head chosen from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice, to take cognizance of serious misconduct including death, grievous hurt or rape in police custody at the State level and, at the district level, also of extortion, land or house grabbing and serious abuse of authority; and it directed that the recommendations of those Authorities for any action, departmental or criminal, against a delinquent police officer shall be binding on the concerned authority. The Central Vigilance Commission's advice, by contrast, does not bind: section 17(3) of the 2003 Act requires the disciplinary authority only to consider it and, on disagreement, to record and communicate reasons. A court designing a complaints body for the State police thus gave it the very power Parliament withheld from the statutory Commission, which is the sharpest available comment on the recommendatory model.

munotes.in522

How an Agency Is Insulated

4. Which of the three devices has been weakened, and how? The second. The amendments of 2021, Act 45 of 2021 for the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation and Act 46 of 2021 for the Director of Enforcement, both deemed to have come into force on 14 November 2021, provided that the period of the initial appointment may, in public interest, on the recommendation of the relevant Committee and for reasons to be recorded in writing, be extended up to one year at a time, subject to a total of five years including the initial appointment. A fixed and non-extendable tenure is a protection against the appointing authority, because nothing the officer does can lengthen or shorten it. An extendable tenure creates a relationship with the authority that may extend it. The safeguards attached are real, the Committee's recommendation, the requirement of public interest and of recorded reasons, and the five-year cap, but they do not remove the incentive, and both offices were altered in the same way in the same session.

5. Which devices have never been applied to the Central Bureau of Investigation? It has no cadre of its own, so much of its strength is on deputation from governments it may have to investigate. There is no complaints body against it corresponding to the Police Complaints Authority directed for the State police. The Act of 1946 contains no statement of its functions and imposes no reporting duty on it, the only public account of its corruption work being the separate part which section 14(2) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 requires in the Commission's annual report. It does not control its own senior postings, which section 4C gives to a committee that need only consult the Director. And its subject-matter jurisdiction remains fixed by executive notification under section 3.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in523

Chapter Ninety-Eight

The Case for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act

Syllabus topic 4, "Investigation Agencies : the CBI"

In one line

Every difficulty in this Module has the same root, that India's principal investigating agency operates under a seven-section war-time statute that does not name it, and one Act would settle five of them.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the case for a dedicated statute rests on five deficiencies of the present arrangement, that no Act names the Central Bureau of Investigation and its very existence has been judicially doubted, that its subject-matter jurisdiction is fixed by executive notification under section 3 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 rather than by a schedule Parliament amends, that its territorial reach depends on the consent of each State under section 6 with the consequences that follow from a withdrawal of general consent, that the Act states no functions, imposes no duty to report and creates no complaints mechanism or cadre, and that its internal procedure rests on a manual it writes for itself; and the objection to be met is that a statute would not by itself cure the political dependence that the criticism is really about.

The five deficiencies, each already established

1. No statute names it, and its existence has been doubted

Chapters 760 and 900. The force in law is the Delhi Special Police Establishment under section 2 of the Act of 1946; the name comes from a Resolution of 1 April 1963. In Navendra Kumar v. Union of India, 2013 Cri LJ 5009, the Gauhati High Court held that the Resolution was neither an executive action within article 73 nor law within article 13(3)(a) nor procedure established by law within article 21, that the agency is neither an organ nor a part of the Establishment, and it quashed the Resolution. The judgment has been stayed and the stay has not been vacated, so the question has never been decided.

One section would end it. Chapter 920 showed the template: section 211(1) of the Companies Act 2013 established the Serious Fraud Investigation Office by statute and, in a proviso, deemed the body set up by the Resolution of 2 July 2003 to be it until the notification issued. Parliament has done this exact thing for a smaller agency and not for this one.

2. The offences are fixed by notification

Chapter 810. Section 3 of the 1946 Act: the Central Government may by notification specify the offences or classes of offences to be investigated, and the words limiting them to matters concerning Departments of the Central Government were omitted in 1952. The Act names no offence.

The contrast, chapter 920. Section 3(1) of the National Investigation Agency Act 2008 confines that agency to offences under the Acts specified in the Schedule, and the Schedule is part of the Act and is amended by Parliament.

munotes.in524

The Case for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act

Say what turns on it. The remit of India's principal investigating agency can be enlarged or reduced without a Bill, a debate or a vote. That is not a theoretical objection: what an agency may take up is the first thing an interested Government would wish to control.

3. Territorial reach depends on consent

Chapters 820 and 830. Section 6 requires the consent of the State outside a Union territory or railway area. A withdrawal of general consent operates prospectively and leaves the special-consent route and the court route open, and State of West Bengal v. Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights, (2010) 3 SCC 571, held that the restriction binds the Union and not the constitutional courts.

And here the argument for a statute must be made honestly, because this is the deficiency a statute cannot simply remove. The consent requirement is not an accident of drafting. Entry 80 of List I carries it in the Constitution itself, and police is a State subject under Entry 2 of List II. A Central Bureau of Investigation Act that abolished consent would face the same objection.

What a statute could do is narrow and worth stating. It could put the classes of offence in which the agency acts on a statutory footing, as the National Investigation Agency Act does, so that the question is one of subject matter within the Union's own entries rather than one of general policing; and it could provide a transparent procedure for seeking, granting and withdrawing consent, with reasons, in place of an unstructured executive discretion on both sides. It cannot repeal Entry 80.

4. No functions, no reporting duty, no complaints body, no cadre

Chapter 810 set out the whole Act: the short title and extent, a borrowed definitions clause, the constitution of the force, the notification power, superintendence and administration, the four lettered sections on the Director and senior officers, the extension provision, the consent provision, and the struck-down section 6A.

What is absent. No statement of functions. No duty to report to Parliament: the only public account is the separate part in the Commission's report under section 14(2) of the other Act, chapter 660. No complaints mechanism of the kind the Supreme Court directed for the State police in Prakash Singh, chapter 930, whose recommendations it made binding. No cadre, so the force runs largely on deputation, chapter 850.

This is the deficiency a statute would cure most completely, because each of these is a matter Parliament can settle in a section and none of them raises a constitutional difficulty.

munotes.in525

The Case for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act

5. Internal procedure rests on a manual

Chapter 860. The distinction between a preliminary enquiry and a regular case, the rules about when each is opened, and much of the agency's working procedure, come from the Crime Manual it writes for itself. The only external control is the general law of section 154 of the Code as construed in Lalita Kumari.

The internal law of India's principal investigating agency is a departmental document, alterable by the agency. No Act, no rules laid before Parliament, no regulation.

What has been said in favour

This book records the general position honestly and does not attribute a specific recommendation to a body whose report it has not read. What can be said on the material worked in this Module is this.

The Supreme Court in Vineet Narain examined the constitution and control of the agencies because, in its own words, "the constitution and working of the investigating agencies revealed the lacuna of its inability to perform whenever powerful persons were involved", and it said measures were needed "to ensure permanency in the remedial effect to prevent reversion to inertia": chapter 870. Parliament responded in 2003 by amending the 1946 Act rather than by replacing it.

The Gauhati High Court in 2013 held that the agency as constituted does not lawfully exist, and its judgment stands stayed and undecided: chapter 900.

Parliament has itself shown, in the Companies Act 2013 and the National Investigation Agency Act 2008, what a modern statute for a central investigating body looks like: chapter 920.

Those three facts are enough for the argument, and they are all sourced.

The objection, and it is a serious one

That a statute would not cure the problem. The complaint captured in the phrase chapter 880 discussed is about control, and control is exercised through postings, resources, extensions and the choice of what the agency takes up. A statute could regulate all of those; it could not stop a Government determined to use them, any more than sections 4A and 4B stopped the orders of 23 October 2018 that Common Cause had to set aside.

The reply, in three parts.

A statute changes what has to be done openly. The orders of 2018 were set aside because a statute said the Director could not be transferred without a Committee's consent and a court read the word purposively. Without section 4B(2) there would have been nothing to argue.

A statute changes the default. Section 3 lets a Government shrink the agency's remit by notification. A Schedule would require it to go to Parliament. The difficulty of an act is part of the protection against it.

munotes.in526

The Case for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act

And a statute settles the question that cannot be settled any other way. No amount of executive good behaviour answers the Gauhati argument. Only Parliament can.

What such an Act should contain, drawn from this Module

A section constituting the agency by name, with a saving deeming the existing organisation to be it: the section 211 template.

A Schedule of offences, amendable by Parliament: the National Investigation Agency Act template.

A statement of functions, so that the agency's role is fixed by law and not by notification and manual.

A duty to lay an annual report before both Houses, on the model of section 14 of the 2003 Act.

A cadre, so that the force is not staffed by officers returning to the governments they investigate.

A complaints authority on the model of direction (6) in Prakash Singh, headed by a retired Judge chosen from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice.

Statutory rules of investigation procedure, laid before Parliament, in place of a departmental manual.

And the existing safeguards preserved: the section 4A Committee, the tenure in section 4B, without the extendability introduced in 2021, and the superintendence of the Central Vigilance Commission in corruption cases under section 4(1).

A worked example

An examiner sets: "Do we need a Central Bureau of Investigation Act? Discuss with reference to decided cases."

Open with the fact. No statute names the agency; the Act is the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, a seven-section war-time statute, and the name comes from a Resolution of 1 April 1963.

Give the five deficiencies, each with its section and its case: existence (Navendra Kumar, stayed); notification (section 3, contrasted with the National Investigation Agency Act Schedule); consent (section 6, Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights); silence on functions, reporting, complaints and cadre; the manual (Lalita Kumari the only external control).

Give the counter-argument fairly: that control is political and a statute cannot repeal politics; and that Entry 80 of List I means consent cannot simply be abolished.

Answer it in three moves: a statute makes interference visible (Common Cause, 2019, where section 4B(2) was the whole basis of relief); it makes interference harder (a Schedule instead of a notification); and it is the only way to answer Navendra Kumar.

Close with the template, and this is what lifts an answer: Parliament has already written such a provision, in section 211(1) of the Companies Act 2013, for the Serious Fraud Investigation Office, and did it in a single sub-section with a proviso.

munotes.in527

The Case for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act

Quick revision

The five deficiencies: (1) no statute names it and Navendra Kumar quashed the Resolution of 1 April 1963, stayed and undecided; (2) offences fixed by notification under s.3, against the NIA Act's Schedule; (3) territorial reach depends on s.6 consent, and Entry 80 of List I means a statute cannot simply abolish it; (4) no functions, no reporting duty, no complaints body, no cadre; (5) internal procedure in a departmental Crime Manual, with only s.154 and Lalita Kumari as external control.

The objection: control is exercised through postings, resources and extensions, and a statute cannot repeal politics.

The reply: a statute makes interference visible (Common Cause, 2019, rested entirely on s.4B(2)), makes it harder (a Schedule needs Parliament), and is the only answer to the existence question.

The template already exists: s.211(1) of the Companies Act 2013, which established the Serious Fraud Investigation Office by statute and deemed the Resolution body of 2 July 2003 to be it until the notification issued.

Test yourself

1. Is a dedicated statute for the Central Bureau of Investigation necessary? Discuss. The case for it rests on five deficiencies of the present arrangement, all of which follow from the fact that the agency operates under the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, a statute of seven sections written for a war-time force that does not name it.

No enactment names it, and the Gauhati High Court in Navendra Kumar v. Union of India, 2013 Cri LJ 5009, held the Resolution of 1 April 1963 to be neither an executive action within article 73 nor law within article 13(3)(a) nor procedure established by law within article 21, quashing it, a judgment which has been stayed and never decided. Its subject-matter jurisdiction is fixed by notification under section 3 rather than by a schedule amended by Parliament, as the National Investigation Agency Act 2008 provides for that agency. Its territorial reach depends on the consent of each State under section 6. The Act states no functions, imposes no reporting duty, creates no complaints mechanism and gives the agency no cadre. And its internal procedure rests on a manual it writes for itself, the only external control being section 154 of the Code as construed in Lalita Kumari.

Against that it is objected that the real problem is political control, exercised through postings, resources and extensions, which no statute can abolish. The reply is that a statute makes interference visible, as Common Cause in 2019 demonstrated, the whole relief resting on the words of section 4B(2); that it makes interference harder, since a schedule requires Parliament where a notification does not; and that it is the only possible answer to the question of the agency's existence. The conclusion is that a statute is necessary and is not sufficient.

munotes.in528

The Case for a Central Bureau of Investigation Act

2. What could such an Act not achieve? It could not abolish the requirement of the consent of the State. Police is a State subject under Entry 2 of List II, and Entry 80 of List I, which permits the extension of the powers and jurisdiction of a police force beyond its own State, carries the consent condition on its face. An Act purporting to give the agency unconditional entry into every State would face the same objection as the present section 6 answers. What such an Act could do on this point is narrower: it could place the classes of offence in which the agency acts on a statutory footing, so that the question becomes one of subject matter within the Union's own entries rather than of general policing, and it could prescribe a transparent procedure with reasons for seeking, granting and withdrawing consent in place of an unstructured discretion on both sides. Nor could a statute prevent a determined Government from exercising influence through postings, resources and extensions, though it could regulate each of them.

3. What is the significance of section 211(1) of the Companies Act 2013 for this argument? It is the template. The Serious Fraud Investigation Office, like the Central Bureau of Investigation, was created by a Government Resolution, in its case dated 2 July 2003. When Parliament legislated for it in 2013 it provided that the Central Government shall by notification establish an office to be called the Serious Fraud Investigation Office to investigate frauds relating to a company, and added a proviso that until it was so established the office set up by the Resolution of 2003 shall be deemed to be that Office for the purposes of the section. In one sub-section and one proviso Parliament converted an executive body into a statutory one and preserved continuity. The same drafting applied to the Central Bureau of Investigation would dispose entirely of the argument accepted by the Gauhati High Court, and its absence after more than sixty years is the strongest form of the case for a statute.

4. What should a Central Bureau of Investigation Act contain? A section constituting the agency by name, with a saving deeming the existing organisation to be it. A Schedule of offences amendable only by Parliament. A statement of its functions, so that its role is fixed by law rather than by notification and manual. A duty to present an annual report to be laid before both Houses, on the model of section 14 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003. A cadre of its own, so that the force is not staffed largely by officers who will return to governments they may have investigated. A complaints authority on the model of the sixth direction in Prakash Singh, headed by a retired Judge chosen from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice and with recommendations that bind. Rules of investigation procedure made under the Act and laid before Parliament, in place of a departmental manual. And the preservation of the existing safeguards, the selection Committee in section 4A, the minimum tenure in section 4B without the extendability introduced in 2021, and the superintendence of the Central Vigilance Commission over corruption investigations under section 4(1).

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in529

Module III

munotes.in

Chapter Ninety-Nine

Why a Legislature Inquires

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

A House that must vote the money and hold Ministers answerable cannot do either on the Government's own account of the facts, so the power to find out for itself is not an extra power but part of the powers it already has.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the power of a legislature to inquire is incidental to its two central functions, the power to legislate and the power to control the executive; article 75(3) makes the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the House of the People and article 164(2) makes a State Council responsible to the Legislative Assembly, while article 266(3) provides that no moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India shall be appropriated except in accordance with law and article 114 requires an Appropriation Act; and since responsibility and appropriation both require the House to know what has been done with the power and the money it granted, the House must be able to find out, which is what its committees exist to do and what articles 105 and 194 protect.

The two functions, and what each needs

The House legislates. To legislate on a subject it must know the subject: what the existing law does, where it fails, what the affected people say, what a technical proposal actually means. A Bill drafted in a Ministry and voted on the Minister's assurance is a Bill nobody has examined.

The House controls the executive. Article 75(3): the Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the House of the People. Article 164(2): the Council of Ministers of a State shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly of the State.

Responsibility is a word about information before it is a word about consequences. A House cannot hold a Minister responsible for what it does not know. A Minister who alone decides what the House is told is not accountable to it; the House is dependent on him. That is the whole reason a legislature must be able to inquire, and it is the sentence to open an answer with.

And the House votes the money. Article 114 requires an Appropriation Act before money is withdrawn, and article 266(3) provides that no moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India shall be appropriated except in accordance with law. Chapter 1200 works the cut motions and chapter 1010 the audit; but the point here is prior: a House that grants money and never asks what became of it has voted and not controlled.

Where the power to inquire comes from

There is no article of the Constitution saying "a House may inquire". That surprises students and it is the correct starting point.

munotes.in530

Why a Legislature Inquires

The power is incidental. It follows from the functions the Constitution does confer. A body given the power to legislate and the duty to hold a government responsible must be able to obtain the material on which to do both, and the power to obtain it is implied in the grant.

The Constitution then supplies two things that make the implied power workable, and chapter 960 separates them because students merge them constantly:

Privilege, under articles 105 and 194, which is what protects a member and a committee while they inquire, and what allows a House to punish obstruction.

Rules of procedure, under articles 118 and 208, under which each House makes the rules that actually create its committees, fix their composition and confer their powers.

So the answer to MU's 2026 question, "what constitutional provisions and parliamentary rules empower legislative committees", is a pair. The Constitution supplies the responsibility that makes inquiry necessary and the privilege that makes it safe; the rules made under the Constitution supply the committees themselves. Neither half alone is an answer.

Why a committee and not the House

A House of 543 members cannot examine a Ministry's accounts, or take evidence from twenty witnesses, or read a technical Bill line by line.

A committee is smaller. Fifteen to thirty-one members can sit round a table and question an official.

A committee sits in private. Chapter 1070 works what that buys: an officer who would not contradict his Minister in public will explain a file in a committee room.

A committee is not adversarial in the way the Chamber is. The Chamber is where a Government is attacked and defended. Committees, in the standing practice of Indian legislatures, ordinarily report unanimously, and chapter 1000 records the convention that the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee is from the Opposition.

And a committee is continuous. The Chamber moves on; a committee returns to the same Ministry year after year and can ask what happened to what it said last time. Chapter 1060 works the Committee on Government Assurances, which exists for nothing else.

And the cost of all four, which an honest answer names. What is done in a committee is done out of public sight, is reported to a House that need not act, and is protected by a privilege that has been used against people outside the House. Chapters 1090 and 1130 take that up.

The four kinds of legislative inquiry, which the rest of the module works

Financial, the Public Accounts Committee, the Estimates Committee and the Committee on Public Undertakings: chapters 1000 and 1010.

Subject-wise, the departmentally related Standing Committees since 1993: chapter 1020.

munotes.in531

Why a Legislature Inquires

Ad hoc, a Select or Joint Committee on a Bill or on a particular scandal: chapter 1030.

Disciplinary, the Committee of Privileges, inquiring into a breach of privilege or a contempt: chapter 1040.

Add the scrutiny committees on subordinate legislation, government assurances, petitions and papers laid on the table, chapters 1050 and 1060, and the list is complete.

A worked example

A newspaper alleges that a Ministry bought equipment at three times its market price.

What the Chamber can do. A question at Question Hour, chapter 1160, which the Minister answers in a sentence; a calling attention notice; in a grave case an adjournment motion, chapter 1170. None of these produces a file.

What a committee can do. The departmentally related Standing Committee for that Ministry may take up the subject, send for persons, papers and records, chapter 1070, examine the Secretary on oath of office if not on oath of law, and report to the House.

What the audit route adds. The Comptroller and Auditor General may report on the purchase, and the Public Accounts Committee will then examine the accounting officer on that report: chapter 1010, and Module IV.

What none of them can do. Punish anybody. Chapter 1130 is honest about it: the committee reports, the Government replies, and the sanction is that the exchange is on the record of the House.

Now change the facts: an official refuses to appear before the committee. That is where privilege enters, chapters 990 and 1040: the House may treat it as a contempt, and the power to punish contempt is what makes the power to send for persons and papers more than a request.

What beginners get wrong

That an article of the Constitution confers the power to inquire. None does. The power is incidental to the powers to legislate and to control, and articles 105 and 194 protect its exercise.

That privilege and the rules of procedure are the same thing. Privilege comes from articles 105 and 194; the committees come from rules made under articles 118 and 208. Chapter 960.

That a legislative committee is a court. It is not, and chapter 1080 shows where the boundary is drawn.

That the point of a committee is to punish. The point is to find out and to report. Punishment belongs to the House, and only for contempt.

Quick revision

Two functions: to legislate and to control the executive. Art 75(3) and art 164(2): the Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly. Art 114 and art 266(3): money is appropriated only by law.

Responsibility presupposes information, so the power to inquire is incidental to the powers granted, and no article confers it in terms.

munotes.in532

Why a Legislature Inquires

The Constitution then supplies two things: privilege under arts 105 and 194, and rules of procedure under arts 118 and 208 under which the committees are actually created.

Why a committee: it is small, it sits in private, it is less adversarial and it is continuous. And each of those four is also its weakness.

The kinds: financial, subject-wise standing, ad hoc select and joint, privileges, and the scrutiny committees.

Test yourself

1. From what does the power of a legislature to inquire derive? From the powers the Constitution does confer, since no article confers a power to inquire in terms. A House is given the power to legislate and, by articles 75(3) and 164(2), the benefit of the collective responsibility of the Council of Ministers to it; and by articles 114 and 266(3) money may be appropriated from the Consolidated Fund only in accordance with law made by it. Each of those presupposes that the House can know what it is legislating about, what the executive has done, and what became of the money it granted. The power to obtain that knowledge is therefore incidental to the powers granted, and articles 105 and 194 protect its exercise while rules made under articles 118 and 208 create the committees that exercise it.

2. Why is the work done by committees rather than by the House itself? Because a House of several hundred members cannot examine accounts, take evidence or read a technical Bill line by line. A committee is small enough to question an officer across a table; it sits in private, so that an official will explain a file he would not discuss in the Chamber; it is by convention less adversarial, ordinarily reporting unanimously and, in the case of the Public Accounts Committee, chaired by a member of the Opposition; and it is continuous, so that it can return to the same Ministry and ask what became of its earlier recommendations. Each of those advantages is also a criticism: the work is done out of public sight, it is reported to a House that need not act on it, and it is protected by a privilege that can be used against persons outside the House.

3. What kinds of legislative committee inquiry are there? Financial, in the Public Accounts Committee, the Estimates Committee and the Committee on Public Undertakings. Subject-wise, in the departmentally related Standing Committees introduced in 1993. Ad hoc, in a Select Committee on a Bill or a Joint Parliamentary Committee on a particular matter. Disciplinary, in the Committee of Privileges, on a question of breach of privilege or contempt. And scrutiny, in the Committee on Subordinate Legislation, the Committee on Government Assurances, the Committee on Petitions and the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table.

munotes.in533

Why a Legislature Inquires

4. Why is it said that responsibility presupposes information? Because a House cannot hold a Minister answerable for what it does not know. If the Minister alone decides what the House is told, the relationship is inverted: the House depends on him for its knowledge of his own conduct, and its power to censure or to refuse supply is exercised on facts he has selected. The collective responsibility declared by articles 75(3) and 164(2) therefore carries with it, as a matter of necessary implication, the ability of the House to find out for itself, and that ability is what its committees, its power to send for persons, papers and records, and its power to punish contempt exist to secure.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in534

Chapter

The Two Sources

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

Two different provisions do two different jobs: articles 105 and 194 give the House its powers, privileges and immunities, and articles 118 and 208 let each House make the rules under which its committees exist and work.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: an inquiry by a legislative committee rests on two distinct constitutional foundations, the privileges of the House under article 105 for Parliament and article 194 for a State Legislature, which supply the freedom of speech, the immunity for anything said or any vote given, and the residual powers, privileges and immunities of the House, its members and its committees; and the rule-making power under article 118 for Parliament and article 208 for a State Legislature, under which each House makes rules for regulating, subject to the provisions of the Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business, and it is under those rules that the committees themselves are constituted, composed and empowered.

Source one: privilege, articles 105 and 194

Article 105(1). Subject to the provisions of this Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of Parliament, there shall be freedom of speech in Parliament.

Article 105(2). No member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof, and no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of Parliament of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.

Article 105(3). In other respects the powers, privileges and immunities of each House, and of its members and committees, shall be such as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law, and until so defined, shall be those of that House and of its members and committees immediately before the coming into force of section 15 of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978.

Article 105(4). Clauses (1), (2) and (3) apply to persons who by virtue of the Constitution have the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of, a House or a committee, as they apply to members.

Article 194 is the State counterpart, in identical words with Legislature of a State for Parliament, and with clause (3) referring to section 26 of the Forty-fourth Amendment Act instead of section 15.

Three things to notice about clause (3), because chapter 970 works it in full.

It is residual: it covers what clauses (1) and (2) do not.

It is defeasible: Parliament or a State Legislature may define the privileges by law, and no such law has been made.

munotes.in535

The Two Sources

And it is historical: until such a law, the privileges are those the House had immediately before 20 June 1979, the words having been substituted by the Forty-fourth Amendment to remove the reference to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom that stood there before.

Source two: the rules of procedure, articles 118 and 208

Article 118(1). Each House of Parliament may make rules for regulating, subject to the provisions of this Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business.

Article 118(2). Until such rules are made, the rules and standing orders in force immediately before the commencement of this Constitution with respect to the Legislature of the Dominion of India have effect, subject to modifications by the Chairman of the Council of States or the Speaker of the House of the People.

Article 118(3). The President, after consultation with the Chairman and the Speaker, may make rules as to the procedure for joint sittings and communications between the Houses.

Article 118(4). At a joint sitting the Speaker of the House of the People presides, or in his absence the person determined by rules under clause (3).

Article 208 is the State counterpart: a House of the Legislature of a State may make rules for its procedure and the conduct of its business; until then the pre-Constitution rules for the corresponding Province apply, subject to modification by the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly or the Chairman of the Legislative Council; and in a State having a Council, the Governor, after consultation with both, may make rules for communications between the two Houses.

This is where the committees come from, and it is the point of the chapter. The Constitution does not name the Public Accounts Committee, the Estimates Committee, the Committee of Privileges or any Standing Committee. Every one of them is created by a rule made under article 118 or article 208, and chapter 1120 gives the rule book by name.

Why the distinction matters, in four consequences

1. They can be changed by different processes. The rules can be amended by the House itself. Privilege under clause (3) can be altered only by a law, which requires both Houses and assent, and none has ever been passed.

2. They are enforced differently. A breach of a rule is a matter of order, dealt with by the Chair. A breach of privilege is a contempt, which the House may punish: chapter 990.

3. They bind different people. The rules bind the House and its members. Privilege reaches outsiders: a stranger who obstructs a committee or publishes a proceeding in breach of the House's order may be proceeded against, and article 105(4) extends the protection to persons entitled to take part in proceedings, such as the Attorney-General under article 88.

munotes.in536

The Two Sources

4. And they are reviewed differently. A court will not ordinarily examine an irregularity of procedure; article 122(1), the counterpart of which is article 212(1) for a State, provides that the validity of any proceedings in Parliament shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure. Privilege is different, and chapter 1090 works the four grounds on which its exercise has been held reviewable.

So the standard examination trap runs like this. A question asks what empowers a committee to summon a witness. The wrong answer is "article 105". The right answer is that the rule made under article 118 confers the power to send for persons, papers and records, and article 105(3) supplies the privilege that makes a refusal punishable as a contempt. Chapter 1070 works it.

A worked example

A departmentally related Standing Committee summons a Secretary to the Government, who declines to attend.

Where does the power to summon come from? From the rules of procedure made under article 118(1), which constitute the committee and give it the power to send for persons, papers and records. Not from article 105.

What makes the refusal actionable? Article 105(3): the House retains the powers, privileges and immunities it had immediately before 20 June 1979, which include the power to punish a contempt. Chapter 1040 works the procedure.

The Secretary then says the file is a privileged Government document. That is a question about the rules and the practice, chapter 1070, and it is resolved between the committee, the Minister and ultimately the House, not by a court.

A member repeats in the committee an allegation that would be defamatory outside. Article 105(2) protects him: no member shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof.

A newspaper prints the committee's confidential draft report before it is presented. That is not covered by the protection in the second limb of article 105(2), which covers publication by or under the authority of the House. The House may treat it as a contempt.

And a member complains that the committee was constituted without following the rule on nomination. Article 122(1) stands in his way: the validity of proceedings in Parliament may not be called in question on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure.

What beginners get wrong

That article 105 creates the committees. It does not name one. They are created by rules under article 118.

munotes.in537

The Two Sources

That the rules of procedure are the source of privilege. They are not; article 105(3) is, and it is expressly subject to being defined by Parliament by law.

That Parliament has defined its privileges by law. It has not, in more than seventy-five years, which is why article 105(3) still works historically.

That article 105(3) refers to the House of Commons. It did until the Forty-fourth Amendment, whose section 15 substituted the present words with effect from 20 June 1979. Chapter 970.

That the protection of article 105(2) covers a member outside the House. It covers anything said or any vote given in Parliament or any committee thereof.

Quick revision

TWO SOURCES, TWO JOBS.

Privilege: art 105 for Parliament, art 194 for a State. (1) freedom of speech, subject to the Constitution and to the rules; (2) no liability in any court for anything said or any vote given in the House or any committee, and none for publication by or under the authority of the House; (3) the residual powers, privileges and immunities, as Parliament may by law define and, until then, those held immediately before section 15 of the Forty-fourth Amendment Act 1978 (section 26 for art 194); (4) extended to persons entitled to take part in proceedings.

Rules of procedure: art 118 for Parliament, art 208 for a State. Each House may make rules for regulating, subject to the Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business. Every committee in this module is created by such a rule, and the Constitution names none of them.

Four consequences: different amendment routes; a breach of a rule is disorder, a breach of privilege is contempt; the rules bind members, privilege reaches outsiders; and art 122(1), with art 212(1) for a State, bars a court from questioning proceedings for an irregularity of procedure, while the exercise of privilege is reviewable on the grounds chapter 1090 sets out.

Test yourself

1. What are the two constitutional sources of a legislative committee's authority? Privilege and the rule-making power. Articles 105 and 194 confer freedom of speech in the House, immunity from proceedings in any court for anything said or any vote given in the House or any committee, protection for publications made by or under the authority of the House, and the residual powers, privileges and immunities of the House, its members and its committees as they existed immediately before the coming into force of section 15, or for a State section 26, of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978, until Parliament or the State Legislature defines them by law. Articles 118 and 208 empower each House to make rules for regulating, subject to the provisions of the Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business, and it is under those rules that every committee in this module is created, composed and given its powers.

munotes.in538

The Two Sources

2. Why does the distinction matter? For four reasons. The rules can be amended by the House itself while privilege under clause (3) can be altered only by a law, which has never been made. A breach of a rule is disorder, dealt with by the Chair, while a breach of privilege is a contempt that the House may punish. The rules bind the House and its members, while privilege reaches outsiders, since a stranger who obstructs a committee may be proceeded against and article 105(4) extends the protection to persons entitled to take part in proceedings. And article 122(1), with article 212(1) for a State, bars a court from questioning the validity of proceedings on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure, whereas the exercise of privilege has been held reviewable on limited grounds.

3. What empowers a committee to summon a witness, and what makes a refusal punishable? The power to send for persons, papers and records is conferred by the rules of procedure made under article 118(1), or article 208(1) in a State, which constitute the committee and define its powers. Article 105, or article 194, is not the source of that power. What makes a refusal punishable is article 105(3), which preserves to the House the powers, privileges and immunities it possessed immediately before the coming into force of section 15 of the Forty-fourth Amendment Act 1978, among them the power to punish a contempt of the House.

4. Has Parliament defined its privileges by law? No. Article 105(3) expressly contemplates that the powers, privileges and immunities of each House and of its members and committees shall be such as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law, and no such law has been enacted in more than seventy-five years. The consequence is that the clause continues to operate in its historical form, by reference to the privileges the House possessed immediately before 20 June 1979, when section 15 of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978 came into force and removed the earlier reference to the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in539

Chapter -One

Articles 105 and 194

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

Four clauses each, identical for Parliament and for a State: freedom of speech in the House, immunity for anything said or any vote given, whatever privileges the House had on 20 June 1979 until a law defines them, and the same protection for anyone entitled to take part in proceedings.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 105(1) confers freedom of speech in Parliament subject to the provisions of the Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating its procedure; article 105(2) provides that no member shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof and that no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of any report, paper, votes or proceedings; article 105(3) provides that in other respects the powers, privileges and immunities of each House and of its members and committees shall be such as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law and, until so defined, shall be those held immediately before the coming into force of section 15 of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978; and article 105(4) applies the three clauses to persons who by virtue of the Constitution have the right to speak in and otherwise take part in the proceedings of a House or a committee; and article 194 makes identical provision for a State Legislature, its clause (3) referring to section 26 of the same amending Act.

Clause (1): freedom of speech in the House

Subject to the provisions of this Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of Parliament, there shall be freedom of speech in Parliament.

It is not article 19(1)(a), and the difference is the point. The freedom of speech in article 19(1)(a) belongs to a citizen and is subject to the reasonable restrictions in article 19(2). The freedom in article 105(1) belongs to a member in the House and is subject to the Constitution and to the rules and standing orders. So a member's speech in the House is limited by the Speaker and by the rules, and not by the law of defamation, sedition or contempt of court.

And the reverse is equally true. Outside the House a member has exactly the freedom a citizen has, and no more.

Clause (2): the immunity, in two limbs

Limb one, the member. No member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof.

Limb two, the publisher. No person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of Parliament of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.

munotes.in540

Articles 105 and 194

Read the words of the first limb carefully; every one of them does work.

"Any proceedings in any court": civil and criminal alike.

"Anything said or any vote given": speech and vote. Chapter 1100 turns entirely on the words "or any vote given".

"By him": the immunity is personal to the member for his own speech and vote.

"In Parliament or any committee thereof": the committee is expressly inside the protection, which is why a witness's cross-examination and a member's questioning in a committee room are as protected as a speech in the Chamber.

And what the first limb does not cover. Something said outside the House; a member's conduct as distinct from his speech or vote; and, since 2024, the taking of a bribe in relation to a vote: chapter 1100.

On the second limb. The protection is for publication by or under the authority of the House. A newspaper's own report of a proceeding is not published under the authority of the House, and its protection comes from elsewhere, principally the Parliamentary Proceedings (Protection of Publication) Act 1977 and article 361A, which are outside this paper's labels but worth a clause in an answer.

Clause (3): the residual privileges, and the history

In other respects, the powers, privileges and immunities of each House of Parliament, and of the members and the committees of each House, shall be such as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law, and, until so defined, shall be those of that House and of its members and committees immediately before the coming into force of section 15 of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978.

The history in three steps, and the middle step is the one summaries get wrong.

As enacted in 1950, clause (3) said the privileges were those of the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom at the commencement of the Constitution, until Parliament defined them by law. A sovereign republic's legislature took its privileges from another country's lower House, which was thought embarrassing and was the object of the change.

The Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act 1976, section 21, substituted clause (3) in a different form. It was never brought into force: the print's own footnote records that the substitution's date was to be notified, and that the amendment was omitted by the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978, section 45, with effect from 20 June 1979. Article 194(3) has an identical history through section 34 of the Forty-second Amendment.

munotes.in541

Articles 105 and 194

The Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978, section 15, substituted the present words with effect from 20 June 1979, removing the reference to the House of Commons and freezing the privileges at what the House actually had immediately before that date.

So the change of 1978 was cosmetic in substance and real in form. The privileges did not change; only the way of describing them did. A House still has the privileges of the House of Commons as they stood, because those are the privileges it had immediately before 20 June 1979. That is the accurate way to state it, and a candidate who says the Forty-fourth Amendment ended the British connection has overstated it.

And the sentence Parliament has never acted on. The clause says "as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law". No such law has been made in more than seventy-five years, and chapter 1130 counts that among the weaknesses of the system: the privileges of the Houses of a written Constitution remain uncodified, so that neither a citizen nor a court can read what they are.

Clause (4): the extension

The provisions of clauses (1), (2) and (3) apply to persons who by virtue of this Constitution have the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of, a House or any committee thereof, as they apply to members.

Who those persons are. Chiefly the Attorney-General for India, whose right to speak in either House and in any committee comes from article 88, and a Minister who is not a member of the House in which he speaks. In a State the counterpart is the Advocate-General under article 177.

Article 194: the State counterpart

Identical in all four clauses, with the Legislature of a State for Parliament, and with clause (3) fixing the date by reference to section 26 of the Forty-fourth Amendment Act rather than section 15.

The one difference in the print worth knowing. Clause (3) of article 194 as the Forty-second Amendment would have substituted it was elaborate, tying a Legislative Assembly's privileges to the House of the People's and a Council's to the Council of States', and it too was never notified and was omitted in 1978.

Articles 122 and 212: the courts stand back

Article 122(1). The validity of any proceedings in Parliament shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure.

Article 122(2). No officer or member of Parliament in whom powers are vested by or under this Constitution for regulating procedure or the conduct of business, or for maintaining order, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of any court in respect of the exercise by him of those powers.

munotes.in542

Articles 105 and 194

Article 212 is the State counterpart.

Read article 122(1) for the word it does not use. It bars a challenge on the ground of an irregularity of procedure. It does not bar a challenge on the ground of illegality or of a constitutional violation, and chapter 1090 works the four grounds on which the exercise of privilege has been held reviewable. The line between irregularity and illegality is the whole of the law on judicial review of parliamentary proceedings, and an answer that quotes article 122(1) as an absolute bar has got it wrong.

A worked example

A member alleges in a committee that a named contractor bribed an official.

Can the contractor sue him for defamation? No. Article 105(2): no member shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said by him in Parliament or any committee thereof.

Can the contractor sue if the member repeats it at a press conference outside? Yes. The immunity attaches to what is said in the House or a committee.

The committee's report, containing the allegation, is presented to the House and printed by it. No person is liable in respect of publication by or under the authority of the House: the second limb of article 105(2).

A newspaper carries its own account of the report. That is not publication by or under the authority of the House, and the newspaper must look to the separate statutory protection for reports of proceedings.

The Attorney-General appears before the committee and says the same thing. Article 105(4) with article 88 protects him as it protects a member.

The contractor says the committee was constituted irregularly. Article 122(1) bars the challenge on the ground of an irregularity of procedure.

The contractor says the committee had no power to inquire into him at all, an outsider, on a matter unconnected with the proceedings of the House. That is not an irregularity of procedure but a question of jurisdiction, and it is exactly the argument chapter 1080 works.

What beginners get wrong

That article 105(1) is article 19(1)(a) for members. It is a different freedom, subject to the Constitution and the rules, not to article 19(2).

That the Forty-second Amendment changed clause (3). Its substitution was never notified and was omitted in 1978.

That the Forty-fourth Amendment abolished the British privileges. It removed the reference; the privileges remain those the House had immediately before 20 June 1979, which are the same ones.

That Parliament has codified its privileges. It has not, and clause (3) still says it may.

munotes.in543

Articles 105 and 194

That article 122(1) bars all judicial review of proceedings. It bars a challenge for irregularity of procedure only.

That clause (2) protects a member everywhere. It protects anything said or any vote given in Parliament or any committee thereof.

Quick revision

Art 105(1): freedom of speech in Parliament, subject to the Constitution and to the rules and standing orders. Not art 19(1)(a); not subject to art 19(2).

Art 105(2): (a) no member liable to any proceedings in any court for anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof; (b) no person liable for publication by or under the authority of either House of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.

Art 105(3): the residual powers, privileges and immunities, as Parliament may from time to time define by law and, until then, those held immediately before the coming into force of s.15 of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978, w.e.f. 20 June 1979. The Forty-second Amendment s.21 substitution was never notified and was omitted by s.45 of the Forty-fourth Amendment. No defining law has ever been made.

Art 105(4): extends clauses (1) to (3) to persons with a right to speak and take part in proceedings, chiefly the Attorney-General under art 88 and a Minister not a member of that House.

Art 194 is identical for a State, its clause (3) referring to s.26 of the Forty-fourth Amendment; the Forty-second Amendment s.34 substitution was likewise never notified.

Arts 122 and 212: no challenge to the validity of proceedings on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure, and no court's jurisdiction over an officer or member exercising powers to regulate procedure or maintain order. Irregularity, not illegality.

Test yourself

1. Set out article 105 clause by clause. Clause (1) confers freedom of speech in Parliament, subject to the provisions of the Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating its procedure. Clause (2) provides that no member shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof, and that no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of any report, paper, votes or proceedings. Clause (3) provides that in other respects the powers, privileges and immunities of each House and of its members and committees shall be such as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law, and until so defined shall be those of that House and of its members and committees immediately before the coming into force of section 15 of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978. Clause (4) applies the first three clauses to persons who by virtue of the Constitution have the right to speak in and otherwise take part in the proceedings of a House or any committee, as they apply to members.

munotes.in544

Articles 105 and 194

2. Trace the history of clause (3). As enacted, clause (3) provided that until Parliament defined them by law the privileges of each House and of its members and committees should be those of the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom at the commencement of the Constitution. The Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act 1976, by section 21 for article 105 and section 34 for article 194, substituted a differently worded clause, but that substitution was never brought into force, its date being left to be notified, and it was omitted by section 45 of the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978 with effect from 20 June 1979. The Forty-fourth Amendment then, by section 15 for article 105 and section 26 for article 194, substituted the present words, which fix the privileges at those the House and its members and committees held immediately before the coming into force of that section. The reference to the House of Commons was thereby removed, but the content was not altered, because the privileges held immediately before 20 June 1979 were precisely those. No law defining the privileges has ever been enacted.

3. Distinguish the freedom of speech in article 105(1) from that in article 19(1)(a). The freedom under article 19(1)(a) belongs to a citizen, is available everywhere, and is subject to the reasonable restrictions that article 19(2) permits, which include restrictions in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, public order, decency, morality, contempt of court, defamation and incitement to an offence. The freedom under article 105(1) belongs to a member in the House, is subject to the provisions of the Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating procedure, and is therefore controlled by the Speaker and by the rules rather than by the general law. A member's speech in the House is accordingly not answerable in defamation or for contempt of court, and outside the House he enjoys no more freedom than any citizen.

4. What is the effect of articles 122 and 212? Article 122(1) provides that the validity of any proceedings in Parliament shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure, and article 122(2) that no officer or member of Parliament in whom powers are vested for regulating procedure or the conduct of business, or for maintaining order, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of any court in respect of the exercise of those powers. Articles 212(1) and (2) make identical provision for a State Legislature. The bar is confined to irregularity of procedure. It does not extend to illegality or to a violation of a constitutional provision, and the distinction between the two is the foundation of the limited judicial review of the exercise of privilege that the courts have asserted.

munotes.in545

Articles 105 and 194

5. Whom does article 105(4) protect? Persons who by virtue of the Constitution have the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of, a House of Parliament or any committee of a House, as the first three clauses apply to members. The chief instance is the Attorney-General for India, whose right under article 88 is to speak in and take part in the proceedings of either House, any joint sitting and any committee of which he is named a member, though without a right to vote. A Minister who is a member of one House and speaks in the other is in the same position. The State counterpart is the Advocate-General, whose corresponding right comes from article 177 and who is protected by article 194(4).

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in546

Chapter -Two

Privilege and Fundamental Rights

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

In 1958 the Supreme Court held by four to one that article 19(1)(a) must yield to legislative privilege; six years later it held that article 21 does not, and the reasoning of the first decision has been narrowing ever since.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in M.S.M. Sharma v. Sri Krishna Sinha, AIR 1959 SC 395, the majority held that article 194(3) and article 105(3) stood in the same supreme position as the provisions of Part III, could not be affected by article 13, and that on a harmonious construction the general provisions of article 19(1)(a) must yield to the special provisions of article 194(1) and the latter part of article 194(3), while Subba Rao J dissented on the ground that in a conflict article 19(1)(a) must prevail and privilege must yield to the extent it affects the fundamental right; and in Special Reference No. 1 of 1964, (1965) 1 SCR 413, the Court held, as Raja Ram Pal v. Hon'ble Speaker, Lok Sabha, (2007) 3 SCC 184, records, that the majority decision in the earlier case must be taken to have settled that article 19(1)(a) would not apply and article 21 would.

M.S.M. Sharma, the Searchlight case

Facts. M.S.M. Sharma v. Sri Krishna Sinha, AIR 1959 SC 395, [1959] Supp (1) SCR 806, decided on 12 December 1958, the majority being Das CJ, Bhagwati, Sinha and Wanchoo JJ, with Subba Rao J dissenting. The petitioner was the editor of the English daily Searchlight of Patna. He published in its entirety a speech delivered in the Bihar Legislative Assembly by a member, portions of which the Speaker had directed to be expunged. The Secretary of the Assembly called on him to show cause before the Committee of Privileges. He moved the Supreme Court under article 32, contending that the notice and the proposed action violated his freedom of speech and expression under article 19(1)(a) and his personal liberty under article 21, and that as an editor he was entitled to the benefits of the freedom of the Press. The Assembly relied on article 194(3), no law having been made by the Bihar Legislature under Entry 39 of List II.

Held on the freedom of the Press, and this half is still good law. There could be no doubt that the liberty of the Press was implicit in the freedom of speech and expression guaranteed by article 19(1)(a) and must include the freedom of propagation of ideas ensured by the freedom of circulation; but the liberty of the Press in India flowed from that freedom of a citizen and stood on no higher footing, and no privilege attached to the Press as such.

munotes.in547

Privilege and Fundamental Rights

Held on what the House of Commons could do. A survey of the evolution of parliamentary privilege in England showed that at the commencement of the Indian Constitution the House of Commons had the power to prohibit the publication of even a true and faithful report of its debates, and with greater reason the publication of an inaccurate or garbled version; and those were the powers article 194(3) conferred on State Legislatures and article 105(3) on the Houses of Parliament.

Held on the conflict, and this is the passage to learn. It would not be correct to contend that article 19(1)(a) controlled the latter half of article 194(3) or article 105(3), or that the powers, privileges and immunities they conferred must yield to the fundamental right. Articles 194(3) and 105(3) stood in the same supreme position as the provisions of Part III and could not be affected by article 13, so the principle of harmonious construction must be adopted; and so construed, the provisions of article 19(1)(a), which were general, must yield to article 194(1) and the latter part of clause (3), which are special.

Held on article 21. No breach could be complained of, since article 194(3) read with the rules framed by the Assembly under article 208 laid down the procedure for enforcing its privileges, so that any deprivation of personal liberty would be according to procedure established by law.

Subba Rao J, dissenting, and his reasoning is the one that has travelled. The second part of article 194(3) was clearly a transitory provision with no higher sanctity than the first; a law made under the first part would be void under article 13(2) to the extent it contravened article 19(1)(a) unless saved by article 19(2), and there was no reason why the privileges conferred under the second part should be free from the impact of the fundamental rights. There being no inherent inconsistency, both must be given full effect, and the wide powers of the Legislature should be so exercised as not to impair the fundamental rights of the citizen, particularly one who was not a member. In case of conflict article 19(1)(a) must prevail and the privilege must yield to the extent it affects the fundamental right. He added that the Commons had no privilege to prevent publication of a correct and faithful report save of secret sessions, only a limited privilege against mala fide publication of garbled or expunged reports, and that no mala fides were disclosed against the petitioner.

What happened next

The same petitioner came back. The Assembly was prorogued several times and the Committee of Privileges reconstituted; a fresh notice issued, and a second petition under article 32 was dismissed by a Constitution Bench of eight Judges, M.S.M. Sharma v. Shree Krishna Sinha, (1961) 1 SCR 96, which held that he was out of court on the earlier decision, and that article 212 was a complete answer to a complaint that the procedure inside the House had not been regular.

munotes.in548

Privilege and Fundamental Rights

Then the answer changed on article 21. In the Special Reference of 1964, the Presidential reference arising out of the Keshav Singh confrontation that chapter 990 works, the Court held, in the passage Raja Ram Pal reproduces, that the majority decision in M.S.M. Sharma "must be taken to have settled that Article 19(1)(a) would not apply, and Article 21 would"; and that if a citizen moves the Supreme Court complaining that his fundamental right under article 21 has been contravened, it would plainly be the duty of the Court to examine the merits of that contention, which inevitably raises the question whether personal liberty has been taken away according to procedure established by law.

So the modern position on the face of the authorities is a split. Article 19(1)(a) does not control privilege. Article 21 does. A candidate who writes only the 1958 proposition has stopped six years too early.

Why the 1958 reasoning would not be given today, and the argument to make

Three things have happened to its premises, and an honest answer names them.

1. The premise that Part III and article 194(3) stand in "the same supreme position" and that article 13 cannot touch privilege. That was a reading of article 13 as directed at "law" in a sense that excluded a constitutional provision. It is not how the relation between constitutional provisions has been worked out since. The idea that one constitutional provision is simply immune from another was already qualified by Special Reference No. 1 of 1964 on article 21, and chapter 1090 shows Raja Ram Pal going further and holding the exercise of privilege reviewable.

2. The premise that article 19(1)(a) is "general" and privilege "special", so the general yields. The maxim is a rule of construction for reconciling two provisions of the same instrument, and it decides nothing about which is more fundamental. On the same logic every fundamental right would yield to every specific power, which is not the law.

3. The premise about the House of Commons. The majority's whole conclusion on publication rested on what the Commons could do at the commencement of the Constitution. Subba Rao J disputed that very finding on the English authorities, and Parliament has since legislated on reports of proceedings, so the historical premise is neither agreed nor untouched.

munotes.in549

Privilege and Fundamental Rights

What has NOT changed, and an answer that ignores it is unbalanced. The two decisions in M.S.M. Sharma have never been overruled. Article 19(1)(a) is still not available against a claim of privilege on the authority as it stands. The correct statement is that the proposition survives, that article 21 was carved out of it in 1964, and that the reasoning by which it was reached is no longer the reasoning a court would use.

A worked example

A newspaper publishes the full text of a speech in a State Assembly, including a passage the Speaker ordered expunged. The Committee of Privileges issues a notice.

Can the editor rely on article 19(1)(a)? On the authority as it stands, no. M.S.M. Sharma holds that article 19(1)(a), being general, yields to article 194(1) and the latter part of article 194(3), which are special.

Can he rely on the freedom of the Press as something more? No. The liberty of the Press flows from the citizen's freedom under article 19(1)(a) and stands on no higher footing; no privilege attaches to the Press as such.

Suppose the Committee recommends and the House orders his imprisonment. Article 21 is now available. On Special Reference No. 1 of 1964, the Court will examine whether his personal liberty was taken away according to procedure established by law, and the answer in M.S.M. Sharma itself was that article 194(3) read with the rules made under article 208 supplied that procedure. So the question becomes whether those rules were followed and whether they satisfy article 21, which is a real question and not a formality.

Suppose the warrant does not state the facts constituting the contempt. That is the Keshav Singh problem exactly, and it is chapter 990.

Suppose the editor argues that the House had no privilege at all in the matter. That is not an appeal to a fundamental right but a challenge to the existence of the privilege, and chapter 1090 shows that the courts have asserted jurisdiction to decide it.

What beginners get wrong

That M.S.M. Sharma decided the Press has no rights. It decided the Press has the citizen's rights and no more, and that those rights yield to privilege.

That the case was unanimous. It was four to one, and Subba Rao J's dissent is the reasoning that has travelled.

That article 21 was decided in the petitioner's favour in 1958. It was not; the Court held the rules under article 208 supplied the procedure. What changed in 1964 is that article 21 applies at all, so the adequacy of that procedure is examinable.

munotes.in550

Privilege and Fundamental Rights

That privilege is immune from Part III. Only article 19(1)(a) has been held not to control it. Article 21 does.

That the second M.S.M. Sharma decision added something new. It dismissed the second petition on the earlier decision and on article 212.

Quick revision

M.S.M. Sharma v. Sri Krishna Sinha, AIR 1959 SC 395, 12 December 1958, four to one, Subba Rao J dissenting. Editor of the the Searchlight, Patna, published a speech including expunged portions.

Held: the liberty of the Press is implicit in art 19(1)(a) but stands on no higher footing and no privilege attaches to the Press as such; the Commons could prohibit publication of even a true and faithful report; arts 194(3) and 105(3) stand in the same supreme position as Part III and are not affected by art 13; on harmonious construction the general art 19(1)(a) yields to the special art 194(1) and the latter part of clause (3); and art 21 was satisfied because art 194(3) with the rules under art 208 supplied the procedure.

Subba Rao J: the second part of art 194(3) is transitory with no higher sanctity than the first; privileges are not free from the impact of the fundamental rights; on conflict art 19(1)(a) must prevail and privilege must yield to the extent it affects the right.

Special Reference No. 1 of 1964, (1965) 1 SCR 413, as recorded in Raja Ram Pal, (2007) 3 SCC 184: the majority decision must be taken to have settled that art 19(1)(a) would not apply, and art 21 would; and it is plainly the duty of the Court to examine a complaint that art 21 has been contravened.

Never overruled, so state it as: the proposition on art 19(1)(a) survives, art 21 was carved out in 1964, and the reasoning of 1958 is not the reasoning a court would use.

Test yourself

1. State the facts and the holding in the Searchlight case. The petitioner, editor of the English daily Searchlight of Patna, published in its entirety a speech delivered in the Bihar Legislative Assembly, including portions the Speaker had directed to be expunged, and was called on to show cause before the Committee of Privileges. He moved the Supreme Court under article 32 relying on articles 19(1)(a) and 21. The majority of four, Subba Rao J dissenting, held that the liberty of the Press is implicit in the freedom of speech and expression under article 19(1)(a) but flows from the citizen's freedom, stands on no higher footing and carries no privilege attaching to the Press as such; that at the commencement of the Constitution the House of Commons could prohibit publication of even a true and faithful report of its debates, and those were the powers article 194(3) conferred; that articles 194(3) and 105(3) stood in the same supreme position as Part III and could not be affected by article 13, so that on a harmonious construction the general provisions of article 19(1)(a) must yield to the special provisions of article 194(1) and the latter part of clause (3); and that article 21 was not breached because article 194(3) read with the rules made under article 208 laid down the procedure.

munotes.in551

Privilege and Fundamental Rights

2. What did Subba Rao J hold? That the second part of article 194(3) was clearly a transitory provision with no higher sanctity than the first; that since a law made under the first part would be void under article 13(2) to the extent it contravened article 19(1)(a) unless saved by article 19(2), there was no reason why the privileges conferred by the second part should be free from the impact of the fundamental rights; that there being no inherent inconsistency both must be given full effect on the principle of harmonious construction, the wide powers of the Legislature being so exercised as not to impair the fundamental rights of a citizen, particularly one who was not a member; and that in case of conflict article 19(1)(a) must prevail and the privilege must yield to the extent it affects the right. He also held on the English authorities that the House of Commons had no privilege to prevent publication of a correct and faithful report except of secret sessions, and only a limited privilege against mala fide publication of garbled or expunged reports, no mala fides being disclosed against the petitioner.

3. Is legislative privilege subject to the fundamental rights? In part. On the authority as it stands, article 19(1)(a) does not control privilege: that was decided in M.S.M. Sharma and the decision has never been overruled. Article 21 does apply, on the opinion in Special Reference No. 1 of 1964, which as Raja Ram Pal records held that the majority decision must be taken to have settled that article 19(1)(a) would not apply and article 21 would, and that it is plainly the duty of the Court to examine the merits of a complaint that a citizen's right under article 21 has been contravened. The correct statement is therefore that the proposition about article 19(1)(a) survives while article 21 was carved out of it, and that the exercise of privilege is besides reviewable on the limited grounds later decisions have recognised.

4. Why would the reasoning of 1958 not be adopted today? Because three of its premises have not survived. The premise that article 194(3) stands in the same supreme position as Part III and cannot be affected by article 13 treats one constitutional provision as immune from another, which was already qualified in 1964 as regards article 21 and has been qualified further by the recognition that the exercise of privilege is subject to judicial review. The premise that article 19(1)(a) is general and privilege special, so that the general must yield, uses a rule of construction to decide a question of priority; carried consistently it would subordinate every fundamental right to every specific constitutional power, which is not the law. And the premise about what the House of Commons could do at the commencement of the Constitution was contested by Subba Rao J on the English authorities and has since been overtaken by statutory protection for reports of proceedings.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in552

Chapter -Three

Contempt of the House

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

A House may admonish, reprimand, order withdrawal, suspend, imprison or expel; it has the Commons' power to commit for contempt; but it does not have the Commons' general warrant, because a warrant that a court may not look behind cannot exist alongside articles 32 and 226.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: by virtue of article 105(3) and article 194(3) a House possesses the power of the House of Commons to commit for its contempt, which has been described as the keystone of parliamentary privilege, and it may punish by admonition, reprimand, withdrawal from the House, suspension from the service of the House, imprisonment or expulsion; but as the Supreme Court held in Special Reference No. 1 of 1964, and as the Allahabad High Court recorded in Keshav Singh v. Speaker, Legislative Assembly, AIR 1965 All 349, a House in India does not possess the power the House of Commons enjoys of issuing a general warrant and insisting that the courts treat it as conclusive, first because the Commons enjoys that by agreement with the courts and not as a privilege, and secondly because even as a privilege it could not be imported into India as it would be inconsistent with the exercise of the power under article 32 by the Supreme Court and under article 226 by the High Courts.

What a contempt is

There is no statutory definition and there is no list. A contempt of the House is any act or omission that obstructs the House, a committee or a member in the discharge of its functions, or that offends against its authority or dignity.

Two kinds are ordinarily distinguished, and the distinction matters for chapter 1080.

A breach of privilege: the infringement of one of the specific privileges of the House or of a member, such as obstructing a member on his way to the House.

A contempt: the wider category, which needs no specific privilege to have been infringed and covers anything that impedes or affronts the House.

Every breach of privilege is a contempt; not every contempt is a breach of privilege. That sentence is worth writing exactly, because it is what allows a House to act where no listed privilege fits.

The punishments

The Inquiry Committee whose report was before the Court in Raja Ram Pal v. Hon'ble Speaker, Lok Sabha, (2007) 3 SCC 184, recorded that in case of misconduct or contempt committed by its members the House can impose punishment in the nature of:

admonition, the mildest, administered by the Chair; reprimand, more severe, ordinarily administered at the Bar of the House; withdrawal from the House; suspension from the service of the House; imprisonment; and expulsion from the House.

munotes.in553

Contempt of the House

Two features to note. The first four are available only against a member. Imprisonment may be ordered against a stranger as well, which is what happened to Keshav Singh. And expulsion was the punishment actually imposed in Raja Ram Pal: ten members of the House of the People were expelled on 23 December 2005 for accepting money for raising questions, the Committee having found that the acceptance had a direct connection with the work of Parliament, and one member of the Committee dissenting on the ground that no member could be expelled except for breach of privileges of the House and that the matter should have gone to the Committee of Privileges.

The limit on imprisonment that students should know. A House's committal ordinarily lasts no longer than the session: it is a coercive and disciplinary power, not a sentencing power, and a prisoner committed by the House is released on prorogation.

The Keshav Singh confrontation, worked

The facts, from the Allahabad High Court's own narration. A pamphlet was published and circulated at Gorakhpur and in the precincts of the Legislative Assembly, making allegations of corruption against Narsingh Narain Pandey, a member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly. On his complaint the matter went to the Privileges Committee, which found Keshav Singh and two others guilty of contempt and recommended that they be reprimanded. The Assembly so resolved. The other two appeared on 19 February 1964 and received the reprimand; Keshav Singh did not appear, pleading that he could not find the railway fare.

The Speaker issued a warrant for his arrest. On 13 March 1964 the Marshal of the Assembly arrested him at Gorakhpur, and on 14 March produced him at the Bar of the House. He would not give his name, refused to face the Speaker, and had written a letter protesting the reprimand, saying the contents of the pamphlet were correct and that a "Nadirshahi Farman", a tyrant's warrant, had been issued against him. On a motion the Assembly resolved that "Keshav Singh be sentenced to imprisonment for seven days for having written a letter worded in language which constitutes contempt of the House and for his misbehaviour towards the House", and a warrant issued to the Marshal and the Superintendent of the District Jail, Lucknow.

The collision. On 19 March 1964 a habeas corpus petition under article 226 was moved before the Lucknow Bench, and he was released on bail the same day. The Assembly then resolved that Keshav Singh, his advocate and the two Judges had committed its contempt and that all of them be produced before it in custody. The Judges and the advocate moved the High Court at Allahabad, a Full Bench admitted their petitions and stayed the resolution, and the Assembly then passed a clarificatory resolution asking them to appear and explain. The President thereupon made a reference under article 143(1).

munotes.in554

Contempt of the House

Set the sequence out in an answer and the constitutional problem states itself. A House punished a stranger; a court released him; the House then summoned the Judges; the Judges went to their own court; and the President had to ask the Supreme Court whose power ran where.

What the Supreme Court's opinion settled

The questions, as Raja Ram Pal records them. Is the House the sole and exclusive judge of whether its contempt has been committed where the alleged contempt took place outside the four walls of the House? Is it the sole judge of the punishment? And if, in enforcement, the House issues a general or unspeaking warrant, may the High Court entertain a habeas corpus petition challenging the detention?

The answer on the general warrant, in the Allahabad High Court's own summary of the opinion. The Legislative Assembly does not possess the power which the House of Commons enjoys of issuing a general warrant and of insisting that the Courts treat it as conclusive, on two grounds:

First, that the power is enjoyed by the House of Commons by virtue of agreement with the Courts and not by virtue of its being a privilege of that House; and

Second, that even if it is considered to be a privilege of the House of Commons, it cannot be imported into India as it would be inconsistent with the exercise of the power under article 32 by the Supreme Court and of the power under article 226 by the High Courts.

And note the ground the opinion did NOT rest on, because the Allahabad High Court took care to say so: it is not that the Commons has the privilege because it is a superior court of record and the Assembly is not. A student who explains the rule that way has given a reason the Court rejected.

A general warrant is one that commits a person for contempt without stating the facts constituting it. In England such a warrant was conclusive and a court would not look behind it. In India it is not, because articles 32 and 226 cannot be displaced by a privilege.

What the Allahabad High Court then held

On the power itself, paragraph 10. It is not denied that the House of Commons has the power to commit for its contempt, a power described in England as the "keystone of parliamentary privilege"; and both upon authority and upon a consideration of the relevant provisions of the Constitution, the Legislative Assembly has, by virtue of article 194(3), the same power to commit for its contempt as the House of Commons has.

munotes.in555

Contempt of the House

On the objection that it is a judicial power, paragraph 7. That the power to commit for contempt is in the nature of a judicial power is not a compelling reason for denying it to the Assembly, as there is no rigid separation of powers under our Constitution; and article 193, which lets the Assembly punish a person who sits or votes when disqualified, is itself in the nature of a judicial power, so the exercise of judicial power by the Assembly was not abhorrent to the Constitution-makers.

On the objection that article 194(2) protects only inside the House, paragraph 8. The argument was that since the House has no immunity for what it does outside, its committal can be undone by a court outside and the power is therefore meaningless. The Court's answer: the mere fact that the action of the House is justiciable before a Court can be no ground for holding that the Legislature has no power to take such action, and there is no warrant for the proposition that unless the House has complete immunity inside and outside it cannot be held to possess the power to commit.

On article 21, paragraph 16. The Assembly having the power to commit, and having framed rules for its procedure and the conduct of its business under article 208(1), the commitment and the deprivation of personal liberty cannot but be held to be according to the procedure laid down by law within the meaning of article 21.

That last holding is the link back to chapter 980. Article 21 applies; and it is satisfied by the rules the House has made for itself. Which is why the practical question in every such case is not whether article 21 governs but whether the House followed its own rules.

A worked example

A person circulates a pamphlet outside the Assembly accusing a member of corruption.

Is it a contempt? It may be. The test is whether it obstructs the House, a committee or a member in the discharge of their functions or offends the authority or dignity of the House; and the House itself judges that in the first instance.

Does it matter that it happened outside the House? It was one of the very questions referred in 1964, and the answer is that a contempt may be committed outside the four walls; what the House does not get is the power to make its warrant unexaminable.

munotes.in556

Contempt of the House

The Committee of Privileges recommends a reprimand and the House orders it. That is one of the recognised punishments, and chapter 1040 gives the procedure.

He refuses to appear and the Speaker issues a warrant. The House may commit him. The power comes from article 194(3), and it is the same power the Commons has.

He moves the High Court under article 226. The Court may entertain the petition. A general warrant that does not state the facts constituting the contempt is not conclusive in India, on the two grounds the 1964 opinion gave.

What will the Court examine? Whether the House had the power; whether article 21 was satisfied, which turns on whether the rules made under article 208(1) were followed; and, on chapter 1090's grounds, whether the privilege claimed exists at all and whether its exercise was tainted by illegality or unconstitutionality.

What it will not examine. An irregularity of procedure inside the House: article 212(1), and the second M.S.M. Sharma decision is the authority.

What beginners get wrong

That a contempt must be a breach of a listed privilege. Every breach of privilege is a contempt; not every contempt is a breach of privilege.

That a House cannot punish a stranger. It can, and did: Keshav Singh was not a member.

That the House has the Commons' general warrant. It does not, and the reason is articles 32 and 226, not the House's want of the status of a court of record.

That the power to commit fails because it is judicial in nature. The Allahabad High Court answered that: there is no rigid separation of powers under our Constitution, and article 193 is itself of that character.

That article 21 has no application to a committal by the House. It applies; it is satisfied by the rules made under article 208(1), which is why the real question is whether they were followed.

Quick revision

Contempt: any act or omission obstructing the House, a committee or a member, or offending its authority or dignity. Every breach of privilege is a contempt; not every contempt is a breach of privilege.

Punishments (from the Committee report in Raja Ram Pal): admonition, reprimand, withdrawal from the House, suspension from the service of the House, imprisonment, expulsion. Committal ordinarily lasts no longer than the session.

Keshav Singh, 1964: a pamphlet at Gorakhpur and in the precincts; Privileges Committee; reprimand; non-appearance; Speaker's warrant, arrest 13 March 1964, produced at the Bar 14 March; seven days' imprisonment for the letter and misbehaviour; habeas corpus under art 226 on 19 March, released on bail the same day; Assembly resolves that Keshav Singh, his advocate and the two Judges be produced in custody; Full Bench stays it; art 143(1) reference.

munotes.in557

Contempt of the House

the Special Reference of 1964: the Assembly has no general warrant power, (i) the Commons has it by agreement with the Courts, not as a privilege, and (ii) even as a privilege it cannot be imported, being inconsistent with arts 32 and 226. Not because the Assembly is not a court of record.

Keshav Singh v. Speaker, Legislative Assembly, AIR 1965 All 349: the Assembly has by art 194(3) the same power to commit for contempt as the Commons, the "keystone of parliamentary privilege"; the power's judicial nature is no objection, there being no rigid separation of powers and art 193 being of the same kind; justiciability is no answer to the existence of the power; and art 21 is satisfied because rules were framed under art 208(1).

Test yourself

1. What is a contempt of the House, and how is it distinguished from a breach of privilege? A contempt is any act or omission which obstructs or impedes the House, a committee or a member in the discharge of their functions, or which offends against the authority or dignity of the House. A breach of privilege is the infringement of one of the specific privileges of the House or of its members. Every breach of privilege is therefore a contempt, but not every contempt is a breach of privilege, since the wider category needs no particular privilege to have been infringed. There is no statutory definition and no exhaustive list, which is what allows a House to act where no listed privilege fits and is also the principal criticism of the jurisdiction.

2. What punishments may a House impose? Admonition, reprimand, withdrawal from the House, suspension from the service of the House, imprisonment and expulsion, as the Committee report considered in Raja Ram Pal recorded. The first four are available only against a member; imprisonment may be ordered against a stranger as well, as it was against Keshav Singh; and expulsion was the punishment imposed on ten members of the House of the People on 23 December 2005 for accepting money for raising questions in the House. A committal ordinarily lasts no longer than the session, since the power is coercive and disciplinary rather than a power to sentence.

3. Does a House in India have the power to issue a general warrant? No. As the Supreme Court held in Special Reference No. 1 of 1964, and as the Allahabad High Court recorded in Keshav Singh, a Legislative Assembly does not possess the power which the House of Commons enjoys of issuing a general warrant and insisting that the courts treat it as conclusive. Two grounds were given: that the Commons enjoys that power by virtue of agreement with the courts and not by virtue of its being a privilege of that House; and that even if it were a privilege of the Commons it could not be imported into India, since it would be inconsistent with the exercise of the power under article 32 by the Supreme Court and under article 226 by the High Courts. The opinion did not rest on the proposition that the Commons has the power because it is a superior court of record and an Assembly is not.

munotes.in558

Contempt of the House

4. Narrate the Keshav Singh confrontation and explain why it mattered. A pamphlet alleging corruption against a member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly was circulated at Gorakhpur and in the precincts of the Assembly. The Privileges Committee found Keshav Singh and two others guilty of contempt and recommended a reprimand, which the Assembly ordered. The others received it; Keshav Singh did not appear, pleading want of the railway fare. The Speaker issued a warrant, he was arrested at Gorakhpur on 13 March 1964 and produced at the Bar on 14 March, where he refused to give his name or face the Speaker and had written a letter protesting the reprimand; the Assembly sentenced him to seven days' simple imprisonment for that letter and for his misbehaviour. On 19 March a habeas corpus petition under article 226 was moved before the Lucknow Bench and he was released on bail the same day. The Assembly resolved that Keshav Singh, his advocate and the two Judges had committed its contempt and that all be produced before it in custody; the Judges and the advocate moved the High Court, a Full Bench stayed the resolution, and the Assembly then asked them merely to appear and explain. The President made a reference under article 143(1). It mattered because it forced a decision on whether a House is the sole judge of its own contempt where the contempt occurred outside the House, whether it is the sole judge of the punishment, and whether a general warrant ousts habeas corpus, and the answers fixed the boundary between the legislature and the courts.

5. How did the Allahabad High Court deal with the argument that the power to commit is a judicial power? It held that the judicial character of the power is not a compelling reason for denying it to the Assembly, because there is no rigid separation of powers under our Constitution, and because article 193, which empowers the Assembly to punish a person who sits or votes as a member when disqualified, is itself in the nature of a judicial power, so that the exercise of judicial power by the Assembly cannot be said to have been abhorrent to the Constitution-makers. It also rejected the connected argument that because article 194(2) gives no immunity for what the House does outside the House its committal could be undone by a court and the power was therefore meaningless, holding that the mere fact that the action of the House is justiciable is no ground for saying the House lacks the power to take it, and that there is no warrant for the proposition that a House must have complete immunity both inside and outside before it can be held to possess the power to commit.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in559

Chapter -Four

The Financial Committees

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

Three committees examine the money: one asks whether it was spent as voted, one asks whether it need have been spent at all, and one asks how the public sector spent it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: Chapter 26 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha deals with Parliamentary Committees, which are of two kinds, Standing Committees, which are permanent and regular and constituted in pursuance of an Act of Parliament or of the Rules, and Ad hoc Committees, appointed for a specific purpose and ceasing to exist when they report; the Standing Committees include the Financial Committees, the departmentally related Standing Committees, House Committees, Enquiry Committees, Scrutiny Committees and Service Committees; and the three Financial Committees are the Committee on Public Accounts and the Committee on Public Undertakings, of twenty-two members each, and the Committee on Estimates, of thirty members.

The classification, from the Rules themselves

Two kinds. Standing Committees are permanent and regular, constituted from time to time in pursuance of the provisions of an Act of Parliament or the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha, and their work is of a continuous nature. Ad hoc Committees are appointed for a specific purpose and cease to exist when they finish the task and submit a report, the principal ones being the Select and Joint Committees on Bills.

Six categories of Standing Committee, as the Rules classify them: (a) Financial Committees; (b) Subject Committees or departmentally related Standing Committees of the two Houses; (c) House Committees, relating to the day to day business of the House; (d) Enquiry Committees; (e) Scrutiny Committees; (f) Service Committees.

And a second classification by function. One category, such as the departmentally related Standing Committees and the Financial Committees, scrutinises the functioning of the Government as per its mandate; the other, such as the Rules Committee, the House Committee and the Joint Committee on Salaries and Allowances, deals with matters relating to the Houses and members.

The definition worth quoting. A Parliamentary Committee means a Committee which is appointed or elected by the House or nominated by the Speaker and which works under the direction of the Speaker and presents its report to the House or to the Speaker.

And the reason the system exists, in the Court's own words. The functions of Parliament are diverse and complex in nature and considerable in volume, and the time at its disposal is limited; it cannot give close consideration to all the legislative and other matters before it, so a good deal of its business is transacted in the Committees of the House.

munotes.in560

The Financial Committees

The three Financial Committees

The Committee on Public Accounts, twenty-two members. Chapter 1010 works it in full, because it is the committee that lives on the Comptroller and Auditor General's reports.

The Committee on Estimates, thirty members.

The Committee on Public Undertakings, twenty-two members.

The division of labour, which is the answer to the standard question.

The Public Accounts Committee looks BACKWARDS at legality and regularity. Was the money spent on the purpose for which the House voted it? Was it spent with authority? Does the account show it correctly? It works on the audit report, and it does not question policy.

The Estimates Committee looks FORWARDS at economy and efficiency. Could the same result be got for less? Is the organisation the right one? It examines the estimates, that is the demands the Government is asking the House to vote, and suggests economies and improvements in organisation, efficiency and administrative reform.

The Committee on Public Undertakings looks at the PUBLIC SECTOR. It examines the reports and accounts of the public undertakings and the audit reports on them, and whether their affairs are managed in accordance with sound business principles and prudent commercial practices.

And the common limit, which every one of the three observes. None of them questions policy that the House itself has laid down. A committee may say a scheme was executed wastefully; it does not say the scheme should not have been adopted. That restraint is what makes their reports ordinarily unanimous, and chapter 1130 asks whether it also makes them weak.

The Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee

By an established convention the Chairman of the Committee on Public Accounts is appointed from the Opposition.

Say what that is and is not. It is a convention of parliamentary practice, and this book does not have before it a rule of procedure enacting it; a candidate should present it as a convention, which is what it is, and not quote a rule number for it.

Why it matters, and this is the examinable point. The Public Accounts Committee examines whether the Government spent as the House permitted. A committee doing that under a Chairman from the party in office would be the Government auditing itself. The convention is the parliamentary counterpart of everything Module II said about a selection committee: the safeguard is in who holds the chair, not in the powers on paper.

What the numbers tell you

Set the membership against the departmentally related Standing Committees, chapter 1020: twenty-four such committees, each of thirty-one members, twenty-one from the Lok Sabha and ten from the Rajya Sabha, nominated by the Speaker and the Chairman respectively, with a term not exceeding one year.

munotes.in561

The Financial Committees

Three observations follow.

The Financial Committees are smaller, at twenty-two and thirty, than the subject committees at thirty-one, which fits work that is detailed and evidentiary rather than deliberative.

The Financial Committees are Lok Sabha committees in their rule listing, while the departmentally related committees are of the two Houses and expressly draw from both.

And all of them are, in the Court's words, "invariably larger in size and recommendatory in nature". Recommendatory. Chapter 1130 makes the criticism; but note here that it is the same word Module I used of a Commission of Inquiry and Module II of the Central Vigilance Commission's advice. The recommendatory model is not a peculiarity of one institution in this paper; it is the paper's subject.

The full list of Standing Committees, as the Rules give it

The Rules list, with membership, is worth reproducing once because MU's 2026 question asks what parliamentary rules empower committees:

Business Advisory Committee 15; Committee of Privileges 15; Committee on Absence of Members from the Sittings of the House 15; Committee on Empowerment of Women; Committee on Estimates 30; Committee on Government Assurances 15; Committee on Papers Laid on the Table 15; Committee on Petitions 15; Committee on Private Members Bills and Resolutions 15; Committee on Public Accounts 22; Committee on Public Undertakings 22; Committee on Subordinate Legislation 15; Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 30; House Committee 12; Joint Committee on Offices of Profit 15; Joint Committee on Salaries and Allowances of Members of Parliament 15; Library Committee 9; Rules Committee 15; and, besides these, the departmentally related Standing Committees under the various Ministries.

Notice what that list proves. Not one of these committees is named in the Constitution. Every one is a creature of the Rules made under article 118, which is exactly the point chapter 960 made.

A worked example

The House votes a demand of a thousand crores for a rural water scheme.

Before the vote. The departmentally related Standing Committee for that Ministry examines the Demands for Grants and reports: chapter 1020.

Also before the vote, on the general question. The Estimates Committee may examine whether the estimate is economical, whether the organisation is efficient, and whether the same purpose could be achieved for less.

After the year is over. The Comptroller and Auditor General audits the expenditure and reports to the President, who causes the report to be laid before the House: article 151. The Public Accounts Committee then examines the accounting officer on that report: chapter 1010.

If the scheme was run through a public sector corporation. The Committee on Public Undertakings examines its accounts and the audit report on it, and whether its affairs are managed on sound business principles.

munotes.in562

The Financial Committees

The Committee reports that money voted for wells was spent on buildings. That is a question of legality and regularity and squarely for the Public Accounts Committee.

A member wants the Committee to say the scheme should never have been adopted. That is policy, which the House itself decided when it voted the demand, and it is outside all three committees.

What beginners get wrong

That the financial committees are constitutional bodies. They are creatures of the Rules made under article 118. The Constitution names none of them.

That the Public Accounts Committee makes the estimates. It examines the accounts, after the money is spent. The Estimates Committee deals with what is proposed.

That the Estimates Committee audits. It does not; audit is the Comptroller and Auditor General's, and the Public Accounts Committee works on his report.

That any of the three may question policy. None may. They examine execution, economy and regularity.

That the Opposition chairmanship of the Public Accounts Committee is a rule. It is a convention.

Quick revision

Chapter 26 of the Lok Sabha Rules: Parliamentary Committees. Two kinds: Standing, permanent, in pursuance of an Act or the Rules, work of a continuous nature; Ad hoc, for a specific purpose, ceasing on report, principally Select and Joint Committees on Bills.

Six categories of Standing Committee: Financial; Subject or departmentally related; House; Enquiry; Scrutiny; Service.

Definition: a Committee appointed or elected by the House or nominated by the Speaker, working under the direction of the Speaker, presenting its report to the House or to the Speaker.

The three Financial Committees: Public Accounts 22, Estimates 30, Public Undertakings 22.

Division of labour: Public Accounts looks backwards at legality and regularity on the audit report; Estimates looks forwards at economy and efficiency on the estimates; Public Undertakings looks at the public sector. None questions policy.

Convention: the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee comes from the Opposition. A convention of practice, not a rule this book can quote.

Set against them: 24 departmentally related Standing Committees, 31 members each, 21 Lok Sabha and 10 Rajya Sabha, term not exceeding one year; all committees "invariably larger in size and recommendatory in nature".

Test yourself

1. How are Parliamentary Committees classified? Into Standing Committees and Ad hoc Committees. Standing Committees are permanent and regular, constituted from time to time in pursuance of the provisions of an Act of Parliament or of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha, and their work is of a continuous nature; they include the Financial Committees, the departmentally related Standing Committees, House Committees, Enquiry Committees, Scrutiny Committees and Service Committees. Ad hoc Committees are appointed for a specific purpose and cease to exist when they finish the task assigned and submit a report, the principal instances being the Select and Joint Committees on Bills. By function, Standing Committees divide again into those which scrutinise the functioning of the Government, such as the Financial and departmentally related committees, and those which deal with matters relating to the Houses and members, such as the Rules Committee and the House Committee.

munotes.in563

The Financial Committees

2. Name the three Financial Committees and distinguish their work. The Committee on Public Accounts of twenty-two members, the Committee on Estimates of thirty members, and the Committee on Public Undertakings of twenty-two members. The Public Accounts Committee looks backwards, examining on the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General whether money was spent on the purposes for which the House voted it, whether it was spent with authority and whether the accounts show it correctly, that is legality and regularity. The Estimates Committee looks forwards, examining the estimates placed before the House and suggesting economies and improvements in organisation, efficiency and administrative reform. The Committee on Public Undertakings examines the reports, accounts and audit reports of the public undertakings and whether their affairs are managed in accordance with sound business principles and prudent commercial practices. None of the three questions the policy which the House itself has approved.

3. Why is the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee from the Opposition? Because the Committee's function is to examine whether the Government spent the money as the House permitted, and a committee performing that function under a Chairman belonging to the party in office would be the Government auditing itself. The arrangement is a convention of parliamentary practice rather than a rule of procedure, and it should be stated as such. Its significance for this paper is that it is the parliamentary form of the same principle Module II applied to selection committees: where the powers on paper are recommendatory, the effective safeguard lies in who holds the chair.

4. What does the list of Standing Committees show about the source of the committee system? That the system is entirely a creature of the Rules. The Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha list, among others, the Business Advisory Committee, the Committee of Privileges, the Committee on Absence of Members, the Committee on Estimates, the Committee on Government Assurances, the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, the Committee on Petitions, the Committee on Private Members Bills and Resolutions, the Committee on Public Accounts, the Committee on Public Undertakings, the Committee on Subordinate Legislation, the Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the House Committee, the Joint Committee on Offices of Profit, the Joint Committee on Salaries and Allowances, the Library Committee and the Rules Committee, besides the departmentally related Standing Committees. The Constitution names none of them. Their authority comes from rules made under article 118, and it is those rules that MU's question about parliamentary rules empowering committees is asking for.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in564

Chapter -Five

The Public Accounts Committee and the Comptroller and Auditor General

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

The auditor finds out, the report is laid before the House, the committee examines the officer who spent the money, the Government replies in writing, and the committee reports again on the reply: four steps, and the loop is the whole of financial accountability.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 151(1) requires the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General relating to the accounts of the Union to be submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament, and article 151(2) makes corresponding provision for a State; the reports so laid are examined by the Committee on Public Accounts, which takes evidence from the Secretary of the Ministry concerned as the accounting officer, reports to the House, receives the Government's action taken replies and reports again upon them; and it is that sequence, and not the audit report by itself, which converts an auditor's finding into accountability, because the auditor has no power to disallow, to surcharge or to punish.

The four steps

Step one: the auditor finds out. Article 149: the Comptroller and Auditor General performs such duties and exercises such powers in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States as may be prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament, and until then those of the Auditor-General of India immediately before the commencement of the Constitution. The law made is the Comptroller and Auditor General's (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service) Act 1971, which Module IV works.

Step two: the report is laid. Article 151(1): the reports relating to the accounts of the Union shall be submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament. Article 151(2): the reports relating to the accounts of a State shall be submitted to the Governor of the State, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State.

Article 151 is the hinge, and it is worth a sentence of its own. The auditor does not report to the Government; his report is laid before the House. Chapter 660 showed section 14 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act doing the same thing, and chapter 470 showed section 3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act doing it. Laying before the House is the standing device of this whole paper, and article 151 is its constitutional form.

Step three: the committee examines. The Committee on Public Accounts, twenty-two members, takes the audit paragraphs and calls the Secretary of the Ministry concerned, who appears as the accounting officer and answers for the expenditure. Chapter 1070 works the power to send for persons, papers and records that makes this possible.

munotes.in565

The Public Accounts Committee and the Comptroller and Auditor General

Step four: the loop closes. The Committee reports to the House; the Government furnishes action taken replies; and the Committee reports again on those replies. A paragraph is not disposed of until the Committee is satisfied or records that it is not.

Why the fourth step is the important one

Because without it the whole apparatus stops at a document.

Chapter 470 asked what happens to a Commission of Inquiry's report and found that the Act requires only that it be laid with an action taken memorandum, and that nothing compels the House to take it up. Chapter 700 asked what happens when the Central Vigilance Commission's advice is not accepted and found only a requirement of recorded reasons. Chapter 900 asked what follows a report laid before Parliament and found no duty to consider it.

The Public Accounts Committee is the one institution in this paper that has solved that problem, and it solved it by practice rather than by law. It does not let a paragraph go. It reports, it receives the reply, it reports on the reply, and it returns to the subject in a later year. That is what a continuous committee can do and a one-off inquiry cannot, and it is the strongest argument in the whole paper for a permanent committee over an ad hoc commission.

What the auditor cannot do, and what that means for the committee

The Comptroller and Auditor General has no power to disallow an item, to surcharge an officer or to punish anybody. He audits and he reports. His British counterpart's historical powers of disallowance and surcharge in local audit have no equivalent in his Union functions.

So his report is a finding without a sanction, exactly like the reports of every other institution in this paper.

And that is precisely why the committee matters. The sanction is the examination: a Secretary who must appear before a committee of Parliament and explain a paragraph, whose answers are recorded and whose Ministry's reply is reported on, is subject to a discipline that no auditor's paragraph by itself imposes. The auditor supplies the fact; the committee supplies the consequence.

And the honest qualification. The consequence is reputational and administrative, not legal. The Committee cannot order recovery, cannot impose a penalty and cannot direct a prosecution. Chapter 1130 counts that among the weaknesses; but note that recovery, penalty and prosecution are available elsewhere in this paper, in Module II's machinery, and that the committee's report is one of the things that sets them going.

munotes.in566

The Public Accounts Committee and the Comptroller and Auditor General

The three provisions of the 1971 Act this chapter needs

Section 13, the audit of the Union and State receipts and expenditure from the Consolidated Fund, and of the Contingency Fund and public accounts, which Module IV works.

Section 16, the audit of receipts.

Section 19, the audit of Government companies and corporations, which is what feeds the Committee on Public Undertakings.

Note the shape. The Act tells the auditor what to audit; article 151 tells him whom to report to; and the Rules made under article 118 create the committee that reads the report. Three instruments, three different levels, one process. That is a good closing sentence for an answer on financial accountability.

The State counterpart

Article 151(2) does for a State what clause (1) does for the Union: the reports go to the Governor, who causes them to be laid before the Legislature of the State; and every State Legislature has its own Public Accounts Committee under rules made by it under article 208.

So the whole mechanism is replicated at the State level, which is worth a line because MU's questions ask about the country and not only about the Union, and because chapter 1280 works the State position.

A worked example

The audit report for a year carries a paragraph that a Ministry paid an advance of forty crores to a contractor without the security the rules required, and that the contractor did not perform.

How does the paragraph reach the House? Article 151(1): submitted to the President, who shall cause it to be laid before each House.

Who examines it? The Committee on Public Accounts.

Who appears? The Secretary of the Ministry, as the accounting officer. Not the Minister: the Committee's business is with the officer who authorised the payment, and chapter 1070 explains why a Minister is not ordinarily summoned.

What does the Committee ask? Whether the payment was authorised, whether the rule requiring security was followed, who relaxed it and on what recorded reason, and what has been done to recover.

What can the Committee do about the forty crores? Nothing directly. It reports.

What then? The Government furnishes an action taken reply; the Committee reports on that reply; and if it is not satisfied it says so and returns to the matter.

Is that the end of the matter? Not necessarily. The recorded facts are available to the Central Vigilance Commission under section 18 of its Act, to a disciplinary authority, and to the Central Bureau of Investigation if an offence is disclosed. The committee does not punish; it produces the record on which others may.

Change the facts to a State Ministry. Article 151(2): the report goes to the Governor and is laid before the State Legislature, whose own Public Accounts Committee, constituted under rules made under article 208, does the same work.

munotes.in567

The Public Accounts Committee and the Comptroller and Auditor General

What beginners get wrong

That the Comptroller and Auditor General reports to the Government. He submits to the President or the Governor, who shall cause the report to be laid before the House.

That the auditor can disallow or surcharge. In his Union functions he cannot. He audits and reports.

That the Public Accounts Committee audits. It examines the audit report; the audit is the Comptroller and Auditor General's.

That the Minister appears before the Committee. The Secretary appears, as accounting officer.

That the Committee's report is the end. The action taken reply and the Committee's report on that reply are what close the loop, and they are practice rather than statute.

Quick revision

Art 149: the auditor's duties and powers are as prescribed by law made by Parliament, that law being the Comptroller and Auditor General's (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service) Act 1971.

Art 150: the form of the accounts is prescribed by the President on the advice of the Comptroller and Auditor General, the words "on the advice of" substituted for "after consultation with" by the Forty-fourth Amendment, s.22, w.e.f. 20 June 1979.

Art 151(1): Union reports to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House. Art 151(2): State reports to the Governor, laid before the State Legislature.

The four steps: audit, laying, examination by the Committee on Public Accounts of the Secretary as accounting officer, and the action taken reply with a further report on it.

The auditor cannot disallow, surcharge or punish. The sanction is the examination, and it is reputational and administrative, not legal.

Three instruments, three levels: the 1971 Act says what to audit; art 151 says whom to report to; the Rules under art 118 create the committee that reads it.

Test yourself

1. How does an audit report become accountability? In four steps. The Comptroller and Auditor General audits under the powers conferred by the law made under article 149, namely the Act of 1971. Under article 151(1) his reports on the accounts of the Union are submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament, and under article 151(2) his reports on the accounts of a State go to the Governor to be laid before the State Legislature. The Committee on Public Accounts then examines the paragraphs, calling the Secretary of the Ministry concerned before it as the accounting officer to answer for the expenditure, and reports to the House. Finally the Government furnishes action taken replies and the Committee reports again upon those replies, returning to the matter until it is satisfied or records that it is not. It is the sequence, and particularly the last step, that converts a finding into accountability.

munotes.in568

The Public Accounts Committee and the Comptroller and Auditor General

2. Why does the Committee matter if the auditor has already reported? Because the auditor has no sanction. He has no power to disallow an item, to surcharge an officer or to punish anyone; he audits and reports, and his report by itself is a finding without a consequence, exactly like the report of a Commission of Inquiry or the advice of the Central Vigilance Commission. The consequence is supplied by the examination: a Secretary who must appear before a committee of Parliament and account for a paragraph, whose answers are recorded, whose Ministry must reply in writing and whose reply is itself reported on, is subject to a discipline that no audit paragraph imposes on its own. The auditor supplies the fact and the committee supplies the consequence.

3. What is the significance of the action taken reply? It is what closes the loop, and it is the one solution in this paper to the problem that reports laid before a House are not necessarily acted upon. A Commission of Inquiry's report is laid with a memorandum of action taken and nothing compels the House to consider it; the Central Vigilance Commission can require only that reasons for departing from its advice be recorded; the reports of every institution in this paper are recommendatory. The Public Accounts Committee alone does not let a paragraph go: it reports, it receives the Government's reply, it reports on the reply, and it returns to the subject in a later year. That is what a permanent committee can do and an ad hoc inquiry cannot, and it is achieved by practice rather than by any statutory requirement.

4. Who appears before the Committee on Public Accounts, and why? The Secretary of the Ministry concerned, in his capacity as the accounting officer, and not the Minister. The reason is that the Committee's inquiry is into whether money was spent as the House authorised, with proper sanction and correctly accounted for, which are matters of administration for which the Secretary is answerable, and not into the policy which the House itself approved when it voted the demand. Confining the examination to the officer also preserves the committee's non-partisan character, which is what allows it to report unanimously and, by the same convention that gives its chair to the Opposition, to be believed when it does.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in569

Chapter -Six

The Standing Committees

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

Twenty-four committees, one covering every Ministry, thirty-one members each drawn from both Houses, reconstituted every year, examining Bills and Demands for Grants and any subject in their Ministry's field.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the departmentally related Standing Committees, introduced in 1993, are twenty-four in number and cover under their jurisdiction all the Ministries and Departments of the Government of India; each consists of thirty-one members, twenty-one from the Lok Sabha and ten from the Rajya Sabha, nominated by the Speaker and the Chairman respectively; the term of office of these Committees does not exceed one year; and they scrutinise the functioning of the Government within their respective mandates, principally by examining Bills referred to them, the Demands for Grants of their Ministries, the annual reports of those Ministries, and long-term policy documents.

What the system is

Twenty-four committees, covering all the Ministries and Departments of the Government of India. Every part of the Union executive falls within the jurisdiction of one of them.

Thirty-one members each: twenty-one from the Lok Sabha and ten from the Rajya Sabha, nominated by the Speaker and the Chairman respectively.

A term not exceeding one year, so the committees are reconstituted annually.

Two features of that composition are worth an examiner's attention.

They are committees of both Houses. The Financial Committees are listed in the Lok Sabha Rules; these draw from both, which gives the Council of States a share in scrutiny it does not otherwise have over money.

And they are nominated, not elected. The Speaker and the Chairman nominate. Chapter 1130 asks what follows from that, and the answer is that the composition reflects party strengths and the nomination is a party matter.

What they do

Bills. A Bill may be referred to the Standing Committee for the Ministry concerned, which takes evidence, hears interested persons and reports. Reference is not automatic, and chapter 1270 treats the proportion of Bills passed without reference as a measure of how much scrutiny actually happens.

Demands for Grants. Each Committee examines the Demands of its Ministries before the House votes them, and reports. This is the only systematic pre-vote scrutiny of expenditure that exists, and it is what distinguishes the modern system from the position before 1993, when the House voted demands it had not examined and the Public Accounts Committee looked at the spending years later.

But note the limit, and chapter 1270 turns on it. A Standing Committee may not propose a cut, and its report does not bind the House. When the guillotine falls under the rule on the allotment of time, the outstanding Demands are put and voted without discussion, whatever the Committee said.

munotes.in570

The Standing Committees

Annual reports of the Ministries in their charge.

Long-term policy documents presented to the House and referred to them.

And what they may not do. They do not consider matters of day-to-day administration, and they do not ordinarily consider matters under consideration by other parliamentary committees. The design keeps them out of the Financial Committees' field and out of the Chamber's.

The rules themselves, which MU's 2026 question asks for

The Rajya Sabha Rules state the system, and the rule numbers are worth carrying because the question asks by name what parliamentary rules empower these committees.

Rule 269: each such Committee is to consist of not more than thirty-one members, ten to be nominated by the Chairperson from the Members of the Rajya Sabha and twenty-one to be nominated by the Speaker from the Members of the Lok Sabha; and a Third Schedule names each Committee and the Ministries and Departments within its purview.

Rule 270, functions, in its own words. Each Standing Committee shall: (a) consider the Demands for Grants of the related Ministries or Departments and report thereon, and "the report shall not suggest anything of the nature of cut motions"; (b) examine Bills pertaining to those Ministries referred to the Committee by the Chairman or the Speaker and report thereon; (c) consider the annual reports of those Ministries and report thereon; and (d) consider national basic long-term policy documents presented to the Houses if referred by the Chairman or the Speaker; Proviso: the Standing Committees shall not consider matters of day-to-day administration of the related Ministries or Departments.

Rule 274: the report "shall be based on broad consensus", though a member may record a dissent.

Rule 275: the provisions applicable to Select Committees on Bills apply mutatis mutandis to the Standing Committees, which is why chapter 1030's procedure is also theirs.

Rule 277, and it is the sentence to quote. "The report of a Standing Committee shall have persuasive value and shall be treated as considered advice given by the Committee."

Read rule 270(a) and rule 277 together and the design is explicit rather than implied. The Committee examines the Demands and is forbidden by the rule itself to suggest anything in the nature of a cut; and its report has persuasive value and is considered advice. The recommendatory character of the whole system is not an omission in the drafting. It is written into the rules in terms.

And note what the same rules do give. The Committees can regulate their procedure for requiring the attendance of persons and for the production of documents, and can hear experts or special interests. Chapter 1070 works that power.

munotes.in571

The Standing Committees

Why 1993 was a reform

Before it, Parliament's committee scrutiny was financial and after the event. The Public Accounts Committee examined an audit report of a year already closed; the Estimates Committee took up such estimates as it chose; and the great mass of a Ministry's work was examined by nobody.

The 1993 system changed three things at once.

Coverage became complete. Every Ministry now falls under a committee. Nothing is outside.

Scrutiny became prospective. Demands are examined before they are voted and Bills before they are passed, which is a different exercise from auditing what has been done.

And expertise became possible. A member who sits on the same subject committee learns the field, which is the argument for the system that its defenders make and the one that its annual reconstitution most undercuts.

The evidence on whether they work, stated carefully

This book will not put figures on committee performance that it cannot source, and the honest position is that the evidence is mixed and is a matter of record in the Houses' own returns rather than of law.

What can be said on the material worked in this book.

The Supreme Court has treated their reports as material of value. Chapter 1110 works Kalpana Mehta v. Union of India, (2018) 7 SCC 1, in which a Constitution Bench held that a Parliamentary Standing Committee report may be relied upon for the fact of what it records, though it may not be questioned or impeached by either side. A court does not take that trouble over a document it regards as decoration.

They are recommendatory. The Court described parliamentary committees as "invariably larger in size and recommendatory in nature", and a Standing Committee's report on a Bill or on Demands binds nobody.

And their term is one year. A committee reconstituted annually cannot pursue a subject across years as the Public Accounts Committee does, which is the structural reason the financial committees remain the more effective inquisitors, and it is the sharpest single criticism of the 1993 design.

A worked example

A Bill to amend the law on data protection is introduced in the Lok Sabha.

Reference. It may be referred to the departmentally related Standing Committee for the Ministry concerned. It need not be, and if it is not, the House will consider it without any committee examination.

What the Committee does. Takes evidence from the Ministry, hears industry, civil society and expert witnesses, examines the Bill clause by clause, and reports to the House.

What the report does. It recommends. The member in charge may accept amendments or not; the House decides.

munotes.in572

The Standing Committees

Separately, the same Committee examines the Ministry's Demands for Grants before the House votes them, and reports on those too.

A member wants the Committee to reduce the Demand. It cannot. Only the House may vote a cut, on a cut motion: chapter 1200. The Committee's report is material for that debate and nothing more.

The Demands are not reached before the allotted days expire. The guillotine applies and they are put and voted without discussion, whatever the Committee recommended. That is the honest answer to whether pre-vote scrutiny controls expenditure, and chapter 1270 gives it in full.

A year later the Committee is reconstituted with different members. Whatever it had begun to pursue starts again.

What beginners get wrong

That the departmentally related committees are financial committees. They are a separate category. The Financial Committees are the Public Accounts, Estimates and Public Undertakings Committees.

That every Bill goes to a Standing Committee. Reference is not automatic.

That a Standing Committee can cut a Demand. It cannot; only the House can, by a cut motion.

That the committees are elected. They are nominated by the Speaker and the Chairman.

That they are Lok Sabha committees. They draw twenty-one from the Lok Sabha and ten from the Rajya Sabha.

That their reports bind. They are recommendatory.

Quick revision

Twenty-four departmentally related Standing Committees, covering all the Ministries and Departments of the Government of India.

Thirty-one members each: twenty-one Lok Sabha, ten Rajya Sabha, nominated by the Speaker and the Chairman.

Term not exceeding one year; reconstituted annually.

Functions: Bills referred to them, Demands for Grants before the vote, annual reports of their Ministries, and long-term policy documents. Not day-to-day administration.

What 1993 changed: complete coverage, prospective scrutiny instead of only post-audit examination, and the possibility of subject expertise.

The limits: reference of a Bill is not automatic; a committee cannot propose a cut; its report is recommendatory; the guillotine can put Demands to the vote without discussion; and the one-year term prevents the sustained pursuit that makes the Public Accounts Committee effective.

Kalpana Mehta, (2018) 7 SCC 1: a Standing Committee report may be relied on for the fact of what it records and may not be questioned or impeached. Chapter 1110.

Test yourself

1. Describe the departmentally related Standing Committee system. There are twenty-four such Committees, covering under their jurisdiction all the Ministries and Departments of the Government of India. Each consists of thirty-one members, twenty-one from the Lok Sabha nominated by the Speaker and ten from the Rajya Sabha nominated by the Chairman, and the term of office of each Committee does not exceed one year. They scrutinise the functioning of the Government within their respective mandates, principally by examining Bills referred to them, the Demands for Grants of the Ministries in their charge before those Demands are voted, the annual reports of those Ministries, and long-term policy documents laid before the House and referred to them. They do not consider matters of day-to-day administration or matters under consideration by other parliamentary committees, and their reports are recommendatory.

munotes.in573

The Standing Committees

2. What did the reform of 1993 achieve? Three things. It made coverage complete, since every Ministry and Department now falls within the jurisdiction of one committee, whereas before the reform the greater part of a Ministry's work was examined by no committee at all. It made scrutiny prospective, since Demands for Grants are examined before the House votes them and Bills before they are passed, which is a different exercise from the Public Accounts Committee's examination of an audit report on a year already closed. And it made subject expertise possible, since a member sitting on the same subject committee learns the field.

3. What are the weaknesses of the system? That the reference of a Bill to a Committee is not automatic, so the extent of legislative scrutiny depends on a discretion exercised outside the Committee. That a Committee cannot propose a cut in a Demand, the power to reduce belonging to the House alone on a cut motion, so its examination of the Demands has no direct financial consequence. That its reports, like those of every institution in this paper, are recommendatory. That the guillotine may cause outstanding Demands to be put and voted without discussion whatever the Committee recommended. And, most structurally, that the term of office does not exceed one year, so that a Committee is reconstituted annually and cannot pursue a subject across years as the Public Accounts Committee does, which is the principal reason the financial committees remain the more effective inquisitors.

4. Are the reports of these Committees of any legal significance? Yes, though not as evidence of the truth of what they contain. In Kalpana Mehta v. Union of India a Constitution Bench held that a report of a Parliamentary Standing Committee may be relied upon by a court for the fact of what it records, while neither side may question or impeach it, which preserves both the utility of the report and the immunity of parliamentary proceedings from being called in question. That a Constitution Bench thought it necessary to work out the position at all is itself an indication that these reports are treated as material of value rather than as formal documents.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in574

Chapter -Seven

Select and Joint Committees

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

An ad hoc committee is appointed for a purpose and dies when it reports; a Select Committee sits on a Bill of its own House, a Joint Committee on a Bill of both, and a Joint Parliamentary Committee on a matter that has become a public scandal.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: Ad hoc Committees are appointed for a specific purpose and cease to exist when they finish the task assigned to them and submit a report, the principal ones being the Select and Joint Committees on Bills; rule 77 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha provides that after the presentation of the final report of a Select Committee of the House or a Joint Committee of the Houses on a Bill the member in charge may move that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration, or that it be re-committed to the same or a new Committee either without limitation or with respect to particular clauses or amendments or with instructions to make a particular or additional provision, or that it be circulated or recirculated for the purpose of eliciting opinion; and rule 78 confines the debate on a motion that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration to the consideration of the report of the Committee.

Ad hoc, and what that means

An ad hoc committee is appointed for a specific purpose and ceases to exist when it finishes the task assigned to it and submits a report. That is the definition the Rules use, and everything else follows from it.

Contrast it with a Standing Committee, chapter 1020. A Standing Committee is permanent and regular, constituted in pursuance of an Act or the Rules, and its work is of a continuous nature. An ad hoc committee has one job and one report.

And the consequence, which is the criticism. Chapter 1010 showed that the Public Accounts Committee's strength is that it returns to a matter, receives the action taken reply and reports on it. An ad hoc committee cannot do that, because by then it has ceased to exist. The same weakness afflicts a Commission of Inquiry, chapter 470, and for the same reason.

Besides the Select and Joint Committees on Bills, the Rules mention other ad hoc committees such as the Railway Convention Committee and the Joint Committee on Food Management in Parliament House Complex.

A Select Committee on a Bill

How one comes into being. After a Bill has been introduced and the motion for consideration is moved, a member may move as an amendment that the Bill be referred to a Select Committee of the House, and if the House so resolves the Committee is constituted with named members and a date by which it is to report.

munotes.in575

Select and Joint Committees

What it does. It considers the Bill clause by clause, may take evidence and hear interested persons, and presents a report with the Bill as it recommends it should stand, members being entitled to record minutes of dissent.

What the House may then do, and this is rule 77 in full. After the presentation of the final report the member in charge may move:

(a) that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration; or

(b) that it be re-committed to the same or a new Select Committee, or to the same or a new Joint Committee with the concurrence of the Council, either (i) without limitation, or (ii) with respect to particular clauses or amendments only, or (iii) with instructions to the Committee to make some particular or additional provision in the Bill; or

(c) that the Bill as reported be circulated or recirculated for the purpose of eliciting opinion or further opinion.

The proviso, and it is a real protection. Any member may object to such a motion being made if a copy of the report has not been made available for the use of members for two days before the day the motion is made, and such objection shall prevail unless the Speaker allows the motion.

Rule 77(2): if the member in charge moves that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration, any member may move as an amendment that it be re-committed or circulated or recirculated.

Rule 78: the debate on a motion that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration shall be confined to consideration of the report of the Committee.

Notice what rules 77 and 78 achieve together. The House does not simply receive the report and move on. It must decide what to do with it, and the debate at that stage is confined to the report. The procedure forces the House to address the committee's work rather than to bypass it, which is a discipline the reports of most institutions in this paper do not enjoy.

A Joint Committee

A Joint Committee of the Houses is the same thing where the Bill concerns both Houses or where the Council of States concurs. Rule 77 treats them together throughout, and re-committal to a Joint Committee requires the concurrence of the Council.

And rule 275 of the Rajya Sabha Rules matters here. The provisions applicable to Select Committees on Bills apply mutatis mutandis to the departmentally related Standing Committees. So the procedure worked in this chapter is also the procedure of the twenty-four Standing Committees when they examine a Bill, which is worth a sentence because it saves an answer from having to describe the same thing twice.

munotes.in576

Select and Joint Committees

The Joint Parliamentary Committee on a scandal

This is a different animal from a Select Committee, and MU's questions do not distinguish them, so an answer should.

A Select or Joint Committee on a Bill is examining a proposal for legislation. Its subject is a text. Its report recommends how the text should read. Nobody is accused of anything.

A Joint Parliamentary Committee on a particular matter is examining what happened. Its subject is conduct. Its report finds facts and attributes responsibility. It is, in substance, a Commission of Inquiry constituted by Parliament out of its own members.

Set the two side by side and three differences appear.

Composition. A Bill committee is chosen for interest and expertise. An inquiry committee's composition reflects party strength, so that the majority in the House is the majority on the committee.

Unanimity. Chapter 1020 quoted rule 274: a Standing Committee's report "shall be based on broad consensus" with a member free to record a dissent. An inquiry into a scandal frequently divides on party lines, and a report with a substantial dissent has a fraction of the authority of a unanimous one.

Consequence. A Bill committee's report goes into the legislative process under rule 77. An inquiry committee's report goes nowhere in particular: it is presented, it may be debated, and there is no rule 77 for it.

So the honest assessment, which is what an evaluative question wants. A Joint Parliamentary Committee has the House's power to send for persons, papers and records, which a Commission of Inquiry also has under section 4 of the 1952 Act. What it does not have is the Commission's independence: a Commission is ordinarily headed by a serving or retired Judge, chapter 430, while a parliamentary inquiry committee is composed of the very politicians whose parties are the subject. The choice between the two instruments is a choice between political legitimacy and judicial detachment, and that is the sentence to write when an examiner asks which is preferable.

A worked example

A Bill on the regulation of digital lending is introduced in the Lok Sabha and the Opposition presses for scrutiny.

Route one, a Select Committee. On a motion carried, the Bill goes to a Select Committee of the House, which considers it clause by clause, takes evidence and reports, members recording minutes of dissent.

What happens to the report. Rule 77: the member in charge may move that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration, or that it be re-committed with or without limitation or with instructions, or that it be circulated for opinion. A member may object if the report has not been available for two days, and the objection prevails unless the Speaker allows the motion. Rule 78 then confines the debate to the report.

munotes.in577

Select and Joint Committees

Route two, the Standing Committee. The Chairman or the Speaker refers the Bill to the departmentally related Standing Committee under rule 270(b), whose procedure is the Select Committee's by rule 275, and whose report has persuasive value as considered advice under rule 277.

Now change the subject. Instead of a Bill, an allegation that a public sector bank's loans were written off under political pressure.

Neither route fits. That is an inquiry into conduct, and the instruments are a Joint Parliamentary Committee, a Commission of Inquiry under the 1952 Act, or a reference to an investigating agency under Module II.

Which should be chosen? The Committee has the House's powers and its political weight, and it will divide on party lines. The Commission has a Judge and independence, and it will take years and produce a recommendatory report, chapter 470. The agency alone can prosecute. A good answer says that the three are not alternatives but a sequence, and that in practice all three are used on the same facts.

What beginners get wrong

That a Select Committee is permanent. It is ad hoc: it dies when it reports.

That a Select Committee and a Joint Parliamentary Committee do the same work. One examines a Bill; the other examines what happened.

That the House must accept a Select Committee's report. Under rule 77 it may take the Bill as reported into consideration, re-commit it, or circulate it for opinion.

That a Standing Committee has a different procedure from a Select Committee. Rule 275 applies the Select Committee provisions mutatis mutandis.

That a Joint Parliamentary Committee can punish. It reports. Punishment for contempt belongs to the House, chapter 990, and criminal consequences to Module II's machinery.

Quick revision

Ad hoc: appointed for a specific purpose, ceasing to exist on submitting its report. Principal instances: Select and Joint Committees on Bills; also the Railway Convention Committee and the Joint Committee on Food Management in Parliament House Complex.

Rule 77: after the final report, the member in charge may move that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration, or that it be re-committed to the same or a new Select or Joint Committee without limitation, as to particular clauses or amendments, or with instructions to make a particular or additional provision, or that it be circulated or recirculated for eliciting opinion. Proviso: an objection prevails if the report was not available for two days, unless the Speaker allows the motion. Rule 77(2): any member may move re-committal or circulation as an amendment.

munotes.in578

Select and Joint Committees

Rule 78: the debate is confined to consideration of the report.

Rule 275 (Rajya Sabha): Select Committee provisions apply mutatis mutandis to the Standing Committees.

Bill committee versus inquiry committee: subject is a text against conduct; composition by expertise against party strength; report unanimous by design against divided in practice; and a rule 77 destination against no destination at all. The choice between a Joint Parliamentary Committee and a Commission of Inquiry is a choice between political legitimacy and judicial detachment.

Test yourself

1. What is an ad hoc committee and how does it differ from a Standing Committee? An ad hoc committee is appointed for a specific purpose and ceases to exist when it finishes the task assigned to it and submits its report, the principal instances being the Select and Joint Committees on Bills. A Standing Committee is permanent and regular, constituted from time to time in pursuance of an Act of Parliament or the Rules, and its work is of a continuous nature. The practical difference is that a Standing Committee can return to a subject, receive the Government's reply and report upon that reply, as the Public Accounts Committee does, while an ad hoc committee has one job and one report and has ceased to exist by the time any reply arrives, which is the same weakness that afflicts a Commission of Inquiry.

2. State rule 77 and explain its importance. After the presentation of the final report of a Select Committee of the House or a Joint Committee of the Houses on a Bill, the member in charge may move that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration; or that it be re-committed to the same or a new Select Committee, or to the same or a new Joint Committee with the concurrence of the Council, either without limitation, or with respect to particular clauses or amendments only, or with instructions to the Committee to make some particular or additional provision; or that it be circulated or recirculated for the purpose of eliciting opinion or further opinion. Any member may object to such a motion if a copy of the report has not been available for the use of members for two days before, and the objection prevails unless the Speaker allows the motion. Under sub-rule (2) any member may move re-committal or circulation as an amendment to the motion for consideration. Its importance is that, read with rule 78, which confines the debate on the motion for consideration to consideration of the report, it obliges the House to address the Committee's work rather than to pass over it, a discipline which the reports of most of the institutions in this paper do not enjoy.

munotes.in579

Select and Joint Committees

3. Distinguish a Select Committee on a Bill from a Joint Parliamentary Committee on a scandal. The subject of the first is a text, a proposal for legislation, and its report recommends how that text should read; the subject of the second is conduct, what happened and who was responsible, so that it is in substance a Commission of Inquiry constituted by Parliament out of its own members. The first is composed for interest and expertise and, by the practice reflected in rule 274, reports on broad consensus with liberty to dissent; the second is composed in proportion to party strength, so that the majority in the House is the majority on the committee, and it frequently divides on party lines, which costs its report much of its authority. And the first has a destination in rule 77, which requires the House to decide what to do with the Bill as reported, while the second has none: its report is presented, it may be debated, and no rule requires anything to follow.

4. If a matter of public importance requires investigation, should Parliament appoint a Joint Committee or should the Government appoint a Commission of Inquiry? Each instrument has what the other lacks. A parliamentary committee has the House's own power to send for persons, papers and records and carries the political weight of the legislature, but it is composed of the politicians whose parties are the subject of the inquiry, so its findings are apt to divide along party lines and to be discounted accordingly. A Commission of Inquiry under the Act of 1952 is ordinarily headed by a serving or retired Judge and possesses the powers of a civil court, so that it brings detachment and procedural regularity, but it is appointed by the very executive whose conduct may be in issue, it takes years, and its report is recommendatory and enforceable proprio vigore against nobody. The honest answer is that the two are not alternatives so much as complementary, that neither can prosecute, which is the function of the machinery in Module II, and that in practice all three routes are used upon the same facts.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in580

Chapter -Eight

The Committee of Privileges

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

A notice, the Chair's consent, a reference to a committee of fifteen, notices to the persons concerned, an inquiry, a report recommending a punishment, and a motion of the House: seven steps, and the House is prosecutor, judge and legislature throughout.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: a question of privilege is raised in the House by a member with the consent of the Speaker or the Chairman, who may either allow the House to decide it or refer it to the Committee of Privileges, a Standing Committee of fifteen members under the Rules; the Committee issues notices to the persons concerned, holds an inquiry, records its findings and reports to the House recommending a punishment, which may be admonition, reprimand, withdrawal, suspension, imprisonment or, in the case of a member, expulsion; and the House then adopts a motion, on which alone the punishment takes effect.

The seven steps

1. The notice. A member gives notice of a question of privilege, ordinarily to be raised at the time the rules prescribe, stating the facts said to constitute the breach or contempt.

2. The consent of the Chair. The Speaker, or in the Council the Chairman, decides whether to give consent to the question being raised. This is the first and least noticed filter in the whole system. A question of privilege that the Chair does not admit goes no further, and no reasons need be given.

3. The reference. If the question is admitted, the Chair may allow the House itself to consider it, or may refer it to the Committee of Privileges, which is the ordinary course where facts need to be found.

4. Notices to the persons concerned. The Committee issues notice to those alleged to have committed the breach. In the Keshav Singh matter the Privileges Committee of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly issued notices to four named persons, on a complaint by the member against whom a pamphlet had been circulated.

5. The inquiry. The Committee takes such evidence as it thinks fit and hears the persons concerned.

6. The report. It records its findings and recommends. In the Keshav Singh matter it found three of the four guilty of contempt of the House and recommended that they be reprimanded.

7. The motion of the House. The report is laid, and the House resolves. In Keshav Singh's case the Assembly passed a resolution that a reprimand be administered and issued notices to the three to appear and receive it.

And what happens on non-compliance, which is step seven's teeth. Two of the three appeared on 19 February 1964 and received the reprimand; Keshav Singh did not, and the Speaker issued a warrant for his arrest. Chapter 990 carries the rest.

munotes.in581

The Committee of Privileges

The other route, and the objection to it

A House need not use the Committee of Privileges at all, and in 2005 it did not.

In Raja Ram Pal v. Hon'ble Speaker, Lok Sabha, (2007) 3 SCC 184, the allegation was that members had accepted money for raising questions in the House. The Lok Sabha appointed an Inquiry Committee, not the Committee of Privileges. That Committee found on the material, including video footage, that the acceptance of money had a direct connection with the work of Parliament and constituted conduct unbecoming of Members of Parliament and also unethical, recorded its deep distress that the practice had eroded the credibility of Parliament as an institution and a pillar of democracy, and recommended expulsion. The report was laid on the table, a motion was adopted on 23 December 2005 expelling ten members, and the Secretariat notified the expulsion the same day.

One member of the Committee dissented, and his ground is the point of this section. In his understanding of the procedure established by law, no member could be expelled except for breach of privileges of the House, and the matter must therefore be dealt with according to the rules of the Privileges Committee.

So the choice of committee is itself a question, and a good answer raises it. The Committee of Privileges has a settled procedure and a defined jurisdiction. An ad hoc Inquiry Committee has whatever procedure the House gives it. Where the punishment contemplated is expulsion, the choice between the two determines what procedure the member gets, and that is exactly the argument the dissenting member made and the petitioners took to the Supreme Court.

The criticism the House itself has made

The Supreme Court reproduced, from the parliamentary record, a statement of the case against the jurisdiction as it stands. It is worth using in an answer because it is a criticism made inside the House and quoted by the Court, which is a stronger thing to cite than an academic complaint.

The argument runs: in India, unlike England, the House itself judges the matter, so that the law of privileges is a form of criminal law and a citizen and his fundamental rights may clash with the concepts of the dignity of the House. The essence of criminal law is that it is easily ascertainable. The law of privileges, on the other hand, is bound to remain vague and somewhat uncertain unless codified; and here it has not been codified except in rule 222. Because the House judges, it is important to ensure that the strictest judicial standards and judicial procedures are followed; and the complaint made was that in the instance under discussion the Privileges Committee's deliberations were neither judicial nor impartial nor objective, followed no established rules of procedure and did not apply the principles of equity and natural justice, so that justice was not seen to be done. Even the slightest suspicion of the Committee of Privileges acting on political consideration or on the strength of the majority party may tend to destroy the sanctity and value of the privileges of Parliament.

munotes.in582

The Committee of Privileges

Three propositions to take from that passage, each usable on its own.

Privilege functions as criminal law and lacks criminal law's certainty. An offence must be ascertainable in advance; a contempt is whatever the House says it is. Chapter 990 made the same point from the absence of any definition.

The House is prosecutor, judge and punisher. It receives the complaint, decides whether to admit it, refers it to its own committee, adopts the committee's finding and imposes the punishment.

And the majority on the committee is the majority in the House. Which is why the safeguard, if there is one, must come from outside: chapter 1090 works what the courts have done about it.

Composition and standing

The Committee of Privileges appears in the Rules' list of Standing Committees of the Lok Sabha with fifteen members, chapter 1000.

Note that it is a Standing Committee and not an ad hoc one. It is permanent, so unlike a Select Committee it does not die on reporting; and unlike the departmentally related committees its business is disciplinary rather than scrutinising. In the Rules' six-fold classification, chapter 1000, it belongs with the Enquiry Committees.

A worked example

A pamphlet accusing a member of corruption is circulated in the precincts of the House.

Step one. The member gives notice of a question of privilege.

Step two. The Speaker's consent. If it is withheld, that is the end.

Step three. The Speaker refers it to the Committee of Privileges.

Step four. The Committee issues notices to those said to have printed and distributed the pamphlet.

Step five and six. It inquires, and reports that they are guilty of contempt and should be reprimanded.

Step seven. The House resolves accordingly, and notices issue to them to appear and receive the reprimand.

One of them does not appear. The Speaker may issue a warrant and have him produced at the Bar: chapter 990, and Keshav Singh is the instance.

He then moves the High Court under article 226. The Court may entertain it, because a general warrant is not conclusive in India; it will ask whether the House had the power, whether article 21 is satisfied by the rules made under article 208, and, on chapter 1090's grounds, whether the privilege claimed exists.

munotes.in583

The Committee of Privileges

Change the facts: the person accused is a member, and the punishment contemplated is expulsion. Now the choice of forum matters. The Committee of Privileges has a settled procedure; an ad hoc Inquiry Committee does not; and the dissenting member in 2005 said expulsion could only follow a breach of privileges dealt with according to the rules of the Privileges Committee.

What beginners get wrong

That any member can raise a question of privilege as of right. It requires the consent of the Speaker or the Chairman.

That the Committee punishes. It recommends; the House resolves.

That the Committee of Privileges is the only route. In 2005 the Lok Sabha used an ad hoc Inquiry Committee, and one member of that Committee dissented on that very ground.

That the Committee of Privileges is an ad hoc committee. It is a Standing Committee of fifteen members.

That the law of privilege is codified. It is not, and the criticism quoted above is that this leaves a jurisdiction operating as criminal law without criminal law's certainty.

Quick revision

Seven steps: notice by a member; consent of the Speaker or Chairman; reference to the Committee of Privileges or decision by the House; notices to the persons concerned; inquiry; report with findings and a recommended punishment; motion of the House.

Keshav Singh, sourced: complaint by the member named in the pamphlet; reference to the Privileges Committee; notices to four persons; three found guilty and reprimand recommended; Assembly resolution; notices to appear; two appeared 19 February 1964; the third did not, and the Speaker issued a warrant.

The 2005 route: an ad hoc Inquiry Committee, not the Committee of Privileges; findings on video footage that the acceptance of money had a direct connection with the work of Parliament and was unethical and unbecoming; expulsion of ten members by motion on 23 December 2005, notified the same day. One member dissented: no member may be expelled except for breach of privileges, to be dealt with according to the rules of the Privileges Committee.

The criticism, made in the House and quoted by the Court: privilege is a form of criminal law; criminal law must be easily ascertainable and privilege is bound to remain vague unless codified, being uncodified except in rule 222; the House itself judges, so the strictest judicial standards and procedures must be followed; and the slightest suspicion of the Committee acting on political consideration or on the strength of the majority party may destroy the sanctity of the privileges of Parliament.

munotes.in584

The Committee of Privileges

Composition: a Standing Committee, fifteen members, in the Rules' Enquiry Committee category.

Test yourself

1. Describe the procedure on a question of privilege. A member gives notice of the question, stating the facts said to constitute the breach or the contempt. The Speaker, or the Chairman in the Council, decides whether to consent to its being raised; without that consent it goes no further and no reasons need be given. If admitted, the Chair may allow the House itself to consider the matter or, as is usual where facts must be found, refer it to the Committee of Privileges, a Standing Committee of fifteen members. The Committee issues notices to the persons concerned, takes such evidence as it thinks fit, hears them, records its findings and reports to the House with a recommendation as to punishment. The House then adopts a motion, and it is on that motion alone that the punishment takes effect; where the person does not comply, as in the Keshav Singh matter, the Speaker may issue a warrant for his arrest and production at the Bar.

2. What happened in the cash-for-questions matter and why is the choice of committee significant? The allegation was that members had accepted money for raising questions in the House. The Lok Sabha appointed an Inquiry Committee rather than referring the matter to the Committee of Privileges. That Committee found on the material, including video footage, that the acceptance of money had a direct connection with the work of Parliament and constituted conduct unbecoming of Members of Parliament and unethical, expressed deep distress that the practice had eroded the credibility of Parliament, and recommended expulsion; the House adopted a motion on 23 December 2005 expelling ten members, notified the same day. One member of the Committee dissented on the ground that in his understanding of the procedure established by law no member could be expelled except for breach of privileges of the House, and that the matter must therefore be dealt with according to the rules of the Privileges Committee. The choice matters because the Committee of Privileges has a settled procedure and a defined jurisdiction while an ad hoc Inquiry Committee has whatever procedure the House gives it, so that where the punishment contemplated is expulsion the choice of forum determines what procedure the member receives.

3. What is the principal criticism of the privilege jurisdiction? That it operates as a form of criminal law without criminal law's certainty. In India the House itself judges the matter, so that a citizen's fundamental rights may clash with the dignity of the House, its committees and its members. The essence of criminal law is that it is easily ascertainable, whereas the law of privileges is bound to remain vague and somewhat uncertain unless codified, and it has not been codified except in rule 222. Because the House judges, the strictest judicial standards and procedures ought to be followed, and the complaint made in the House and reproduced by the Supreme Court was that in the instance discussed the Committee's deliberations were neither judicial nor impartial nor objective, followed no established rules of procedure, did not apply the principles of equity and natural justice, and so failed the requirement that justice be seen to be done; the point being made that even the slightest suspicion of the Committee of Privileges acting on political consideration or on the strength of the majority party may destroy the sanctity and value of the privileges of Parliament.

munotes.in585

The Committee of Privileges

4. Who exercises the real discretion in a privilege proceeding? The Chair, at the outset, and the majority, at the end. The Speaker or Chairman decides whether the question of privilege may be raised at all, a decision for which no reasons need be given and from which nothing follows if consent is withheld; that is the first and least noticed filter in the system. Thereafter the Chair decides whether the matter goes to the Committee of Privileges or to the House, and where a committee reports, the punishment takes effect only on a motion of the House. Since the composition of any committee reflects party strength and the motion is carried by the majority, the House is in substance complainant, prosecutor, judge and punisher, which is why any effective safeguard must come from outside it, and why the limited judicial review recognised in Raja Ram Pal matters.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in586

Chapter -Nine

The Committee on Subordinate Legislation

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"; and 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

Parliament passes an Act and a department writes the rules; this committee of fifteen reads the rules and asks whether the department has stayed inside what Parliament gave it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Committee on Subordinate Legislation is a Standing Committee of fifteen members constituted under the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business, falling within the category of Scrutiny Committees, whose function is to examine and report to the House whether the powers to make regulations, rules, sub-rules, bye-laws and other statutory instruments conferred by the Constitution or delegated by Parliament are being properly exercised within the limits of the delegation; and it is therefore the principal continuing instrument of legislative control over delegated legislation, the other instruments being the laying procedure and the requirement of publication.

Why the committee exists

Chapter 1210 asks why Parliament delegates at all and gives the four ordinary reasons: pressure on parliamentary time, technicality, emergency and the need for flexibility. Chapter 1220 gives the doctrine that limits delegation: a legislature may delegate the subsidiary and may not abdicate the essential legislative function.

But a doctrine that only a court can apply is a control that operates once in a decade and only when someone can afford to litigate. Between the passing of an Act and a challenge to a rule made under it there are thousands of rules that nobody examines.

This committee is the answer to that gap. It reads the rules as they are made, systematically, whether or not anybody is aggrieved, and it reports to the House that gave the power away.

Which is why it sits in both of MU's labels. Under label 5, it is a legislative committee conducting inquiries. Under label 6, it is legislative control. An answer on either can use it, and an answer that notices it serves both is a better answer.

Composition and place

Fifteen members, in the Rules' list of Standing Committees of the Lok Sabha, chapter 1000; and the Council of States has its own.

Category. In the Rules' six-fold classification of Standing Committees, chapter 1000, it is a Scrutiny Committee, alongside the Committee on Government Assurances and the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, chapter 1060.

It is a Standing Committee, so its work is "of a continuous nature". That matters for the reason chapter 1010 gave about the Public Accounts Committee: a permanent committee can return to a rule, ask what was done about its report, and press.

What it examines, and on what grounds

Its function is to examine and report to the House whether the powers to make rules, regulations, sub-rules, bye-laws and other statutory instruments, conferred by the Constitution or delegated by Parliament, are being properly exercised within the limits of the delegation.

munotes.in587

The Committee on Subordinate Legislation

The grounds on which such a committee scrutinises a rule are set out below as the substance of the function. This book does not have the rule text before it and does not present them as a quotation. Taken as a class they ask whether the instrument:

is within the power conferred, that is not ultra vires the parent Act;

is in accord with the general objects of the Act under which it is made;

contains matter which should more properly be dealt with in an Act of the legislature rather than in a rule;

imposes a tax, which is a matter for the legislature alone;

directly or indirectly bars the jurisdiction of the courts;

gives retrospective effect where the parent Act does not expressly authorise it;

involves expenditure from the Consolidated Fund or from public revenues;

makes an unusual or unexpected use of the power conferred;

has been delayed unjustifiably in its publication or in its laying before the House; or

needs elucidation, its form or purport being for any reason unclear.

Read that list against the courts' grounds and the overlap is nearly complete. Ultra vires, retrospectivity without authority, ouster of jurisdiction, taxation without authority: these are the very grounds on which a court would strike a rule down. The difference is not in the standard but in who applies it and when. The committee applies them to every rule as it is made; a court applies them to one rule, years later, at the instance of a litigant.

Its relation to the other two controls

Laying, chapter 1230. Every instrument required to be laid comes before the House, and the committee is the body that actually reads what is laid. Without the committee, laying is a rule deposited in a library. Chapter 1240 shows that the courts have held laying to be directory in the ordinary case, so its legal force is slight; its practical force is entirely the committee's.

Publication, chapter 1250. The requirement that a rule be published, and in some cases previously published in draft, is a control over process, and unjustified delay in publication is one of the grounds on which the committee reports.

So the three controls are one system. Publication makes the rule known; laying brings it to the House; the committee reads it and reports. Take away the committee and the other two are formalities.

The weaknesses, stated honestly

Its reports are recommendatory. Like every report in this paper.

It examines after the rule is in force. A rule laid under simple laying, chapter 1230, is operative from the moment it is made; the committee's report may come months later, and by then rights have been affected.

munotes.in588

The Committee on Subordinate Legislation

And its capacity is fifteen members against the entire rule-making of the Union. No committee of that size, meeting for part of a year, can read every instrument made under every Act.

Which produces the reform proposal worth naming. That instruments of a specified class should be subject to the affirmative procedure, chapter 1230, so that they do not take effect until the House has approved them; and that the committee should have professional staff of its own to sift what is laid. Chapter 1130 puts the second of those among the reforms the committee system generally needs.

A worked example

An Act empowers the Central Government to make rules "for carrying out the purposes of this Act", and prescribes that rules shall be laid before each House.

A rule is made requiring a licensee to pay an annual fee calculated as a percentage of turnover.

Ground one, is it a tax? A charge unrelated to any service rendered, calculated on turnover, looks like taxation, and taxation is a matter for the legislature alone. The committee will ask whether the parent Act authorises a levy at all.

Ground two, is it within the power conferred? A general power to make rules for carrying out the purposes of an Act does not ordinarily carry a power to impose a financial burden. That is the ultra vires question, and it is the same question a court would ask.

Ground three, should it have been in the Act? A liability of this kind is the sort of matter that ought to be enacted rather than made by rule.

A second rule provides that no suit shall lie against the licensing authority in respect of anything done under the rules.

Ground four, does it bar the jurisdiction of the courts? Directly, and a rule cannot do by delegated authority what the parent Act has not expressly authorised.

A third rule is expressed to take effect from a date two years past.

Ground five, retrospectivity. Unless the parent Act expressly authorises retrospective rules, the rule is bad on that ground alone.

And a fourth rule was made in March and laid in December.

Ground six, delay in laying. On Atlas Cycle Industries Ltd. v. State of Haryana, chapter 1240, the failure to lay does not by itself nullify the instrument where the section is directory. So the legal consequence is nothing and the parliamentary consequence is the committee's report. That contrast is the best short illustration in this module of why the committee matters.

munotes.in589

The Committee on Subordinate Legislation

What beginners get wrong

That the committee makes the rules. It scrutinises them. The rules are made by the delegate.

That the committee can annul a rule. It cannot. Annulment, where it exists, is the House's under the negative resolution procedure, chapter 1230.

That the committee only checks whether the rule was laid. Laying is one of many grounds; the central one is whether the instrument is within the power conferred.

That its grounds are different from a court's. They are substantially the same grounds; what differs is who applies them and when.

That it belongs to only one syllabus label. It is a legislative committee that inquires, label 5, and an instrument of legislative control, label 6.

Quick revision

A Standing Committee, fifteen members, in the Scrutiny Committees category, with a counterpart in the Council of States. Its work is of a continuous nature.

Function: to examine and report whether the powers to make rules, regulations, sub-rules, bye-laws and other statutory instruments conferred by the Constitution or delegated by Parliament are being properly exercised within the limits of the delegation.

Grounds of scrutiny (given as the substance of the function, not quoted): ultra vires; contrary to the general objects of the Act; matter that should be in an Act; imposes a tax; bars the jurisdiction of the courts; retrospective without express authority; involves expenditure from public revenues; unusual or unexpected use of the power; delay in publication or laying; needs elucidation.

The same grounds a court applies, the difference being that the committee applies them to every rule as it is made and a court to one rule, years later, at a litigant's instance.

The three controls as one system: publication makes the rule known, laying brings it to the House, and the committee reads it. Atlas Cycle: laying is ordinarily directory, so the practical force of laying is the committee's.

Weaknesses: reports are recommendatory; scrutiny comes after the rule is in force; and fifteen members cannot read the whole rule-making of the Union.

Test yourself

1. What is the function of the Committee on Subordinate Legislation? To examine and report to the House whether the powers to make regulations, rules, sub-rules, bye-laws and other statutory instruments, conferred by the Constitution or delegated by Parliament, are being properly exercised within the limits of the delegation. It is a Standing Committee of fifteen members within the category of Scrutiny Committees, with a counterpart in the Council of States, and because its work is of a continuous nature it can return to an instrument, ask what was done upon its report and press the department concerned.

munotes.in590

The Committee on Subordinate Legislation

2. On what grounds does it scrutinise a rule? Broadly, whether the instrument is within the power conferred and so not ultra vires the parent Act; whether it accords with the general objects of that Act; whether it contains matter which should more properly have been enacted by the legislature; whether it imposes a tax; whether it directly or indirectly bars the jurisdiction of the courts; whether it gives retrospective effect where the parent Act does not expressly authorise it; whether it involves expenditure from public revenues; whether it makes an unusual or unexpected use of the power; whether there has been unjustifiable delay in its publication or in its laying; and whether its form or purport requires elucidation.

3. How does the committee relate to the other controls over delegated legislation? Publication makes a rule known, laying brings it before the House, and the committee is the body that actually reads what is laid and reports upon it. The three are one system rather than three alternatives. The point is sharpened by the position in law: since Atlas Cycle Industries Ltd. v. State of Haryana holds that a requirement of laying is ordinarily directory, so that non-compliance does not nullify the instrument, the legal force of laying is slight and its practical force is almost entirely what the committee makes of it. Take away the committee and both publication and laying become formalities.

4. What are its weaknesses and what reform is suggested? Its reports, like every report in this paper, are recommendatory. Its scrutiny comes after the rule is in force, since an instrument subject only to simple laying operates from the moment it is made, so that rights may have been affected before the committee reports. And fifteen members meeting for part of a year cannot read the entire rule-making output of the Union. The reforms usually proposed follow from those three: that instruments of a specified class should be made subject to the affirmative procedure so that they do not take effect until the House has approved them, and that the committee should be given professional staff of its own to sift what is laid before it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in591

Chapter

The Other Scrutiny Committees

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

Four committees that between them close the gaps: one chases the promises Ministers make, one takes the citizen's petition, one checks that what the Government says it has laid has actually been laid, and one watches the members' own attendance.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: besides the Financial Committees, the departmentally related Standing Committees and the Committee of Privileges, the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha constitute a number of smaller Standing Committees, among them the Committee on Government Assurances of fifteen members, which pursues the assurances, promises and undertakings given by Ministers on the floor of the House; the Committee on Petitions of fifteen members, which examines petitions presented to the House; the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table of fifteen members, which examines whether papers required to be laid have been duly laid and whether there has been compliance with the provisions under which they were laid; and the Committee on Absence of Members from the Sittings of the House of fifteen members, which considers applications for leave of absence.

The Committee on Government Assurances

The problem it solves, and it is a real one. Chapter 1160 works Question Hour. A Minister answering a question very often says that the matter is under consideration, that information is being collected, that a review is being undertaken, or that action will be taken. The House moves on. The session ends. Nothing happens.

This committee exists for nothing else. It scrutinises the assurances, promises and undertakings given by Ministers on the floor of the House, pursues whether they have been implemented, and reports on the delay where they have not.

Why it is worth a paragraph in an answer on legislative control. Chapter 1270 asks why legislative control is weak and gives party discipline, the guillotine and the decline in sitting days. A Minister's answer is the commonest device of control there is, and its commonest failure is that nothing follows. This committee is the only institutional answer to that failure, and it works by exactly the method chapter 1010 identified as the Public Accounts Committee's strength: it does not let a matter go.

And it shares the standard weakness. It reports. It cannot compel a Minister to keep a promise.

The Committee on Petitions

What a petition is. A citizen or a body may petition the House on a Bill before it, on a matter of general public interest connected with the business of the House, or on a grievance for which no other remedy is available.

Its significance for this paper is larger than its size suggests. Chapter 330 recorded the choice India made in the Lokpal Act: corruption in, grievances out, and no statute for grievance redress was ever passed. Chapter 710 recorded that the State machinery for grievances is thin.

munotes.in592

The Other Scrutiny Committees

So the citizen with an ordinary grievance against the administration has, in this whole syllabus, remarkably few doors. The ombudsman abroad takes his complaint, chapter 1022's comparison; the Lokpal does not; the Central Vigilance Commission is not a grievance body, chapter 250; a Commission of Inquiry is appointed for a definite matter of public importance and not for one man's file. The Committee on Petitions is one of the few that remains, and an answer that mentions it when asked about the redress of grievances has noticed something most do not.

And its limits. It examines and reports; it does not decide; and a petition on a matter for which another remedy exists is not entertained.

The Committee on Papers Laid on the Table

What it does. It examines all papers laid on the table of the House by Ministers, other than those falling within the purview of another committee, and reports whether there has been compliance with the provisions of the Constitution, the Act or the rule under which the paper was laid, and whether there has been any unreasonable delay in laying it, and if so the reasons.

It is the enforcement arm of every laying requirement in this book, and that is why it belongs here.

Chapter 660: section 14(3) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, the annual report laid before each House. Chapter 680: section 22 of the same Act, notifications, rules and regulations laid for thirty days. Chapter 470: section 3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, the report laid with an action taken memorandum. Chapter 1010: article 151, the audit reports laid before Parliament. Chapter 1230: the laying procedure for delegated legislation generally.

Every one of those obligations is on the Government, and none of them carries a penalty. Chapter 1240 shows that failure to lay does not ordinarily invalidate an instrument. So the only thing that stands behind a laying requirement is a committee that checks whether it was complied with and reports the delay.

Say that in an answer and the whole module coheres. The laying requirement is the paper's standard accountability device; this committee is what makes it more than a form.

The Committee on Absence of Members from the Sittings of the House

What it does. It considers applications from members for leave of absence from the sittings of the House and examines cases of members who have been absent for a period of sixty days or more without permission.

Why a syllabus on public authorities cares. Because of article 101(4): if for a period of sixty days a member is without permission of the House absent from all meetings, the House may declare his seat vacant. The committee is the machinery through which that constitutional provision operates, and it is a rare instance of a committee whose report can lead directly to a legal consequence rather than to a recommendation.

munotes.in593

The Other Scrutiny Committees

Note the qualification in the article: the House "may" declare the seat vacant, and in computing the sixty days no account is taken of any period during which the House is prorogued or adjourned for more than four consecutive days.

What the four have in common, and it is the examinable point

Each of them polices a duty that somebody else owes.

The Committee on Government Assurances polices a Minister's promise. The Committee on Petitions polices the House's own openness to the citizen. The Committee on Papers Laid on the Table polices the Government's statutory duty to lay. The Committee on Absence of Members polices the members themselves.

And three of the four have no sanction at all. They report. Only the fourth is connected to a legal consequence, and that consequence is the House's under article 101(4), not the committee's.

So the standard criticism applies to them as to everything else in this paper, and the standard answer applies too: the sanction is disclosure, and disclosure works to the extent that somebody acts on it.

A worked example

In Question Hour a Minister says that a report on a scheme's implementation will be placed before the House in the current session.

The session ends without it. The Committee on Government Assurances takes up the assurance, asks the Ministry for the reason, and reports the delay.

The report is eventually laid, four months late. The Committee on Papers Laid on the Table examines whether the paper complies with the provision under which it was required to be laid, whether there was unreasonable delay, and what the reasons were.

A citizen affected by the scheme petitions the House. The Committee on Petitions may examine it, unless another remedy is available to him.

Nothing in any of this compels the Ministry to do anything. Correct. All three committees report.

But now add the audit. If money was involved, the Comptroller and Auditor General may report and the Public Accounts Committee will examine the Secretary on it: chapter 1010. The small committees produce the record; the financial committee produces the confrontation.

And a member has not attended for sixty days without permission. The Committee on Absence of Members considers it, and article 101(4) allows the House to declare his seat vacant, no account being taken of periods of prorogation or of adjournment for more than four consecutive days.

munotes.in594

The Other Scrutiny Committees

What beginners get wrong

That these committees are unimportant because they are small. The Committee on Papers Laid on the Table is what stands behind every laying requirement in this book.

That the Committee on Government Assurances can compel performance. It reports the non-implementation.

That the Committee on Petitions decides a grievance. It examines and reports, and it will not entertain a petition where another remedy exists.

That the Committee on Absence of Members vacates a seat. Article 101(4) lets the House declare the seat vacant.

That the House has no grievance machinery at all. The Committee on Petitions is machinery, though it is not an ombudsman.

Quick revision

Committee on Government Assurances, 15: pursues the assurances, promises and undertakings given by Ministers on the floor and reports non-implementation. The only institutional answer to a Minister's answer that nothing follows.

Committee on Petitions, 15: examines petitions on Bills, on matters of general public interest connected with the business of the House, and on grievances for which no other remedy is available. One of the few doors left open to a citizen's grievance in this whole syllabus.

Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, 15: examines whether papers laid comply with the Constitution, Act or rule under which they were laid and whether there was unreasonable delay. The enforcement arm of every laying requirement in this book: s.14(3) and s.22 of the CVC Act, s.3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, art 151, and the laying of delegated legislation.

Committee on Absence of Members, 15: considers leave of absence and absence of sixty days or more without permission, feeding art 101(4), under which the House may declare the seat vacant, disregarding prorogation and adjournments of more than four consecutive days.

Common feature: each polices a duty somebody else owes; three have no sanction; only the fourth connects to a legal consequence, and that consequence is the House's.

Test yourself

1. What does the Committee on Government Assurances do, and why does it matter? It scrutinises the assurances, promises and undertakings given by Ministers on the floor of the House, pursues whether they have been implemented and reports where they have not, together with the reasons for the delay. It matters because a Minister's answer at Question Hour is the commonest instrument of legislative control there is, and its commonest failure is that an assurance is given and nothing follows once the session ends. This committee is the only institutional answer to that failure, and it works by the method that makes the Public Accounts Committee effective, namely that it does not let a matter go. Its limitation is that it reports and cannot compel a Minister to keep a promise.

munotes.in595

The Other Scrutiny Committees

2. Why is the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table significant for this paper? Because laying before the House is the standard accountability device of every institution in the syllabus, and no laying requirement carries a penalty. Section 14(3) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act requires its annual report to be laid, section 22 requires notifications, rules and regulations to be laid for thirty days, section 3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act requires a Commission's report to be laid with an action taken memorandum, article 151 requires the audit reports to be laid, and delegated legislation is subject to a laying procedure. Since Atlas Cycle holds that a requirement of laying is ordinarily directory, non-compliance does not invalidate anything. What stands behind these obligations is therefore a committee that examines whether papers were laid in compliance with the provision requiring them, whether there was unreasonable delay, and what the reasons were.

3. What is the constitutional significance of the Committee on Absence of Members? Article 101(4) provides that if for a period of sixty days a member of either House is without the permission of the House absent from all meetings of it, the House may declare his seat vacant, no account being taken in computing that period of any period during which the House is prorogued or adjourned for more than four consecutive days. The Committee is the machinery through which that provision operates: it considers applications for leave of absence and examines cases of prolonged absence without permission. It is unusual among the committees in this module because its report can lead directly to a legal consequence rather than to a recommendation, though the consequence is one the House imposes and the article is permissive.

4. What do these four committees have in common? Each polices a duty owed by somebody else: the Committee on Government Assurances polices a Minister's promise, the Committee on Petitions the House's own openness to the citizen, the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table the Government's statutory duty to lay, and the Committee on Absence of Members the conduct of members themselves. Three of the four have no sanction and can only report, which is the standing feature of every institution in this paper; and the fourth connects to a legal consequence which belongs to the House and not to the committee. Their common answer to the charge of weakness is likewise the paper's standing answer, that the sanction is disclosure, and that disclosure is effective to the extent that somebody acts upon it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in596

Chapter -One

The Powers of a Committee

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

A committee may require a person to attend and a document to be produced, and what stands behind that requirement is not a penal provision but the House's power to punish a contempt.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the departmentally related Standing Committees and the other committees can regulate their procedure for requiring the attendance of persons and for the production of documents, and can hear experts or special interests, that power being conferred by the rules made under article 118 or article 208; the sanction for a refusal is not contained in those rules but in article 105(3) or article 194(3), which preserve to the House the power to punish a contempt, so that a person who refuses to attend or to produce may be dealt with under the procedure chapter 990 sets out.

The power, and where it comes from

What the committees may do. As the Supreme Court recorded of the departmentally related Standing Committees: "The Committees can regulate their procedure for requiring the attendance of persons and for the production of documents. The Committees can hear experts or special interests."

Two sources, as chapter 960 insisted.

The power to require comes from the rules made under article 118, or article 208 in a State. It is a rule, not a constitutional provision.

The sanction for a refusal comes from article 105(3), or article 194(3), which preserve the House's power to punish a contempt. Nothing in the rules provides a penalty; the penalty is the House's, and chapter 990 gives the procedure and the punishments.

Which produces the sentence to write when asked what makes a committee's summons effective. It is effective because disobeying it is a contempt of the House, and the House can imprison for contempt. No committee has a power to fine, and none can prosecute.

Compare a Commission of Inquiry, and the comparison is instructive

Chapter 440 read section 4 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952: a Commission has all the powers of a civil court trying a suit in respect of summoning and enforcing attendance and examining on oath, discovery and production of documents, evidence on affidavits, requisitioning public records, and issuing commissions.

A Commission's powers are conferred by statute and its sanction comes from the general law: chapter 460 showed that its proceedings are deemed judicial proceedings for the perjury provisions and that it may forward a case to a magistrate for an offence committed in its presence.

A committee's powers come from a rule and its sanction is contempt of the House. So:

A witness who lies to a Commission commits perjury. A witness who lies to a committee commits a contempt, punished by the House.

munotes.in597

The Powers of a Committee

A Commission's proceedings are deemed judicial. A committee's are proceedings in Parliament, protected by article 105(2) and shielded from question by article 122(1).

A Commission may issue a commission to examine a witness elsewhere. A committee works by attendance.

Neither can punish for the substance. Both find facts and report. That is the paper's standing pattern.

Whether a Minister can be summoned

This is a question of practice and not of law, and the book says so rather than inventing a rule.

The practice is that committees examine officials, not Ministers. Chapter 1010 explained why for the Public Accounts Committee: the Secretary appears as the accounting officer, because the committee's business is with administration and not with policy, which the House itself settled when it voted the demand.

Two reasons stand behind the practice, and both are worth stating.

Responsibility runs to the House, not to a committee. A Minister is answerable under article 75(3) to the House of the People, collectively with the Council of Ministers. The floor of the House, the motion of no-confidence and the censure motion, chapter 1180, are the instruments for calling him to account. A committee that cross-examined Ministers would be doing in a room what the Constitution assigns to the Chamber.

And the officer is the one who can answer. A Secretary knows the file; a Minister knows the decision. A committee examining execution wants the file.

The limit of the practice. Where the allegation is against the Minister himself, chapter 1030 showed the instrument is a Joint Parliamentary Committee, a Commission of Inquiry, or an investigating agency under Module II, and not the ordinary scrutiny committee.

Privileged Government documents

The problem. A committee calls for a file and the Ministry says its disclosure would prejudice the public interest.

Again, the resolution is by practice and not by a rule this book can quote. What can be said is this.

The claim is made to the committee, not to a court. There is no application to a judge and no question of the law of privilege in evidence, which governs a court proceeding. The committee, the Minister and ultimately the House decide.

And the reason the arrangement is defensible is the reason chapter 950 gave. The whole basis of the committee's power is that a House which must hold Ministers responsible cannot be told by those Ministers what it may know. If the executive could conclusively certify what a committee may see, the committee would be examining the executive on the executive's terms.

The counter-argument, which an answer should give. A committee is not bound by the safeguards a court applies to a claim of public interest immunity, and its proceedings are not open. A document handed to a committee is handed to thirty-one politicians, and the protection for what happens to it is article 105(2) rather than any duty of confidence enforceable by the person affected.

munotes.in598

The Powers of a Committee

What a committee cannot do

It cannot punish. Punishment is the House's, for contempt, on a motion.

It cannot decide rights. Chapter 1080 is the authority.

It cannot make a finding that operates as evidence. Chapter 1110 works Kalpana Mehta v. Union of India, (2018) 7 SCC 1: a report may be relied upon for the fact of what it records and may not be questioned or impeached by either side.

It cannot compel the Government to act. Chapter 1020 quoted rule 277: the report "shall have persuasive value and shall be treated as considered advice given by the Committee."

And it cannot inquire into anything it likes. That is the next chapter.

A worked example

A Standing Committee examining a Ministry's Demands for Grants calls for the file on a large contract and summons the Secretary and the contractor.

May it require the contractor, a private person, to attend? Yes. The rules empower the Committee to regulate its procedure for requiring the attendance of persons and for the production of documents, and the Committee may hear experts or special interests.

The contractor declines. The Committee has no power to fine or to prosecute. It reports the refusal to the House, which may treat it as a contempt and proceed under chapter 990, where the punishments include imprisonment even of a person who is not a member.

The contractor attends and gives false evidence. Not perjury, because a committee's proceedings are not deemed judicial proceedings as a Commission of Inquiry's are under section 5 of the 1952 Act. It is a contempt.

The Ministry declines to produce the file, claiming public interest. The claim is made to the Committee, and it is resolved between the Committee, the Minister and, if pressed, the House. No court is involved.

A member of the Committee asks that the Minister be summoned. Contrary to practice: the Secretary appears as the officer answerable for administration, and the Minister answers to the House under article 75(3).

The Committee finds that the contract was awarded improperly and says so in its report. It has found a fact and made a recommendation. It has not decided anything, and under rule 277 its report has persuasive value as considered advice.

A civil court later tries a suit on the same contract. On Kalpana Mehta, the report may be relied on for the fact of what it records, and neither party may question or impeach it.

munotes.in599

The Powers of a Committee

What beginners get wrong

That a committee's summons is backed by a penalty in the rules. It is backed by the House's power to punish contempt under article 105(3).

That lying to a committee is perjury. It is a contempt. Perjury before a Commission of Inquiry is different, because section 5 of that Act deems its proceedings judicial.

That a committee can compel a Minister. The practice is that officials appear; a Minister answers to the House.

That a claim of privilege over a document goes to a court. It is resolved by the committee, the Minister and the House.

That a committee's finding binds anybody. Rule 277: persuasive value, considered advice.

Quick revision

The power: the Committees "can regulate their procedure for requiring the attendance of persons and for the production of documents" and "can hear experts or special interests", under the rules made under art 118 or art 208.

The sanction: not in the rules but in art 105(3) or art 194(3), the House's power to punish a contempt, with the punishments in chapter 990 including imprisonment of a stranger.

Against a Commission of Inquiry: a Commission has the powers of a civil court by s.4 of the 1952 Act and its proceedings are deemed judicial, so a lying witness commits perjury; a committee's proceedings are proceedings in Parliament, so a lying witness commits a contempt. Neither can punish for the substance.

Ministers: by practice, officials appear, the Secretary as accounting officer; a Minister is answerable to the House under art 75(3). Where the allegation is against the Minister, the instrument is a Joint Parliamentary Committee, a Commission of Inquiry, or an agency.

Privileged documents: the claim is made to the committee, resolved by the committee, the Minister and the House; no court. The counter-argument is that a committee applies none of a court's safeguards and sits in private.

What it cannot do: punish; decide rights; make a finding that is evidence; compel the Government; or inquire into anything it likes.

Test yourself

1. What powers does a legislative committee have to compel evidence, and where do they come from? The committees can regulate their procedure for requiring the attendance of persons and for the production of documents, and can hear experts or special interests. That power is conferred by the rules of procedure made under article 118, or article 208 in a State, and not by any provision of the Constitution directly. The sanction for a refusal is not in those rules at all: it comes from article 105(3), or article 194(3), which preserve to the House the powers, privileges and immunities it possessed before the Forty-fourth Amendment, among them the power to punish a contempt. A summons is therefore effective because disobedience is a contempt of the House, for which the House may punish, including by imprisonment even of a person who is not a member.

munotes.in600

The Powers of a Committee

2. Compare the powers of a legislative committee with those of a Commission of Inquiry. A Commission's powers are conferred by section 4 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, which gives it all the powers of a civil court trying a suit in respect of summoning and enforcing attendance and examining on oath, discovery and production of documents, evidence on affidavits, requisitioning public records and issuing commissions; and its proceedings are deemed judicial proceedings, so that a witness who gives false evidence commits perjury. A committee's powers come from a rule and its proceedings are proceedings in Parliament, protected by article 105(2) and shielded by article 122(1); a witness who lies to it commits a contempt of the House rather than perjury. The important similarity is that neither can punish for the substance of what it finds: both find facts and report.

3. Can a committee summon a Minister? The established practice is that committees examine officials rather than Ministers, the Secretary appearing before the Public Accounts Committee as the accounting officer. That practice rests on two reasons. A Minister's responsibility runs, under article 75(3), to the House of the People collectively with the Council of Ministers, and the instruments for enforcing it are the floor of the House, the motion of no-confidence and the censure motion, so that a committee cross-examining Ministers would be doing in a committee room what the Constitution assigns to the Chamber. And the official is the person who can answer the questions a scrutiny committee asks, because he knows the file, while the Minister knows the decision. Where the allegation is against the Minister himself, the appropriate instruments are a Joint Parliamentary Committee, a Commission of Inquiry, or an investigating agency, and not an ordinary scrutiny committee.

4. How is a claim that a Government document is privileged resolved before a committee? Not by a court. The claim is made to the committee and is resolved between the committee, the Minister and, if the matter is pressed, the House itself. The arrangement is defensible on the ground that gives the committee its power in the first place, namely that a House which must hold Ministers responsible cannot be told by those Ministers what it may know, so that a conclusive executive certificate would leave the committee examining the executive on the executive's terms. Against that it must be said that a committee applies none of the safeguards a court applies to a claim of public interest immunity, that it sits in private, and that a document produced to it is produced to a body of politicians whose protection for what follows is article 105(2) rather than any duty enforceable by the person affected.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in601

Chapter -Two

The Limits of a Committee Inquiry

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

A House may punish for contempt only where its own functions are threatened; an executive act that does not distort, obstruct or threaten the integrity of legislative proceedings is not a breach of privilege; and a House may not inquire into what happened during its own previous term.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Amarinder Singh v. Special Committee, Punjab Vidhan Sabha, (2010) 6 SCC 113, a Constitution Bench held that the power of a legislative chamber to punish for its own contempt should broadly coincide with the legislature's interest in protecting the integrity of its functions; that the allegedly improper exemption of land was an executive act which did not distort, obstruct or threaten the integrity of legislative proceedings in any manner, so that the exercise of legislative privileges under article 194(3) was not proper and the Vidhan Sabha exceeded its powers by expelling the appellant for a breach of privilege where there existed none; that it was not proper for the Assembly to inquire into actions which took place during its previous term, especially where no relatable business had lapsed from that term; and that where the same subject matter was pending before the High Court the Assembly should have refrained from dealing with it.

The case

Facts. Amarinder Singh v. Special Committee, Punjab Vidhan Sabha, (2010) 6 SCC 113, decided on 26 April 2010 by a Constitution Bench of five judges: K.G. Balakrishnan CJ, who wrote the judgment, R.V. Raveendran, P. Sathasivam, J.M. Panchal and R.M. Lodha JJ. Land had been exempted from the Amritsar Improvement Scheme by a notification of 13 January 2006, during the twelfth term of the Punjab Vidhan Sabha, when the appellant had been in office. During the thirteenth term the Assembly constituted a Special Committee to inquire into that exemption, and on 10 September 2008 passed a resolution expelling the appellant for the remainder of the thirteenth term.

Held, and the conclusions are numbered in the judgment.

(i) The nature of the act, and this is the ratio. If there were irregularities in relation to the exemption, the proper course for the State Government was to move the criminal law machinery with a complaint followed by investigation under the Code of Criminal Procedure. The Punjab Vidhan Sabha exceeded its powers by expelling the appellant on the ground of a breach of privilege when there existed none. The allegedly improper exemption of land was an executive act attributable to the appellant and it did not distort, obstruct or threaten the integrity of legislative proceedings in any manner. Hence the exercise of legislative privileges under article 194(3) was not proper.

munotes.in602

The Limits of a Committee Inquiry

(ii) The previous term. The exemption took place in the twelfth term and the Special Committee was constituted in the thirteenth. It was not proper for the Assembly to inquire into actions that took place during its previous term, especially when there was no relatable business that had lapsed from the previous term. And the Court gave its reason: if the legislature were permitted to exercise privileges against members for their executive acts during previous terms, the Courts are likely to be flooded with cases involving political rivalries; on a change of regime the fresh incumbents would readily fall back on the device of legislative privileges to expel their political opponents as well as dissidents, and such a scenario would frustrate some of the basic objectives of a parliamentary democracy.

(iii) The pending proceedings. The exemption being the subject matter of proceedings instituted before the High Court of Punjab and Haryana, the Vidhan Sabha should have refrained from dealing with the same subject matter.

The order. The Court declared the resolution of 10 September 2008 constitutionally invalid and directed the restoration of the appellant's membership, adding that nothing in the judgment should act as a hurdle against the investigation, if any, into the alleged role of the appellant in the improper exemption: "the law will take its own course."

The test, stated as a rule

The Court put it in one sentence: the power of a legislative chamber to punish for its own contempt should broadly coincide with the legislature's interest in protecting the integrity of its functions.

And it left the door ajar, as it had to. There can of course be some exceptional circumstances where acts that take place outside the four walls of the House could have the effect of distorting, obstructing or diluting the legislature's functions.

So the test is not "inside or outside the House". Chapter 990 showed that a contempt may be committed outside; Keshav Singh's pamphlet was circulated at Gorakhpur. The test is functional: does the act touch the integrity of the legislature's own functions?

Apply it and the two cases fall on opposite sides.

A pamphlet accusing a member, circulated in the precincts, is aimed at a member in his character as a member and at the House's authority. Inside the test.

A land exemption signed years earlier in an executive capacity affects nobody's ability to legislate or to hold a Minister to account. Outside it, and the remedy is the criminal law.

How this pairs with Raja Ram Pal

The two decisions give the two halves of the rule, and an answer needs both.

Raja Ram Pal, (2007) 3 SCC 184, chapter 1090, is the existence half: the House has the power to expel a member, and its exercise is subject to judicial review on limited grounds. In that case the acceptance of money had a direct connection with the work of Parliament, chapter 1040, because the members were paid to raise questions in the House.

munotes.in603

The Limits of a Committee Inquiry

Amarinder Singh v. Special Committee, Punjab Vidhan Sabha, (2010) 6 SCC 113, is the scope half: the power exists but does not reach an executive act unconnected with legislative proceedings.

The distinction between the two on their facts is the cleanest illustration in this module. Taking money to ask a question in the House goes to the integrity of the House's own function. Exempting land from an improvement scheme does not. Same power, opposite results, and the difference is the connection with the proceedings of the House.

The three limits, in order of usefulness

1. The functional limit. The act must distort, obstruct or threaten the integrity of legislative proceedings. An executive act that does not is outside privilege, whatever its gravity, and the remedy is the ordinary law.

2. The temporal limit. A House may not inquire into acts of its previous term, at least where no relatable business has lapsed from that term. The reason is expressly anti-majoritarian: otherwise every change of regime would produce expulsions of political opponents and dissidents.

3. The comity limit. Where the same subject matter is pending before a court, the House should refrain. That is a rule of restraint rather than of jurisdiction, and it is the parliamentary counterpart of chapter 490's rule that a Commission of Inquiry should not run alongside a criminal trial on the same facts.

A worked example

A new Assembly is elected. It constitutes a Special Committee to inquire into a mining lease granted three years earlier by the previous Government, and resolves to expel a member who was then the Minister.

Is the grant a breach of privilege? No. It is an executive act. It does not distort, obstruct or threaten the integrity of legislative proceedings, so the exercise of privilege under article 194(3) is not proper and the House exceeds its powers.

Does it matter that the act was serious, or even criminal? No, and the Court said so: the proper course is to move the criminal law machinery with a complaint and an investigation.

Does it matter that it happened in the previous term? Independently fatal. It is not proper for an Assembly to inquire into actions that took place during its previous term, there being no relatable business that lapsed.

Suppose the matter is already before the High Court. A third ground: the House should refrain from dealing with the same subject matter.

munotes.in604

The Limits of a Committee Inquiry

What is the remedy? The resolution is constitutionally invalid and the member's membership is restored.

Does the member escape? No. Nothing in such a judgment is a hurdle to an investigation; the law takes its own course.

Now change the facts. The member is alleged to have taken money to move an amendment in the House. That has a direct connection with the work of the legislature and touches the integrity of its functions, so it is within privilege, and Raja Ram Pal is the authority.

What beginners get wrong

That a House may inquire into anything a member has done. Its power should broadly coincide with the legislature's interest in protecting the integrity of its functions.

That the test is whether the act happened inside the House. It is functional, not geographical. A contempt may be committed outside; an executive act inside a Secretariat is not one.

That a serious executive impropriety must be within privilege because it is serious. Gravity is beside the point. The Court's answer is the criminal law machinery.

That the Court restored the member's seat and stopped the case against him. It expressly said nothing in the judgment should act as a hurdle against the investigation.

That Raja Ram Pal and Amarinder Singh conflict. They are the existence and scope halves of one rule.

Quick revision

Amarinder Singh v. Special Committee, Punjab Vidhan Sabha, (2010) 6 SCC 113, five judges, 26 April 2010, Balakrishnan CJ. Land exempted from the Amritsar Improvement Scheme by notification of 13 January 2006 in the twelfth term; Special Committee in the thirteenth; expulsion resolution of 10 September 2008.

The test: the power to punish for contempt should broadly coincide with the legislature's interest in protecting the integrity of its functions; exceptionally, acts outside the four walls may distort, obstruct or dilute those functions.

Conclusion (i): the exemption was an executive act that did not distort, obstruct or threaten the integrity of legislative proceedings, so privilege under art 194(3) was not properly exercised and the House exceeded its powers; the proper course was to move the criminal law machinery.

Conclusion (ii): not proper to inquire into actions of the previous term, especially with no relatable business lapsed; otherwise on every change of regime the incumbents would use privilege to expel political opponents and dissidents, frustrating basic objectives of a parliamentary democracy.

Conclusion (iii): the subject matter being pending before the High Court, the House should have refrained.

munotes.in605

The Limits of a Committee Inquiry

Order: the resolution constitutionally invalid; membership restored; no hurdle to investigation, the law taking its own course.

Pair with Raja Ram Pal: money taken to raise questions in the House has a direct connection with the work of Parliament; a land exemption does not.

Test yourself

1. May a House expel a member for an executive act done outside the House? Not merely because the act was improper. In Amarinder Singh a Constitution Bench held that the power of a legislative chamber to punish for its own contempt should broadly coincide with the legislature's interest in protecting the integrity of its functions, and that the allegedly improper exemption of land was an executive act attributable to the appellant which did not distort, obstruct or threaten the integrity of legislative proceedings in any manner, so that the exercise of privileges under article 194(3) was not proper and the Vidhan Sabha exceeded its powers by expelling him for a breach of privilege where none existed. The Court added that the proper course for the State Government, if there had been irregularities, was to move the criminal law machinery by a complaint followed by investigation under the Code of Criminal Procedure.

2. May a House inquire into what happened during its previous term? The Court held it was not proper for the Assembly to inquire into actions which took place during its previous term, especially where there was no relatable business that had lapsed from that term. Its reason was explicitly protective of parliamentary democracy: if legislatures were permitted to exercise privileges against members for their executive acts during previous terms, the courts would be flooded with cases involving political rivalries, and on every change of regime the fresh incumbents would readily fall back on the device of legislative privileges to expel their political opponents and dissidents, a scenario that would frustrate some of the basic objectives of a parliamentary democracy.

3. What is the test for whether an act is within the privilege jurisdiction? Whether it touches the integrity of the legislature's own functions. The power to punish for contempt should broadly coincide with the legislature's interest in protecting the integrity of those functions, and while acts taking place outside the four walls of the House may in exceptional circumstances have the effect of distorting, obstructing or diluting them, an act which has no such effect is outside privilege however grave it may be. The test is therefore functional and not geographical, which is why a pamphlet circulated at Gorakhpur attacking a member could be a contempt while a land exemption signed in a Secretariat could not.

4. How do Raja Ram Pal and Amarinder Singh fit together? They supply the two halves of one rule. Raja Ram Pal establishes the existence of the power, holding that a House may expel a member and that the exercise of that power is subject to judicial review on limited grounds; there the members had accepted money for raising questions in the House, which the Inquiry Committee found had a direct connection with the work of Parliament. Amarinder Singh establishes the scope of the power, holding that it does not reach an executive act unconnected with legislative proceedings. The two cases are the cleanest illustration in this module of what the connection with the proceedings of the House means: taking money to ask a question in the House goes to the integrity of the legislature's own function, while exempting land from an improvement scheme does not, so that the same power produces opposite results.

munotes.in606

The Limits of a Committee Inquiry

5. What should a House do where the matter is already before a court? Refrain from dealing with the same subject matter. In Amarinder Singh the Court held that when it was well known that the allegedly improper exemption was the subject matter of proceedings instituted before the High Court of Punjab and Haryana, the Vidhan Sabha should have refrained. The principle is one of comity and restraint rather than of jurisdiction, and it is the parliamentary counterpart of the rule applied to Commissions of Inquiry, that an inquiry into facts which are the subject of a pending criminal trial risks prejudicing the trial and should not run alongside it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in607

Chapter -Three

Judicial Review of Privilege

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

A claim of privilege does not oust the Court; an irregularity of procedure is not reviewable and a gross illegality is; and the burden on the person alleging abuse is extremely heavy.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Raja Ram Pal v. Hon'ble Speaker, Lok Sabha, (2007) 3 SCC 184, the Supreme Court summarised the principles governing judicial review of the exercise of parliamentary privilege, holding among other things that no one however lofty can claim to be the sole judge of a power given under the Constitution; that there is no basis for a claim of exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity for parliamentary proceedings under article 105(3); that articles 122(1) and 212(1) prohibit the validity of proceedings being called in question merely on the ground of irregularity of procedure; that proceedings tainted by substantive or gross illegality or unconstitutionality are not protected from judicial scrutiny; that where a citizen, whether a member or not, complains of a contravention of article 20 or article 21 it is the duty of the Court to examine the merits, especially where the impugned action entails civil consequences; and that an ouster clause attaching finality does not oust review on grounds of lack of jurisdiction or nullity for gross illegality, irrationality, violation of constitutional mandate, mala fides, non-compliance with the rules of natural justice and perversity.

The starting position

Two propositions dispose of the argument that privilege is beyond the courts.

Nobody is the sole judge of his own power. The constitutional system of government abhors absolutism, and it is a cardinal principle of our Constitution that no one, howsoever lofty, can claim to be the sole judge of the power given under the Constitution; so that mere co-ordinate constitutional status, or even the status of an exalted constitutional functionary, does not disentitle the Court from exercising judicial review of action partaking of a judicial or quasi-judicial character.

And article 105(3) confers no immunity from scrutiny. There is no basis to a claim of bar of exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity to the parliamentary proceedings in article 105(3).

Which disposes of the English doctrine as an import. Articles 122(1) and 212(1) displace the broad English doctrine of the exclusive cognizance of the House over its internal proceedings, rendering irrelevant the case law that emanated from courts in that jurisdiction, since it has no application to the system of governance provided by the Constitution of India.

That is the sentence that ends any answer relying on Commons practice. Chapter 970 showed article 105(3) still measuring privileges by what the House had before 1979, which were the Commons'; but the Commons' relationship with its courts is not imported with them.

munotes.in608

Judicial Review of Privilege

What is not reviewable

Irregularity of procedure. Articles 122(1) and 212(1) prohibit the validity of any proceedings in the legislature from being called in question in a court merely on the ground of irregularity of procedure. Chapter 970 made the point and the second M.S.M. Sharma decision is the illustration.

Expediency and necessity. The expediency and necessity of the exercise of a power or privilege by the legislature are for the determination of the legislative authority and not for determination by the courts.

The truth, correctness or adequacy of the material. The truth or correctness of the material will not be questioned by the court, nor will it go into the adequacy of the material or substitute its opinion for that of the legislature; and even if some of the material on which the action is taken is found to be irrelevant, the court would still not interfere so long as there is some relevant material sustaining the action.

What is reviewable

Substantive or gross illegality and unconstitutionality. The proceedings which may be tainted on account of substantive or gross illegality or unconstitutionality are not protected from judicial scrutiny.

The grounds, in the Court's own list. An ouster clause attaching finality to a determination does ordinarily oust the power of the court to review the decision, but not on grounds of lack of jurisdiction or its being a nullity for some reason such as:

gross illegality; irrationality; violation of constitutional mandate; mala fides; non-compliance with the rules of natural justice; and perversity.

A trespass on fundamental rights. The Judicature is not prevented from scrutinizing the validity of the action of the legislature trespassing on the fundamental rights conferred on the citizens, and the broad contention that the exercise of privileges by legislatures cannot be decided against the touchstone of fundamental rights or the constitutional provisions is not correct.

Articles 20 and 21 specifically. If a citizen, whether a non-member or a member of the Legislature, complains that his fundamental rights under article 20 or 21 had been contravened, it is the duty of this Court to examine the merits of the said contention, especially when the impugned action entails civil consequences. That is the 1964 opinion carried forward, chapter 980, and extended in terms to a member as well as a stranger.

Jurisdictional error. There is no foundation to the plea that a legislative body cannot be attributed jurisdictional error. Chapter 1080 is the instance: the Punjab Vidhan Sabha exceeded its powers.

The restraints the Court imposed on itself

An answer that stops at the grounds has given only the half that favours the citizen.

munotes.in609

Judicial Review of Privilege

Deference. Parliament is a co-ordinate organ and its views do deserve deference even while its acts are amenable to judicial scrutiny.

A presumption of regularity. Having regard to the importance of the functions discharged by the legislature and the majesty and grandeur of its task, there would always be an initial presumption that the powers and privileges have been regularly and reasonably exercised, not violating the law or the constitutional provisions, this presumption being a rebuttable one.

A different standard from ordinary administrative review. The area of privileges being exceptional and extraordinary, its acts ought not to be tested on the traditional parameters of judicial review in the same manner as an ordinary administrative action, the Court confining itself to the acknowledged parameters of judicial review and within judicially discoverable and manageable standards.

And on mala fides, an extremely heavy burden. Ordinarily the legislature as a body cannot be accused of having acted for an extraneous purpose or being actuated by caprice or mala fide intention, and the court will not lightly presume abuse or misuse, giving allowance for the fact that the legislature is the best judge of such matters; but if in a given case allegations to that effect are made, the Court may examine the validity of the contention, the onus on the person alleging being extremely heavy.

And review is not usurpation. The judicial review of the manner of exercise of the power of contempt or privilege does not mean that the said jurisdiction is being usurped by the judicature.

The two propositions about the Rules

The rules are subject to the Constitution. The rules which the legislature has to make for regulating its procedure and the conduct of its business have to be subject to the provisions of the Constitution.

And their existence proves nothing. Mere availability of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business, as made by the legislature in exercise of enabling powers under the Constitution, is never a guarantee that they have been duly followed.

That second proposition matters more than it looks. Chapter 980 recorded that article 21 is satisfied because article 194(3) with the rules made under article 208 supplies the procedure, and chapter 990 recorded the Allahabad High Court holding the same. This proposition says that the existence of rules is not the end of the inquiry; whether they were followed is a question the Court may ask.

How the pieces fit

Chapter 980: article 19(1)(a) does not control privilege; article 21 does. Chapter 990: the House has the Commons' power to commit, but not the general warrant, because of articles 32 and 226. Chapter 1080: the power exists but does not reach an executive act unconnected with legislative proceedings, and not acts of a previous term. This chapter: and where the House acts within its power, the manner of its exercise is reviewable for gross illegality, irrationality, violation of constitutional mandate, mala fides, breach of natural justice and perversity, but not for irregularity of procedure, and not on the adequacy of the material.

munotes.in610

Judicial Review of Privilege

Put together, that is a complete answer to "can a claim of privilege oust the Court's jurisdiction", and the answer is no: the Court decides whether the privilege exists, whether the act is within it, and whether its exercise is vitiated; what it does not do is sit in appeal on the House's judgment of the facts.

A worked example

A House expels a member after an inquiry by a committee.

He says the rules were not followed in nominating the committee. Irregularity of procedure: barred by article 122(1).

He says the material before the committee was thin. The Court will not go into the adequacy of the material or substitute its opinion; and even if some of the material was irrelevant, it will not interfere so long as some relevant material sustains the action.

He says he was never heard. Non-compliance with the rules of natural justice is on the list, and it is reviewable.

He says the expulsion was to remove a political opponent. Mala fides is on the list, but the onus is extremely heavy and the Court will not lightly presume abuse or misuse.

He says the act for which he was expelled had no connection with the House's functions. That is jurisdictional error, and chapter 1080 shows it succeeding.

He says his expulsion took away his livelihood without procedure established by law. Article 21: the Court must examine the merits, especially since the action entails civil consequences.

The Speaker's counsel says article 105(3) gives the House exclusive cognizance. There is no basis to a claim of exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity in article 105(3), and the English doctrine is displaced by articles 122(1) and 212(1).

What beginners get wrong

That article 122(1) bars all review. It bars a challenge merely on the ground of irregularity of procedure.

That article 105(3) confers immunity from the courts. No basis for a claim of exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity.

That the Court will reweigh the material. It will not question its truth, correctness or adequacy, nor substitute its opinion, and will not interfere if some relevant material sustains the action.

That mala fides is easy to plead. The onus is extremely heavy, against a rebuttable presumption of regularity.

munotes.in611

Judicial Review of Privilege

That review means the Court takes over the privilege jurisdiction. Judicial review of the manner of exercise does not mean the jurisdiction is usurped.

That English case law on exclusive cognizance applies. Articles 122(1) and 212(1) displace it and render it irrelevant.

Quick revision

The starting point: no one, howsoever lofty, can claim to be the sole judge of the power given under the Constitution; no basis for exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity under art 105(3); and arts 122(1) and 212(1) displace the English doctrine, rendering that case law irrelevant here.

Not reviewable: irregularity of procedure; the expediency and necessity of the exercise; the truth, correctness or adequacy of the material; and the presence of some irrelevant material where some relevant material sustains the action.

Reviewable: substantive or gross illegality or unconstitutionality; a trespass on fundamental rights, and specifically a complaint under art 20 or art 21 by a member or a non-member, especially where civil consequences follow; jurisdictional error; and, notwithstanding an ouster clause, lack of jurisdiction, gross illegality, irrationality, violation of constitutional mandate, mala fides, non-compliance with natural justice and perversity.

The restraints: deference to a co-ordinate organ; a rebuttable presumption of regularity; not the traditional parameters of administrative review; and on mala fides an extremely heavy onus. Review is not usurpation.

On the rules: they are subject to the Constitution, and their mere availability is never a guarantee that they have been duly followed.

Test yourself

1. Can a claim of parliamentary privilege oust the jurisdiction of the courts? No. In Raja Ram Pal the Supreme Court held that the constitutional system of government abhors absolutism, that it is a cardinal principle of our Constitution that no one however lofty can claim to be the sole judge of the power given under the Constitution, and that mere co-ordinate constitutional status does not disentitle the Court from exercising judicial review of action partaking of a judicial or quasi-judicial character. It held further that there is no basis for a claim of bar of exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity for parliamentary proceedings under article 105(3), and that articles 122(1) and 212(1) displace the broad English doctrine of exclusive cognizance of the internal proceedings of the House, rendering the case law emanating from courts in that jurisdiction irrelevant to the system of governance provided by the Constitution of India.

2. On what grounds is the exercise of privilege reviewable, and on what grounds is it not? It is reviewable for substantive or gross illegality or unconstitutionality; for a trespass on the fundamental rights of citizens, and specifically where a citizen, whether a member or not, complains of a contravention of article 20 or article 21, which the Court has a duty to examine on the merits especially where the impugned action entails civil consequences; and for jurisdictional error, there being no foundation for the plea that a legislative body cannot be attributed such error. Notwithstanding any ouster clause attaching finality, review lies on grounds of lack of jurisdiction or nullity for gross illegality, irrationality, violation of constitutional mandate, mala fides, non-compliance with the rules of natural justice and perversity. It is not reviewable merely on the ground of irregularity of procedure, which articles 122(1) and 212(1) exclude; the expediency and necessity of exercising the power are for the legislature; and the Court will not question the truth or correctness of the material, will not go into its adequacy or substitute its own opinion, and will not interfere where some of the material is irrelevant so long as some relevant material sustains the action.

munotes.in612

Judicial Review of Privilege

3. What restraints did the Court place on its own jurisdiction? Four. That Parliament is a co-ordinate organ whose views deserve deference even while its acts are amenable to scrutiny. That, having regard to the importance of the legislature's functions and the majesty and grandeur of its task, there is always an initial presumption that its powers and privileges have been regularly and reasonably exercised without violating the law or the Constitution, a presumption which is rebuttable. That the area of privileges being exceptional and extraordinary, its exercise ought not to be tested on the traditional parameters of judicial review as an ordinary administrative action would be, the Court confining itself to acknowledged parameters and to judicially discoverable and manageable standards. And that although a legislature cannot ordinarily be accused of acting for an extraneous purpose or from caprice or mala fides, and abuse will not lightly be presumed, the Court may examine such an allegation where it is made, the onus on the person alleging being extremely heavy. The Court added that judicial review of the manner of exercise of the power of contempt or privilege does not mean that the jurisdiction is being usurped by the judicature.

4. What is the significance of the two propositions about the Rules of Procedure? That the rules which a legislature makes for regulating its procedure and the conduct of its business have to be subject to the provisions of the Constitution, and that the mere availability of such rules is never a guarantee that they have been duly followed. The first subordinates the rules to the Constitution, so that a rule cannot authorise what the Constitution forbids. The second matters because both M.S.M. Sharma and Keshav Singh held that article 21 is satisfied where article 194(3) is read with the rules made under article 208, the rules supplying the procedure established by law. That reasoning would be empty if the existence of rules ended the inquiry. The proposition establishes that whether the rules were in fact followed remains a question the Court may ask, which is what gives the article 21 guarantee practical content.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in613

Chapter -Four

Bribery, and the Immunity That Ended

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

For twenty-six years a legislator who took a bribe and then voted as promised was immune and one who took the bribe and voted his own way was not; on 4 March 2024 seven judges called that paradoxical, overruled it, and held that the offence is complete when the bribe is accepted.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in P.V. Narasimha Rao v. State (CBI/SPE), (1998) 4 SCC 626, the majority held that a member of Parliament who accepted a bribe and voted accordingly was immune from prosecution under article 105(2), which protects a member in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament, while a member who took the bribe and did not vote as agreed was not; and in Sita Soren v. Union of India, 2024 INSC 161, decided on 4 March 2024, a Bench of seven judges disagreed with and overruled the majority on that aspect, holding that an individual member cannot assert a claim of privilege to seek immunity under articles 105 and 194 from prosecution on a charge of bribery in connection with a vote or speech, that the offence of bribery is agnostic to the performance of the agreed action and crystallises on the exchange of illegal gratification, and that the earlier interpretation produced a paradoxical outcome contrary to the text and purpose of those articles.

The old law

Facts of P.V. Narasimha Rao. On 26 July 1993 a motion of no-confidence was moved in the Lok Sabha against the minority Government of P.V. Narasimha Rao. On 28 July 1993 the motion was lost, 251 members voting in support and 265 against. Members owing allegiance to the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and to the Janata Dal (Ajit Singh group) voted against the motion, and one member abstained. The prosecution case was that they agreed to and did receive bribes to vote against the motion, and a prosecution was launched against the alleged bribe givers and bribe takers, cognizance being taken by the Special Judge, Delhi.

Held by the majority. Article 105(2) protects a member in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament, and the words were read widely enough to cover the taking of a bribe where the member went on to give the vote he had been paid for; so the alleged bribe takers who voted against the motion were immune, while a member who had taken money and abstained was not.

The paradox that produced, and it is the single fact this chapter exists to deliver. A legislator who took the money and delivered the vote was protected. A legislator who took the money and then voted his conscience was prosecuted. The law rewarded the completed corruption and punished the incomplete one.

munotes.in614

Bribery, and the Immunity That Ended

The half of P.V. Narasimha Rao that survives. It also held that a Member of Parliament is a public servant within section 2(c) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, chapter 730. That holding stands. Only the immunity holding was overruled.

The new law

Facts of Sita Soren. An election was held on 30 March 2012 to elect two members of the Rajya Sabha representing the State of Jharkhand. The appellant, of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, was a member of the Legislative Assembly of Jharkhand. The allegation was that she accepted a bribe from an independent candidate for casting her vote in his favour; but as the open ballot showed, she did not vote for the alleged bribe giver and voted instead for her own party's candidate. That round was annulled, a fresh election was held, and she again voted for her own party's candidate.

She moved the High Court to quash the charge-sheet, claiming protection under article 194(2) on the authority of P.V. Narasimha Rao. The High Court declined, precisely because she had not cast her vote in favour of the alleged bribe giver and so, on that authority, was not entitled to the protection.

Notice how the paradox produced this very case. She was prosecuted because she did not deliver the vote she was paid for. Had she delivered it, on the law as it then stood she would have been immune.

The reference. The matter was referred to a larger Bench of seven judges.

Decided 4 March 2024, Bench of seven judges: D.Y. Chandrachud CJ, A.S. Bopanna, M.M. Sundresh, P.S. Narasimha, J.B. Pardiwala, Sanjay Kumar and Manoj Misra JJ.

The twelve conclusions, which are the answer to any question on this

188.1, on reconsidering a precedent. The doctrine of stare decisis is not an inflexible rule of law. The majority judgment, granting immunity to a legislator who has allegedly engaged in bribery for casting a vote or speaking, has wide ramifications on public interest, probity in public life and parliamentary democracy, and there is a grave danger of the Court allowing an error to be perpetuated if it were not reconsidered.

188.2, on the source of Indian privilege. Unlike the House of Commons in the UK, India does not have "ancient and undoubted" privileges vested after a struggle between Parliament and the King. Privileges in pre-independence India were governed by statute in the face of a reluctant colonial government, and the statutory privilege transitioned to a constitutional privilege after the Constitution. Chapter 970 showed article 105(3) still measuring by what the Commons had; this conclusion is the answer to anyone who reasons from Commons history as though it were ours.

munotes.in615

Bribery, and the Immunity That Ended

188.3, on review. Whether a claim to privilege in a particular case conforms to the parameters of the Constitution is amenable to judicial review. Chapter 1090.

188.4, the twofold test, and it is the ratio. An individual member cannot assert a claim of privilege to seek immunity under articles 105 and 194 from prosecution on a charge of bribery in connection with a vote or speech. Such a claim fails to fulfil the twofold test that the claim is tethered to the collective functioning of the House and that it is necessary to the discharge of the essential duties of a legislator.

188.5, on purpose. Articles 105 and 194 seek to sustain an environment in which debate and deliberation can take place within the legislature, and that purpose is destroyed when a member is induced to vote or speak in a certain manner because of an act of bribery.

188.6, on the words. The expressions "anything" and "any" must be read in the context of the accompanying expressions; "in respect of" means "arising out of" or "bearing a clear relation to" and cannot be interpreted to mean anything which may have even a remote connection with the speech or vote given.

188.7, on why bribery is outside. Bribery is not immune because a member engaging in bribery commits a crime which is not essential to the casting of the vote or the ability to decide how the vote should be cast, and the same applies to bribery in connection with a speech in the House or a Committee.

188.8. Corruption and bribery by members of the legislatures erode probity in public life.

188.9, on the two jurisdictions. The jurisdiction of a competent court to prosecute a criminal offence and the authority of the House to take action for a breach of discipline in relation to the acceptance of a bribe exist in distinct spheres, their scope, purpose and consequences being different. So the House's power in chapter 1040 and the court's are not alternatives; both operate.

188.10, on misuse. The potential of misuse against individual members is neither enhanced nor diminished by recognising the jurisdiction of the court to prosecute.

188.11, the sentence to memorise. The offence of bribery is agnostic to the performance of the agreed action and crystallizes on the exchange of illegal gratification. It does not matter whether the vote is cast in the agreed direction or if the vote is cast at all. The offence of bribery is complete at the point in time when the legislator accepts the bribe.

munotes.in616

Bribery, and the Immunity That Ended

188.12, the paradox named. The majority's interpretation results in a paradoxical outcome where a legislator is conferred with immunity when they accept a bribe and follow through by voting in the agreed direction, while a legislator who agrees to accept a bribe but eventually decides to vote independently will be prosecuted, which is contrary to the text and purpose of articles 105 and 194.

Why 188.11 answers everything

Because it removes the vote from the offence altogether.

If the offence is complete on acceptance, then the immunity for "anything said or any vote given" has nothing to attach to. There is no need to ask whether the bribe "relates to" the vote, because the crime was finished before the vote happened.

And it disposes of the argument from the words. Chapter 970 read article 105(2): anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof. Taking money is neither a thing said nor a vote given, and it does not happen in Parliament. On 188.6, "in respect of" means arising out of or bearing a clear relation to, not any remote connection.

The Rajya Sabha point, and it is a separate holding

Note that the case concerned a vote in an election to the Rajya Sabha, not a vote in the House. The judgment deals separately with whether elections to the Rajya Sabha are within the remit of article 194(2), and the appellant's claim was made under that article on the footing that they are.

For an examination answer the safe form is this. The immunity holding is stated at 188.4, 188.7 and 188.11 in terms of a vote or speech in the legislature and of a speech in the House or a Committee, and it is those propositions that overrule the majority. Do not compress the case into "voting in a Rajya Sabha election is protected or unprotected"; the ratio is about bribery, and it is general.

Where this connects

Module II, chapter 730. P.V. Narasimha Rao held a Member of Parliament to be a public servant under section 2(c) of the Prevention of Corruption Act, and that holding survives. So a legislator who takes a bribe now commits an offence under section 7 as a public servant, and has no immunity.

Chapter 1040. In 2005 the Lok Sabha expelled ten members for taking money to raise questions. On 188.9 that was the House exercising its disciplinary authority, and it does not exclude a prosecution: the two exist in distinct spheres.

Chapter 1080. Amarinder Singh held that an executive act unconnected with legislative proceedings is outside privilege. 188.4's twofold test is the same idea stated positively: a claim must be tethered to the collective functioning of the House and necessary to the discharge of the essential duties of a legislator.

munotes.in617

Bribery, and the Immunity That Ended

Put the three together and the modern law of privilege is one rule. Privilege protects the House's functioning and nothing else: not an executive act, not a bribe, and not a claim to be the sole judge of one's own power.

A worked example

A member of a Legislative Assembly is offered money to vote for a particular candidate in a Rajya Sabha election.

She takes the money and votes as agreed. On the old law, immune. On Sita Soren, prosecutable: the offence crystallised on the exchange of illegal gratification.

She takes the money and votes the other way. Prosecutable on both the old law and the new. It does not matter whether the vote is cast in the agreed direction or if the vote is cast at all.

She takes the money and the election is annulled before any vote. Still prosecutable. The offence is complete at the point in time when the legislator accepts the bribe.

She argues article 194(2). The claim fails the twofold test: it is not tethered to the collective functioning of the House, and immunity for bribery is not necessary to the discharge of the essential duties of a legislator.

She argues that "anything" is a wide word. "In respect of" means arising out of or bearing a clear relation to, and cannot mean anything with even a remote connection to the speech or vote.

The House also expels her. Both may happen. The court's criminal jurisdiction and the House's disciplinary authority exist in distinct spheres.

Change the facts to a bribe taken to make a speech in a committee. The same principle applies to bribery in connection with a speech in the House or a Committee, in terms.

What beginners get wrong

That P.V. Narasimha Rao is entirely overruled. Only the immunity holding. Its holding that a Member of Parliament is a public servant under section 2(c) stands.

That the immunity turned on whether the vote was given. It did before 2024. After 2024 the vote is irrelevant: the offence is complete on acceptance.

That Indian privilege descends from the Commons' ancient rights. 188.2: India has no "ancient and undoubted" privileges; ours were statutory under a reluctant colonial government and became constitutional in 1950.

That prosecution and expulsion are alternatives. 188.9: distinct spheres.

That the case is only about Rajya Sabha elections. The ratio is about bribery in connection with a vote or speech, and it is general.

munotes.in618

Bribery, and the Immunity That Ended

Quick revision

P.V. Narasimha Rao v. State (CBI/SPE), (1998) 4 SCC 626: no-confidence motion of 26 July 1993, lost 28 July 1993, 251 to 265; JMM and Janata Dal (Ajit Singh) members alleged to have taken bribes to vote against it. Majority: a member who took a bribe and gave the vote was immune under art 105(2); one who took it and abstained was not. Its holding that an MP is a public servant under s.2(c) of the PC Act survives.

Sita Soren v. Union of India, 2024 INSC 161, 4 March 2024, SEVEN judges, Chandrachud CJ. Facts: Rajya Sabha election of 30 March 2012 in Jharkhand; the appellant, a JMM MLA, allegedly took a bribe but voted for her own party, the round was annulled, and she voted the same way again; the High Court refused to quash because she had not delivered the vote.

Held, overruling the majority: stare decisis is not inflexible and there was grave danger of perpetuating an error; India has no "ancient and undoubted" privileges; a claim to privilege is amenable to judicial review; the claim fails the twofold test of being tethered to the collective functioning of the House and necessary to the essential duties of a legislator; the articles sustain an environment for debate and deliberation, which bribery destroys; "in respect of" means arising out of or bearing a clear relation to, not a remote connection; bribery is a crime not essential to casting the vote, and the same applies to a speech in the House or a Committee; the court's and the House's jurisdictions are distinct spheres; the offence is agnostic to performance and crystallizes on the exchange of illegal gratification, complete when the legislator accepts the bribe; and the old rule was paradoxical and contrary to the text and purpose of articles 105 and 194.

Test yourself

1. What was the position before 4 March 2024, and what was wrong with it? On the majority decision in P.V. Narasimha Rao, a member of a legislature who accepted a bribe and then gave the vote he had been paid for was immune from prosecution, because article 105(2) protects a member in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament; while a member who took the bribe and did not vote as agreed enjoyed no such protection. The result was paradoxical: the law conferred immunity on the legislator who accepted a bribe and followed through by voting in the agreed direction, and prosecuted the legislator who agreed to accept a bribe but eventually decided to vote independently. It thus protected the completed corruption and punished the incomplete one, an outcome the seven-judge Bench held to be contrary to the text and purpose of articles 105 and 194.

munotes.in619

Bribery, and the Immunity That Ended

2. State the ratio of Sita Soren. That an individual member of a legislature cannot assert a claim of privilege to seek immunity under articles 105 and 194 from prosecution on a charge of bribery in connection with a vote or a speech, because such a claim fails the twofold test that it be tethered to the collective functioning of the House and be necessary to the discharge of the essential duties of a legislator. The Court reasoned that articles 105 and 194 exist to sustain an environment in which debate and deliberation can take place within the legislature, a purpose destroyed when a member is induced to vote or speak in a particular way by bribery; that the words "in respect of" mean arising out of or bearing a clear relation to and cannot cover anything with a remote connection to the speech or vote; and that a member engaging in bribery commits a crime which is not essential to the casting of the vote or to the ability to decide how the vote should be cast, the same applying to bribery in connection with a speech in the House or a Committee.

3. When is the offence of bribery complete? On acceptance. The Court held that the offence of bribery is agnostic to the performance of the agreed action and crystallises on the exchange of illegal gratification, that it does not matter whether the vote is cast in the agreed direction or is cast at all, and that the offence is complete at the point in time when the legislator accepts the bribe. That conclusion is what disposes of the immunity argument altogether, because if the crime is finished before the vote occurs there is nothing for the protection of anything said or any vote given to attach to.

4. Does the expulsion of a member by the House bar his prosecution? No. The Court held that the jurisdiction exercised by a competent court to prosecute a criminal offence and the authority of the House to take action for a breach of discipline in relation to the acceptance of a bribe by a member exist in distinct spheres, the scope, purpose and consequences of each being different. The House's disciplinary power, exercised in 2005 by the expulsion of ten members for accepting money to raise questions, therefore neither requires nor precludes a prosecution, and a prosecution neither requires nor precludes the House's action.

5. What survives of P.V. Narasimha Rao? Its holding that a Member of Parliament is a public servant within the meaning of section 2(c) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1988. Only the majority's conclusion on immunity from prosecution under article 105(2) was disagreed with and overruled. The combined effect is that a legislator who accepts a bribe is a public servant who commits an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act and can claim no constitutional immunity in respect of it, which is the exact reverse of the position that obtained for the twenty-six years between 1998 and 2024.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in620

Chapter -Five

A Committee Report in a Court

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

A court may take a Parliamentary Standing Committee report on record, take judicial notice of it, use it to interpret a statute and treat it as a historical fact; and neither side may impugn or challenge it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Kalpana Mehta v. Union of India, (2018) 7 SCC 1, a Constitution Bench answered a reference by holding that a Parliamentary Standing Committee report can be taken aid of for the purpose of interpretation of a statutory provision wherever necessary and can be taken note of as the existence of a historical fact; that judicial notice can be taken of such a report under section 57(4) of the Evidence Act and that it is admissible under section 74; that in a petition under article 32 or article 136 the Court can take the report on record but the report cannot be impinged or challenged in a court of law; that where a fact is contentious the petitioner can collect facts from many sources and produce them by affidavit for independent adjudication; and that the report, being in the public domain, can invite fair comments and criticism from citizens, who in commenting do not thereby comment upon any member of Parliament so as to risk a violation of parliamentary privilege.

The problem

Two constitutional provisions pull in opposite directions.

Article 105(2) and article 122(1) protect proceedings in Parliament from being questioned in a court, chapter 970. A committee's proceedings are proceedings in Parliament.

Articles 32 and 226 give a citizen a remedy, and a remedy needs material. A Parliamentary Standing Committee report may be the most authoritative account of a matter in existence.

The question referred. Whether, by accepting a Standing Committee's report on record in a case under article 32 or 136, any privilege of Parliament is breached; and if such a report can be accepted as evidence, what restrictions apply to its reference and use given the privileges of the legislature.

The setting. The petitions concerned the approval and trials of a vaccine against the Human Papilloma Virus, and a Parliamentary Standing Committee had reported on the matter. The petitioners wished to rely on that report; the respondents objected.

The answer, in five propositions

(i) Interpretation and historical fact. A Parliamentary Standing Committee report can be taken aid of for the purpose of interpretation of a statutory provision wherever it is so necessary, and also it can be taken note of as existence of a historical fact.

(ii) Evidence. Judicial notice can be taken of the report under section 57(4) of the Evidence Act, and it is admissible under section 74 of that Act.

What those two sections do. Section 57 lists the facts of which a court shall take judicial notice, clause (4) covering the course of proceedings of Parliament and of the legislatures. Section 74 defines public documents, which include the acts and records of the acts of the sovereign authority and of official bodies and tribunals, and a public document may be proved by a certified copy without calling a witness.

munotes.in621

A Committee Report in a Court

(iii) On record, but not challengeable. In a litigation filed either under article 32 or article 136, the Court can take on record the report of the Parliamentary Standing Committee. However, the report cannot be impinged or challenged in a court of law.

(iv) Contentious facts. Where the fact is contentious, the petitioner can always collect the facts from many a source and produce such facts by way of affidavits, and the Court can render its verdict by way of independent adjudication.

(v) Fair comment. The report being in the public domain can invite fair comments and criticism from the citizens, since in such a situation the citizens do not really comment upon any member of Parliament so as to invite the hazard of violation of parliamentary privilege.

The distinction that reconciles everything

The report may be READ. It may not be TRIED.

Reading it takes it as what it is: a document of the House, of whose existence and contents the court takes judicial notice under section 57(4), admissible as a public document under section 74, usable to interpret a statute and to establish a historical fact.

Trying it would mean the court examining whether the Committee got the facts right, hearing evidence against its findings, or a party impeaching it. That is what article 105(2) and article 122(1) forbid, and proposition (iii) says so: the report cannot be impinged or challenged.

And proposition (iv) is what makes the rule workable rather than unfair. If a party disputes a fact the report records, he does not attack the report. He proves his own facts by affidavit from other sources, and the Court decides by independent adjudication. The report is one document among the material, not a verdict binding the Court and not a target the parties may shoot at.

Say it in one sentence in an answer. The immunity of parliamentary proceedings is an immunity from being questioned, not a prohibition on being read; and once that is seen, both articles are satisfied at once.

The point about fair comment, which is easy to miss

Proposition (v) answers a real fear. If a report is a proceeding in Parliament, does criticising it risk a breach of privilege?

The Court's answer. The report is in the public domain, and fair comment and criticism on it by citizens is not a comment upon any member of Parliament, so the hazard of a violation of privilege does not arise.

munotes.in622

A Committee Report in a Court

That matters beyond litigation. Chapter 980 worked M.S.M. Sharma, where an editor was called before a Committee of Privileges for publishing a speech. Proposition (v) is a small but real narrowing of that world: a published committee report is a public document that citizens may discuss.

How this completes the module

Chapter 1070: a committee may compel attendance and production, and its sanction is contempt. Chapter 1080: it may not inquire into an executive act unconnected with the House's functions. Chapter 1090: the exercise of privilege is reviewable for illegality but not for irregularity. And this chapter: the product of the inquiry, the report, is a public document a court may read and nobody may impeach, with persuasive value inside the House under rule 277, chapter 1020.

Which gives the honest final assessment of a legislative inquiry. Its report binds nobody, inside the House or outside it. But it is judicially noticeable, admissible, usable to construe a statute, and immune from contradiction, and it is publicly discussable. That is a substantial thing for a document that carries no sanction, and it is the best answer available to the charge that these committees achieve nothing.

A worked example

A public interest petition under article 32 challenges the approval of a drug. A Parliamentary Standing Committee has reported that the approval process was irregular.

May the petitioner put the report on record? Yes. The Court can take it on record in a petition under article 32 or 136, and may take judicial notice of it under section 57(4) and receive it as a public document under section 74.

May he use it to show what the statutory approval provision means? Yes: it can be taken aid of for the purpose of interpretation of a statutory provision wherever it is so necessary.

May he use it to prove that the approval was irregular? Carefully. It may be taken note of as the existence of a historical fact, that is that the Committee reported so. It is not a finding binding the Court.

May the respondent lead evidence that the Committee was wrong? No. The report cannot be impinged or challenged in a court of law.

Then how does the respondent meet it? By proposition (iv), from the other side: he may collect facts from many sources and produce them by affidavit, and the Court renders its verdict by independent adjudication. He proves his case; he does not attack the report.

munotes.in623

A Committee Report in a Court

A newspaper writes that the Committee's reasoning was poor. Fair comment and criticism on a report in the public domain is not a comment upon a member of Parliament and does not invite a violation of privilege.

A party asks the Court to summon a member of the Committee to explain the report. That would be questioning a proceeding in Parliament, and articles 105(2) and 122(1) stand in the way.

What beginners get wrong

That a court cannot look at a committee report at all. It can take it on record, take judicial notice of it and receive it as a public document.

That the report proves what it says. It proves its own existence and contents as a historical fact and aids interpretation; it is not a finding that binds the Court.

That a party may lead evidence to contradict the report. He may not impinge or challenge it. He may prove his own facts by affidavit from other sources.

That criticising a committee report is a breach of privilege. The report is in the public domain and invites fair comment and criticism.

That the report has no value because it binds nobody. Inside the House it has persuasive value as considered advice, rule 277; outside it is judicially noticeable, admissible and immune from contradiction.

Quick revision

Kalpana Mehta v. Union of India, (2018) 7 SCC 1, Constitution Bench, 9 May 2018, Dipak Misra CJ. Reference on whether accepting a Standing Committee report on record in an art 32 or 136 case breaches privilege, and what restrictions apply.

The five answers: (i) the report may be taken aid of to interpret a statutory provision and taken note of as the existence of a historical fact; (ii) judicial notice under s.57(4) of the Evidence Act, admissible under s.74 as a public document; (iii) the Court can take it on record under art 32 or 136, but it cannot be impinged or challenged in a court of law; (iv) where a fact is contentious, the party may collect facts from many sources and produce them by affidavit, the Court deciding by independent adjudication; (v) being in the public domain, it invites fair comment and criticism, which is not a comment upon a member and so no hazard of privilege.

The reconciling distinction: the report may be READ, not TRIED. The immunity of proceedings is an immunity from being questioned, not a prohibition on being read.

Test yourself

1. May a court receive a Parliamentary Standing Committee report in evidence? Yes. In Kalpana Mehta a Constitution Bench held that such a report can be taken aid of for the purpose of interpreting a statutory provision wherever necessary and can be taken note of as the existence of a historical fact; that judicial notice can be taken of it under section 57(4) of the Evidence Act and that it is admissible under section 74 as a public document; and that in a litigation filed under article 32 or article 136 the Court can take the report on record. What it may not do is entertain a challenge to it: the report cannot be impinged or challenged in a court of law.

munotes.in624

A Committee Report in a Court

2. How is that reconciled with the immunity of parliamentary proceedings? By distinguishing between reading a report and trying it. Article 105(2) and article 122(1) protect proceedings in Parliament from being questioned in a court; they do not prohibit a court from noticing that a document of the House exists and from reading what it says. Taking judicial notice of a report, receiving it as a public document, using it to construe a statute and treating its existence as a historical fact do not question the proceeding. Examining whether the Committee reached the right conclusion, receiving evidence directed against its findings, or permitting a party to impeach it, would. The immunity is therefore an immunity from being questioned rather than a prohibition on being read, and both provisions are satisfied at once.

3. If a party disputes a fact recorded in such a report, what may he do? He may not attack the report. What he may do, on the fourth proposition, is prove his own case: where the fact is contentious the party can collect the facts from many a source and produce them by way of affidavits, and the Court will render its verdict by way of independent adjudication. The report is thus one document among the material before the Court, neither a verdict binding it nor a target the parties may shoot at, and the Court decides the disputed fact for itself on the evidence properly led.

4. Does criticising a Parliamentary Standing Committee report risk a breach of privilege? No. The Court held that the report, being in the public domain, can invite fair comments and criticism from citizens, and that in commenting upon it citizens do not really comment upon any member of Parliament so as to invite the hazard of a violation of parliamentary privilege. The proposition is a modest but real qualification of the position illustrated by M.S.M. Sharma, where an editor faced a Committee of Privileges for publishing a speech: a published committee report is a public document upon which fair comment may be made.

munotes.in625

A Committee Report in a Court

5. What does this decision tell you about the worth of a legislative committee's inquiry? That although its report binds nobody, either inside the House or outside it, the report is far from valueless. Within the House rule 277 gives it persuasive value as considered advice. Outside, it is a public document of which a court takes judicial notice, which is admissible in evidence, which may be used to interpret a statute and to establish a historical fact, which no party may contradict by impeaching it, and which citizens may discuss and criticise freely. For a document that carries no sanction that is a substantial standing, and it is the strongest answer available to the charge that the committee system achieves nothing.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in626

Chapter -Six

Where the Committee System Is Written

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

Two articles for the power, two articles for the immunity of the House from the courts, one chapter of the Rules for the committees, and a handful of numbered rules that do the actual work.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the constitutional provisions are articles 105 and 194, which confer freedom of speech, the immunity for anything said or any vote given, and the residual powers, privileges and immunities of the House, its members and its committees; articles 118 and 208, under which each House makes rules for regulating, subject to the Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business; and articles 122 and 212, which bar a court from calling the validity of proceedings in question on the ground of an irregularity of procedure. The parliamentary rules are the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha, of which Chapter 26 deals with Parliamentary Committees, and the corresponding Rules of the Rajya Sabha, under which the committees are constituted, composed and given their functions.

The constitutional provisions

Article 105 and article 194, chapter 970. The power and the protection.

105(1) and 194(1): freedom of speech, subject to the Constitution and to the rules and standing orders. 105(2) and 194(2): no liability in any court for anything said or any vote given in the House or any committee thereof, and none for publication by or under the authority of the House. 105(3) and 194(3): the residual powers, privileges and immunities, as the legislature may define by law, and until then as they stood immediately before section 15, or section 26 for article 194, of the Forty-fourth Amendment Act 1978, with effect from 20 June 1979. 105(4) and 194(4): extended to persons entitled to speak in and take part in proceedings.

Article 118 and article 208, chapter 960. Where the committees come from.

118(1) and 208(1): each House may make rules for regulating, subject to the provisions of this Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business. 118(2) and 208(2): until such rules, the pre-Constitution rules apply, subject to modification by the Chairman or Speaker, or in a State by the Speaker or the Chairman of the Council. 118(3): the President may make rules for joint sittings; 118(4): the Speaker presides at one. 208(3): in a State with a Council, the Governor may make rules for communications between the Houses.

Article 122 and article 212, chapter 970. What the courts will not do.

122(1) and 212(1): the validity of proceedings shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure. 122(2) and 212(2): no officer or member in whom powers are vested for regulating procedure or the conduct of business, or for maintaining order, is subject to the jurisdiction of any court in respect of the exercise of those powers.

munotes.in627

Where the Committee System Is Written

And the articles that supply the reason, chapter 950. 75(3) and 164(2), collective responsibility; 114 and 266(3), appropriation only by law; 151, the audit reports laid before the House; 101(4), the vacancy on sixty days' absence, chapter 1060.

The parliamentary rules

Chapter 26 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha deals with Parliamentary Committees and with appointment, quorum, decisions of the committee and the like, chapter 1000.

The rules this book has read, by number.

Rule 77 (Lok Sabha), chapter 1030. After the final report of a Select or Joint Committee on a Bill, the member in charge may move that the Bill as reported be taken into consideration, or that it be re-committed without limitation, as to particular clauses or amendments, or with instructions, or that it be circulated or recirculated for eliciting opinion; with the proviso that an objection prevails where the report was not available for two days, unless the Speaker allows the motion; and sub-rule (2) allowing any member to move re-committal or circulation as an amendment.

Rule 78 (Lok Sabha), chapter 1030. The debate on the motion for consideration shall be confined to consideration of the report of the Committee.

Rule 269 (Rajya Sabha), chapter 1020. Each departmentally related Standing Committee is to consist of not more than thirty-one members, ten nominated by the Chairperson from the Rajya Sabha and twenty-one by the Speaker from the Lok Sabha; and a Third Schedule names each Committee and the Ministries within its purview.

Rule 270 (Rajya Sabha), chapter 1020. Functions: (a) Demands for Grants, the report "shall not suggest anything of the nature of cut motions"; (b) Bills referred by the Chairman or the Speaker; (c) annual reports; (d) national basic long-term policy documents if referred; with a proviso that the Committees shall not consider matters of day-to-day administration.

Rule 274 (Rajya Sabha). The report "shall be based on broad consensus", a member being free to record a dissent.

Rule 275 (Rajya Sabha). The provisions applicable to Select Committees on Bills apply mutatis mutandis to the Standing Committees.

Rule 277 (Rajya Sabha), chapter 1020. "The report of a Standing Committee shall have persuasive value and shall be treated as considered advice given by the Committee."

Rule 222 (Lok Sabha), chapter 1040. This book has not read the text of rule 222. What it has read is a statement made in the House and reproduced by the Supreme Court, that the law of privileges "has not been codified except in Rule 222", from which it follows that rule 222 is where a question of privilege is dealt with. State it that way and no further.

munotes.in628

Where the Committee System Is Written

Directions by the Speaker. Alongside the Rules there are Directions issued by the Speaker under the Rules, which supplement them on matters of detail. This book holds no text of them and names them only as part of the answer to what regulates the committees.

The list of Standing Committees, from the Rules

Chapter 1000 reproduces it. Business Advisory Committee 15; Committee of Privileges 15; Committee on Absence of Members 15; Committee on Empowerment of Women; Committee on Estimates 30; Committee on Government Assurances 15; Committee on Papers Laid on the Table 15; Committee on Petitions 15; Committee on Private Members Bills and Resolutions 15; Committee on Public Accounts 22; Committee on Public Undertakings 22; Committee on Subordinate Legislation 15; Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 30; House Committee 12; Joint Committee on Offices of Profit 15; Joint Committee on Salaries and Allowances 15; Library Committee 9; Rules Committee 15; and the departmentally related Standing Committees.

How to answer MU's question 4

Four paragraphs, in this order.

One: why the power exists. Chapter 950: the power to inquire is incidental to the power to legislate and the duty of collective responsibility under articles 75(3) and 164(2), and no article confers it in terms.

Two: the constitutional provisions. Articles 105 and 194 for privilege; articles 118 and 208 for the rule-making power; articles 122 and 212 for the bar on questioning proceedings for irregularity of procedure.

Three: the parliamentary rules. Chapter 26 of the Lok Sabha Rules; the categories of Standing and Ad hoc Committees; rules 269, 270, 274, 275 and 277 for the departmentally related Standing Committees; rules 77 and 78 for Select and Joint Committees on Bills; rule 222 for questions of privilege; and the Directions by the Speaker.

Four: what the rules give and withhold. They give the power to require attendance and the production of documents and to hear experts or special interests, chapter 1070; and they withhold any sanction, the sanction being the House's contempt power under article 105(3), and any binding force, the report having persuasive value as considered advice under rule 277.

A candidate who structures the answer that way has answered both halves of a question most will answer in one.

munotes.in629

Where the Committee System Is Written

A worked example

An examiner asks what empowers a departmentally related Standing Committee to examine a Ministry's Demands for Grants and to summon its Secretary.

The Constitution, for the reason. Article 114 and article 266(3): money may be appropriated only by law made by the House, so the House must be able to examine what it is asked to vote. Article 75(3): collective responsibility.

The Constitution, for the rule-making power. Article 118(1): each House may make rules for regulating its procedure and the conduct of its business.

The rules, for the committee and its function. Rule 269 constitutes it and fixes its composition at thirty-one, twenty-one and ten; rule 270(a) gives it the function of considering the Demands for Grants and reporting, the report not to suggest anything in the nature of cut motions.

The rules, for the power to summon. The Committees can regulate their procedure for requiring the attendance of persons and for the production of documents and can hear experts or special interests.

The Constitution, for the sanction. Article 105(3): the House's power to punish a contempt, chapter 990. The rules contain no penalty.

And what the report is worth. Rule 277: persuasive value, considered advice; and outside the House, chapter 1110, a public document a court may read and nobody may impeach.

What beginners get wrong

That the Constitution names the committees. It names none. Rules made under article 118 or 208 create every one of them.

That article 105 is the source of a committee's powers. It is the source of the privilege; the rules are the source of the powers.

That article 122 bars all review. It bars a challenge for irregularity of procedure only.

That rule 277 makes a report binding. It gives it persuasive value as considered advice.

That the Speaker's Directions are the same as the Rules. They supplement the Rules on matters of detail.

Quick revision

Constitutional: arts 105 and 194 (privilege, four clauses each); arts 118 and 208 (rules of procedure, and therefore the committees); arts 122 and 212 (no challenge for irregularity of procedure). Behind them: arts 75(3) and 164(2) collective responsibility, arts 114 and 266(3) appropriation by law, art 151 audit reports laid, art 101(4) sixty days' absence.

Rules: Chapter 26 of the Lok Sabha Rules; rr.77 and 78 Select and Joint Committees on Bills; rr.269, 270, 274, 275, 277 (Rajya Sabha) for the departmentally related Standing Committees; r.222 questions of privilege (named on a statement quoted by the Court, the text not held here); and the Directions by the Speaker.

The four-paragraph answer: why the power exists (incidental, no article in terms); the constitutional provisions; the parliamentary rules by number; and what they give and withhold, namely attendance and production but no sanction of their own and no binding force.

munotes.in630

Where the Committee System Is Written

Test yourself

1. What constitutional provisions empower legislative committees in India to conduct inquiries? No article confers a power to inquire in terms; the power is incidental to the power to legislate and to the collective responsibility of the Council of Ministers to the House under articles 75(3) and 164(2), and to the requirement of articles 114 and 266(3) that money be appropriated only by law. The Constitution then supplies two things and withholds a third. Articles 105 and 194 confer freedom of speech in the House, immunity from proceedings in any court for anything said or any vote given in the House or any committee, protection for publications made by or under the authority of the House, and the residual powers, privileges and immunities as they stood before the Forty-fourth Amendment, extended by clause (4) to persons entitled to take part in proceedings. Articles 118 and 208 empower each House to make rules regulating, subject to the Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business, and it is under those rules that every committee is created. Articles 122 and 212 withhold from the courts the power to question the validity of proceedings on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure, and protect officers exercising powers to regulate procedure or maintain order.

2. Which parliamentary rules matter, and what does each do? Chapter 26 of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha deals with Parliamentary Committees and with their appointment, quorum and decisions. Rules 77 and 78 govern what the House may do with the report of a Select or Joint Committee on a Bill and confine the debate on the motion for consideration to the report. In the Rajya Sabha Rules, rule 269 fixes the composition of each departmentally related Standing Committee at not more than thirty-one members, ten nominated by the Chairperson and twenty-one by the Speaker; rule 270 sets out their functions, namely Demands for Grants with a bar on suggesting anything in the nature of cut motions, Bills referred to them, annual reports and long-term policy documents, with a proviso excluding day-to-day administration; rule 274 requires the report to be based on broad consensus with liberty to dissent; rule 275 applies the Select Committee provisions mutatis mutandis; and rule 277 provides that the report shall have persuasive value and be treated as considered advice. Rule 222 of the Lok Sabha Rules is where a question of privilege is dealt with. Directions issued by the Speaker supplement the Rules on matters of detail.

munotes.in631

Where the Committee System Is Written

3. Where does a committee's power to summon a witness come from, and where does the sanction come from? The power comes from the rules made under article 118 or article 208, under which the committees can regulate their procedure for requiring the attendance of persons and for the production of documents and can hear experts or special interests. The sanction comes from elsewhere: the rules contain no penalty, and a refusal is punishable because it is a contempt of the House, the power to punish contempt being among the powers, privileges and immunities preserved by article 105(3) or article 194(3). The distinction is the single most useful one in this module, and an answer that attributes the power to article 105 has confused the two sources.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in632

Chapter -Seven

The Weaknesses of the Committee System

Syllabus topic 5, "Inquiries by Legislative Committees"

In one line

Reports that the rules themselves call advice, committees reconstituted every year, a chair filled by nomination, a jurisdiction with no definition, and a system whose only sanction is that somebody may read what it says.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the committee system is criticised on six grounds, that its reports have by rule only persuasive value and are treated as considered advice; that the departmentally related Standing Committees are reconstituted annually and so cannot pursue a subject across years; that their members are nominated rather than elected, so composition follows party strength; that the committees have no research or professional support of their own; that the reference of a Bill to a committee is not automatic and the guillotine may put unexamined Demands to the vote; and that the privilege jurisdiction under which committees inquire is uncodified, so that a power operating as criminal law lacks criminal law's certainty.

The six criticisms, each anchored

1. The reports are advice, and the rule says so

This is not an inference; it is written into the rules. Rule 277: "The report of a Standing Committee shall have persuasive value and shall be treated as considered advice given by the Committee." And rule 270(a) forbids a report on Demands for Grants to "suggest anything of the nature of cut motions".

So the recommendatory character is deliberate and express, not an oversight, and an answer that treats it as a drafting failure has misread the design.

The defence, which must be given. A committee that could bind would be deciding, and deciding is the House's function. Chapter 700 made the same argument about the Central Vigilance Commission's advice: an authority that must obey another's finding has not applied its own mind.

The reply. The paper's whole subject is institutions whose findings do not bind, and every one of them is criticised for it. The question is not whether a report should bind but whether anything follows from ignoring it, and chapter 1010 shows that only the Public Accounts Committee has solved that, by the action taken reply and a further report upon it, which is practice and not rule.

2. Reconstituted every year

Rule 269 and the practice: the term of a departmentally related Standing Committee does not exceed one year.

The consequence is the most structural criticism in this chapter. Chapter 1010 identified what makes the Public Accounts Committee effective: it does not let a paragraph go, returning to it in a later year. A committee reconstituted annually cannot do that. It cannot build institutional memory, cannot pursue a Ministry across a policy's life, and cannot make a department fear that a question will be asked again next year.

munotes.in633

The Weaknesses of the Committee System

The reform. A longer term, or staggered membership so that a proportion continues. Name it, because a criticism without a remedy is half an answer.

3. Nominated, not elected

Rule 269: members are nominated by the Chairperson and by the Speaker.

So composition reflects party strength, and the majority in the House is the majority on the committee. Chapter 1030 showed what that means for an inquiry into a scandal: a report that divides on party lines carries a fraction of the authority of a unanimous one, and rule 274's requirement of "broad consensus" is a hope rather than a mechanism.

Against that, the one arrangement that works. The convention that the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee comes from the Opposition, chapter 1000. It is a convention and not a rule, and it is the single most effective structural safeguard in the whole system, which is worth saying plainly: the strongest committee in Parliament is strong because of a practice nobody has written down.

4. No support of its own

A committee of thirty-one part-time members examining an entire Ministry has no research staff, no economists and no auditors of its own. Chapter 1050 made the same point about the Committee on Subordinate Legislation: fifteen members against the whole rule-making of the Union.

Which is why the Public Accounts Committee is different again: it works on the Comptroller and Auditor General's report, chapter 1010, so it comes to the table with the work already done by a constitutional officer with a professional establishment. Every other committee must find the facts itself, with nothing.

The reform. Professional staff attached to the committees, and a parliamentary budget office of the kind other legislatures maintain.

5. Scrutiny can be bypassed

Reference of a Bill is not automatic. Rule 270(b): a Committee examines Bills "referred to the Committee by the Chairman or the Speaker". If a Bill is not referred, no committee examines it, and nothing in the rules requires reference.

And the Demands can be voted unexamined. Chapter 1020: when the guillotine falls, outstanding Demands are put and voted without discussion, whatever a committee reported.

These two together are the sharpest practical criticism, because they mean the system's coverage, which chapter 1020 called its great achievement of 1993, is complete in principle and optional in practice.

The reform. That reference of a Bill to a committee be the rule rather than the exception, with the House recording reasons for dispensing with it.

6. The jurisdiction is uncodified

Chapter 1040 quoted the criticism made in the House and reproduced by the Supreme Court, and it is the strongest thing available on this point: privilege is "a form of criminal law"; "the essence of criminal law is that it is easily ascertainable"; "the law of privileges, on the other hand, is bound to remain vague and somewhat uncertain unless codified"; and "here, it has not been codified except in Rule 222."

munotes.in634

The Weaknesses of the Committee System

Article 105(3) has said for seventy-five years that Parliament may define its privileges by law, chapter 970, and no such law has been made.

The consequences, drawn from the chapters. There is no definition of contempt, chapter 990. The Chair decides whether a question of privilege may be raised at all, chapter 1040. The House is complainant, judge and punisher. And what stands against all of that is judicial review on limited grounds, chapter 1090, with an extremely heavy onus on anyone alleging mala fides.

What is genuinely strong, and an answer must say it

A chapter of criticisms alone is not a critical answer.

The Public Accounts Committee closes its loop. Chapter 1010. Report, reply, report on the reply, return next year. No other institution in this paper does that.

The Opposition chairs it. Chapter 1000.

Coverage is complete on paper. Twenty-four committees over every Ministry, chapter 1020, with pre-vote examination of Demands, which did not exist before 1993.

The courts have policed the limits. Chapter 1080: a House exceeded its powers. Chapter 1090: no exclusive cognizance under article 105(3). Chapter 1100: no immunity for bribery.

And the reports have real standing outside the House. Chapter 1110: judicially noticeable, admissible, usable to construe a statute, immune from contradiction, and open to public comment.

The sentence to close an evaluative answer with. The committee system is well designed to find out and badly designed to make anything follow. Its findings are advice by rule, its committees are annual, its scrutiny is optional, and its enforcement is publication. What has actually strengthened it in sixty years is not an amendment but two things: a convention about who chairs one committee, and a line of judicial decisions about what the House may not do.

A worked example

An examiner asks: "Discuss the importance and functioning of inquiries by legislative committees, and assess their effectiveness."

Importance. Chapter 950: responsibility presupposes information; articles 75(3) and 164(2) cannot work if the Minister decides what the House may know.

Functioning. Chapters 1000 to 1070: the categories, the three Financial Committees, the twenty-four departmentally related committees, the ad hoc committees, the Committee of Privileges, the scrutiny committees, and the power to require attendance and production with contempt as its sanction.

Effectiveness, the case for. The Public Accounts Committee's loop; the Opposition chair; complete coverage since 1993 with pre-vote scrutiny; the standing of a report in a court under the Kalpana Mehta decision.

munotes.in635

The Weaknesses of the Committee System

Effectiveness, the case against. Rule 277, persuasive value; rule 270(a), no cut motions; rule 269, a one-year term and nomination; rule 270(b), reference of a Bill only if referred; the guillotine; no staff; and an uncodified privilege jurisdiction.

The reforms. A longer or staggered term; professional support; reference of Bills as the rule; a statutory action taken procedure extending the Public Accounts Committee's practice to all committees; and codification of privilege under article 105(3).

Close with the honest verdict. Well designed to find out, badly designed to make anything follow, and strengthened in practice by a convention and by the courts rather than by any amendment.

What beginners get wrong

That the recommendatory character is an accident. Rule 277 and rule 270(a) say it in terms.

That all committees are equally weak. The Public Accounts Committee has the audit report, the Opposition chair and the action taken loop; no other has all three.

That the 1993 reform gave Parliament complete scrutiny. It gave complete coverage; scrutiny remains optional, because reference is not automatic and the guillotine exists.

That the courts have done nothing. Chapters 1080, 1090, 1100 and 1110 are four decisions in seventeen years that mark out the boundary.

That codification would solve everything. It would give certainty; it would not make a report bind, would not lengthen a term and would not supply a staff.

Quick revision

Six criticisms: 1. Reports have, by rule 277, persuasive value as considered advice, and by rule 270(a) may not suggest anything of the nature of cut motions. 2. A one-year term prevents the sustained pursuit that makes the Public Accounts Committee effective. 3. Nomination by the Chairperson and the Speaker means composition follows party strength; rule 274's "broad consensus" is a hope, not a mechanism. 4. No research or professional support; only the Public Accounts Committee starts from work already done, by the Comptroller and Auditor General. 5. Scrutiny is optional: a Bill is examined only if referred, and the guillotine can put Demands to the vote unexamined. 6. The privilege jurisdiction is uncodified though art 105(3) has invited codification for seventy-five years, so a power operating as criminal law lacks criminal law's certainty.

The strengths: the Public Accounts Committee's action taken loop; the Opposition chair; complete coverage and pre-vote scrutiny since 1993; the judicial limits in Amarinder Singh, Raja Ram Pal and Sita Soren; and the standing of a report under Kalpana Mehta.

munotes.in636

The Weaknesses of the Committee System

The verdict: well designed to find out and badly designed to make anything follow, strengthened not by amendment but by one convention and a line of cases.

Test yourself

1. Why are the reports of parliamentary committees said to be weak? Because the rules say so. Rule 277 provides that the report of a Standing Committee shall have persuasive value and shall be treated as considered advice given by the Committee, and rule 270(a) provides that a report on Demands for Grants shall not suggest anything of the nature of cut motions. The recommendatory character is therefore deliberate and express rather than a defect of drafting. There is a defence: a committee that could bind would be deciding, and deciding is the function of the House, just as a disciplinary authority obliged to obey the Central Vigilance Commission's advice would not be applying its own mind. The real question is not whether a report should bind but whether anything follows from ignoring one, and the only committee that has solved that is the Public Accounts Committee, by receiving the Government's action taken reply, reporting upon that reply and returning to the matter, a practice which no rule requires.

2. What is the effect of the one-year term? It prevents the pursuit of a subject across years. The single feature that makes the Public Accounts Committee effective is that it does not let a paragraph go: it reports, receives the reply, reports on the reply, and takes the matter up again in a later year, so that a department knows the question will return. A departmentally related Standing Committee whose term does not exceed one year is reconstituted annually and can do none of that; it cannot build institutional memory, cannot follow a policy through its life, and cannot make a Ministry expect to be asked again. The reform commonly proposed is a longer term, or staggered membership so that a proportion of members continues.

3. Is the coverage achieved in 1993 real? Complete in principle and optional in practice. Twenty-four committees cover all the Ministries and Departments, and Demands for Grants are examined before the House votes them, which is a genuine advance on the position before 1993 when the great mass of a Ministry's work was examined by no committee at all. But rule 270(b) provides that a Committee examines Bills referred to it by the Chairman or the Speaker, and nothing requires a Bill to be referred, so a Bill that is not referred is examined by nobody. And when the guillotine falls, outstanding Demands are put and voted without discussion whatever a committee has reported. The system therefore has complete coverage and optional scrutiny, and the reform that follows is to make reference of a Bill the rule, with reasons recorded for dispensing with it.

munotes.in637

The Weaknesses of the Committee System

4. What has actually strengthened the committee system? Not any amendment of the Constitution or of the rules. Two things have. The first is a convention, that the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee is appointed from the Opposition, which is not written in any rule this book has read and which is the single most effective structural safeguard in the system. The second is a line of judicial decisions: Amarinder Singh, holding that a House exceeded its powers in punishing an executive act unconnected with legislative proceedings and could not inquire into its own previous term; Raja Ram Pal, holding that there is no exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity under article 105(3) and listing the grounds on which the exercise of privilege is reviewable; Sita Soren, holding that bribery attracts no immunity; and Kalpana Mehta, giving a committee's report a defined standing in a court. That the improvements have come from a convention and from the courts rather than from the legislature is itself the most telling comment on the system.

5. Would codification of privilege solve the problem? It would solve one problem and not the others. Article 105(3) has provided since 1950 that the powers, privileges and immunities of each House may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law, and no such law has ever been made, so that a jurisdiction which operates as a form of criminal law, in which the House is complainant, judge and punisher, has none of criminal law's ascertainability; the criticism made in the House and reproduced by the Supreme Court is that the law of privileges is bound to remain vague and somewhat uncertain unless codified. Codification would supply that certainty and would make the limits enforceable without recourse to judicial review on a heavy onus. It would not make a committee's report bind anybody, would not lengthen a committee's term, would not supply it with research staff and would not make the reference of a Bill compulsory, and those are the other five criticisms.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in638

Chapter -Eight

What Legislative Control Means

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

Three different things go by one name: control over the executive, control over expenditure, and control over the rules a department writes; and a question that asks for one and is answered with another gets half the marks.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: legislative control means the aggregate of the devices by which a legislature holds the executive answerable, and it operates in three distinct fields; control over the executive, which rests on the collective responsibility declared by articles 75(3) and 164(2) and is exercised through questions, motions, discussions and ultimately a motion of no-confidence; control over expenditure, which rests on articles 114 and 266(3) requiring that money be appropriated only by law, and is exercised through the Demands for Grants, the cut motions and afterwards through audit and the Public Accounts Committee; and control over delegated legislation, which rests on the doctrine that the essential legislative function may not be abdicated, and is exercised through the requirements of publication and of laying and through the Committee on Subordinate Legislation.

The three fields, and why they must be separated

Students merge them, and an examiner can see it in a sentence.

Field one: control over the executive. The question is what the Government has done. The instruments are on the floor of the House: Question Hour, chapter 1160; the zero hour, calling attention notices, half-an-hour and short duration discussions and adjournment motions, chapter 1170; and the motion of no-confidence and the censure motion, chapter 1180. Behind them stands the executive's duty to inform, chapter 1190.

Field two: control over expenditure. The question is what the Government may spend and what it did spend. The instruments are the Demands for Grants and the cut motions, chapter 1200, before the money is voted; and the audit reports and the Public Accounts Committee, chapters 1010 and 1260, after it is spent.

Field three: control over delegated legislation. The question is what rules the Government may write. The instruments are the doctrine of the essential legislative function, chapter 1220; the laying procedure, chapter 1230; publication, chapter 1250; and the Committee on Subordinate Legislation, chapter 1050.

Say the division at the start of any answer on this label and everything after it has a place to sit.

What holds the three together

All three rest on the same proposition, and it is worth stating once. The executive in a parliamentary system exists because the legislature supports it and holds office so long as it does. Article 75(3): the Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the House of the People. Article 164(2): a State Council shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly of the State.

munotes.in639

What Legislative Control Means

From that one sentence everything in this label follows.

If the executive is responsible to the House, the House must be able to ask what it has done: field one.

If it is responsible to the House, it cannot spend what the House has not granted: article 266(3), no moneys out of the Consolidated Fund shall be appropriated except in accordance with law, and article 114, which requires an Appropriation Act: field two.

And if it is responsible to the House, it cannot legislate in the House's place: field three, and chapter 1220's doctrine that a legislature may delegate the subsidiary and may not abdicate.

That is the frame, and it is also the answer to "importance and necessity". Legislative control is not an additional check bolted onto a parliamentary system. It is what makes the system parliamentary. A legislature that cannot ask, cannot refuse supply and cannot police the rules has an executive that is responsible in name only.

The devices, listed once for reference

Over the executive: starred, unstarred and short notice questions and supplementaries; the zero hour; calling attention notices; half-an-hour and short duration discussions; adjournment motions; the motion of thanks on the President's address; censure motions; the motion of no-confidence; and the Committee on Government Assurances, chapter 1060, which pursues what a Minister promised.

Over expenditure: the Budget and the Demands for Grants; policy cuts, economy cuts and token cuts, chapter 1200; the guillotine, which is a control on the House rather than by it; the Appropriation Act under article 114; audit under articles 148 to 151; and the Public Accounts, Estimates and Public Undertakings Committees, chapter 1000.

Over delegated legislation: the parent Act's own limits; previous publication and publication, chapter 1250; laying, in its three forms, chapter 1230; the Committee on Subordinate Legislation, chapter 1050; and behind them all, judicial review for excessive delegation and for ultra vires, chapter 1220.

What legislative control is not

It is not judicial review. A court decides whether an act was lawful. A House decides whether it was acceptable. Chapter 1290 sets the two against each other, with executive control as the third.

It is not the committee system alone. Chapter 1130 closed the fifth label; committees are one part of legislative control and the sixth label is wider.

And it is not, in practice, what it is on paper. Chapter 1270 is the honest chapter: party discipline and the Tenth Schedule, the guillotine, the decline in sittings, Bills passed without committee reference and the ordinance route. An answer that describes the devices and stops has described the machinery without asking whether it runs.

munotes.in640

What Legislative Control Means

A worked example

A Ministry launches a scheme, spends on it, and makes rules under an Act to administer it.

Field one, has it acted properly? A member asks a starred question and a supplementary; if the answer is unsatisfactory, a calling attention notice or a short duration discussion; in a grave case an adjournment motion, which carries an element of censure; and if confidence is gone, a motion of no-confidence under the responsibility declared by article 75(3).

Field two, may it spend? Only on a Demand for Grants voted by the House and an Appropriation Act under article 114, because article 266(3) forbids appropriation except in accordance with law. Before the vote, a member may move a policy cut, an economy cut or a token cut, chapter 1200. After the spending, the Comptroller and Auditor General reports under article 151 and the Public Accounts Committee examines the Secretary, chapter 1010.

Field three, may it write the rules? Only within the power the Act confers, and the Act may not have abdicated the essential legislative function, chapter 1220. The rules must be published, chapter 1250, must be laid if the Act so requires, chapter 1230, and are examined by the Committee on Subordinate Legislation, chapter 1050.

One scheme, three fields, and a different set of instruments in each. That is the structure of every good answer on this label.

What beginners get wrong

That legislative control means Question Hour. Question Hour is one device in one of three fields.

That control over expenditure is the Public Accounts Committee. That is control after the money is spent. Control before is the Demands, the cut motions and the Appropriation Act.

That control over delegated legislation is judicial. The doctrine is applied by courts; the control is laying, publication and the committee.

That the three fields are the same thing said three ways. They ask three different questions: what was done, what may be spent, what rules may be made.

That describing the devices answers the question. MU asks for importance and necessity, and in 2026 for examples. Chapter 1270 supplies the criticism that makes the description an assessment.

Quick revision

Three fields: control over the executive; control over expenditure; control over delegated legislation.

The common foundation: art 75(3) and art 164(2), collective responsibility; art 266(3) and art 114, appropriation only by law; and the rule that a legislature may delegate the subsidiary and may not abdicate.

munotes.in641

What Legislative Control Means

Devices over the executive: questions and supplementaries; zero hour; calling attention; half-an-hour and short duration discussions; adjournment motions; motion of thanks; censure; no-confidence; and the Committee on Government Assurances.

Devices over expenditure: Demands for Grants; policy, economy and token cuts; the guillotine; the Appropriation Act; audit under arts 148 to 151; and the three Financial Committees.

Devices over delegated legislation: the parent Act's limits; previous publication and publication; laying in three forms; the Committee on Subordinate Legislation; and judicial review behind them.

Not the same as judicial review: a court asks whether the act was lawful, a House whether it was acceptable.

Test yourself

1. What do you understand by legislative control? The aggregate of the devices by which a legislature holds the executive answerable, operating in three distinct fields. Control over the executive asks what the Government has done and is exercised through questions and supplementaries, the zero hour, calling attention notices, half-an-hour and short duration discussions, adjournment motions, the motion of thanks, censure motions and ultimately the motion of no-confidence. Control over expenditure asks what may be spent and what was spent, and is exercised before the vote through the Demands for Grants and the cut motions and the Appropriation Act, and afterwards through audit and the Public Accounts Committee. Control over delegated legislation asks what rules the executive may write, and is exercised through the limits of the parent Act, the requirements of publication and of laying, and the Committee on Subordinate Legislation, with judicial review of excessive delegation behind them.

2. What is the importance and necessity of legislative control? It is not an additional check bolted onto a parliamentary system; it is what makes the system parliamentary. Articles 75(3) and 164(2) declare the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly respectively, and responsibility of that kind is meaningless unless the House can ask what has been done, refuse the money for what it will not approve, and prevent the executive from legislating in its place. Article 266(3) forbids appropriation from the Consolidated Fund except in accordance with law and article 114 requires an Appropriation Act, so the executive's power to spend exists only by the House's grant. And since Parliament must delegate rule-making in a modern state, it must retain the means of watching how the delegated power is used, or it will have transferred its function rather than lent it. A legislature that cannot ask, cannot refuse supply and cannot police the rules has an executive that is responsible in name only.

3. Distinguish legislative control from judicial control. A court decides whether an act was lawful, on standards fixed in advance, at the instance of a person aggrieved, and it can quash but cannot substitute a better policy. A House decides whether an act was acceptable, on standards of its own choosing, on its own motion, and it can withdraw support from the Government but cannot annul an order. Legislative control is continuous, political and prospective as well as retrospective, since it operates on the Demands before they are voted and on Bills before they are passed; judicial control is episodic, legal and almost entirely retrospective. The two are complementary rather than alternative, and the comparison with executive control makes a third, which is the subject of the closing chapter of this module.

munotes.in642

What Legislative Control Means

4. Take one government scheme and show all three fields at work. Suppose a Ministry launches a scheme, spends on it and makes rules under an Act to administer it. In the first field, a member may put a starred question with supplementaries, give a calling attention notice, seek a short duration discussion, move an adjournment motion in a grave case, and in the last resort move a motion of no-confidence, all resting on the collective responsibility declared by article 75(3). In the second, the Ministry may spend only on a Demand for Grants voted by the House and an Appropriation Act under article 114, since article 266(3) forbids appropriation except in accordance with law; before the vote a member may move a policy, economy or token cut; and after the spending the Comptroller and Auditor General reports under article 151 and the Public Accounts Committee examines the Secretary. In the third, the rules must be within the power the Act confers, that Act must not have abdicated the essential legislative function, the rules must be published, must be laid if the Act requires it, and are examined by the Committee on Subordinate Legislation.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in643

Chapter -Nine

Responsible Government

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

The executive power is the President's, he must act on the advice of a Council of Ministers, and that Council answers collectively to the House: three articles, and the whole of responsible government.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 53(1) vests the executive power of the Union in the President, to be exercised by him either directly or through officers subordinate to him in accordance with the Constitution; article 74(1) provides that there shall be a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise the President, who shall in the exercise of his functions act in accordance with such advice, with a proviso allowing him to require reconsideration and requiring him to act on the advice tendered after it, and article 74(2) makes the question whether any and if so what advice was tendered non-inquirable in any court; article 75(3) provides that the Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the House of the People; and article 164(2) makes the same provision for a State Council in relation to the Legislative Assembly.

The chain, in three links

Link one, article 53(1). The executive power of the Union shall be vested in the President and shall be exercised by him either directly or through officers subordinate to him in accordance with this Constitution. Article 53(2) vests the supreme command of the Defence Forces in him, its exercise regulated by law; and article 53(3) saves existing law conferring functions on a State Government and preserves Parliament's power to confer functions by law on authorities other than the President.

Link two, article 74(1). There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise the President who shall, in the exercise of his functions, act in accordance with such advice.

The proviso, inserted by the Forty-fourth Amendment Act 1978, section 11, with effect from 20 June 1979. The President may require the Council of Ministers to reconsider such advice, either generally or otherwise, and the President shall act in accordance with the advice tendered after such reconsideration.

The history is worth a sentence. Clause (1) as it now stands, making the President bound by the advice, was substituted by the Forty-second Amendment Act 1976, section 13, with effect from 3 January 1977; the Forty-fourth Amendment then added the power to require one reconsideration. So the President may send advice back once; he may not refuse it twice.

Article 74(2). The question whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered by Ministers to the President shall not be inquired into in any court.

Note what that clause protects and what it does not. It protects the advice; it does not protect the action taken on it, which remains reviewable in the ordinary way. The immunity is of the counselling, not of the decision.

munotes.in644

Responsible Government

Link three, article 75(3). The Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the House of the People. And article 164(2): The Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly of the State.

Why the chain matters for legislative control

Read the three links backwards and the point appears.

The House can call the Council of Ministers to account, because article 75(3) makes it collectively responsible to the House.

The Council of Ministers controls the executive power, because article 74(1) obliges the President to act in accordance with its advice.

The executive power is the whole of the administration, because article 53(1) vests it in the President to be exercised through officers subordinate to him.

So the House's hold on the Council of Ministers is a hold on the entire executive, and that is why a device as small as a question at Question Hour reaches a file in a district office. The chain is what converts political responsibility into administrative accountability.

And it is why chapter 950's proposition is not rhetoric. Responsibility presupposes information; and since the Council alone stands between the House and the administration, whatever the Council does not tell the House, the House does not know.

What "collective" means

Three consequences, and an examiner expects all three.

The Council answers as one. A decision of the Council is the decision of every Minister, whatever he argued in the Cabinet. A Minister who cannot support a decision must resign.

A vote of no-confidence removes the whole Council. Chapter 1180: the motion is against the Council of Ministers, not against a Minister, and its success ends the Government.

And responsibility runs to one House. Article 75(3) names the House of the People, not Parliament. The Council of Ministers is not collectively responsible to the Council of States, which cannot bring a Government down. In a State it is the Legislative Assembly, and not a Legislative Council: chapter 1280.

Set against collective responsibility there is individual responsibility, which is a convention rather than a provision: a Minister answers for his own department, and answers questions on it at Question Hour. The Constitution provides for the collective form only.

The other clauses of article 75, and why they belong here

75(1): the Prime Minister is appointed by the President, and other Ministers on the advice of the Prime Minister.

75(1A), inserted by the Ninety-first Amendment Act 2003, section 2, with effect from 1 January 2004: the total number of Ministers including the Prime Minister shall not exceed fifteen per cent of the total number of members of the House of the People.

munotes.in645

Responsible Government

75(1B), inserted by the same amendment: a member disqualified under paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule is also disqualified to be appointed as a Minister for the stated period.

75(2): Ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President.

75(4): the President administers the oaths of office and of secrecy in the Third Schedule.

75(5): a Minister who for any period of six consecutive months is not a member of either House shall at the expiration of that period cease to be a Minister.

Clauses (1A) and (1B) are legislative control by constitutional amendment, and they are worth saying so. Chapter 1270 argues that party discipline and the Tenth Schedule are the chief practical reason legislative control is weak. Clause (1A) caps the size of the Council so that a Government cannot buy a majority by making everyone a Minister, and clause (1B) stops a defector disqualified under the Tenth Schedule from being rewarded with office. Both were inserted in 2003 to protect the House against the very executive it is supposed to control.

And note the corresponding State provisions. Article 164(1A) caps a State Council at fifteen per cent of the Legislative Assembly with a floor of twelve; article 164(1B) mirrors the Tenth Schedule bar; and article 164(1) provides that Ministers hold office during the pleasure of the Governor.

A worked example

A Ministry issues an order that a member believes to be improper.

Whose act is it in law? The President's, because article 53(1) vests the executive power in him and article 77(1), chapter 1190, requires all executive action of the Government of India to be expressed to be taken in the name of the President.

Who decided it in fact? The Council of Ministers, or a Minister under the rules of business, and by article 74(1) the President shall act in accordance with its advice.

May the member ask in court what advice was given? No: article 74(2) forbids inquiry into whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered. But the order itself is reviewable, and the immunity does not extend to it.

How does the House reach it? Through article 75(3): the Council is collectively responsible to the House of the People, so the House may question the Minister, censure him, or bring the Government down.

Suppose the Minister says the decision was taken by an officer. Article 53(1) answers it: the executive power is exercised through officers subordinate to the President, and the Minister answers for the department.

munotes.in646

Responsible Government

Suppose the Council of States passes a resolution of no-confidence. It has no such effect. Article 75(3) names the House of the People.

Suppose the Minister is not a member of either House. He may hold office, but by article 75(5) he ceases to be a Minister if he is not a member for six consecutive months.

What beginners get wrong

That the President is a figurehead with no function. He must act in accordance with the advice, but the proviso lets him require one reconsideration, and the executive power is vested in him by article 53(1).

That article 74(2) immunises government action. It bars inquiry into what advice was tendered, not into the action.

That the Council is responsible to Parliament. Article 75(3): to the House of the People. In a State, to the Legislative Assembly.

That collective responsibility is a convention. It is in article 75(3) and article 164(2). Individual ministerial responsibility is the convention.

That article 74(1) always read as it does. It was substituted by the Forty-second Amendment with effect from 3 January 1977, and the reconsideration proviso added by the Forty-fourth with effect from 20 June 1979.

Quick revision

Art 53(1): executive power of the Union vested in the President, exercised directly or through officers subordinate to him. 53(2) supreme command of the Defence Forces; 53(3) saves existing law and Parliament's power to confer functions on other authorities.

Art 74(1): a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise, and the President shall act in accordance with such advice (substituted by the Forty-second Amendment, s.13, w.e.f. 3 January 1977). Proviso (Forty-fourth Amendment, s.11, w.e.f. 20 June 1979): he may require reconsideration and shall then act on the advice tendered after such reconsideration.

Art 74(2): whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered shall not be inquired into in any court. The advice, not the action.

Art 75(3): the Council collectively responsible to the House of the People; art 164(2), to the Legislative Assembly.

Art 75(1) appointment on the Prime Minister's advice; (1A) Council capped at fifteen per cent of the House (Ninety-first Amendment, w.e.f. 1 January 2004); (1B) a Tenth Schedule disqualification bars appointment as Minister; (2) office during the pleasure of the President; (4) oaths of office and of secrecy; (5) cease to be a Minister after six consecutive months not a member. Art 164(1A) caps a State Council at fifteen per cent with a floor of twelve.

munotes.in647

Responsible Government

The chain: art 53 gives the executive power; art 74 makes it exercisable on ministerial advice; art 75(3) makes the Council answerable to the House. So the House's hold on the Council is a hold on the whole administration.

Test yourself

1. Why is the executive answerable to the legislature? Because of a chain of three articles. Article 53(1) vests the executive power of the Union in the President, to be exercised by him either directly or through officers subordinate to him, so that the executive power is the whole of the administration. Article 74(1) provides that there shall be a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise the President, who shall in the exercise of his functions act in accordance with such advice, subject to a proviso allowing him to require one reconsideration; so the Council in substance exercises that power. And article 75(3) provides that the Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the House of the People, with article 164(2) making the same provision for a State. Read together, the House's hold on the Council is a hold on the entire administration, which is what converts political responsibility into administrative accountability and is why a question in the House can reach a file in a district office.

2. What does collective responsibility mean? Three things. That the Council answers as one, so that a decision of the Council is the decision of every Minister whatever he argued in Cabinet, and a Minister who cannot support it must resign. That a motion of no-confidence lies against the Council of Ministers as a body and, if carried, ends the Government rather than removing one Minister. And that the responsibility runs to one House only: article 75(3) names the House of the People, so the Council of States cannot bring a Government down, and article 164(2) names the Legislative Assembly, so a Legislative Council cannot either. Individual ministerial responsibility, by which a Minister answers for his own department, is a convention and is not provided for in terms.

3. What is the effect of article 74(2)? That the question whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered by Ministers to the President shall not be inquired into in any court. The protection is of the advice and not of the action taken upon it: an order made on ministerial advice remains open to challenge in the ordinary way, and what the clause forbids is an inquiry into the counselling that preceded it. Its purpose is to preserve the candour of ministerial advice and the constitutional fiction that the act is the President's, without conferring any immunity on the act itself.

munotes.in648

Responsible Government

4. What do clauses (1A) and (1B) of article 75 have to do with legislative control? They are legislative control effected by constitutional amendment. Both were inserted by the Ninety-first Amendment Act 2003 with effect from 1 January 2004. Clause (1A) caps the total number of Ministers, including the Prime Minister, at fifteen per cent of the total membership of the House of the People, which prevents a Government from securing a majority by distributing office; article 164(1A) does the same for a State with a floor of twelve. Clause (1B) disqualifies from appointment as a Minister a member who has been disqualified under paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule, which prevents a defector from being rewarded with office. Since chapter 1270 identifies party discipline and the Tenth Schedule as the chief practical reason why legislative control is weak, these two clauses are notable as an attempt to protect the House against the very executive it exists to control.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in649

Chapter

The Question Hour

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

The first hour of a sitting belongs to the House and not to the Government, and in it any member may make a Minister answer for his department in public and on the record.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the first hour of a sitting of each House is ordinarily set apart for questions, in which a member may ask a Minister about any matter within his official responsibility; questions are of three kinds, a starred question which is answered orally on the floor and admits of supplementary questions, an unstarred question which is answered in writing and admits of none, and a short notice question on a matter of urgent public importance which may be asked at less than the ordinary notice; and the device rests on the collective responsibility declared by articles 75(3) and 164(2), the rules governing it being made under articles 118 and 208.

The three kinds of question

A starred question is answered orally on the floor by the Minister. It is distinguished by an asterisk, and the important thing about it is that it admits supplementary questions: after the answer, the member who asked and other members may put further questions arising out of it, and the Minister must answer them on his feet, without notice.

An unstarred question is answered in writing, the answer being laid on the table and printed. No supplementary may be asked.

A short notice question relates to a matter of urgent public importance and may be asked at shorter notice than the period the rules ordinarily require, with the Speaker's permission and if the Minister is able to answer.

The ordinary period of notice is fixed by the rules of each House and this book does not state a number it has not read. What matters for an answer is that notice is required, that its purpose is to let the Ministry prepare an accurate answer, and that the short notice question is the exception for urgency.

Why the supplementary is the whole point

The written answer is the Ministry's. It is drafted in the department, cleared, and settled days in advance. It says what the Ministry has decided to say.

The supplementary is not. It is asked in the Chamber, arising out of the answer just given, and the Minister must deal with it himself and at once.

Everything that makes Question Hour a control lives in that difference.

A prepared answer can be evasive; a supplementary can name the evasion.

A prepared answer can be incomplete; a supplementary can ask for the part left out.

A prepared answer can be technically true; a supplementary can ask the question the truth was arranged around.

munotes.in650

The Question Hour

Which is why an unstarred question, though it produces a document, is a much weaker instrument, and why a member who wants an answer rather than a record asks a starred one.

What a Minister may decline to answer

Again, the grounds are the substance of the practice rather than a text quoted here. Broadly, the Chair may disallow a question, and a Minister may decline to answer, where:

the matter is not within the Minister's official responsibility; it concerns a matter pending before a court, on the principle of chapter 1080's third limit; disclosure would prejudice the security of the State or relations with a foreign State; the question seeks information of a confidential or commercial nature the disclosure of which is against the public interest; it raises a matter of policy too large to be dealt with in an answer; it concerns the internal affairs of a State or a matter for which the Government of India is not responsible; or it is repetitive of a question already answered.

And the constitutional limit that always applies. Article 74(2), chapter 1150: the question whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered by Ministers to the President shall not be inquired into in any court, and the same reticence is observed in the House about the internal deliberations of the Council of Ministers, protected also by the oath of secrecy under article 75(4).

The criticism. The grounds are wide, the Chair's disallowance needs no reasons, and there is no appeal. A device whose reach the Government's own answer may define is a control with a soft edge, and chapter 1270 puts it among the reasons legislative control is weaker in practice than on paper.

What follows an answer, and this is the part most answers miss

Nothing follows automatically, and that is the device's great weakness.

A Minister answers, the House moves to the next question, and the session ends.

Which is why chapter 1060's Committee on Government Assurances exists. Where a Minister's answer contains an assurance, promise or undertaking, that Committee pursues it, asks whether it has been implemented, and reports the delay. It is the only institutional link between an answer and a consequence.

And where an answer is unsatisfactory the member has the next set of devices, chapter 1170: a calling attention notice, a half-an-hour discussion on a matter arising out of an answer already given, a short duration discussion, and in a grave case an adjournment motion.

Say that in an answer and the module's structure shows. Question Hour, the notices and the motions are not a list of unrelated devices; they are a ladder, and a member climbs it when the rung below fails.

munotes.in651

The Question Hour

Why it is nevertheless the most effective device

Do not let the criticisms obscure the point, because MU asks for importance.

It is available to every member, including a member of a party of one, without the support a motion requires.

It is regular. It happens at the start of every sitting, whether or not anything has gone wrong, so the administration must be ready to answer for itself continuously rather than only in a crisis.

It reaches the whole administration. By the chain in chapter 1150, a Minister answers for his department, and a department answers to him. A question in Delhi produces a note from a district office.

And the answer is on the record. It is printed, it is quotable, and a wrong answer given in the House is a serious matter. The obligation to answer accurately in public is a discipline nothing else in this paper imposes daily.

That last point is the one to close on. Chapter 1010 called publication the sanction of the Public Accounts Committee, and chapter 700 called it the sanction of the Central Vigilance Commission's advice. Question Hour is the same sanction applied every morning.

A worked example

A newspaper reports that a hospital built under a Central scheme has stood unused for two years.

A member gives notice of a starred question: how many hospitals under the scheme are complete but not functioning, and why.

The answer is prepared in the Ministry, cleared, and given orally by the Minister. It says that a number of facilities await the recruitment of staff and that the process is under way.

The supplementary. The member asks, on his feet, how many are awaiting staff, for how long, and whether any recruitment advertisement has issued. That is the question the prepared answer was arranged around, and the Minister must answer it now.

The Minister says the recruitment will be completed within the year. That is an assurance, and the Committee on Government Assurances will pursue whether it was implemented and report the delay if it was not.

The answer is evasive and the member is dissatisfied. He may seek a half-an-hour discussion on a matter arising out of an answer already given, chapter 1170.

The matter is grave and recent. A calling attention notice, or in an extreme case an adjournment motion, which carries an element of censure.

The Minister declines on the ground that the matter is before a High Court. That is one of the recognised grounds, and the Chair will ordinarily disallow the question.

munotes.in652

The Question Hour

And if the whole handling of the scheme destroys confidence in the Government? The last rung: a motion of no-confidence under article 75(3), chapter 1180.

What beginners get wrong

That an unstarred question is as good as a starred one. It produces a written answer and no supplementary, which is the difference between a record and an examination.

That a short notice question is the ordinary kind. It is the exception, for a matter of urgent public importance, at less than the usual notice.

That the Minister must answer everything. The Chair may disallow and the Minister may decline on recognised grounds, and article 74(2) with the oath of secrecy protects the Council's deliberations.

That an answer produces action. Nothing follows automatically. The Committee on Government Assurances is the only institutional link between an assurance and a consequence.

That Question Hour is a minor device because it produces no order. It is available to every member, occurs daily, reaches the whole administration and puts the answer on the public record.

Quick revision

The first hour of a sitting, ordinarily set apart for questions, under rules made under arts 118 and 208, resting on arts 75(3) and 164(2).

Three kinds: starred, answered orally, admitting supplementaries; unstarred, answered in writing, no supplementary; short notice, on a matter of urgent public importance, at less than the ordinary notice.

The supplementary is the control, because the written answer is the Ministry's and the supplementary is not.

Grounds for disallowance or refusal (substance of the practice, not quoted): outside the Minister's official responsibility; pending before a court; security of the State or foreign relations; confidential or commercial information against the public interest; policy too large for an answer; internal affairs of a State; repetitive. Plus art 74(2) and the oath of secrecy under art 75(4).

What follows: nothing automatically. The Committee on Government Assurances pursues an assurance, promise or undertaking; and the member's next rungs are the calling attention notice, the half-an-hour discussion, the short duration discussion, the adjournment motion, and finally no-confidence.

Why it is the most effective: available to every member, regular, reaching the whole administration through the article 53 to 75 chain, and putting the answer on the public record.

Test yourself

1. What are the kinds of question and how do they differ? A starred question is answered orally by the Minister on the floor and admits supplementary questions, which may be put by the member who asked and by others and which the Minister must answer at once and without notice. An unstarred question is answered in writing, the answer being laid on the table, and no supplementary may be asked upon it. A short notice question relates to a matter of urgent public importance and may be asked at less than the notice the rules ordinarily require, with the permission of the Chair and if the Minister is in a position to answer. The practical difference is that the starred question is an examination and the unstarred question is only a record, because the written answer is drafted in the Ministry days in advance while a supplementary arises in the Chamber out of the answer just given.

munotes.in653

The Question Hour

2. On what grounds may a question be disallowed or refused? Broadly, where the matter is not within the Minister's official responsibility; where it concerns a matter pending before a court; where disclosure would prejudice the security of the State or relations with a foreign State; where it seeks confidential or commercial information whose disclosure would be against the public interest; where it raises a question of policy too large to be answered in that form; where it concerns the internal affairs of a State or a matter for which the Government of India is not responsible; or where it repeats a question already answered. There is besides a constitutional limit: article 74(2) forbids any inquiry into whether, and if so what, advice was tendered by Ministers to the President, and the deliberations of the Council are protected in the House by the same reticence and by the oath of secrecy under article 75(4). The criticism of the grounds is that they are wide, that a disallowance needs no reasons and that there is no appeal.

3. What follows an answer at Question Hour? Nothing automatically, and that is the device's chief weakness. The Minister answers, the House proceeds to the next question and the session ends. Two things mitigate it. Where the answer contains an assurance, promise or undertaking, the Committee on Government Assurances pursues its implementation and reports the delay, which is the only institutional link between an answer and a consequence. And a dissatisfied member may climb the ladder of the remaining devices: a calling attention notice, a half-an-hour discussion on a matter arising out of an answer already given, a short duration discussion, an adjournment motion in a grave case, and ultimately a motion of no-confidence.

4. Why is Question Hour described as the most effective instrument of legislative control? Because of four features no other device combines. It is available to every member as of right, without the support that a motion requires, so a member of a very small party can use it. It is regular, occurring at the beginning of every sitting whether or not anything has gone wrong, so that the administration must be continuously ready to account for itself rather than only in a crisis. It reaches the whole administration, because by articles 53(1), 74(1) and 75(3) the Minister answers for a department which answers to him, so that a question in the House produces a note from a district office. And the answer is given in public and on the record, printed and quotable, a wrong answer in the House being a serious matter. Its sanction, like that of every institution in this paper, is publication; the difference is that Question Hour applies that sanction every morning.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in654

Chapter -One

The Zero Hour and the Notices

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

Between a question, which the Government answers on its own terms, and a motion of no-confidence, which ends a Government, lie five devices of graduated severity, and knowing which fits which situation is what an examiner is testing.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: after Question Hour a member has a series of devices of increasing gravity, the zero hour, which is not provided for in any rule and is the period immediately following Question Hour in which members raise matters without notice at the discretion of the Chair; the calling attention notice, by which a member with the Speaker's permission calls the attention of a Minister to a matter of urgent public importance and the Minister makes a statement on which clarifications may be sought; the half-an-hour discussion on a matter of sufficient public importance arising out of an answer already given at Question Hour; the short duration discussion on a matter of urgent public importance, in which there is no formal motion and no vote; and the adjournment motion, which seeks to set aside the business of the House to discuss a definite matter of urgent public importance involving a recent grave failure of the Government, and which carries an element of censure.

The zero hour, and the fact worth knowing

It appears in no rule book. The expression is not found in the Rules of Procedure of either House. It is a name given by usage to the period immediately following Question Hour, when members raise matters of urgent public importance without notice, at the discretion of the Chair.

Which means three things, and all three are examinable.

There is no right to be heard in it. Everything depends on the Chair permitting the member to speak.

There is no procedure and no consequence. A member makes his point; the Minister may or may not respond; nothing is decided; no vote is taken.

And it exists because the formal devices are hard to obtain. Chapter 1160 showed the ordinary period of notice for a question. The zero hour is the House's own answer to the fact that its rules require notice and events do not.

The assessment, and it is a fair one either way. It is defended as a safety valve which lets a matter reach the floor the day it arises. It is criticised as disorderly, as consuming the time of the House without producing anything, and as existing precisely because the formal devices are too slow to be used. A candidate should give both, and note that a device with no rule behind it is a poor instrument of control, whatever it is as an instrument of expression.

munotes.in655

The Zero Hour and the Notices

The calling attention notice

What it is. A member, with the Speaker's permission, calls the attention of a Minister to a matter of urgent public importance, and the Minister makes a statement or asks for time to make one; members may then seek clarifications.

It is distinctively Indian, being a procedure of the Indian Houses rather than an inheritance from Westminster, and it is worth saying so because MU's questions often invite a comparison.

What it achieves. It compels a statement on the record on a matter the Government might not otherwise address, and the clarifications that follow are like supplementaries at Question Hour, chapter 1160.

What it does not achieve. There is no motion and no vote, so nothing is decided; and it is wholly in the Speaker's discretion.

The half-an-hour discussion

What it is. A discussion on a matter of sufficient public importance which has been the subject of a question already answered at Question Hour, and on which the answer needs elucidation on a matter of fact.

Its significance is the link with chapter 1160. It is the device for the case where the answer was inadequate. A member who is dissatisfied with an answer does not simply complain; he has a procedure for pursuing it, and this is it.

Its limits. It is confined to a matter arising out of an answer; it is short; and there is no motion and no vote.

The short duration discussion

What it is. A discussion on a matter of urgent public importance, ordinarily on the support of other members and with the Chair's admission, in which the House debates the matter and the Minister replies.

The defining feature. There is no formal motion before the House and no vote. The House discusses; nothing is put.

Which is exactly why it is used. A Government will allow a discussion it would resist as a motion, because a motion divides the House and records a result and a discussion does not. The absence of a vote is what makes it obtainable, and also what makes it weak.

The adjournment motion

What it is. A motion to set aside the ordinary business of the House in order to discuss a definite matter of urgent public importance.

The conditions, which are strict and are the point. The matter must be definite, factual, urgent and of public importance; it must relate to a recent occurrence; it must involve a matter of primary concern to the Government of India; and it must involve a grave situation, ordinarily a serious failure of the Government.

munotes.in656

The Zero Hour and the Notices

And the feature that separates it from everything above. An adjournment motion carries an element of censure, because to set aside the business of the House is to say that the Government's failure is grave enough that nothing else should be discussed. That is why Governments resist it and why the Chair admits it rarely.

Note also what it does not do. It does not unseat a Government. Its adoption is a censure in substance; the instrument that ends a Government is the motion of no-confidence, chapter 1180.

The ladder, which is the answer to the question

Set the devices in order of gravity and the structure of the sixth label appears:

Unstarred question: a written answer, no supplementary, no discussion. Starred question: an oral answer and supplementaries. Zero hour: a matter raised without notice, at the Chair's discretion, no procedure and no consequence. Calling attention notice: a statement by the Minister and clarifications. Half-an-hour discussion: pursuit of an inadequate answer already given. Short duration discussion: a debate on an urgent matter, no motion, no vote. Adjournment motion: business set aside, and an element of censure. Censure motion: chapter 1180, a vote, against a Minister or the Council, on stated grounds. Motion of no-confidence: chapter 1180, the Government falls.

Notice the two thresholds on that ladder. The first is the vote: everything up to and including the short duration discussion produces no decision at all. The second is collective responsibility: only the last two rungs engage article 75(3), and only the last removes the Government.

And notice what that means for the criticism in chapter 1270. Most of legislative control over the executive consists of devices that produce no decision. Their value is the value that runs through this whole paper: the answer is on the record.

A worked example

A bridge under construction with Central funds collapses, killing workers.

The same day. A member raises it in the zero hour, without notice, if the Chair permits. Nothing follows.

With a notice. A calling attention notice: the Minister makes a statement and members seek clarifications.

If a question on the project had already been answered and the answer was misleading. A half-an-hour discussion on the matter arising out of that answer.

If the House wants to debate the safety regime generally. A short duration discussion: a debate, a reply by the Minister, no motion and no vote.

If the failure is recent, definite, urgent and grave, and of primary concern to the Government of India. An adjournment motion, which sets aside the day's business and carries an element of censure.

munotes.in657

The Zero Hour and the Notices

If the Minister is personally responsible. A censure motion against him, chapter 1180.

If the House has lost confidence in the Government. A motion of no-confidence, chapter 1180, under article 75(3).

And if the member wants the file rather than a statement? None of these gets it. A committee does, chapter 1070, which is why the fifth and sixth labels belong to one module.

What beginners get wrong

That the zero hour is a rule of procedure. It appears in no rule book; it is a usage, at the Chair's discretion.

That a calling attention notice produces a decision. It produces a statement and clarifications. No motion, no vote.

That a half-an-hour discussion is a short debate on anything. It is confined to a matter arising out of an answer already given at Question Hour.

That a short duration discussion is voted on. There is no formal motion and no vote, which is why Governments concede it.

That an adjournment motion removes a Government. It carries censure; the motion of no-confidence removes.

Quick revision

Zero hour: in no rule book; the period after Question Hour; matters raised without notice, at the Chair's discretion; no procedure, no consequence; a safety valve and also evidence that the formal devices are too slow.

Calling attention: with the Speaker's permission, calls a Minister's attention to a matter of urgent public importance; the Minister makes a statement; clarifications may be sought. Distinctively Indian.

Half-an-hour discussion: on a matter of sufficient public importance arising out of an answer already given at Question Hour, needing elucidation on a matter of fact.

Short duration discussion: on a matter of urgent public importance; no formal motion and no vote.

Adjournment motion: sets aside the ordinary business to discuss a definite, factual, urgent, recent and grave matter of primary concern to the Government of India; carries an element of censure; does not unseat the Government.

The ladder and its two thresholds: the vote (nothing below the censure motion decides anything) and collective responsibility (only the last two rungs engage art 75(3)).

Test yourself

1. What is the zero hour and what is unusual about it? It is the name given by usage to the period immediately following Question Hour, in which members raise matters of urgent public importance without notice, at the discretion of the Chair. What is unusual is that it appears in no rule book: the expression is not found in the Rules of Procedure of either House, so there is no right to be heard in it, no procedure governing it and no consequence flowing from it. It exists because the rules require notice for the formal devices while events do not wait, and it is therefore both a safety valve that lets a matter reach the floor on the day it arises and evidence that the formal devices are too slow to be used. As an instrument of expression it has value; as an instrument of control, a device with no rule behind it and no consequence attached to it is a weak one.

munotes.in658

The Zero Hour and the Notices

2. Distinguish the calling attention notice, the half-an-hour discussion and the short duration discussion. A calling attention notice is used where a member wishes to draw a Minister's attention to a matter of urgent public importance; with the Speaker's permission he does so and the Minister makes a statement or asks for time to make one, after which clarifications may be sought. A half-an-hour discussion is used where an answer already given at Question Hour on a matter of sufficient public importance requires elucidation on a matter of fact, and it is therefore the device for pursuing an inadequate answer. A short duration discussion is a debate on a matter of urgent public importance in which the House discusses and the Minister replies. None of the three involves a formal motion or a vote, and the absence of a vote is both what makes them obtainable, since a Government will concede a discussion it would resist as a motion, and what makes them weak.

3. What is an adjournment motion and what distinguishes it from the devices below it? It is a motion to set aside the ordinary business of the House in order to discuss a definite matter of urgent public importance. Its conditions are strict: the matter must be definite, factual, urgent and of public importance, must relate to a recent occurrence, must be of primary concern to the Government of India, and must involve a grave situation, ordinarily a serious failure of the Government. What distinguishes it is that it carries an element of censure, because to set aside the business of the House is to assert that the Government's failure is grave enough that nothing else should be discussed. It does not, however, unseat a Government; that is the function of a motion of no-confidence.

4. Arrange the devices of control over the executive in order of gravity and identify the thresholds. Unstarred question, starred question with supplementaries, zero hour, calling attention notice, half-an-hour discussion, short duration discussion, adjournment motion, censure motion, motion of no-confidence. Two thresholds matter. The first is the vote: everything up to and including the short duration discussion produces no decision at all, so that the value of those devices is only that the answer is on the record, which is the sanction that runs through this entire paper. The second is collective responsibility: only the censure motion and the motion of no-confidence engage article 75(3) directly, and only the latter, if carried, ends the Government. It is also worth noting that none of these devices produces a document: a member who wants the file rather than a statement must go to a committee, which is why the fifth and sixth labels of this syllabus belong in one module.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in659

Chapter -Two

No-Confidence and Censure

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

A censure motion says why and may be moved against one Minister; a motion of no-confidence gives no reasons, lies only against the Council of Ministers, and if carried ends the Government.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 75(3) makes the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the House of the People and article 164(2) makes a State Council collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly, and a motion of no-confidence is the instrument by which that responsibility is enforced; it needs no statement of grounds, lies against the Council of Ministers as a body and not against an individual Minister, may be moved only in the popular House, and if carried obliges the Council to resign; a censure motion, by contrast, must state the grounds on which it is moved, may be directed against an individual Minister or against the Council, and if carried does not by itself end the Government though in practice it is treated as a grave reverse; and the motion of thanks on the President's address under article 87, or the Governor's under article 176, provides a third occasion on which the House takes a general reckoning of the Government's performance.

The distinction, set out as a table in the head

No-confidenceCensure
Groundsneed not be statedmust be stated
Against whomthe Council of Ministers onlyan individual Minister or the Council
Wherethe popular House only, the Lok Sabha or the Legislative Assemblyeither House
Effect if carriedthe Council must resigndoes not by itself end the Government
Support to movethe support the rules require before it is admittedthe same requirement applies

The two errors students make, and both are avoidable.

They say a censure motion removes a Minister. It does not, of itself. Ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President under article 75(2), and of the Governor under article 164(1); a censure carried is a political fact of the first magnitude and not a legal removal.

They say no-confidence lies against a Minister. It does not. Article 75(3) makes the responsibility collective, so the motion is against the Council of Ministers. That is the whole meaning of the word "collectively" in chapter 1150.

Why no-confidence needs no grounds

Because confidence is not a finding of fact.

A censure motion asserts that something was done wrong, and a House that carries it has found something. So the grounds must be stated, and the debate is about whether they are made out.

A motion of no-confidence asserts only that the House no longer supports the Government. There is nothing to prove. The House does not have to justify withdrawing its confidence any more than it had to justify giving it.

munotes.in660

No-Confidence and Censure

Which is why the motion is procedurally simple and politically total. No grounds, no finding, no appeal; a single vote, and the Council of Ministers must go.

The constitutional basis

Article 75(3): The Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the House of the People.

Article 164(2): The Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly of the State.

Two consequences follow from the words, and they decide examination questions.

Only the popular House can do it. Article 75(3) names the House of the People. A resolution of the Council of States expressing no confidence has no constitutional effect, because the Council is not the body to which the Ministers are responsible. In a State, article 164(2) names the Legislative Assembly, so a Legislative Council cannot bring a Government down: chapter 1280.

And the obligation is to resign, not to be dismissed. The Constitution does not say what happens when a motion is carried. What it says is that the Council is responsible to the House; the consequence, that a Council which has lost the House's confidence must resign, is the convention that gives the article its content. Article 75(2), that Ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President, supplies the formal mechanism if resignation is not offered.

The third occasion: the motion of thanks

Article 87(1): at the commencement of the first session after each general election to the House of the People, and at the commencement of the first session of each year, the President shall address both Houses of Parliament assembled together and inform Parliament of the causes of its summons. Article 87(2): provision shall be made by the rules for the allotment of time for discussion of the matters referred to in such address.

Article 176 makes corresponding provision for a Governor and a State Legislature.

Why this is an instrument of control and not a ceremony.

The address is the Government's. It is written by the Council of Ministers and read by the President, and it sets out what the Government has done and proposes to do.

The motion of thanks is debated, and the debate ranges over the whole of the Government's policy and administration. It is the one occasion in the year on which everything is in order at once.

And amendments may be moved to the motion. An amendment to the motion of thanks that is carried against the Government is a defeat of the first order, because it is a formal recording, on a Government document, that the House does not accept what the Government says it has done. In substance it is a censure.

munotes.in661

No-Confidence and Censure

So the year has three general reckonings: the motion of thanks at the start, the Budget and the Demands for Grants in the financial business, chapter 1200, and whatever motions the Opposition can obtain in between.

What actually decides these motions

The honest chapter is 1270, but the point must be made here or the description misleads.

A motion of no-confidence is decided by arithmetic, not by argument. A Government with a majority wins it; a Government without one does not survive to face it. The debate changes no votes, because of the Tenth Schedule: a member of a political party who votes contrary to a direction issued by that party, without its prior permission and without condonation within fifteen days, is disqualified.

So the Tenth Schedule has an ambivalent place in this label, and a good answer says so. It stabilises government by preventing defections that once brought Governments down for money. And it removes the individual conscience that a motion of no-confidence was designed to consult, so that the ultimate instrument of legislative control is exercised by parties and not by members.

Which turns the criticism into its sharpest form. The devices of legislative control assume a House that can decide against its own Government, and the Tenth Schedule assumes it cannot.

A worked example

A Minister is shown to have misled the House in an answer, and a scheme in his charge has failed with heavy loss.

Route one, a censure motion against the Minister. It must state the grounds, namely that he misled the House and mismanaged the scheme. It may be moved in either House. If carried it does not remove him in law, article 75(2) placing his office at the President's pleasure, but it is a political reverse of the first order and resignation ordinarily follows.

Route two, a motion of no-confidence. It lies only against the Council of Ministers, only in the House of the People, and needs no grounds. If carried the Council must resign.

Which route fits? If the complaint is against one Minister, censure. If the complaint is that the Government as a whole no longer commands confidence, no-confidence. Choosing the wrong instrument is the commonest error in an examination answer on this topic.

Route three, without a motion at all. At the debate on the motion of thanks on the President's address, an amendment may be moved regretting that the address makes no mention of the failure. An amendment carried against the Government is a censure in substance.

And what will actually happen? If the Government has a majority, all three fail, because the Tenth Schedule disqualifies a member who votes against his party's direction. The value of moving them is the debate and the record, which is the sanction this whole paper turns on.

munotes.in662

No-Confidence and Censure

What beginners get wrong

That a censure motion removes a Minister. It does not in law. Article 75(2): office during the pleasure of the President.

That no-confidence can be moved against a Minister. Article 75(3) makes the responsibility collective; the motion lies against the Council of Ministers.

That either House may pass a motion of no-confidence. Only the House of the People, and in a State only the Legislative Assembly.

That a motion of no-confidence must state reasons. It need not. Confidence is not a finding of fact.

That the motion of thanks is a formality. The debate ranges over the whole of the Government's policy and administration, and an amendment carried on it is a censure in substance.

Quick revision

No-confidence: no grounds stated; against the Council of Ministers only; in the popular House only; if carried, the Council must resign. Basis: art 75(3), art 164(2); mechanism if resignation is refused, art 75(2) and art 164(1), office during pleasure.

Censure: grounds must be stated; against an individual Minister or the Council; in either House; if carried, does not by itself end the Government, though in practice a grave reverse.

Why no grounds are needed: a censure asserts a finding; no-confidence asserts only the withdrawal of support, and the House need not justify withdrawing what it need not have justified giving.

The third occasion: the motion of thanks on the President's address under art 87, or the Governor's under art 176; the address is the Government's own document; the debate covers the whole of policy and administration; an amendment carried against the Government is a censure in substance.

What decides them: arithmetic, not argument, because the Tenth Schedule disqualifies a member who votes against his party's direction without prior permission or condonation within fifteen days. It stabilises government and removes the conscience the instrument was designed to consult.

Test yourself

1. Distinguish a motion of no-confidence from a censure motion. A motion of no-confidence need state no grounds, lies only against the Council of Ministers as a body and not against an individual Minister, may be moved only in the popular House, that is the House of the People or a Legislative Assembly, and if carried obliges the Council to resign. A censure motion must state the grounds on which it is moved, may be directed against an individual Minister or against the Council, may be moved in either House, and if carried does not by itself terminate the Government, since Ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President under article 75(2) or of the Governor under article 164(1), though in practice it is treated as a reverse of the first order. The reason no-confidence needs no grounds is that a censure asserts a finding of fact which must be made out, while no-confidence asserts only that the House no longer supports the Government, which requires no justification.

munotes.in663

No-Confidence and Censure

2. Why can only the popular House pass a motion of no-confidence? Because of the words of the articles that create the responsibility. Article 75(3) provides that the Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the House of the People, and article 164(2) that a State Council shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly of the State. Responsibility runs to the named body and to no other, so a resolution of the Council of States, or of a Legislative Council in a State that has one, expressing want of confidence has no constitutional effect. It also follows that the motion is against the Council collectively, since that is the form the responsibility takes.

3. How is the motion of thanks an instrument of control? Because the address on which it is moved is the Government's own document. Article 87(1) requires the President to address both Houses assembled together at the commencement of the first session after each general election and at the commencement of the first session of each year, and to inform Parliament of the causes of its summons; article 87(2) requires provision by rules for the allotment of time to discuss the matters referred to in the address; and article 176 makes corresponding provision for a Governor. The address is drafted by the Council of Ministers and sets out what the Government has done and proposes to do, and the debate on the motion of thanks accordingly ranges over the whole of its policy and administration, which no other occasion in the year permits. Amendments may be moved, and an amendment carried against the Government is a formal recording on the Government's own document that the House does not accept its account of itself, which is a censure in substance.

4. What actually determines the fate of these motions? Arithmetic rather than argument, because of the Tenth Schedule. A member of a political party who votes or abstains contrary to a direction issued by that party, without obtaining its prior permission and without the vote being condoned within fifteen days, incurs disqualification. The consequence is that the debate on a motion of no-confidence changes no votes: a Government with a majority wins, and a Government without one does not ordinarily survive to face the motion. The Tenth Schedule therefore has an ambivalent place in this label. It stabilises government by preventing the defections that once brought Governments down for money, and it removes the individual conscience which the motion of no-confidence was designed to consult, so that the ultimate instrument of legislative control is exercised by parties rather than by members. That tension is the sharpest form of the criticism that the devices of legislative control assume a House capable of deciding against its own Government.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in664

Chapter -Three

The Executive's Duty to Inform

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

All executive action is expressed in the President's name and authenticated under rules he makes; the Prime Minister must tell him the Council's decisions and furnish what he calls for; and the Chief Minister owes the Governor the same.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 77(1) provides that all executive action of the Government of India shall be expressed to be taken in the name of the President, article 77(2) that orders and instruments so made shall be authenticated in the manner specified in rules made by the President and that the validity of an order so authenticated shall not be called in question on the ground that it is not an order made or executed by the President, and article 77(3) that the President shall make rules for the more convenient transaction of the business of the Government of India and for the allocation among Ministers of that business; article 78 makes it the duty of the Prime Minister to communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation, to furnish such information as the President may call for, and, if the President so requires, to submit for the consideration of the Council any matter on which a decision has been taken by a Minister but which has not been considered by the Council; and article 167 imposes the identical duties on the Chief Minister of each State in relation to the Governor.

Article 77: how executive action is expressed

77(1). All executive action of the Government of India shall be expressed to be taken in the name of the President.

77(2). Orders and other instruments made and executed in the name of the President shall be authenticated in such manner as may be specified in rules to be made by the President, and the validity of an order or instrument which is so authenticated shall not be called in question on the ground that it is not an order or instrument made or executed by the President.

77(3). The President shall make rules for the more convenient transaction of the business of the Government of India, and for the allocation among Ministers of the said business.

Three consequences, and the third is the one that belongs to this label.

Every act of the Union executive is formally the President's, which completes the chain in chapter 1150: article 53(1) vests the power in him, article 74(1) makes him act on advice, article 75(3) makes the advisers answerable to the House.

Authentication is a rule of proof, not of power. An order authenticated under the rules cannot be challenged on the ground that it was not in fact made by the President; it may be challenged on every other ground.

munotes.in665

The Executive's Duty to Inform

And the Rules of Business made under article 77(3) are where the administration actually lives. They allocate business among Ministers and prescribe which matters must go to the Cabinet, which a Minister may decide, and which a Secretary may. A Minister is answerable to the House for what the Rules of Business allocate to him, and that is why chapter 1160's question is addressed to a particular Minister and chapter 1010's Secretary appears as accounting officer for a particular Ministry.

Article 78: the Prime Minister's duty

It shall be the duty of the Prime Minister:

(a) to communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation;

(b) to furnish such information relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation as the President may call for; and

(c) if the President so requires, to submit for the consideration of the Council of Ministers any matter on which a decision has been taken by a Minister but which has not been considered by the Council.

Article 167 imposes the same three duties on the Chief Minister in relation to the Governor and the affairs of the State.

Clause (c) is the interesting one. A Minister may decide a matter alone under the Rules of Business; and if he does, the President may require it to be placed before the whole Council. That is a constitutional device for converting an individual decision into a collective one, and since responsibility under article 75(3) is collective, it is a device that widens the accountability of the decision.

Why a chapter on legislative control reads articles about the President

Because the duty to inform is owed upward and the responsibility is owed sideways, and the two must meet.

Article 78 obliges the Prime Minister to inform the President. It says nothing about informing the House.

Article 75(3) makes the Council responsible to the House. It says nothing about information.

There is no article requiring the Government to tell Parliament anything. That is a fact worth stating plainly, and most answers never notice it.

So how does the House find out? By the devices in this module, and by nothing else:

Questions, chapter 1160, which the Government answers on its own terms and may decline on recognised grounds. Committees, chapter 1070, which may require attendance and production, with contempt as the sanction. Laying requirements, chapter 1060, each imposed by a particular statute or article, and each policed by a committee. Audit, chapter 1010, under article 151. And the annual reports that particular statutes require, chapters 660 and 470.

munotes.in666

The Executive's Duty to Inform

Which produces the structural point of the sixth label. The executive's constitutional duty to inform runs to the President, who acts on its advice. Its duty to inform the House is a patchwork of particular obligations, each created by a rule or a statute, none of them general. That is the deepest reason legislative control is weaker than it looks, and it is a better answer than any complaint about sitting days.

The limits on what may be disclosed

Article 74(2), chapter 1150: the question whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered by Ministers to the President shall not be inquired into in any court.

Article 75(4): before a Minister enters upon his office the President administers the oaths of office and of secrecy in the Third Schedule; article 164(3) is the State counterpart.

Read the two together and the boundary appears. What the Council decided may be told; what the Council said in deciding may not. Chapter 1160's grounds for declining a question, and chapter 1070's claim of privilege over a document, both operate inside that boundary.

A worked example

A Ministry issues an order cancelling a set of licences.

In whose name is it made? Article 77(1): all executive action of the Government of India shall be expressed to be taken in the name of the President.

A licensee says the President never saw it. Article 77(2): an order authenticated in the manner specified in the rules may not be called in question on the ground that it is not an order made or executed by the President. He must attack it on some other ground.

Who decided it? Whoever the Rules of Business made under article 77(3) allocate the subject to: the Cabinet, the Minister, or an officer.

A member wants to know what the Cabinet discussed. Article 74(2) bars a court from inquiring what advice was tendered, and the oath of secrecy under article 75(4) governs the Minister. What was decided may be disclosed; the deliberation may not.

The President wants the matter reconsidered by the whole Council. Article 78(c): he may require the Prime Minister to submit for the Council's consideration any matter decided by a Minister but not considered by the Council.

The House wants the file. Not through any of these articles. Through a committee, chapter 1070, whose requirement is backed by contempt.

And in a State? Article 167 puts the identical duties on the Chief Minister in relation to the Governor.

munotes.in667

The Executive's Duty to Inform

What beginners get wrong

That article 77 is about the President's personal action. It is about the form in which executive action is expressed and authenticated, and about the Rules of Business.

That authentication makes an order unchallengeable. It bars one ground only: that it was not in fact made or executed by the President.

That article 78 requires the Government to inform Parliament. It requires the Prime Minister to inform the President. No article imposes a general duty to inform the House.

That article 78(c) lets the President decide a matter. It lets him require it to be placed before the Council.

That the oath of secrecy prevents a Minister from answering questions. It protects the deliberations, not the decisions.

Quick revision

Art 77(1): all executive action of the Government of India expressed to be taken in the name of the President. 77(2): authentication under rules made by the President, and validity not to be called in question on the ground that it is not an order made or executed by the President. 77(3): the President makes Rules of Business for the convenient transaction of business and its allocation among Ministers.

Art 78: the Prime Minister's duty (a) to communicate all decisions of the Council on administration and proposals for legislation; (b) to furnish such information as the President may call for; (c) if required, to submit for the Council's consideration a matter decided by a Minister but not considered by the Council. Art 167: the same duties on the Chief Minister to the Governor.

The structural point: the constitutional duty to inform runs to the President, and no article imposes a general duty to inform the House. The House learns what it learns through questions, committees, laying requirements, audit and statutory annual reports, each a particular obligation and none of them general.

The limits: art 74(2), no court may inquire what advice was tendered; art 75(4) and art 164(3), the oath of secrecy. Decisions may be told; deliberations may not.

Test yourself

1. What does article 77 provide and why does it matter to legislative control? That all executive action of the Government of India shall be expressed to be taken in the name of the President; that orders and instruments so made shall be authenticated in the manner specified in rules made by the President, and that an order so authenticated shall not be called in question on the ground that it is not an order made or executed by him; and that the President shall make rules for the more convenient transaction of the business of the Government and for its allocation among Ministers. It matters because it completes the chain by which the executive is answerable: article 53(1) vests the power in the President, article 74(1) makes him act on ministerial advice, article 77(1) makes every act formally his, and article 75(3) makes his advisers answerable to the House. It matters practically because the Rules of Business made under clause (3) determine which Minister answers for which subject, and therefore to whom a question is addressed and which Secretary appears before the Public Accounts Committee.

munotes.in668

The Executive's Duty to Inform

2. State the duties imposed by article 78. It is the duty of the Prime Minister to communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the Union and proposals for legislation; to furnish such information relating to those matters as the President may call for; and, if the President so requires, to submit for the consideration of the Council of Ministers any matter on which a decision has been taken by a Minister but which has not been considered by the Council. Article 167 imposes identical duties on the Chief Minister of each State in relation to the Governor. The third duty is of particular interest because it is a constitutional device for converting an individual ministerial decision into a collective one, and responsibility under article 75(3) being collective, it widens the accountability of the decision.

3. Is there a constitutional duty on the executive to inform the legislature? No general duty. Article 78 obliges the Prime Minister to inform the President and says nothing about the House; article 75(3) makes the Council responsible to the House and says nothing about information. There is no article requiring the Government to tell Parliament anything as such. What exists instead is a patchwork of particular obligations: to answer questions at Question Hour, subject to recognised grounds of refusal; to attend and produce documents before committees, enforced by the House's power to punish contempt; to lay particular documents, each requirement created by a specific article or statute and policed by the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table; to submit to audit and have the audit reports laid under article 151; and to present the annual reports which particular statutes require. That the duty to inform runs upward to the President while the responsibility runs sideways to the House, with no general provision joining the two, is the deepest structural reason why legislative control is weaker in operation than it appears on paper.

4. What may a Minister not disclose, and why? The deliberations of the Council of Ministers, as distinct from its decisions. Article 74(2) provides that the question whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered by Ministers to the President shall not be inquired into in any court, and article 75(4) requires the President to administer to a Minister, before he enters upon his office, the oaths of office and of secrecy set out in the Third Schedule, article 164(3) making the same provision in a State. The boundary those provisions draw is that what the Council decided may be disclosed while what was said in deciding may not, and both the grounds on which a question may be declined at Question Hour and a claim of privilege over a document before a committee operate within it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in669

Chapter -Four

Control Through the Purse

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

The House may assent to a demand, refuse it, or assent to it subject to a reduction; and the reduction may be a token rupee, a specific economy, or a hundred rupees meaning that the policy itself is disapproved.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 112 requires the President to cause to be laid before both Houses an annual financial statement of the estimated receipts and expenditure of the Government of India, showing separately the sums required for expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund and the sums for other expenditure; article 113(1) provides that so much of the estimates as relates to charged expenditure shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament though it may be discussed, and article 113(2) that so much as relates to other expenditure shall be submitted in the form of demands for grants to the House of the People, which shall have power to assent, or to refuse to assent, to any demand, or to assent to any demand subject to a reduction of the amount specified therein, no demand being made except on the recommendation of the President; and article 114 requires an Appropriation Bill after the grants are made, no amendment being admissible which varies the amount or alters the destination of a grant.

The scheme of the articles

Article 112(1): the annual financial statement. The President shall in respect of every financial year cause to be laid before both the Houses of Parliament a statement of the estimated receipts and expenditure of the Government of India for that year. That statement is what is popularly called the Budget.

Article 112(2): the two columns. The estimates of expenditure shall show separately (a) the sums required to meet expenditure described by this Constitution as expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India; and (b) the sums required to meet other expenditure proposed to be made from that Fund, and shall distinguish expenditure on revenue account from other expenditure.

Article 112(3) lists what is charged, beginning with the emoluments of the President and the salaries and allowances of the presiding officers.

Article 113(1), and this is the provision Module II kept returning to. So much of the estimates as relates to expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament, though nothing in this clause shall be construed as preventing the discussion in either House of any of those estimates.

That is why "charged on the Consolidated Fund" matters. Chapter 660 read section 13 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, chapter 380 will read article 148(6) for the Comptroller and Auditor General, and chapter 130 read section 10(1) of the Lokpal Act. All three put those institutions' money beyond the vote, and article 113(1) is the reason the device works.

munotes.in670

Control Through the Purse

Article 113(2): the demands. So much of the estimates as relates to other expenditure shall be submitted in the form of demands for grants to the House of the People, and the House of the People shall have power to assent, or to refuse to assent, to any demand, or to assent to any demand subject to a reduction of the amount specified therein.

Article 113(3): the executive's monopoly of initiative. No demand for a grant shall be made except on the recommendation of the President.

Read (2) and (3) together and the shape of financial control appears. The Government alone may propose spending; the House may only assent, refuse, or reduce. It cannot increase a demand and it cannot propose one. That is the constitutional foundation of everything in this chapter.

Article 114: the Appropriation Bill. As soon as may be after the grants are made, a Bill shall be introduced to provide for the appropriation out of the Consolidated Fund of all moneys required to meet (a) the grants so made and (b) the charged expenditure, not exceeding the amount shown in the statement previously laid. And article 114(2): no amendment shall be proposed which will have the effect of varying the amount or altering the destination of any grant so made, or of varying the amount of any charged expenditure, the decision of the person presiding as to admissibility being final.

Article 266(3): the lock. No moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India or the Consolidated Fund of a State shall be appropriated except in accordance with law and for the purposes and in the manner provided in this Constitution.

The three cut motions

The House's power under article 113(2) to assent subject to a reduction is exercised by a cut motion, and practice recognises three, distinguished by what the reduction means.

The policy cut. That the amount of the demand be reduced to one rupee. It represents disapproval of the policy underlying the demand. The rupee is symbolic; what is being voted on is the policy itself, and a member moving it may advocate an alternative.

The economy cut. That the amount be reduced by a specified amount. It represents that an economy can be effected, and the amount may be a lump sum reduction or the omission or reduction of an item.

The token cut. That the amount be reduced by one hundred rupees. It is for ventilating a specific grievance within the sphere of the Government's responsibility, and the hundred rupees is a peg for the discussion.

munotes.in671

Control Through the Purse

The order of severity is policy, economy, token, and a candidate who can say what each signifies rather than merely what each reduces has answered the question.

Why a cut motion carried would bring down a Government

This is the point students state and few explain.

Because a demand for grants is a matter of confidence. A Government exists because the House supports it, chapter 1150. A House that refuses the Government the money to govern has withdrawn that support in the most direct way possible, and the Government must resign.

And because of article 113(3). The House cannot substitute its own demand; only the Government may propose one, on the recommendation of the President. So a refused demand cannot be replaced by the House's own; the deadlock can be broken only by a new Government or a new demand from the same one.

Which is why cut motions are moved constantly and carried almost never. They are moved for the debate, which is the sanction this paper turns on. The Tenth Schedule, chapter 1180, makes the vote a foregone conclusion.

The guillotine, which is a control on the House rather than by it

Time for the Demands is allotted, and when the allotted days expire the remaining Demands are put and voted without discussion. That is the guillotine.

Its significance is the sharpest single fact in this label. Chapter 1020 established that the twenty-four departmentally related Standing Committees examine the Demands before they are voted, which was the great achievement of 1993. The guillotine means that the House may then vote those Demands without discussing them at all, whatever the committees reported.

And note that the committees may not even suggest a cut. Rule 270(a), chapter 1020: the report "shall not suggest anything of the nature of cut motions". So the body that examines cannot propose a reduction, and the body that can propose one may never reach it.

Put those two facts in an answer on the weakness of financial control and there is no need for statistics.

Where this joins Module IV

Before the money is voted: the Demands, the cut motions, the Standing Committees, and the Estimates Committee, chapter 1000.

When it is voted: the Appropriation Act under article 114, and the lock in article 266(3).

After it is spent: the Comptroller and Auditor General, articles 148 to 151, and the Public Accounts Committee, chapter 1010; and chapter 1260 makes the argument that audit is legislative control exercised after the event.

Say the sequence in one line and an examiner sees that both labels and both modules have been understood: the House grants, the executive spends, the auditor reports, and the committee examines.

munotes.in672

Control Through the Purse

A worked example

The Demands for Grants of the Ministry of Health are before the House.

A member disapproves of the entire policy of the National Health Mission. He moves a policy cut: that the demand be reduced to one rupee. The debate is on the policy, and he may advocate an alternative.

A member thinks the Ministry's establishment expenditure is excessive by fifty crores. An economy cut: reduction by a specified amount.

A member wants to raise the failure of one hospital. A token cut: reduction by one hundred rupees, as a peg for ventilating a specific grievance.

A member wants the demand increased to fund more nurses. He cannot. Article 113(2) gives the House power only to assent, refuse, or reduce, and article 113(3) provides that no demand shall be made except on the recommendation of the President.

The policy cut is carried. The Government has been refused the money for its principal health programme by the House to which it is collectively responsible under article 75(3). It must resign.

The allotted days expire before the Ministry's Demands are reached. The guillotine: they are put and voted without discussion, whatever the Standing Committee reported and whatever cut motions stood on the list.

The grants are made. An Appropriation Bill follows under article 114, and no amendment may vary the amount or alter the destination of a grant, the presiding officer's decision on admissibility being final.

A year later the auditor reports that the money went elsewhere. Article 266(3) was breached, and the Public Accounts Committee examines the Secretary.

What beginners get wrong

That the House can increase a demand. It may assent, refuse to assent, or assent subject to a reduction. Article 113(3) reserves the initiative to the executive.

That charged expenditure cannot be discussed. Article 113(1): it is not submitted to the vote, and the clause expressly does not prevent discussion.

That a token cut is a small economy. It is a peg for a grievance, not a saving.

That a policy cut asks for a rupee. It asks for disapproval of the policy, expressed by reducing the demand to a rupee.

That the Appropriation Bill can be amended freely. Article 114(2) bars any amendment varying the amount or destination of a grant, and the presiding officer's decision is final.

Quick revision

Art 112: the annual financial statement, showing charged and other expenditure separately, and distinguishing revenue account from other expenditure.

munotes.in673

Control Through the Purse

Art 113(1): charged expenditure is not submitted to the vote, though discussion is not prevented. That is why s.13 of the CVC Act, art 148(6) and s.10(1) of the Lokpal Act charge those institutions' money on the Fund.

Art 113(2): other expenditure goes as demands for grants to the House of the People, which may assent, refuse to assent, or assent subject to a reduction. Art 113(3): no demand except on the recommendation of the President. The House may not increase or propose.

Art 114: the Appropriation Bill; 114(2) no amendment varying the amount or altering the destination of a grant, the presiding officer's decision final. Art 266(3): no appropriation except in accordance with law.

The three cuts: policy cut, reduce to one rupee, disapproval of the policy; economy cut, reduce by a specified amount, an economy can be effected; token cut, reduce by one hundred rupees, to ventilate a specific grievance.

Why a carried cut ends a Government: supply refused is confidence withdrawn, and art 113(3) means the House cannot substitute a demand of its own.

The guillotine: outstanding Demands put and voted without discussion; and rule 270(a) forbids a Standing Committee's report to suggest anything of the nature of cut motions. The body that examines cannot propose a cut, and the body that can may never reach it.

Test yourself

1. What power does the House have over the Demands for Grants? Under article 113(2), so much of the estimates as relates to expenditure other than charged expenditure is submitted in the form of demands for grants to the House of the People, which has power to assent to any demand, to refuse to assent to it, or to assent to it subject to a reduction of the amount specified. It has no power to increase a demand, and by article 113(3) no demand for a grant may be made except on the recommendation of the President, so the initiative belongs entirely to the executive. Charged expenditure, by article 113(1), is not submitted to the vote at all, although that clause expressly does not prevent its discussion in either House.

2. Explain the three cut motions and what each signifies. A policy cut moves that the amount of the demand be reduced to one rupee, and signifies disapproval of the policy underlying the demand; the rupee is symbolic and the debate is on the policy, the mover being free to advocate an alternative. An economy cut moves that the amount be reduced by a specified sum, and signifies that an economy can be effected, whether by a lump sum reduction or by the omission or reduction of an item. A token cut moves that the amount be reduced by one hundred rupees, and is a peg for ventilating a specific grievance within the sphere of the Government's responsibility. What distinguishes them is not the size of the reduction but what the reduction is asserted to mean.

munotes.in674

Control Through the Purse

3. Why would a cut motion carried bring down a Government? Because the grant of supply is the most direct form of the confidence which article 75(3) makes the basis of the Council of Ministers' tenure. A House that refuses the Government the money to carry on its principal business has withdrawn its support in the plainest way available, and the Government must resign. The position is reinforced by article 113(3), under which no demand for a grant may be made except on the recommendation of the President, so that the House cannot substitute a demand of its own for the one it has refused; the deadlock can be resolved only by a fresh demand from the same Government or by a new Government. In practice cut motions are moved constantly and carried almost never, because the Tenth Schedule makes the division a foregone conclusion, and they are moved for the debate rather than for the vote.

4. What is the guillotine and why does it matter? Time for the discussion of the Demands for Grants is allotted, and when the allotted days expire the outstanding Demands are put and voted without discussion. It matters because it hollows out the achievement of 1993. The departmentally related Standing Committees examine the Demands of their Ministries before the House votes them, which was the first systematic pre-vote scrutiny of expenditure India had; but rule 270(a) forbids a Committee's report to suggest anything in the nature of cut motions, and the guillotine allows the House to vote the Demands without discussing them at all. The result is that the body which examines the Demands cannot propose a reduction, and the body which can propose one may never reach it. Those two facts together are a sufficient answer to a question about the weakness of financial control, without recourse to any statistics.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in675

Chapter -Five

Why Delegated Legislation

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

Parliament cannot write every rule a modern state needs, so it authorises departments to write them; and the objection is that a rule made in a department is law that nobody voted for.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: delegated legislation is law made by an authority subordinate to the legislature under a power conferred by the legislature, and the reasons for it are pressure on parliamentary time, the technicality of much modern regulation, the need to act in an emergency, and the need for flexibility to adjust a rule without amending an Act; the objection to it is that it transfers the law-making function from the elected body to the executive, produces law made without debate by persons not answerable to the electorate, and does so in a volume that no legislature can supervise; and the controls that answer that objection are the doctrine that a legislature may not delegate its essential legislative function, the requirements of publication and of laying, the scrutiny of the Committee on Subordinate Legislation and judicial review for ultra vires.

The four reasons

Pressure on parliamentary time. A legislature that sits for a limited number of days a year cannot enact the detail of taxation, food safety, drug approval, banking regulation and every other field a modern state occupies. It legislates on the principle and leaves the detail.

Technicality. The permissible level of a contaminant in a drug, the specification of a safety device, the form of an account: these require expertise a Chamber does not have and cannot acquire in debate. The department has it.

Emergency. Legislation takes months; an epidemic, a run on a bank or a shortage does not wait. A power to make rules is a power to act at once, and chapter 1230 will show that the same urgency is why some instruments take effect on being made and are laid afterwards.

Flexibility. A figure written into an Act can be changed only by amending the Act. A figure written into a rule can be changed by a notification, which is what makes a regulatory regime workable over time.

There is a fifth reason worth naming, because it explains the shape of the Acts in this book. Experiment. A power to apply an Act to a district, or to a class of persons, or from a date, lets a legislature enact a scheme and let the executive extend it as experience allows. Chapter 810 read section 5 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act doing exactly that.

The objection

It is a constitutional objection and not merely a practical one.

The law is made by people nobody elected. A rule under an Act is binding law, enforceable by penalty, and it is written by officials.

munotes.in676

Why Delegated Legislation

It is made without debate. No reading, no committee stage, no vote, and ordinarily no public proceeding at all.

It is made in a volume nobody can supervise. Chapter 1050 made the point: fifteen members of a Committee on Subordinate Legislation against the entire rule-making of the Union.

And it can be made to do what the Act does not say. A rule that imposes a charge, ousts a court's jurisdiction or operates retrospectively is doing something the legislature has not authorised, and chapter 1050 listed those among the grounds of scrutiny.

Which is why this label treats delegated legislation as a problem of CONTROL rather than of validity. The question is not whether Parliament may delegate, which it plainly must, but what it retains when it does.

The four controls, and where each is worked

One, the constitutional limit. A legislature may delegate the subsidiary and may not abdicate the essential legislative function: chapter 1220, and the advisory opinion of 1951.

Two, publication. A rule that is not published cannot fairly bind, and some Acts require previous publication in draft so that objections may be made: chapter 1250, and section 23 of the General Clauses Act 1897.

Three, laying. The instrument comes before the House, in one of three forms: simple laying, laying subject to a negative resolution, and laying subject to an affirmative resolution: chapter 1230.

Four, scrutiny. The Committee on Subordinate Legislation reads what is laid and reports: chapter 1050.

And behind all four, judicial review, which chapter 1220 sets out and which operates on the same grounds the committee applies.

Note the division of labour, because it is what makes the system coherent. The court decides whether a rule is valid. The House and its committee decide whether it is acceptable. A rule may be perfectly valid and thoroughly objectionable, and the second question is the one this label is about.

A worked example

An Act to regulate food safety empowers the Government to make rules "prescribing the standards of quality for articles of food".

Why not enact the standards? Because they run to thousands of entries, require laboratory expertise, and must change as science changes. Pressure of time, technicality and flexibility, all three.

A rule prescribes a permissible limit for a preservative. Unobjectionable: it is precisely the kind of detail a delegate should settle.

A rule provides that a licence fee of two per cent of turnover shall be paid. That is taxation, and chapter 1050 lists it among the grounds on which a committee will report and a court will strike a rule down.

munotes.in677

Why Delegated Legislation

A rule provides that it shall be deemed to have come into force two years ago. Retrospectivity without express authority in the parent Act.

A rule provides that no suit shall lie against a food inspector. Ouster of the jurisdiction of the courts.

And a rule provides that the Government may by order exempt any person from the Act. That is the essential legislative function question, chapter 1220: a power to dispense with the Act at will is not the subsidiary detail of a policy but the abandonment of the policy.

Who catches each of these, and when? The Committee on Subordinate Legislation on its scrutiny of what is laid, at once and whether or not anyone is aggrieved. A court, years later, at the instance of a person prosecuted under the rule. Both apply the same standards; only the committee is systematic.

What beginners get wrong

That delegated legislation is an aberration. It is unavoidable in a modern state, and the question is what controls accompany it.

That the objection is only about volume. It is that binding law is made without election, without debate and in unsupervisable quantity.

That the courts are the principal control. The courts decide validity, episodically and at a litigant's instance. Laying, publication and the committee are the systematic controls.

That a valid rule is an acceptable one. They are different questions, decided by different bodies.

Quick revision

Why delegate: pressure on parliamentary time; technicality; emergency; flexibility; and experiment, a power to extend an Act to areas, classes or dates as experience allows.

The objection: law made by the unelected, without debate, in unsupervisable volume, and capable of doing what the Act does not authorise.

The four controls: the essential legislative function doctrine (chapter 1220); publication and previous publication (chapter 1250); laying, in three forms (chapter 1230); and the Committee on Subordinate Legislation (chapter 1050); with judicial review behind them.

The division of labour: a court decides whether a rule is valid; the House and its committee decide whether it is acceptable. A rule may be valid and objectionable at once.

Test yourself

1. Why does a modern legislature delegate the power to make law? Because of pressure on parliamentary time, since a House sitting a limited number of days a year cannot enact the detail of every field a modern state regulates and must confine itself to principle. Because of technicality, since matters such as the permissible level of a contaminant or the specification of a safety device require expertise that a Chamber does not possess and cannot acquire in debate. Because of emergency, since legislation takes months and an epidemic or a shortage does not wait. Because of flexibility, since a figure written into an Act can be altered only by amending the Act while a figure written into a rule can be altered by notification. And because of the value of experiment, since a power to apply an Act to particular areas, classes or dates allows a scheme to be extended as experience permits, which is what section 5 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 does.

munotes.in678

Why Delegated Legislation

2. What is the objection to delegated legislation? That it is binding law, enforceable by penalty, made by officials whom nobody elected, without any reading, committee stage, vote or public proceeding, and in a volume that no legislature can supervise, a Committee on Subordinate Legislation of fifteen members standing against the entire rule-making output of the Union. To that is added the risk that a rule may do what the parent Act never authorised, by imposing a charge, ousting the jurisdiction of the courts or operating retrospectively. The objection is therefore constitutional and not merely practical, and it explains why this label treats delegated legislation as a problem of control rather than of validity: the question is not whether a legislature may delegate, which it plainly must, but what it retains when it does.

3. What controls answer that objection? Four, with judicial review behind them. The constitutional limit, that a legislature may delegate the subsidiary but may not abdicate its essential legislative function. Publication, and in some cases previous publication of a draft so that objections may be made, for which section 23 of the General Clauses Act 1897 provides. Laying before the House, in one of the three forms of simple laying, laying subject to a negative resolution, and laying subject to an affirmative resolution. And scrutiny by the Committee on Subordinate Legislation, which reads what is laid and reports. The division of labour between them is that a court decides whether a rule is valid, episodically and at the instance of a litigant, while the House and its committee decide whether it is acceptable, systematically and whether or not anyone is aggrieved; and a rule may be perfectly valid and thoroughly objectionable at the same time.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in679

Chapter -Six

The Essential Legislative Function

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

A legislature may hand over the detail and may not hand over the policy; the essential legislative function is declaring the policy and laying down the standard to be enacted into a rule of conduct, and it must be kept.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in In re The Delhi Laws Act 1912, AIR 1951 SC 332, the Supreme Court advised that unless the power to delegate is expressly given by the Constitution a legislature cannot delegate its essential legislative functions, and since the Indian Constitution gives no such power it has no power to delegate them to any other body; that the essential legislative function consists in declaring the legislative policy and laying down the standard which is to be enacted into a rule of law, what may be delegated being the ancillary detail; and that an abdication need not amount to complete effacement, there being an abdication where in respect of a subject in a Legislative List the legislature in effect says that it will not legislate but will leave it to another to legislate on it.

The advisory opinion of 1951

The setting. A reference under article 143 on the validity of provisions authorising the extension of laws to Part C States with such restrictions and modifications as the Government thought fit. Seven judges gave separate opinions, which is why the case is quoted by clause and by judge rather than as a single holding, and why an answer should attribute the propositions it uses.

The propositions to carry.

The Indian legislature is not the British Parliament. As Mukherjea J put it, the Indian Legislature cannot be in the same position as the omnipotent British Parliament, and how far delegation is permissible must be ascertained in India as a matter of construction from the express provisions of the Indian Constitution. It cannot be said that an unlimited right of delegation is inherent in the legislative power itself.

The test of legitimacy. The legitimacy of delegation depends entirely upon its being used as an ancillary measure which the legislature considers to be necessary for the purpose of exercising its legislative powers effectively and completely.

The definition, and this is the sentence to learn. The legislature must retain in its own hands the essential legislative functions, which consist in declaring the legislative policy and laying down the standard which is to be enacted into a rule of law, and what can be delegated is the rest.

On the source of the limit. The view that unless expressly prohibited a legislature has a general power to delegate is not supported by authority or principle; the correct view is that unless the power to delegate is expressly given by the constitution, a legislature cannot delegate its essential legislative functions, and as the Indian Constitution does not give such power, it has none.

munotes.in680

The Essential Legislative Function

On what abdication means, and this is the proposition most often misstated. Abdication by a legislative body need not necessarily amount to complete effacement. There is an abdication when in respect of a subject in the Legislative List that body says in effect that it will not legislate but would leave it to another to legislate on it.

And on partial abdication. An abdication may be partial: if full powers to do everything the legislature can do are conferred on a subordinate authority, then even though the legislature retains the power to control the subordinate by recalling the power or repealing its Acts, there is an abdication or effacement.

Fazl Ali J's formulation, which is the most usable. The legislature must formally discharge its primary legislative function itself and not through others; within its sphere it is free to legislate as it thinks best and may utilise any outside agency to any extent it finds necessary for what it cannot do or finds inconvenient to do itself; but it cannot abdicate its legislative functions, and while entrusting power to an outside agency it must see that such agency acts as a subordinate authority and does not become a parallel legislature.

And his observation on the checks, which an evaluative answer should use. The courts of India are not committed to the doctrine of separation of powers as it has been interpreted in America, so there are only two main checks in this country on the power of the legislature to delegate: its good sense, and the principle that it should not cross the line beyond which delegation amounts to abdication and self-effacement.

Conditional legislation and delegated legislation

The distinction is examined in Hamdard Dawakhana, and students confuse the two constantly.

In conditional legislation the delegate's power is that of determining when a legislatively declared rule of conduct shall become effective. The legislature has made the law; the delegate decides the time, the manner, or the area of its operation.

In delegated legislation the delegate is given rule-making power: the legislature having laid down the broad principles of its policy leaves the details to be supplied by the administrative authority, and the delegate completes the legislation by supplying details within the limits prescribed by the statute.

Why the distinction matters. Conditional legislation raises no question of excessive delegation, because nothing legislative has been handed over; only a trigger has. Chapter 810 read section 5 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, under which the Central Government extends the Establishment's powers to an area: that is conditional legislation, and the offences it may investigate remain fixed by the notification under section 3.

munotes.in681

The Essential Legislative Function

Hamdard Dawakhana: the doctrine applied

Facts. Hamdard Dawakhana v. Union of India, AIR 1960 SC 554, decided on 18 December 1959. The Drug and Magic Remedies (Objectionable Advertisements) Act 1954 prohibited advertisements of remedies for the diseases and conditions specified in section 3, clause (d) of which extended to "any other disease or condition which may be specified in the rules made under this Act".

Held on the character of the power. When the rule-making authority specifies conditions and diseases in the Schedule it exercises the same delegated authority as when it makes other rules, so it is delegated legislation and not conditional legislation.

Held on its validity, and this is the passage to quote. The question was whether the administrative authority had been supplied with proper guidance. "In our view the words impugned are vague. Parliament has established no criteria, no standards and has not prescribed any principle on which a particular disease or condition is to be specified in the Schedule. It is not stated what facts or circumstances are to be taken into consideration to include a particular condition or disease. The power of specifying diseases and conditions as given in section 3(d) must therefore be held to be going beyond permissible boundaries of valid delegation." As a consequence the Schedule in the rules was struck down, without affecting the conditions and diseases properly falling within the other clauses of section 3.

Note exactly what failed. Not the Act, and not the power to make rules. A single clause which handed over the choice of what the Act should apply to, with no criteria, no standards and no principle. That is the essential legislative function, and it had not been retained.

How to apply the doctrine

Ask three questions in order.

One: is this delegated legislation at all, or conditional legislation? If the legislature has made the rule and left only the time, manner or area of its operation, the doctrine does not arise.

Two: has the legislature declared the policy? Look for the object in the preamble and the operative sections. If the Act says what it is trying to achieve, there is a policy.

Three: has it laid down a standard, that is criteria, principles or guidance by which the delegate is to act? This is where Acts fail. A power to specify "any other disease" with no criteria, no standards and no principle fails; a power to prescribe standards of quality for the purpose of ensuring the safety of food does not, because the object supplies the standard.

munotes.in682

The Essential Legislative Function

And note the practical consequence for the rest of this label. The doctrine polices the parent Act, not the rule. A rule that goes beyond the Act is ultra vires, which is a different objection; a rule made under a section that gave no guidance fails because the section was bad. Chapter 1050's committee applies both tests; a student should keep them apart.

A worked example

An Act to regulate private schools empowers the Government to make rules "prescribing such matters as may be necessary", and a rule made under it fixes the fees a school may charge.

Is it conditional legislation? No. The legislature has not made a rule and left its commencement to the delegate; the delegate is making the rule.

Has the legislature declared a policy? If the Act's object is the regulation of private schools in the interest of students, there is a policy.

Has it laid down a standard? A power to prescribe "such matters as may be necessary" supplies no criteria, no standards and no principle for fixing a fee. On Hamdard Dawakhana the delegation goes beyond permissible boundaries, and the rule falls with the clause.

Change the Act. It empowers rules "prescribing the maximum fee, having regard to the cost of providing the education, the facilities offered and the need to prevent profiteering". Now there is a standard, and the delegation is of the ancillary detail which the legislature considers necessary to exercise its power effectively and completely.

Change it again. The Act itself fixes the fee and empowers the Government to bring the Act into force in such districts as it may notify. That is conditional legislation: the rule of conduct is the legislature's, and the delegate decides only the area.

And a rule made under the second Act fixes a fee for a purpose the Act does not mention. That is not excessive delegation but ultra vires, and chapter 1050 shows the committee and a court applying the same ground.

What beginners get wrong

That any delegation of law-making is unconstitutional. Only of the essential legislative function, which is declaring the policy and laying down the standard.

That abdication means the legislature has abolished itself. It need not amount to complete effacement; there is abdication where the legislature says in effect that it will not legislate but will leave it to another to legislate.

That retaining a power of repeal saves the delegation. It does not: even where the legislature retains the power to recall or to repeal, conferring full powers to do everything it can do is abdication or effacement.

munotes.in683

The Essential Legislative Function

That conditional legislation is a kind of delegated legislation. In conditional legislation the delegate determines when a legislatively declared rule shall become effective; nothing legislative is handed over.

That Hamdard Dawakhana struck down the Act. It struck down the Schedule in the rules, the vice being in section 3(d), and the other clauses of section 3 were unaffected.

Quick revision

In re The Delhi Laws Act 1912, AIR 1951 SC 332, advisory opinion of 23 May 1951, seven judges, separate opinions.

The definition: the legislature must retain in its own hands the essential legislative functions, which consist in declaring the legislative policy and laying down the standard which is to be enacted into a rule of law; what may be delegated is the ancillary detail, its legitimacy depending entirely upon its being used as an ancillary measure which the legislature considers necessary to exercise its powers effectively and completely.

The source of the limit: unless the power to delegate is expressly given by the constitution, a legislature cannot delegate its essential legislative functions, and the Indian Constitution gives none.

Abdication: need not amount to complete effacement; it exists where the legislature says in effect that it will not legislate but will leave it to another; and conferring full powers is abdication even though the power to recall or repeal is retained.

Fazl Ali J: the delegate must act as a subordinate authority and not become a parallel legislature; and there are only two main checks, the legislature's good sense and the line beyond which delegation is abdication and self-effacement.

Conditional legislation: the delegate determines when a legislatively declared rule of conduct shall become effective, or its manner or area. No question of excessive delegation arises.

Hamdard Dawakhana, AIR 1960 SC 554, 18 December 1959: specifying diseases in the Schedule is delegated legislation; "Parliament has established no criteria, no standards and has not prescribed any principle", so s.3(d) goes beyond permissible boundaries of valid delegation and the Schedule in the rules is struck down.

Test yourself

1. What is the essential legislative function, and may it be delegated? It consists in declaring the legislative policy and laying down the standard which is to be enacted into a rule of law. It may not be delegated. The advisory opinion in In re The Delhi Laws Act held that the view that a legislature has a general power to delegate unless expressly prohibited is supported neither by authority nor by principle, that the correct view is that unless the power to delegate is expressly given by the constitution a legislature cannot delegate its essential legislative functions, and that since the Indian Constitution gives no such power the Indian legislature has none. What may be delegated is the ancillary detail, and the legitimacy of a delegation depends entirely on its being used as an ancillary measure which the legislature considers necessary in order to exercise its legislative powers effectively and completely.

munotes.in684

The Essential Legislative Function

2. What amounts to abdication? Not necessarily the complete effacement of the legislature. There is an abdication where, in respect of a subject in a Legislative List, the body in effect says that it will not legislate but will leave it to another to legislate on that subject. Abdication may also be partial: where full powers to do everything the legislature itself could do are conferred on a subordinate authority, there is an abdication or effacement even though the legislature retains the power to control the subordinate by recalling the power or repealing what it has made. Fazl Ali J put the test in the form that a legislature entrusting power to an outside agency must see that the agency acts as a subordinate authority and does not become a parallel legislature.

3. Distinguish conditional legislation from delegated legislation. In conditional legislation the delegate's power is that of determining when a legislatively declared rule of conduct shall become effective, and it extends to the time and manner of carrying the legislation into effect and to the determination of the area to which it is to extend. In delegated legislation the legislature, having laid down the broad principles of its policy, leaves the details to be supplied by the administrative authority, and the delegate completes the legislation by supplying those details within the limits the statute prescribes. The distinction matters because conditional legislation raises no question of excessive delegation, nothing legislative having been transferred; only a trigger has. Section 5 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, under which the Central Government extends the Establishment's powers and jurisdiction to an area, is an instance of conditional legislation.

4. What was decided in Hamdard Dawakhana? The Drug and Magic Remedies (Objectionable Advertisements) Act 1954 prohibited advertisements relating to the diseases and conditions specified in section 3, clause (d) of which extended to any other disease or condition specified in the rules. The Court held that when the rule-making authority specified conditions and diseases in the Schedule it was exercising delegated legislative power and not conditional legislation; and that the power was invalid, because the words impugned were vague, Parliament having established no criteria, no standards and no principle upon which a particular disease or condition was to be specified, and not having stated what facts or circumstances were to be taken into consideration. The power in section 3(d) therefore went beyond the permissible boundaries of valid delegation, and the Schedule in the rules was struck down, the conditions and diseases falling within the other clauses of section 3 being unaffected. What failed was neither the Act nor the rule-making power generally, but a single clause which handed over the choice of what the Act should apply to without any guidance at all.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in685

Chapter -Seven

The Laying Procedure

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

Three forms, distinguished by how much the House may do: it may only see the instrument, or it may annul it, or the instrument does not take effect until the House approves it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the policy and object underlying the provisions requiring delegated legislation to be laid before both Houses is to keep supervision and control over the subordinate law-making authorities, and as the Supreme Court observed in Atlas Cycle Industries Ltd. v. State of Haryana, AIR 1979 SC 1149, laying clauses assume different forms depending on the degree of control the legislature wishes to exercise, the three kinds generally used being laying without further procedure, laying subject to a negative resolution, and laying subject to an affirmative resolution, each case depending on its own circumstances and on the wording of the statute under which the rules are made.

The three forms

One: simple laying, or laying without further procedure. The instrument is laid before the House and nothing more is provided. The House sees it; it may debate it if it can find the time; it has no power under the section to modify or annul it.

Two: laying subject to a negative resolution. The instrument is laid, and if within a stated period the House resolves that it shall not be made, or agrees on a modification, the instrument ceases to have effect or has effect only as modified. The instrument operates unless the House acts.

Three: laying subject to an affirmative resolution. The instrument does not take effect, or ceases to have effect, unless the House approves it within a stated period. The instrument does not operate unless the House acts.

The difference that matters is where inertia falls. Under the negative procedure, doing nothing leaves the rule in force. Under the affirmative procedure, doing nothing kills it. Since a House does nothing to the overwhelming majority of instruments laid before it, the affirmative procedure is a genuine control and the negative one is a control on paper.

Which is why the affirmative form is reserved. Legislatures use it for instruments of unusual importance, and use simple laying or the negative form for the rest. The choice of form is itself a legislative judgment about how much control is worth the House's time.

A live example of the strongest common form

Section 22 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003, chapter 680, is the negative-with-modification form in full, and it is worth reading because most Acts in this book use a version of it:

Every notification under section 8(2)(b) and every rule and regulation shall be laid before each House of Parliament, while it is in session, for a total period of thirty days, which may be comprised in one session or in two or more successive sessions; and if, before the expiry of the session immediately following, both Houses agree in making any modification or agree that it should not be made, it shall thereafter have effect only in such modified form or be of no effect, as the case may be; so, however, that any such modification or annulment shall be without prejudice to the validity of anything previously done under it.

munotes.in686

The Laying Procedure

Section 9 of the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act 2003 is the same formula for every rule made under that Act, in identical words.

Read the formula for its four features, because they recur everywhere.

Thirty days, aggregated across sessions. Not thirty days of one session; the periods are added.

"Both Houses agree." Both. One House alone cannot annul or modify.

Modification as well as annulment. This is the stronger negative form: the House may change the instrument, not merely kill it.

And the saving. Anything previously done under the instrument stays valid. The annulment operates thereafter, not retrospectively, which is what makes the procedure workable and also what limits its value to a person already affected.

The other laying requirements in this book

Notice how many there are, and that they are not all the same kind of thing.

Delegated legislation. Section 22 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act; section 9 of the FRBM Act; section 24(3) of the Right to Information Act, chapter 890, under which every notification amending the Second Schedule shall be laid before each House.

Reports. Section 14(3) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, the annual report; article 151, the audit reports; section 3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, a Commission's report with an action taken memorandum, chapter 470.

Orders. Section 23(2) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, every removal of difficulties order.

The distinction to draw, and it is worth marks. Where delegated legislation is laid, the House may in the stronger forms modify or annul it. Where a report is laid, it may do nothing at all to it: chapter 1060 showed that the only thing standing behind a report's laying is the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, which checks that it was laid and reports the delay. A laying requirement is not one device but two, and only one of them carries a power.

Where the control actually operates

Not on the floor. No House reads the instruments laid before it. Chapter 1050 gave the figure implicitly: fifteen members of a Committee on Subordinate Legislation against the whole rule-making of the Union.

munotes.in687

The Laying Procedure

So laying is a delivery mechanism, and the committee is the control. The instrument is laid, the committee reads it, and the committee reports. Take away the committee and laying is a rule deposited in a library.

And chapter 1240 completes the picture. Because the courts have held a laying requirement to be ordinarily directory, non-compliance does not invalidate the instrument. So the legal force of laying is slight and its practical force is entirely the committee's.

A worked example

An Act provides that rules made under it shall be laid before each House for thirty days, and that if both Houses agree in modifying a rule or agree that it should not be made, it shall have effect only as modified or be of no effect, without prejudice to anything previously done.

Which form is this? Laying subject to a negative resolution, in its stronger version, since the House may modify as well as annul.

A rule is made on 1 April and comes into force at once. It operates from the moment it is made. The laying is subsequent, not a condition precedent.

It is laid on 1 May. The thirty-day period runs while the House is in session, aggregated across one or more successive sessions.

On 1 August both Houses agree that the rule should not have been made. The rule is of no effect thereafter. Everything done under it between 1 April and 1 August stands, by the saving.

Only the Lok Sabha so resolves. Nothing happens. The section requires both Houses to agree.

Nobody notices the rule at all. It stays in force. That is the negative procedure working exactly as drafted, and it is why the Committee on Subordinate Legislation exists.

Now change the Act to an affirmative form: the rule shall not take effect until approved by resolution of both Houses. Now inertia kills it, and the executive must obtain a positive act of the legislature before its rule is law.

And change the instrument to a report rather than a rule. There is nothing for either House to resolve; laying a report is delivery, and the only sanction is the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table.

What beginners get wrong

That laying always lets the House annul. Under simple laying it does not; the section gives no power at all.

That one House can annul. The standard formula requires both Houses to agree.

That thirty days means thirty days of one session. It is a total period of thirty days which may be comprised in one session or in two or more successive sessions.

munotes.in688

The Laying Procedure

That annulment undoes what was done. The saving preserves anything previously done under the instrument.

That laying a report is the same as laying a rule. A rule may be modified or annulled; a report may not be touched.

That the House reads what is laid. The committee reads it, and that is the whole of the control.

Quick revision

Three forms, from the Atlas Cycle decision: laying without further procedure; laying subject to a negative resolution; laying subject to an affirmative resolution. The object is to keep supervision and control over the subordinate law-making authorities, and the form chosen depends on the degree of control the legislature wishes to exercise and on the wording of the statute.

Where inertia falls: under the negative form, doing nothing leaves the rule in force; under the affirmative form, doing nothing kills it. Since a House does nothing to most instruments, the affirmative form is the real control.

The standard Indian formula, s.22 of the CVC Act and s.9 of the FRBM Act: laid before each House while in session for a total of thirty days, comprised in one or more successive sessions; if both Houses agree in a modification or that it should not be made, it has effect only as modified or is of no effect; without prejudice to anything previously done.

Other laying requirements in this book: s.24(3) RTI Act (Second Schedule notifications); s.14(3) CVC Act (annual report); art 151 (audit reports); s.3(4) Commissions of Inquiry Act (report with an action taken memorandum); s.23(2) CVC Act (removal of difficulties orders).

Two kinds of laying: delegated legislation, which the House may modify or annul; and reports, which it may do nothing to, the only sanction being the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table.

Test yourself

1. What are the three kinds of laying? Laying without further procedure, in which the instrument is simply laid before the House and the section confers no power to modify or annul it; laying subject to a negative resolution, in which the instrument operates unless within a stated period the House resolves that it should not be made or agrees upon a modification, in which case it ceases to have effect or has effect only as modified; and laying subject to an affirmative resolution, in which the instrument does not take effect, or ceases to have effect, unless it is approved by the House within a stated period. As the Supreme Court observed in Atlas Cycle, the object of laying provisions is to keep supervision and control over the subordinate law-making authorities and executive instrumentalities, and the laying clauses assume different forms according to the degree of control the legislature wishes to exercise, each case depending on its own circumstances and on the wording of the statute under which the rules are made.

munotes.in689

The Laying Procedure

2. Why is the affirmative procedure the stronger control? Because of where inertia falls. Under a negative procedure the instrument is in force from the moment it is made and remains in force unless the House takes a positive step to annul or modify it; under an affirmative procedure it does not take effect at all unless the House takes a positive step to approve it. Since a House does nothing about the overwhelming majority of the instruments laid before it, the practical difference is that the negative procedure leaves the executive's rule standing and the affirmative procedure does not. That is why the affirmative form is reserved for instruments of unusual importance, and why the choice of form is itself a legislative judgment about how much of the House's time a particular class of instrument is worth.

3. Set out the standard Indian laying formula and explain each of its features. Every instrument shall be laid before each House while it is in session for a total period of thirty days, which may be comprised in one session or in two or more successive sessions; and if, before the expiry of the session immediately following, both Houses agree in making any modification or agree that the instrument should not be made, it shall thereafter have effect only in such modified form or be of no effect; so however that any such modification or annulment shall be without prejudice to the validity of anything previously done under it. Section 22 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 and section 9 of the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act 2003 are in those terms. The thirty days are aggregated across sessions rather than counted within one. Both Houses must agree, so one House alone can neither annul nor modify. The power extends to modification and not merely to annulment, which makes it the stronger negative form. And the saving preserves everything done under the instrument before the annulment, so that the annulment operates only thereafter, which is what makes the procedure workable and also what limits its value to a person already affected by the rule.

4. Is laying one device or two? Two, and the distinction is often missed. Where delegated legislation is laid under a section in the standard form, the House has a power over the instrument itself: it may, with the concurrence of the other House, modify it or resolve that it should not have been made. Where a report is laid, whether the annual report of the Central Vigilance Commission under section 14(3), the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General under article 151, or the report of a Commission of Inquiry with an action taken memorandum under section 3(4) of the 1952 Act, the House has no power over the document at all: the laying is delivery, and the only thing standing behind the obligation is the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, which examines whether the paper was laid in compliance with the provision requiring it and whether there was unreasonable delay.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in690

Chapter -Eight

Is Laying Mandatory?

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

The word "shall" does not settle it; where the section provides no consequence for non-compliance and invalidity would cause serious general inconvenience, the requirement is directory, so a rule not laid is still a rule.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Atlas Cycle Industries Ltd. v. State of Haryana, AIR 1979 SC 1149, the Supreme Court held that the non-laying of a notification before both Houses of Parliament could not result in the nullification of the notification, the legislature never having intended that non-compliance with the requirement of laying in section 3(6) of the Essential Commodities Act should render the order void; that the use of the word "shall" is not conclusive and decisive, the true intention of the legislature being the determining factor, to be ascertained by looking carefully to the whole scope, nature and design of the statute; that two considerations for regarding a provision as directory are the absence of any provision for the contingency of its not being complied with and the serious general inconvenience and prejudice that would result to the general public if the act were declared invalid for non-compliance; and that the requirement of laying is not a condition precedent but subsequent to the making of the order, there being no prohibition against making orders without the approval of both Houses.

Atlas Cycle: the holding

Facts. Atlas Cycle Industries Ltd. v. State of Haryana, AIR 1979 SC 1149, (1979) 2 SCC 196, decided on 4 October 1978. A notification fixing the maximum selling prices of various categories of iron and steel had not been laid before both Houses as section 3(6) of the Essential Commodities Act required, and it was contended that the notification was therefore not valid.

Held (1). Non-laying of the notification before both Houses cannot result in nullification of the notification. The legislature never intended that non-compliance with the requirement of laying as envisaged by section 3(6) should render the order void.

Held (2), and this is the method. Though section 3(6) provides that every order shall be laid before both Houses as soon as may be after it is made, the important point, in the absence of a provision prescribing the conditions, the period and the legal effect of the laying, is whether the provision is directory or mandatory. The use of the word "shall" is not conclusive and decisive of the matter, and the Court has to ascertain the true intention of the legislature, which is the determining factor, and that must be done by looking carefully to the whole scope, nature and design of the statute.

Held (3), the two considerations. Two considerations for regarding a provision as directory are:

munotes.in691

Is Laying Mandatory?

(1) the absence of any provision for the contingency of a particular provision not being complied with or followed; and

(2) the serious general inconvenience and prejudice that would result to the general public if the act of the government or an instrumentality is declared invalid for non-compliance with the particular provision.

Held (4), the classification. The object of laying provisions being to keep supervision and control over the subordinate authorities, the laying clauses assume different forms depending on the degree of control the legislature wishes to exercise, the three kinds being laying without further procedure, laying subject to negative resolution, and laying subject to affirmative resolution; and each case must depend on its own circumstances or the wording of the statute under which the rules are made. Chapter 1230.

Held (5), the application, and this is the part to reproduce. Section 3(6) merely provides that every order shall be laid before both Houses as soon as may be after it is made. It does not provide that it shall be subject to the negative or the affirmative resolution; it does not provide that it shall be open to Parliament to approve or disapprove the order; it does not say that it shall be subject to any modification either House may think necessary; it does not specify the period for which it is to be laid; nor does it provide any penalty for non-observance. And the requirement of laying is not a condition precedent but subsequent to the making of the order: there is no prohibition to the making of the orders without the approval of both Houses.

Jan Mohammad: the earlier authority

Facts. Jan Mohammad Noor Mohammad Begban v. State of Gujarat, AIR 1966 SC 385, decided by Shah J. Rules under the Bombay Agricultural Produce Markets Act 1939 had been in operation since 1941 and had not been placed before the Houses of the Legislature as section 26(5) required.

Held. Section 26(5) does not prescribe that the rules acquired validity only from the date on which they were placed before the Houses of Legislature. The rules are valid from the date on which they are made under section 26(1). Failure to place the rules before the Houses of Legislature does not affect the validity of the rules. Having regard to the purposes for which it is made and in the context in which it occurs, section 26(5) cannot be regarded as mandatory.

The two cases together give the rule and its age. Jan Mohammad in 1966 and Atlas Cycle in 1978 say the same thing in different statutes: a bare requirement to lay is directory, and the rule is valid from the date it is made.

munotes.in692

Is Laying Mandatory?

How to apply the test

Read the laying section and ask four questions.

One: does it prescribe the CONDITIONS of laying? A period, a session requirement, a starting point.

Two: does it give the House a POWER? To approve, to disapprove, to modify, to annul.

Three: does it state the LEGAL EFFECT of laying, or of failing to lay? That the instrument shall not take effect until laid; that it shall cease to have effect if annulled.

Four: does it provide a PENALTY or any consequence for non-compliance?

If the answers are all no, the section is a bare laying requirement and is directory, on Atlas Cycle: it merely provides that the order shall be laid as soon as may be after it is made, and laying is subsequent to the making.

If the answers include a power and a stated effect, the position is different. Compare section 22 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act and section 9 of the FRBM Act, chapter 1230: thirty days, both Houses agreeing, modification or annulment, and the instrument then having effect only as modified or being of no effect. Those sections state conditions, a power and a legal effect, so the reasoning of Atlas Cycle does not apply to them in the same way; and an affirmative-resolution clause is by its own terms a condition precedent.

But keep the honest limit. Even under section 22 the annulment operates thereafter and is without prejudice to anything previously done, so the rule is valid until annulled in any event. What differs between the forms is not whether non-laying invalidates, which it does not, but whether the House has a power once the instrument is before it.

The practical conclusion

Laying is a real control in politics and a weak one in litigation, and both halves must be said.

In litigation it is weak. A person prosecuted under a rule cannot ordinarily escape by showing that the rule was never laid: Jan Mohammad, Atlas Cycle. The Government's default does not become the citizen's defence, and the reason the Court gives is the second consideration: the serious general inconvenience and prejudice to the general public if every act done under an unlaid rule were void.

In politics it is real. The instrument comes before the House; the Committee on Subordinate Legislation reads it, chapter 1050; the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table checks that it was laid and reports unreasonable delay, chapter 1060; and where the section confers a power, both Houses may modify or annul.

munotes.in693

Is Laying Mandatory?

And the consequence for the whole label. The legal force of laying is slight, so the practical force of laying is entirely the committee's. Chapter 1050 said it; Atlas Cycle is the authority that makes it true.

A worked example

An Act provides simply that "every rule made under this Act shall be laid before each House of Parliament as soon as may be after it is made". A rule is made and never laid, and a person is prosecuted under it.

Can he say the rule is void? Ordinarily not. On Atlas Cycle the section merely provides for laying; it prescribes no conditions, no period, no power in the House and no penalty; the requirement is subsequent, not a condition precedent; and the provision is directory.

What are the two considerations? That the section makes no provision for the contingency of non-compliance, and that serious general inconvenience and prejudice to the general public would follow if acts done under the rule were void.

Does "shall" not settle it? The use of the word "shall" is not conclusive and decisive; the Court ascertains the true intention of the legislature from the whole scope, nature and design of the statute.

Change the section to section 22 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act form. Now it prescribes thirty days, requires both Houses to agree, allows modification or annulment, and states the legal effect. The House has a power; but even then the annulment operates thereafter and without prejudice to anything previously done, so the accused prosecuted for an act done before annulment is no better off.

Change it to an affirmative form. The rule does not take effect until approved. Now non-approval is fatal, because the section itself makes approval a condition of the rule having effect rather than a step to be taken afterwards.

And what is his remedy in the first case? Not in that court. The Committee on Papers Laid on the Table reports the delay and the Committee on Subordinate Legislation may report on the rule; and if the rule is bad on the merits he may attack it as ultra vires or for excessive delegation, chapters 1050 and 1220, which are different grounds altogether.

What beginners get wrong

That "shall" makes a provision mandatory. The use of the word "shall" is not conclusive and decisive.

That an unlaid rule is void. Failure to place the rules before the Houses does not affect the validity of the rules, and they are valid from the date on which they are made.

That laying is a condition precedent. It is subsequent to the making of the order; there is no prohibition to the making of orders without the approval of both Houses.

munotes.in694

Is Laying Mandatory?

That all laying clauses are the same. They assume different forms depending on the degree of control, and each case depends on its own circumstances or the wording of the statute.

That an annulment undoes what was done. In the standard formula it operates thereafter and is without prejudice to anything previously done.

Quick revision

Atlas Cycle Industries Ltd. v. State of Haryana, AIR 1979 SC 1149, 4 October 1978. Non-laying under s.3(6) of the Essential Commodities Act cannot nullify the notification.

Method: "shall" is not conclusive and decisive; the Court ascertains the true intention of the legislature from the whole scope, nature and design of the statute.

Two considerations for directory: (1) the absence of any provision for the contingency of non-compliance; (2) the serious general inconvenience and prejudice to the general public if the act were declared invalid.

Application: s.3(6) merely provides for laying; no negative or affirmative resolution, no power to approve or disapprove, no modification, no period specified, no penalty; and laying is not a condition precedent but subsequent.

Jan Mohammad, AIR 1966 SC 385: s.26(5) of the Bombay Act does not make validity depend on placing; the rules are valid from the date they are made; failure to place does not affect validity; the sub-section cannot be regarded as mandatory.

The conclusion: laying is a real control in politics and a weak one in litigation. Legally, the Government's default is not the citizen's defence; practically, the instrument reaches the Committee on Subordinate Legislation and the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, and under a stronger clause both Houses may modify or annul, thereafter and without prejudice to anything previously done.

Test yourself

1. Does a failure to lay a rule before Parliament invalidate it? Ordinarily not. In Atlas Cycle the Supreme Court held that the non-laying of a notification before both Houses could not result in its nullification, the legislature never having intended that non-compliance with the requirement of laying in section 3(6) of the Essential Commodities Act should render the order void; and in Jan Mohammad it had earlier held that section 26(5) of the Bombay Agricultural Produce Markets Act did not prescribe that the rules acquired validity only from the date they were placed before the Houses, that the rules were valid from the date on which they were made, that failure to place them did not affect their validity, and that having regard to the purposes for which the sub-section was made and the context in which it occurred it could not be regarded as mandatory.

munotes.in695

Is Laying Mandatory?

2. How does a court decide whether a laying provision is mandatory or directory? Not by the word used. The use of the word "shall" is not conclusive and decisive, and the Court must ascertain the true intention of the legislature, which is the determining factor, by looking carefully to the whole scope, nature and design of the statute. Two considerations point towards a provision being directory: the absence of any provision for the contingency of the particular provision not being complied with or followed, and the serious general inconvenience and prejudice that would result to the general public if the act of the government or of an instrumentality were declared invalid for non-compliance. In Atlas Cycle the Court applied those considerations to a section which merely provided that every order should be laid as soon as may be after it was made, without prescribing any negative or affirmative resolution procedure, without giving Parliament any power to approve, disapprove or modify, without specifying the period of laying and without providing any penalty, and which imposed a requirement subsequent to rather than precedent to the making of the order.

3. Does the same reasoning apply to every laying clause? No, and the Court said so: laying clauses assume different forms depending on the degree of control the legislature wishes to exercise, the three kinds being laying without further procedure, laying subject to a negative resolution and laying subject to an affirmative resolution, and each case must depend on its own circumstances or on the wording of the statute under which the rules are made. A clause in the form of section 22 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act or section 9 of the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act prescribes a period of thirty days, requires the agreement of both Houses, permits modification as well as annulment and states the legal effect, so the reasoning applied to a bare requirement does not fit it; and an affirmative-resolution clause makes approval a condition of the instrument having effect, so non-approval is by the terms of the section fatal. What remains constant, however, is that even under the stronger negative form an annulment operates thereafter and without prejudice to anything previously done, so the difference between the forms lies not in whether non-laying invalidates but in what power the House has once the instrument is before it.

4. What is the practical conclusion? That laying is a real control in politics and a weak one in litigation. In litigation it is weak because a person prosecuted under a rule cannot ordinarily escape by showing that the rule was never laid, the Government's default not becoming the citizen's defence, and the reason the Court gives is the serious general inconvenience and prejudice to the general public that would follow if every act done under an unlaid rule were void. In politics it is real, because the instrument comes before the House, the Committee on Subordinate Legislation reads it and reports on it, the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table checks that it was laid and reports unreasonable delay, and where the section confers the power both Houses may modify or annul. The consequence for the sixth label as a whole is that since the legal force of laying is slight, the practical force of laying is entirely the committee's.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in696

Chapter -Nine

Publication and Previous Publication

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

Publication tells people what the rule is; previous publication asks them what it should be; and only the second is a real control, because only the second happens before the rule exists.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 23 of the General Clauses Act 1897 applies where by a Central Act or Regulation a power to make rules or bye-laws is expressed to be given subject to the condition of the rules being made after previous publication, and requires the authority before making them to publish a draft for the information of persons likely to be affected, in such manner as it deems sufficient or as the Government prescribes, together with a notice specifying a date on or after which the draft will be taken into consideration, and requires the authority, and any authority whose sanction, approval or concurrence is needed, to consider any objection or suggestion received with respect to the draft before that date; and provides that publication in the Official Gazette of a rule purporting to have been made in exercise of such a power shall be conclusive proof that the rule has been duly made.

Publication

What it is. The making of the instrument known, ordinarily by notification in the Official Gazette.

Why it is required. Because a rule is law, enforceable by penalty, and a person cannot be expected to obey what he cannot find. The requirement is an application of the elementary principle that law must be promulgated before it binds.

Where the requirement comes from. Not from any general provision of the General Clauses Act, but from the parent Act itself. Chapter 680 read section 20(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act: the Central Government may "by notification in the Official Gazette" make rules; and section 21(1) for regulations. Chapter 810 read section 3 of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act: the Central Government may "by notification in the Official Gazette" specify the offences. Each Act says how its instruments are to be made, and publication is part of the making.

Which explains a distinction worth marks. Where an Act says a rule shall be made by notification in the Official Gazette, publication is part of the act of making and the rule does not exist until it is published. Where an Act merely says the rule shall be published, publication is a separate step, and the Atlas Cycle question of chapter 1240 arises: is the requirement mandatory or directory?

Previous publication: section 23

It applies only where the parent Act asks for it. Section 23 opens: where, by any Central Act or Regulation, a power to make rules or bye-laws is expressed to be given subject to the condition of the rules or bye-laws being made after previous publication. If the Act does not use that condition, section 23 has no application at all.

munotes.in697

Publication and Previous Publication

The five clauses.

(1) The authority shall, before making them, publish a draft of the proposed rules for the information of persons likely to be affected thereby.

(2) The publication shall be in such manner as that authority deems to be sufficient, or, if the condition so requires, in such manner as the Government concerned prescribes.

(3) There shall be published with the draft a notice specifying a date on or after which the draft will be taken into consideration.

(4) The authority, and, where the rules are to be made with the sanction, approval or concurrence of another authority, that authority also, shall consider any objection or suggestion received from any person with respect to the draft before the date so specified.

(5) The publication in the Official Gazette of a rule purporting to have been made in exercise of a power to make rules after previous publication shall be CONCLUSIVE PROOF that the rule has been duly made.

Why previous publication is the stronger control

Set it against the two devices in chapters 1230 and 1240.

Laying happens after the rule is made and, on Atlas Cycle, is ordinarily directory, so non-compliance invalidates nothing.

The Committee on Subordinate Legislation reads the rule after it is in force, chapter 1050, and reports.

Previous publication happens BEFORE the rule exists. The draft is published, persons likely to be affected are told, a date is fixed, and the authority shall consider objections and suggestions received before that date.

Three consequences follow.

It reaches the people the rule will bind, not the House. It is the only device in this label that consults the governed rather than the legislature.

It operates while the rule can still be changed. Everything else in this label operates on a rule already made.

And it imposes a duty to consider, exactly the duty chapter 700 found in section 17(3) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act. A duty to consider is a real administrative-law duty, and a rule made without considering objections received before the specified date is made in breach of the section.

Clause (5), and the honest limit

"Conclusive proof that the rule has been duly made."

That is a strong phrase, and it cuts against the citizen. Once the rule is published in the Official Gazette as having been made in exercise of a power to make rules after previous publication, the fact that the procedure was followed cannot be disputed.

munotes.in698

Publication and Previous Publication

So the practical position is this. The duty in clauses (1) to (4) is real, and an authority that ignores objections has failed in it; but once the rule appears in the Gazette in the proper form, a challenge based on non-compliance with the previous publication procedure faces clause (5).

Say both halves in an answer. Previous publication is the strongest control in this label in what it requires, and clause (5) is the reason it is rarely the ground on which a rule falls.

Does non-publication invalidate?

Distinguish two situations, and the distinction decides the question.

Where the Act requires the rule to be made "by notification in the Official Gazette", publication is part of the making. An unpublished rule has not been made, and the question of validity does not arise: there is nothing to be invalid.

Where the Act separately requires publication or previous publication, the Atlas Cycle test applies, chapter 1240: is the requirement mandatory or directory, on the whole scope, nature and design of the statute, the two considerations being whether the section provides for the contingency of non-compliance and whether serious general inconvenience and prejudice to the general public would follow from invalidity.

And in the previous publication case, clause (5) will ordinarily foreclose the inquiry once the rule is in the Gazette.

A worked example

An Act empowers the Government, "by notification in the Official Gazette and after previous publication", to make rules prescribing standards for a trade.

A draft is not published and the rules appear in the Gazette. Section 23(1) required a draft to be published before making them, for the information of persons likely to be affected. The duty was breached.

Can a trader challenge the rules on that ground? He faces clause (5): publication in the Official Gazette of a rule purporting to have been made in exercise of a power to make rules after previous publication is conclusive proof that the rule has been duly made.

A draft is published but no date is specified. Clause (3) requires a notice specifying a date on or after which the draft will be taken into consideration, and without it clause (4)'s duty has no reference point. The breach is plainer, and clause (5) is still in the way once the rule is gazetted.

A draft is published with a date, objections are received, and the authority does not read them. Clause (4): the authority shall consider any objection or suggestion received before the date so specified. That is a duty to consider, and a decision taken without considering a relevant matter is the classic ground of administrative review even where clause (5) proves the rule was "duly made", because the complaint is not that the procedure was omitted but that the mind was not applied.

munotes.in699

Publication and Previous Publication

The rules require the sanction of another authority, which sanctions without seeing the objections. Clause (4) in terms binds that authority too.

And the Act had not used the words "after previous publication" at all. Section 23 does not apply. It operates only where the power is expressed to be given subject to the condition of previous publication.

What beginners get wrong

That section 23 applies to all rule-making. It applies only where the Act expresses the power subject to the condition of previous publication.

That publication and previous publication are the same. Publication makes the rule known; previous publication publishes a draft so that those affected may object before it is made.

That previous publication requires the objections to be accepted. It requires them to be considered.

That non-publication always invalidates. Where publication is part of the making, an unpublished rule does not exist. Where it is a separate requirement, the directory or mandatory question of Atlas Cycle arises.

That clause (5) makes the procedure optional. The duty in clauses (1) to (4) stands; clause (5) governs proof, and it is why a challenge on this ground rarely succeeds.

Quick revision

Publication: makes the rule known, ordinarily by notification in the Official Gazette; required by the parent Act, as in ss.20 and 21 of the CVC Act and s.3 of the DSPE Act. Where the Act says a rule is made by notification, publication is part of the making.

Previous publication, s.23 of the General Clauses Act 1897, applying only where the power is expressed to be given subject to that condition: (1) publish a draft before making, for persons likely to be affected; (2) in such manner as the authority deems sufficient or the Government prescribes; (3) with a notice specifying a date on or after which the draft will be taken into consideration; (4) the authority, and any sanctioning, approving or concurring authority, shall consider any objection or suggestion received before that date; (5) publication in the Official Gazette is CONCLUSIVE PROOF that the rule has been duly made.

Why it is the strongest control: it reaches the governed and not the legislature; it operates before the rule exists; and it imposes a duty to consider.

Why it rarely succeeds as a ground: clause (5).

Test yourself

1. What is previous publication and when does section 23 apply? Previous publication is the publication of a draft of proposed rules before they are made, so that persons likely to be affected may object. Section 23 of the General Clauses Act 1897 applies only where, by a Central Act or Regulation, a power to make rules or bye-laws is expressed to be given subject to the condition of the rules being made after previous publication; if the Act does not impose that condition, the section has no application. Where it applies, the authority must publish a draft before making the rules for the information of persons likely to be affected, in such manner as it deems sufficient or as the Government prescribes; must publish with the draft a notice specifying a date on or after which the draft will be taken into consideration; and must, together with any authority whose sanction, approval or concurrence is required, consider any objection or suggestion received from any person before that date. Publication in the Official Gazette of a rule purporting to have been made in exercise of such a power is conclusive proof that it was duly made.

munotes.in700

Publication and Previous Publication

2. Why is previous publication the strongest of the controls in this label? Because it operates before the rule exists and upon the people the rule will bind. Laying occurs after the instrument is made and, on Atlas Cycle, a bare requirement of it is directory so that non-compliance invalidates nothing; the Committee on Subordinate Legislation reads a rule already in force and reports upon it. Previous publication requires a draft to be circulated while the rule can still be altered, requires those likely to be affected to be informed, fixes a date, and imposes on the rule-making authority and on any concurring authority a duty to consider the objections and suggestions received. It is therefore the only device in this label that consults the governed rather than the legislature, and the duty to consider is a real administrative-law duty of the same kind as that imposed by section 17(3) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act.

3. What is the effect of clause (5), and why does it matter? It provides that publication in the Official Gazette of a rule purporting to have been made in exercise of a power to make rules after previous publication shall be conclusive proof that the rule has been duly made. It matters because it forecloses, once the rule is gazetted in the proper form, a challenge founded on non-compliance with the procedure in clauses (1) to (4). The duty imposed by those clauses remains real, and an authority which ignores it acts in breach; but the clause governs proof, and it is the reason why previous publication, though the most demanding of the procedural controls, is rarely the ground on which a rule is actually set aside. A challenge is more likely to succeed where it is framed not as an omission of procedure but as a failure to apply the mind to a relevant matter, which is the classic ground of administrative review.

munotes.in701

Publication and Previous Publication

4. Does a failure to publish invalidate a rule? It depends on how the parent Act frames the requirement. Where the Act empowers the making of rules by notification in the Official Gazette, publication forms part of the very act of making, so that an unpublished rule has not been made and no question of its validity arises. Where publication or previous publication is imposed as a separate requirement, the question is the one Atlas Cycle poses, namely whether the provision is mandatory or directory on the whole scope, nature and design of the statute, the two considerations being whether the section provides for the contingency of non-compliance and whether serious general inconvenience and prejudice to the general public would result if acts done under the rule were declared invalid. In the case of previous publication the inquiry will ordinarily be foreclosed in any event by clause (5) once the rule appears in the Gazette.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in702

Chapter

Legislative Control Through Audit

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

Audit is not an alternative to legislative control; it is legislative control exercised after the money is spent, by an officer the legislature cannot remove and whose report goes to the House and not to the Government.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Comptroller and Auditor General is appointed under article 148 and may be removed only in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, his duties and powers being prescribed by the law made under article 149; article 151 requires his reports on the accounts of the Union to be submitted to the President who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament, and his reports on the accounts of a State to the Governor to be laid before the State Legislature; and the reports so laid are examined by the Public Accounts Committee, which takes evidence from the accounting officer and reports to the House; so that audit is the means by which the House ascertains whether the money it appropriated under article 114 was in fact spent as it directed, and is accordingly the completion of the control it began when it voted the Demands.

Why audit belongs to this label and not only to Module IV

Students treat audit as a separate subject, and MU's own syllabus encourages it by putting the Comptroller and Auditor General in Module IV. The connection has to be made deliberately.

The argument, in three steps.

The House's financial power is a power to authorise. Chapter 1200: article 113(2) lets it assent, refuse or reduce a Demand; article 114 turns the grants into an Appropriation Act; article 266(3) forbids appropriation except in accordance with law.

An authorisation without verification is not a control. If the House votes a thousand crores for wells and the money buys buildings, the vote decided nothing. The whole value of the appropriation depends on somebody establishing afterwards what was actually done with the money.

And the person who establishes it reports to the House, not to the Government. Article 151(1): the reports are submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament. The auditor's client is the legislature.

So audit is the second half of the same control. The House grants prospectively and verifies retrospectively, and the two halves are one power. That sentence, in an answer on legislative control, is worth more than a list of devices.

Why the auditor's independence is a feature of legislative control

Article 148(1): appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal, and "shall only be removed from office in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court."

munotes.in703

Legislative Control Through Audit

Article 148(3) with its proviso: salary and conditions of service as Parliament determines, and neither his salary nor his rights in respect of leave, pension or age of retirement shall be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment.

Article 148(4): not eligible for further office under the Government of India or of any State after ceasing to hold office.

Article 148(6), chapter 660: the administrative expenses of his office, including all salaries, allowances and pensions, are charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India, which by article 113(1) puts them beyond the vote of Parliament.

Read those four provisions as a set and their purpose is obvious. The officer whose function is to tell the House what the executive did with the money cannot be removed by the executive, cannot have his pay cut, cannot be offered another post afterwards, and cannot be starved of funds. Every one of those protections exists because he reports against the Government.

And note the comparison Module II supplies. Chapter 750 ranked the protections: the Comptroller and Auditor General is the most protected officer in this paper, the Lokpal next, the Central Vigilance Commissioner last, and the ranking tracks how much each can do to a Minister.

What audit produces and what it does not

It produces facts, established by an independent officer, laid before the House.

It produces no sanction. Chapter 1010: the Comptroller and Auditor General cannot disallow an item, surcharge an officer or punish anybody in his Union functions.

So the sanction is the Public Accounts Committee, which examines the Secretary as accounting officer, reports, receives the action taken reply, and reports on the reply. Chapter 1010 called that the only closed loop in this paper.

And the point for this label. The auditor and the committee together are legislative control, one supplying the material and the other the confrontation; neither is legislative control on its own.

Audit as the answer to "give examples"

MU's papers ask repeatedly for examples: "Illustrate completely the Legislative Controls with examples and recent cases", and in 2026 "Write in detail, citing appropriate examples of legislative control."

A candidate who lists Question Hour, cut motions and no-confidence has given the devices and no examples, because none of those devices ordinarily produces a documented instance.

Audit does. An audit paragraph is a specific, documented, officially established instance of money spent otherwise than as the House directed; the Public Accounts Committee's examination is on the record; and the Government's action taken reply is a written admission or denial.

munotes.in704

Legislative Control Through Audit

So the best answer to a question asking for examples of legislative control is drawn from the audit and Public Accounts Committee process, and a candidate should say so expressly: this is where legislative control produces documented results rather than debate.

And the honest qualification. The results are documented and the consequences are not. Chapter 1010: the Committee cannot order recovery, impose a penalty or direct a prosecution. What it produces is a record on which others may act, and chapters 700 and 740 show who those others are.

The State position

Article 151(2): reports on the accounts of a State go to the Governor, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State; and every State Legislature has its own Public Accounts Committee under rules made under article 208. Chapter 1280.

One officer for the Union and all the States. Article 148 creates a Comptroller and Auditor General of India, not one for each government. That single office auditing both levels is itself a feature worth naming, since it makes the auditor structurally independent of every government he audits.

A worked example

An examiner asks for examples of legislative control.

Weak answer. Question Hour, calling attention, adjournment motion, cut motions, no-confidence, committees. All correct, and not one is an example.

Strong answer. Take the sequence:

The House votes a Demand for a scheme: article 113(2), and the Appropriation Act under article 114 with the lock in article 266(3).

The departmentally related Standing Committee examined the Demand before the vote: chapter 1020, rule 270(a), though it could not suggest a cut.

The money is spent.

The Comptroller and Auditor General audits under the law made under article 149, and reports; the report is submitted to the President and laid before each House under article 151(1).

The Public Accounts Committee examines the Secretary as accounting officer on the paragraph and reports.

The Government furnishes an action taken reply, and the Committee reports on that reply.

That is a complete, documented instance of legislative control from authorisation to verification, and it is the answer MU's stem is looking for.

And what if the paragraph discloses corruption rather than irregularity? The record passes out of this module: the Central Vigilance Commission may call for reports under section 18, chapter 670; a disciplinary authority may act on its advice, chapter 700; and the Central Bureau of Investigation may investigate an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act, chapter 740. The committee does not punish; it produces the record on which the machinery of Module II operates.

munotes.in705

Legislative Control Through Audit

What beginners get wrong

That audit belongs only to Module IV. It is the retrospective half of the House's financial control, and the reports go to the House.

That the auditor reports to the Government. He submits to the President or Governor, who shall cause the report to be laid before the House.

That the auditor can punish. He cannot disallow, surcharge or punish. The Public Accounts Committee supplies the confrontation, and even it cannot order recovery.

That his independence is a courtesy. It is four provisions: removal as a Judge of the Supreme Court, pay not variable to his disadvantage, no further office, and expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund.

That listing the devices answers a question asking for examples. Audit and the Public Accounts Committee are where legislative control produces documented instances.

Quick revision

The argument: the House's financial power is a power to authorise; an authorisation without verification is not a control; and the verifier reports to the House, under art 151, not to the Government. So audit is the retrospective half of the same power the House exercised when it voted the Demands.

Independence, art 148: appointed by warrant; removable only in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court; pay not to be varied to his disadvantage; not eligible for further office under the Union or a State; and expenses charged on the Consolidated Fund, hence beyond the vote under art 113(1).

Art 151: Union reports to the President, laid before each House; State reports to the Governor, laid before the State Legislature. One officer for the Union and all the States.

What it produces: facts, independently established, on the record. No sanction: he cannot disallow, surcharge or punish; the Public Accounts Committee supplies the confrontation and the action taken loop, and even it cannot order recovery, impose a penalty or direct a prosecution.

Use it for "examples": the audit and Public Accounts Committee sequence is the one place in this label that yields documented instances rather than debate.

Test yourself

1. Why is audit described as legislative control? Because the House's financial power is a power to authorise, and an authorisation that is never verified controls nothing. Article 113(2) allows the House to assent to, refuse or reduce a Demand, article 114 converts the grants into an Appropriation Act and article 266(3) forbids appropriation except in accordance with law; but if the money voted for one purpose is spent on another, the vote will have decided nothing unless somebody establishes afterwards what was done with it. That is what audit does, and article 151 directs the auditor's reports not to the Government but to the President or Governor, who shall cause them to be laid before the House or the State Legislature. Audit is therefore the retrospective half of the same control the House exercised prospectively when it voted the Demands, and the Public Accounts Committee is the body that acts upon it.

munotes.in706

Legislative Control Through Audit

2. How does the Constitution secure the auditor's independence, and why does it matter to this label? By four provisions of article 148. He is appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal and may only be removed from office in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court. His salary and other conditions of service are determined by Parliament by law, and neither his salary nor his rights in respect of leave of absence, pension or age of retirement may be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment. He is not eligible for further office under the Government of India or of any State after he ceases to hold office. And the administrative expenses of his office, including all salaries, allowances and pensions, are charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India, which by article 113(1) places them beyond the vote of Parliament. Each protection exists because the officer's function is to report against the Government to the House, and the set of them makes him the most protected officer in this syllabus, which corresponds to the fact that his findings reach further into the executive than those of any other.

3. What does audit not produce? A sanction. In his Union functions the Comptroller and Auditor General has no power to disallow an item, to surcharge an officer or to punish anybody; he audits and reports. Even the Public Accounts Committee, which examines the accounting officer upon his report, cannot order recovery, impose a penalty or direct a prosecution. What the process produces is an authoritative, documented record, and the consequences it can generate are of two kinds: a parliamentary consequence, in that the Committee reports, receives the Government's action taken reply and reports upon that reply, returning to the matter until satisfied; and a consequence outside this module, in that the recorded facts are available to the Central Vigilance Commission under section 18 of its Act, to a disciplinary authority acting on its advice, and to the Central Bureau of Investigation if an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act is disclosed.

4. Why should a candidate asked for examples of legislative control use the audit process? Because the other devices produce debate rather than documented instances. Question Hour produces an answer, a calling attention notice produces a statement, a cut motion produces a division; none of them ordinarily produces a specific, officially established record of what a Government did. An audit paragraph does: it is a particular finding by an independent constitutional officer that money was spent otherwise than as the House directed, laid before the House under article 151, examined in public by the Public Accounts Committee with the Secretary answering as accounting officer, and followed by a written action taken reply on which the Committee reports again. It is the one place in this label where legislative control yields results that can be pointed to, and a candidate should say so expressly while acknowledging that the results are documented and the consequences are not.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in707

Chapter -One

Why Legislative Control Is Weak

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

The devices assume a House that can decide against its own Government, and five features of the system ensure that it cannot: the Tenth Schedule, the guillotine, the executive's monopoly of financial initiative, the optional character of committee scrutiny, and the ordinance power.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: legislative control is weaker in operation than in design for five structural reasons, that the Tenth Schedule disqualifies a member who votes against his party's direction, so that no division on a motion of no-confidence or a cut motion is ever in doubt; that the guillotine permits outstanding Demands for Grants to be put and voted without discussion; that article 113(3) reserves the initiative in financial matters to the executive, so that the House may only assent, refuse or reduce; that the reference of a Bill to a committee is not automatic and a committee's report has by rule only persuasive value; and that articles 123 and 213 allow the executive to legislate by ordinance when the House is not in session.

First, what this chapter will not do

It will not give numbers. Assertions about sitting days, about the proportion of Bills referred to committees, about the number of ordinances promulgated or about attendance in committees are commonplace in writing on this subject, and this book holds no source for any of them.

The structural reasons are stronger anyway, because each is a provision or a rule that a candidate can cite and an examiner can check. A criticism anchored to article 113(3) cannot be answered by disputing a statistic.

1. The Tenth Schedule

The single most important reason, and chapter 1180 stated it. A member of a political party who votes or abstains contrary to a direction issued by that party, without obtaining its prior permission and without the vote being condoned within fifteen days, incurs disqualification.

Apply that to the devices.

A motion of no-confidence cannot succeed against a Government with a majority, because the majority cannot vote against it and remain members.

A cut motion cannot be carried for the same reason, so article 113(2)'s power to reduce a Demand exists and is never exercised.

A censure motion likewise.

So the devices that end in a division are decided before the debate begins, and their value is reduced to the record, which is the sanction this whole paper turns on.

And the criticism must be made fairly. The Tenth Schedule was enacted against defection for money, which had brought Governments down and made them; chapter 1150 noted that articles 75(1A) and (1B) were inserted in 2003 for related reasons. The instrument that stabilises government is the same instrument that removes the individual conscience the House's ultimate control was designed to consult. A good answer states the trade-off rather than only the complaint.

munotes.in708

Why Legislative Control Is Weak

2. The guillotine

Chapters 1020 and 1200. When the days allotted for the Demands expire, the outstanding Demands are put and voted without discussion.

Combine it with rule 270(a), which forbids a departmentally related Standing Committee's report on Demands to "suggest anything of the nature of cut motions", and the position is this: the body that examines a Demand may not propose a reduction, and the body that may propose one need never discuss it.

That pair of facts is the strongest available criticism of financial control, and it needs no statistics.

3. The executive's monopoly of financial initiative

Article 113(3): no demand for a grant shall be made except on the recommendation of the President. Article 113(2): the House may assent, refuse to assent, or assent subject to a reduction.

So the House can say no and cannot say what instead. It cannot increase a Demand, cannot propose one, and cannot move money from one head to another; and article 114(2) forbids any amendment to the Appropriation Bill varying the amount or altering the destination of a grant, the presiding officer's decision being final.

The consequence for the assessment. The House's financial control is a veto, and a veto that cannot be exercised without ending the Government, chapter 1200, is a power held in reserve rather than in use.

4. Committee scrutiny is optional and advisory

Optional: rule 270(b), a committee examines Bills "referred to the Committee by the Chairman or the Speaker", and nothing requires a Bill to be referred.

Advisory: rule 277, the report "shall have persuasive value and shall be treated as considered advice given by the Committee."

Annual: the term of a departmentally related Standing Committee does not exceed one year, chapter 1020, so no committee can pursue a subject as the Public Accounts Committee does.

Chapter 1130 made these three points about the committee system; they belong here as well because they are reasons why LEGISLATIVE CONTROL is weak and not merely why committees are. A House whose only detailed scrutiny is optional, advisory and annual has delegated its examination without securing its result.

5. The ordinance power

Article 123(1): if at any time, except when both Houses are in session, the President is satisfied that circumstances exist rendering it necessary for him to take immediate action, he may promulgate such Ordinances as the circumstances appear to him to require. Article 123(2): an Ordinance shall have the same force and effect as an Act of Parliament. Article 213 makes corresponding provision for a Governor.

munotes.in709

Why Legislative Control Is Weak

Why this belongs in a chapter on the weakness of legislative control. Every device in this label operates on a Bill before the House or a Government answerable to it in session. An ordinance is law made when the House is not sitting, by the executive, with the same force and effect as an Act.

The safeguards exist and should be stated. The power arises only when both Houses are not in session; the Ordinance must be laid before both Houses and ceases to operate at the expiration of six weeks from the reassembly of Parliament, or earlier if resolutions disapproving it are passed; and it may be withdrawn at any time.

And the criticism. The satisfaction is the executive's own, expressed in the words "as the circumstances appear to him to require"; and the device is a standing invitation to legislate first and seek approval afterwards. Chapter 1230's affirmative-resolution procedure is the model of the opposite approach, and the contrast is worth drawing: an affirmative-resolution rule does not operate until the House approves; an ordinance operates until the House disapproves.

What is genuinely strong, and must be said

An answer of five criticisms is a complaint, not an assessment.

Question Hour, chapter 1160: available to every member, daily, reaching the whole administration, and putting the answer on the public record.

The Public Accounts Committee, chapter 1010: the only closed loop in this paper, with the Opposition in the chair.

Audit, chapter 1260: an officer removable only as a Judge of the Supreme Court, reporting to the House.

Pre-vote committee scrutiny since 1993, chapter 1020, which did not exist before.

And the courts, chapters 1080, 1090, 1100 and 1110, which have marked the limits of privilege and given a committee's report a defined standing.

The verdict to close on. Legislative control in India is strong where it operates by exposure and weak where it operates by decision. Every device that ends in a division is settled by the Tenth Schedule before the debate; every device that ends in a record works. That is why the effective instruments in this paper are the question, the committee report, the audit paragraph and the laying requirement, and not the cut motion or the motion of no-confidence.

The reforms that follow

Reference of a Bill to a committee to be the rule, with reasons recorded for dispensing with it.

A statutory action taken procedure extending the Public Accounts Committee's practice to every committee, chapter 1010.

Longer or staggered committee terms, chapter 1130.

munotes.in710

Why Legislative Control Is Weak

More instruments under the affirmative-resolution procedure, chapter 1230, so that inertia kills rather than preserves.

A limit on the guillotine, so that a stated proportion of Demands is discussed.

And professional staff for the committees, chapter 1130.

What no reform can supply. The Tenth Schedule question is a choice between stability and individual responsibility, and it is a political choice rather than a defect to be repaired. Say so; it is more honest than proposing its repeal in a sentence.

A worked example

A Government introduces a Bill and a Budget in the same session.

The Bill is not referred to a committee. Nothing requires reference: rule 270(b). It is passed after a debate in which the majority votes as directed.

A member moves a policy cut on a Demand. It is lost. The Tenth Schedule ensures the division.

The days allotted expire. The remaining Demands are guillotined: put and voted without discussion.

A member wants the Demand for a scheme increased. Article 113(3): only on the recommendation of the President.

Between sessions the Government promulgates an ordinance. Article 123: same force and effect as an Act, until it ceases six weeks after reassembly.

What has actually controlled anything? The questions asked and answered on the record; the committee report, if the Bill was referred; and, a year or two later, the audit paragraph and the Public Accounts Committee's examination of the Secretary.

That is the honest answer: the record worked and the votes did not.

What beginners get wrong

That the weakness is a matter of numbers. It is structural: the Tenth Schedule, the guillotine, article 113(3), rules 270(b) and 277, and articles 123 and 213.

That the Tenth Schedule is simply a defect. It was enacted against defection for money and it stabilises government; the cost is the individual conscience.

That the House can propose to spend more. Article 113(3): no demand except on the President's recommendation.

That an ordinance is a temporary expedient without force. Article 123(2): the same force and effect as an Act of Parliament.

That listing weaknesses is an assessment. Question Hour, the Public Accounts Committee, audit and the courts are the other half.

Quick revision

No figures: this book gives structural reasons, each anchored to a provision or a rule.

1. The Tenth Schedule: disqualification for voting against a party direction without prior permission or condonation within fifteen days, so no-confidence, censure and cut motions are decided before the debate.

2. The guillotine: outstanding Demands put and voted without discussion, and rule 270(a) forbids a committee report to suggest anything of the nature of cut motions.

munotes.in711

Why Legislative Control Is Weak

3. Art 113(3): no demand except on the recommendation of the President; the House may only assent, refuse or reduce, and art 114(2) bars amendments varying amount or destination.

4. Rules 270(b) and 277: committee scrutiny is optional and advisory, and the term is one year.

5. Arts 123 and 213: ordinances, with the same force and effect as an Act, made when the Houses are not in session, ceasing six weeks after reassembly. Contrast the affirmative-resolution rule, which does not operate until approved.

The verdict: strong where it operates by exposure, weak where it operates by decision.

Test yourself

1. Why is legislative control weaker in operation than in design? For five structural reasons. The Tenth Schedule disqualifies a member who votes or abstains contrary to a direction of his party without prior permission or condonation within fifteen days, so that a motion of no-confidence, a censure motion and a cut motion are all decided before the debate begins. The guillotine allows the Demands for Grants outstanding when the allotted days expire to be put and voted without discussion, and rule 270(a) forbids a committee's report on Demands to suggest anything in the nature of cut motions. Article 113(3) reserves the initiative in financial matters to the executive, so the House may assent, refuse or reduce but may not increase or propose, and article 114(2) forbids any amendment to the Appropriation Bill varying the amount or destination of a grant. Committee scrutiny is optional under rule 270(b), advisory under rule 277 and annual in its term. And articles 123 and 213 allow the executive to legislate by ordinance, with the same force and effect as an Act, at a time when the Houses are not in session.

2. Is the Tenth Schedule simply a defect in the system? No, and an answer that treats it as one is incomplete. It was enacted against defections which had brought Governments down and made them, often for money, and it has given India a stability its parliamentary practice previously lacked; articles 75(1A) and (1B), inserted in 2003, were directed at connected mischiefs, capping the size of the Council of Ministers and disqualifying a defector from ministerial office. The cost is that the ultimate instrument of legislative control, a division in which members decide whether they still support the Government, is exercised by parties rather than by members, so that no division is ever in doubt. The proper way to state the point is as a trade-off between stability and individual responsibility, which is a political choice rather than a drafting defect capable of being repaired.

munotes.in712

Why Legislative Control Is Weak

3. Why does the ordinance power belong in a chapter on the weakness of legislative control? Because every device in this label operates either on a Bill before the House or on a Government answerable to it while it sits, and an ordinance is law made when the House is not sitting. Article 123(1) empowers the President, at any time except when both Houses are in session, on being satisfied that circumstances exist which render it necessary for him to take immediate action, to promulgate such Ordinances as the circumstances appear to him to require, and article 123(2) gives an Ordinance the same force and effect as an Act of Parliament; article 213 makes corresponding provision for a Governor. The safeguards are real, in that the power arises only when the Houses are not in session, the Ordinance must be laid and ceases to operate six weeks after reassembly or earlier on disapproving resolutions, and it may be withdrawn. But the satisfaction is the executive's own, and the device permits legislating first and seeking approval afterwards. The contrast with the affirmative-resolution laying procedure is instructive: such a rule does not operate until the House approves, while an ordinance operates until the House disapproves.

4. What is the honest verdict on legislative control in India? That it is strong where it operates by exposure and weak where it operates by decision. Every device which ends in a division is settled by the Tenth Schedule before the debate begins, so the cut motion and the motion of no-confidence are instruments held in reserve rather than in use. Every device which ends in a record works: the question answered on the floor and printed, the committee report which a court may read and no one may impeach, the audit paragraph established by an officer removable only as a Judge of the Supreme Court, and the laying requirement policed by a committee. The effective instruments in this paper are therefore the question, the committee report, the audit paragraph and the laying requirement; and the reforms that follow are to make the reference of Bills to committees the rule, to give every committee the Public Accounts Committee's action taken procedure by statute, to lengthen or stagger committee terms, to place more instruments under the affirmative-resolution procedure so that inertia kills rather than preserves, to limit the guillotine, and to give committees professional staff.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in713

Chapter -Two

Legislative Control in a State

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

The same devices, article for article, with three differences that matter: a Legislative Council cannot bring a Government down, cannot reject a Money Bill, and cannot force anything at all.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: legislative control in a State operates through provisions that mirror the Union's, article 164(2) making the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly, article 167 imposing on the Chief Minister the duties of communicating decisions and furnishing information to the Governor, article 208 empowering each House to make rules for its procedure under which its committees are constituted, article 194 conferring the privileges, article 212 barring a challenge for irregularity of procedure, articles 202 to 204 governing the annual financial statement, the demands for grants and the Appropriation Bill, article 151(2) requiring the Comptroller and Auditor General's reports on the accounts of a State to be laid before the State Legislature, and article 213 conferring the ordinance power on the Governor; the significant differences being that responsibility runs to the Legislative Assembly alone, that a Legislative Council has no power over a Money Bill beyond recommending, and that under article 163 the Governor has a limited sphere of discretion which the President does not.

The mirror, article by article

UnionStateWhat it does
75(3)164(2)collective responsibility
78167the duty to communicate and inform
118208rules of procedure, hence the committees
105194privileges of the House and its committees
122212no challenge for irregularity of procedure
112202the annual financial statement
113203charged expenditure not voted; demands for grants
114204the Appropriation Bill
151(1)151(2)audit reports laid before the legislature
123213the ordinance power
87176the address and the motion of thanks

Because the mirror is that close, an answer on the State should not repeat the Union chapters. It should say that the devices are the same and then give the differences, which is what an examiner is testing.

Difference one: responsibility runs to the Assembly alone

Article 164(2): The Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly of the State.

So in a State with a Legislative Council, that Council cannot bring a Government down. A motion of no-confidence lies only in the Assembly, exactly as article 75(3) confines it to the House of the People. Chapter 1180.

And the consequence for the Council's role. A Legislative Council may question, discuss, censure and scrutinise; it may not decide. It is a chamber of exposure and not of decision, which, on chapter 1270's verdict, makes it a real participant in the half of legislative control that actually works.

munotes.in714

Legislative Control in a State

Difference two: the Council's financial position

Article 203(2): so much of the estimates as relates to expenditure other than charged expenditure shall be submitted in the form of demands for grants to the Legislative Assembly, which shall have power to assent, refuse to assent, or assent subject to a reduction; and article 203(3): no demand for a grant shall be made except on the recommendation of the Governor.

Note the words: to the Legislative Assembly. A Legislative Council has no part in the Demands for Grants at all.

And on a Money Bill, the Council may only recommend, within a limited period, and the Assembly may accept or reject the recommendations; the Bill is then deemed passed.

So financial control in a State is exercised by one chamber, and everything chapter 1200 said about article 113(3) applies with the Governor for the President: the House may assent, refuse or reduce, and may not increase or propose.

Difference three: the Governor's discretion

Article 163(1): there shall be a Council of Ministers with the Chief Minister at the head to aid and advise the Governor "except in so far as he is by or under this Constitution required to exercise his functions or any of them in his discretion."

That exception has no counterpart in article 74(1). The President has no such sphere; a Governor does.

Article 163(2): if any question arises whether a matter is one in which the Governor is required to act in his discretion, the decision of the Governor in his discretion shall be final, and the validity of anything done by him shall not be called in question on the ground that he ought or ought not to have acted in his discretion.

Article 163(3): the question whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered by Ministers to the Governor shall not be inquired into in any court, mirroring article 74(2).

Why it belongs in a chapter on legislative control. Because a sphere in which the Governor acts without ministerial advice is a sphere in which the Council of Ministers is not answerable, and therefore one the Assembly cannot reach through article 164(2). The gap in responsibility corresponds exactly to the area of discretion, and an answer that notices it has found the one structural difference between Union and State control that goes beyond the composition of chambers.

The State committee system

Article 208(1): a House of the Legislature of a State may make rules for regulating, subject to the provisions of this Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business.

Everything in chapters 1000 to 1130 follows in the same way. The committees are creatures of rules made under article 208; a State Legislature has its own Public Accounts Committee, Estimates Committee, Committee on Subordinate Legislation, Committee of Privileges and the rest; and article 194(3) supplies the privilege that makes a summons enforceable as a contempt.

munotes.in715

Legislative Control in a State

And the audit link is identical. Article 151(2): the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General relating to the accounts of a State are submitted to the Governor, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State; and the State Public Accounts Committee examines them, chapter 1010.

Note what article 151(2) proves. The auditor is one officer for the Union and every State, article 148 creating a Comptroller and Auditor General of India. So the State's principal instrument of financial verification is an officer no State Government appoints, pays or can remove, which is a stronger position than any State institution in this paper occupies.

Maharashtra, and the connection with Module I

Chapter 250 read the Maharashtra Lokayukta and Upa-Lokayuktas Act 1971, and chapter 270 the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act 2023, published as Mah. XLVI of 2025, of which only sections 1, 3 and 4 are in force, so that section 66 has not repealed the 1971 Act.

The point for this chapter. A Lokayukta is a statutory institution of the State, created by the State Legislature and reporting to it. It is therefore itself a product of the State Legislature's control function, and chapter 710 established that Maharashtra has no State vigilance commission on a statutory footing and that its anti-corruption investigation is done by a wing of the State police.

So the State picture is this. The devices of legislative control are the Union's, article for article. The institutions those devices supervise are weaker: no statutory vigilance commission, an investigating wing inside the State Government, and a Lokayukta whose findings do not bind. The control is the same and the machinery it controls is thinner, and that is a good closing observation for a question about "our country" rather than about the Union.

A worked example

A State Government's scheme fails with heavy loss.

Questions and motions. The same devices, in the Legislative Assembly and in the Legislative Council where there is one; but a motion of no-confidence lies only in the Assembly, under article 164(2).

The money. Article 202 the annual financial statement; article 203(1) charged expenditure not submitted to the vote; article 203(2) demands for grants to the Legislative Assembly, which may assent, refuse or reduce; article 203(3) no demand except on the recommendation of the Governor; article 204 the Appropriation Bill.

munotes.in716

Legislative Control in a State

A member of the Legislative Council wants to move a cut. He cannot. The Demands go to the Assembly.

The audit. Article 151(2): the report goes to the Governor, laid before the State Legislature, and the State Public Accounts Committee examines the Secretary.

A committee summons an officer who refuses. Article 194(3) supplies the contempt power, and chapter 990's law applies: including that the House has no general warrant, because of articles 32 and 226.

The Government legislates between sessions. Article 213: the Governor's ordinance power, with the same six-week rule.

And the Governor acts without ministerial advice on a matter he says is in his discretion. Article 163(2): his decision in his discretion is final, and the validity of what he does shall not be called in question on the ground that he ought or ought not to have acted in his discretion. The Assembly's hold under article 164(2) does not reach that act at all, because there is no ministerial advice for which anyone is answerable.

What beginners get wrong

That a Legislative Council can pass a motion of no-confidence. Article 164(2): responsibility runs to the Legislative Assembly.

That the Demands go to both Houses. Article 203(2): to the Legislative Assembly.

That the Governor is in the same position as the President. Article 163(1) excepts functions he is required to exercise in his discretion, and article 163(2) makes his decision on that question final.

That the State auditor is a State officer. Article 148 creates a Comptroller and Auditor General of India, whose reports on State accounts are laid under article 151(2).

That State control is weaker because the devices are weaker. The devices are the same; the institutions they supervise are thinner.

Quick revision

The mirror: 164(2) for 75(3); 167 for 78; 208 for 118; 194 for 105; 212 for 122; 202, 203, 204 for 112, 113, 114; 151(2) for 151(1); 213 for 123; 176 for 87.

Three differences: 1. Responsibility runs to the Legislative Assembly alone, so a Legislative Council cannot bring a Government down; it is a chamber of exposure, not of decision. 2. Demands for grants go to the Assembly under art 203(2), and no demand except on the recommendation of the Governor under art 203(3); a Council may only recommend on a Money Bill. 3. Art 163(1) excepts functions the Governor exercises in his discretion, art 163(2) makes his decision on that question final and unchallengeable on that ground, and art 163(3) mirrors art 74(2). No ministerial advice means no ministerial responsibility, so the Assembly's hold does not reach that sphere.

munotes.in717

Legislative Control in a State

Committees: created by rules under art 208, with art 194(3) supplying the contempt sanction; and a State Public Accounts Committee examining the reports laid under art 151(2) by an officer of the Union.

Maharashtra: the Lokayukta Act 1971 still governs, the 2023 Act having only ss.1, 3 and 4 in force; no statutory State vigilance commission; anti-corruption investigation by a wing of the State police. Same control, thinner machinery.

Test yourself

1. How does legislative control in a State differ from that in the Union? The devices are the same, article for article: article 164(2) mirrors article 75(3) on collective responsibility, article 167 mirrors article 78 on the duty to inform, article 208 mirrors article 118 on the rules under which committees are created, article 194 mirrors article 105 on privilege, article 212 mirrors article 122, articles 202 to 204 mirror articles 112 to 114 on financial procedure, article 151(2) mirrors article 151(1) on audit reports, article 213 mirrors article 123 on ordinances and article 176 mirrors article 87 on the address. Three differences matter. Responsibility runs to the Legislative Assembly alone, so a Legislative Council cannot carry a motion of no-confidence. The demands for grants are submitted to the Legislative Assembly alone under article 203(2), no demand being made except on the recommendation of the Governor, and a Council's power over a Money Bill is confined to recommendation. And article 163(1) excepts from the requirement of ministerial advice those functions the Governor is required to exercise in his discretion, which has no counterpart in article 74(1).

2. Why does the Governor's discretion matter to legislative control? Because the Assembly's hold on the executive runs through ministerial responsibility. Article 164(2) makes the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the Assembly, and the Assembly reaches an executive act because a Minister advised it and answers for it. Where the Governor is required by or under the Constitution to exercise a function in his discretion, there is no ministerial advice, and therefore nobody answerable to the Assembly for the act. Article 163(2) reinforces the gap by providing that if a question arises whether a matter falls within his discretion, his decision in his discretion is final, and that the validity of anything done by him shall not be called in question on the ground that he ought or ought not to have acted in his discretion. The area of discretion is accordingly an area in which the ordinary chain of responsibility does not operate, and it is the one structural difference between Union and State legislative control that goes beyond the composition of the chambers.

munotes.in718

Legislative Control in a State

3. What is the position of a Legislative Council? It may question, discuss, censure and scrutinise, and it participates in ordinary legislation; it may not decide the fate of a Government or of the Demands. Article 164(2) makes the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly, so no motion of no-confidence lies in the Legislative Council; article 203(2) submits the demands for grants to the Assembly alone; and on a Money Bill a Council may only make recommendations, which the Assembly may accept or reject. It is therefore a chamber of exposure rather than of decision, which, given that legislative control is strong where it operates by exposure and weak where it operates by decision, makes it a real participant in the half of the function that actually works.

4. What does the State picture add to an assessment of legislative control? That the devices are the Union's and the institutions they supervise are thinner. A State Legislature has the same committees under rules made under article 208, the same privileges under article 194, the same financial procedure under articles 202 to 204 and the same audit under article 151(2), which is performed by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, an officer no State Government appoints, pays or can remove and who is accordingly the strongest independent institution in the State's field. Against that, the machinery a State legislature supervises is weaker than the Union's: as this book's own State shows, Maharashtra has no statutory State vigilance commission, its anti-corruption investigation is conducted by a wing of the State police within the State Government, and its statutory ombudsman is a Lokayukta under the Act of 1971 whose findings do not bind, the Act of 2023 having only sections 1, 3 and 4 in force so that its repealing section has not operated.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in719

Chapter -Three

The Three Controls Compared

Syllabus topic 6, "Legislative Control"

In one line

Legislative control is continuous, political and public but decides nothing; executive control is immediate, expert and effective but is the administration judging itself; judicial control is authoritative and binding but episodic, slow and available only to a litigant with a legal grievance.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: control over administration operates in three forms which differ in who exercises it, on what standard, at whose instance, with what remedy and with what limitation; legislative control is exercised by the House and its committees on standards of its own choosing, continuously and on its own motion, and produces exposure rather than a decision; executive control is exercised within the administration by superiors, by vigilance machinery and by disciplinary authorities, on standards of conduct and efficiency, and produces real consequences for an officer but is administered by the very body whose conduct is in question; and judicial control is exercised by the courts under articles 32, 226 and 227 on standards of legality fixed in advance, at the instance of an aggrieved person, and produces a binding order which the courts cannot follow up.

The three, on six axes

LegislativeExecutiveJudicial
Whothe House and its committeessuperiors, vigilance machinery, disciplinary authoritiesthe Supreme Court and the High Courts
Standardwhatever the House thinks relevantconduct rules, efficiency, financial proprietylegality, fixed in advance
Set in motion bythe House itself, continuouslythe administration itselfan aggrieved person
Remedya report and a recordpenalty, transfer, prosecutiona binding order
Timingbefore and after the actduring and afterafter, and often long after
The characteristic weaknessdecides nothingjudges itselfepisodic and reactive

Legislative control: what it is good at and bad at

Good at exposure. Chapter 1160: a question is answered daily, in public, on the record. Chapter 1010: a Secretary is examined on an audit paragraph and the exchange is printed. Chapter 1110: a committee's report is judicially noticeable, admissible and immune from contradiction.

Good at continuity. It does not wait for a complaint. Chapter 1050's committee reads rules as they are made; chapter 1020's committees examine Demands before they are voted.

Good at the general. It can ask whether a policy is working, which no court may ask.

Bad at deciding. Chapter 1270: every device that ends in a division is settled by the Tenth Schedule before the debate. Chapter 1020: rule 277, a report has persuasive value and is considered advice.

Bad at the individual case. It cannot order a licence restored or a dismissal set aside.

Executive control: what it is good at and bad at

Good at consequences. Chapter 700: the Central Vigilance Commission's advice ends in a disciplinary proceeding with a penalty. Chapter 740: an investigation ends in a prosecution. These are the only controls in this paper that reach an individual officer's career and liberty.

munotes.in720

The Three Controls Compared

Good at speed and expertise. A departmental superior knows the file, knows the officer and can act at once. Chapter 690: the Chief Vigilance Officer works inside the department.

Good at prevention. Chapter 690 again: preventive vigilance, rotating officers out of sensitive posts and tightening discretion, is something no court and no committee can do.

Bad at independence, and this is the whole of Module II's criticism. Chapter 690: the Chief Vigilance Officer's dual reporting. Chapter 750: the Commission's advice does not bind, its staff comes from the Government and its superintendence stops short of administration. Chapter 850: the investigating agency has no cadre and works largely on deputation. The administration is judging itself, and every safeguard in Module II is an attempt to introduce someone from outside.

Judicial control: what it is good at and bad at

Good at authority. Chapter 830: a court directed an investigation without a State's consent. Chapter 610: a court quashed an appointment. Chapter 840: a court struck down a section and held the striking down retrospective. Chapter 880: a court set aside orders divesting a Director. Chapter 1080: a court held a House had exceeded its powers.

Good at fixed standards. Legality is ascertainable in advance, which chapter 1040 showed the law of privilege is not.

Bad at reach. Chapter 1090: the truth, correctness and adequacy of material are not examined; article 122(1) bars a challenge for irregularity of procedure; expediency and necessity are for the legislature. Chapter 870: monitoring ends at the charge-sheet.

Bad at initiative. A court acts when moved. Chapter 830 attached the caution expressly: the power to direct a central investigation is to be used sparingly, cautiously and in exceptional situations, or the agency would be flooded.

And bad at follow-through. Chapter 870 named the criticism: continuing mandamus is a device the Court invented because it has no ordinary way of ensuring that its orders produce results, and it is itself criticised as giving the Court an executive function without an executive process.

Where each fails, and why the three do not add up to one system

Legislative control fails where the House is the Government. The Tenth Schedule, chapter 1270.

Executive control fails where the person to be controlled is senior enough to control the controller. Chapter 870 quoted Vineet Narain: "Inertia was the common rule whenever the alleged offender was a powerful person", and "the constitution and working of the investigating agencies revealed the lacuna of its inability to perform whenever powerful persons were involved."

munotes.in721

The Three Controls Compared

Judicial control fails where nobody has standing, nobody can afford to litigate, or the grievance is not a legal one. A citizen whose pension has not moved for four years has no legal wrong until the delay becomes unreasonable, and chapter 330 recorded that India dropped grievances from the Lokpal's jurisdiction and never passed the statute that was to carry them.

The three failures do not overlap neatly, and there is a space where all three are absent. Maladministration that is neither a crime, nor a breach of a rule, nor an illegality, committed by somebody the House will not pursue, against a citizen who cannot litigate. That is the space the ombudsman was invented to fill, chapter 20, and it is the space MU's paper is about.

Which is the sentence to end an answer with. The three classical controls between them leave a gap, and every institution in this syllabus, the Ombudsman, the Commission of Inquiry, the Vigilance Commission, the investigating agency, the legislative committee and the auditor, is an attempt to fill some part of it.

How they reinforce each other

They are not alternatives, and MU's questions reward a candidate who shows the connections.

The auditor supplies the committee. Chapter 1010: the Public Accounts Committee works on a report by an officer removable only as a Judge of the Supreme Court.

The committee supplies the executive. Chapter 1260: the recorded facts go to the Central Vigilance Commission under section 18, to a disciplinary authority, and to an investigating agency.

The court supplies the executive its independence. Chapter 580: Vineet Narain produced the selection Committee and the fixed tenure that Parliament enacted in 2003.

The court supplies the legislature its limits. Chapters 1080 and 1090.

And the legislature supplies the court its material. Chapter 1110: Kalpana Mehta, a committee report is judicially noticeable and admissible.

Draw that as a circle in an answer and the whole paper is visible at once.

A worked example

A citizen's licence is cancelled by an officer who has taken money from a competitor.

Judicial control. He may move the High Court under article 226: the cancellation is bad for mala fides and for breach of natural justice, and the Court will quash it. Fast, authoritative, and confined to him. It does nothing about the officer.

Executive control. A complaint to the Chief Vigilance Officer, chapter 690; a preliminary enquiry or a case under section 7 of the Prevention of Corruption Act, chapter 730; first stage advice from the Commission, chapter 700; a disciplinary proceeding and a prosecution. This is the only route that reaches the officer, and it is administered by his own department.

munotes.in722

The Three Controls Compared

Legislative control. If the practice is widespread, a question, chapter 1160; a departmentally related Standing Committee may take up the licensing regime, chapter 1020; and if money is involved the audit and the Public Accounts Committee, chapter 1010. None of it helps this citizen, and all of it may change the regime.

Now change one fact: nobody took money, the file simply sat for four years.

Judicial: perhaps a mandamus, if the delay is unreasonable and he can afford the petition. Executive: no vigilance angle, chapter 690, so it is an administrative matter. Legislative: no committee will take up one file.

That is the gap, and it is why chapter 330's omission of grievances from the Lokpal's jurisdiction, and the failure to enact the grievance statute, is the most important criticism in this whole book.

What beginners get wrong

That the three controls are alternatives. They reinforce one another: the auditor supplies the committee, the committee supplies the executive machinery, the courts supply both their limits and their independence, and the legislature supplies the courts their material.

That judicial control is the strongest. It is the most authoritative and the least available: it acts when moved, on legality only, and cannot follow through.

That executive control is the weakest. It is the only one that reaches an individual officer's career and liberty.

That legislative control fails because members are lazy. It fails by design where it operates by decision, because of the Tenth Schedule, and works where it operates by exposure.

That between them the three cover the field. They leave a space, and that space is what this entire syllabus is about.

Quick revision

Six axes: who, standard, who sets it in motion, remedy, timing, characteristic weakness.

Legislative: the House and its committees; any standard it thinks relevant; its own motion, continuously; a report and a record; before and after; decides nothing.

Executive: superiors, vigilance machinery, disciplinary authorities; conduct, efficiency, propriety; the administration itself; penalty, transfer, prosecution; during and after; judges itself.

Judicial: the Supreme Court and the High Courts; legality, fixed in advance; an aggrieved person; a binding order; after; episodic and reactive, with no follow-through except the invented device of continuing mandamus.

Where each fails: legislative, where the House is the Government; executive, where the offender is powerful (Vineet Narain: "Inertia was the common rule whenever the alleged offender was a powerful person"); judicial, where there is no standing, no money or no legal wrong.

munotes.in723

The Three Controls Compared

The gap: maladministration that is no crime, no breach of rule and no illegality, by a person the House will not pursue, against a citizen who cannot litigate. That is what the ombudsman was invented for and what this paper is about.

Test yourself

1. Compare legislative, executive and judicial control over administration. They differ on six axes. Legislative control is exercised by the House and its committees, on whatever standard the House thinks relevant, on its own motion and continuously, both before and after the act, and produces a report and a public record; its characteristic weakness is that it decides nothing, every device ending in a division being settled in advance by the Tenth Schedule and every committee report having by rule only persuasive value. Executive control is exercised within the administration by superiors, vigilance machinery and disciplinary authorities, on standards of conduct, efficiency and financial propriety, during and after the act, and it alone produces consequences for an individual officer in the form of penalty, transfer or prosecution; its characteristic weakness is that the administration is judging itself. Judicial control is exercised by the Supreme Court and the High Courts under articles 32, 226 and 227, on standards of legality fixed in advance, only at the instance of an aggrieved person and only after the act, and it produces a binding order; its characteristic weaknesses are that it is episodic and reactive, that it does not examine the truth, correctness or adequacy of material or questions of expediency, and that it has no ordinary means of following through, which is why the continuing mandamus had to be invented.

2. Where does each control fail? Legislative control fails where the House is in substance the Government, since the Tenth Schedule ensures that the majority cannot vote against its own ministry and remain members. Executive control fails where the person to be controlled is senior enough to control the controller, which is the finding recorded in Vineet Narain that inertia was the common rule whenever the alleged offender was a powerful person and that the constitution and working of the investigating agencies revealed their inability to perform whenever powerful persons were involved. Judicial control fails where nobody has standing, where the person aggrieved cannot afford to litigate, or where the grievance is not a legal wrong at all.

3. Do the three controls between them cover the field? No, and the gap is the subject of this syllabus. There is a space in which maladministration is neither a crime, nor a breach of a conduct rule, nor an illegality; in which the person responsible is one the House will not pursue; and in which the citizen affected cannot or will not litigate. A pension file that has sat for four years without corruption and without illegality falls into it: there is no vigilance angle for the executive machinery, no committee will take up a single file, and the citizen has no legal wrong until the delay becomes unreasonable enough to found a mandamus he must pay for. That is precisely the space the ombudsman was invented to occupy, and it is why the decision to confine the Lokpal's jurisdiction to allegations of corruption and to leave grievances to a statute that was never passed is the most consequential criticism in this book.

munotes.in724

The Three Controls Compared

4. How do the three controls reinforce one another? The auditor supplies the legislature its material, since the Public Accounts Committee works on the reports of an officer removable only in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court. The legislature supplies the executive machinery its facts, since the recorded findings of a committee are available to the Central Vigilance Commission under section 18 of its Act, to a disciplinary authority acting on its advice and to an investigating agency if an offence is disclosed. The courts supply the executive machinery its independence, since the selection committee, the fixed tenure and the split in superintendence enacted in 2003 were the directions given in Vineet Narain. The courts supply the legislature its limits, as Amarinder Singh and Raja Ram Pal show. And the legislature supplies the courts material in return, since on Kalpana Mehta a committee's report is judicially noticeable, admissible as a public document and immune from being impeached. The three are therefore a system rather than three alternatives, and an answer that traces the connections has understood the whole paper rather than one label of it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in725

Module IV

munotes.in

Chapter -Four

What Financial Control Is

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Four stages: the executive estimates, the legislature authorises, the executive spends, and an independent auditor reports to the legislature, which then examines what he found.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: financial control is the aggregate of the constitutional and statutory arrangements by which public money is estimated, authorised, spent and accounted for, and it operates in a cycle of four stages; the estimate, in the annual financial statement laid before the House under article 112; the authorisation, in the demands for grants voted under article 113 and the Appropriation Act passed under article 114, article 266(3) forbidding appropriation from the Consolidated Fund except in accordance with law and article 265 forbidding the levy or collection of any tax except by authority of law; the expenditure, by the executive within that authorisation; and the audit, by the Comptroller and Auditor General under article 148, whose reports are laid before the House under article 151 and examined by the Public Accounts Committee.

The four stages

Stage one: the estimate. The executive prepares the annual financial statement and the President causes it to be laid before both Houses: article 112, chapter 1320. What is laid shows charged and votable expenditure separately.

Stage two: the authorisation. The votable part goes to the House of the People as demands for grants, which it may assent to, refuse, or reduce: article 113, chapter 1330. The grants are then converted into an Appropriation Act: article 114. And two prohibitions lock the stage: article 265, no tax levied or collected except by authority of law; article 266(3), no money appropriated except in accordance with law.

Stage three: the expenditure. The executive spends, within the appropriation, under the financial rules.

Stage four: audit and examination. The Comptroller and Auditor General audits under the law made under article 149, and his reports are submitted to the President and laid before each House under article 151; the Public Accounts Committee then examines the accounting officer on them, chapter 1010.

Say the four stages at the head of any answer on this label and everything that follows has a place. Chapter 1320 is stage one; 1330 and 1340 are stage two; 1360 to 1500 are stage four; and 1530 asks whether the cycle works.

Why the cycle is a cycle and not a line

Because stage four feeds back into stage two.

Article 115 provides for a supplementary, additional or excess grant, chapter 1340. An excess grant is money already spent beyond what was authorised, and it must be regularised by the House afterwards.

And the House does not regularise it blind. The excess is established by the auditor, examined by the Public Accounts Committee, and only then put to the House. So stage four is not the end of the process; it is the precondition of a later stage two. That is the sentence that turns four items into a cycle, and chapter 1340 works it.

munotes.in726

What Financial Control Is

Where the money lives

Three funds, and every answer on this label must name them, chapter 1310.

The Consolidated Fund, article 266(1): all revenues, all loans raised and all moneys received in repayment of loans. Nothing comes out except in accordance with law, article 266(3).

The public account, article 266(2): all other public moneys received by or on behalf of the Government, money the Government holds rather than owns, such as provident fund balances and deposits.

The Contingency Fund, article 267(1): Parliament may by law establish a Contingency Fund in the nature of an imprest, placed at the disposal of the President to enable advances for unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation by Parliament by law under article 115 or article 116.

Read article 267 for the words "in the nature of an imprest" and "pending authorisation". The Contingency Fund is not an alternative to the House's authorisation; it is a bridge to it. Money advanced from it must be recouped once the House authorises the expenditure.

What makes this label different from Module III

Chapter 1140 divided legislative control into three fields, of which the second was control over expenditure. This label is that second field seen from the other end.

Module III asked what the HOUSE can do. Demands, cut motions, the guillotine, the Appropriation Act.

Module IV asks how the House KNOWS. The auditor, his independence, what he may audit, how far his reach extends, and what becomes of his report.

Which is why the two modules meet at the Public Accounts Committee, chapter 1010, and why chapter 1260 argued that audit is legislative control exercised after the money is spent. An answer on either label that ignores the other has taken half the subject.

The four questions this label answers

Who audits, and how is he protected? Chapters 1360 to 1380: article 148, the office; and the four safeguards.

What may he audit? Chapters 1410 to 1460: the Comptroller and Auditor General's (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service) Act 1971, and how far its reach extends into public sector companies, grantee bodies and, at the frontier, private licensees.

How does he audit? Chapter 1450: regularity, propriety and performance audit, and the controversy about the last two, chapter 1480.

And what happens to what he finds? Chapters 1400 and 1470: article 151, the Public Accounts Committee, the action taken note, and where the process stalls.

munotes.in727

What Financial Control Is

A worked example

A Ministry needs a thousand crores for a scheme.

Estimate. It appears in the annual financial statement laid under article 112, on the votable side.

Authorisation. It goes to the House of the People as a demand for grants under article 113(2), which may assent, refuse or reduce; and by article 113(3) no demand may be made except on the recommendation of the President. The grants become an Appropriation Act under article 114.

The scheme costs more than expected mid-year. A supplementary grant under article 115(1)(a), chapter 1340.

The money is needed before the House can vote it. An advance from the Contingency Fund under article 267(1), pending authorisation, to be recouped.

Expenditure. The Ministry spends.

Audit. The Comptroller and Auditor General audits under the 1971 Act and reports; the report goes to the President and is laid before each House under article 151(1).

Examination. The Public Accounts Committee examines the Secretary as accounting officer, reports, receives the action taken reply and reports again, chapter 1010.

And the audit shows the Ministry spent fifty crores more than the appropriation. That is an excess, and it must be regularised by the House on an excess grant under article 115(1)(b), after the Committee has examined it. The cycle closes.

What beginners get wrong

That financial control means the budget. The budget is stage one and two. Audit and examination are stage four, and they are the half MU examines most.

That the Contingency Fund is a reserve the Government may spend. It is in the nature of an imprest, for unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation, and advances are recouped.

That everything the Government holds is in the Consolidated Fund. Article 266(2): all other public moneys go to the public account.

That audit is a separate subject from legislative control. Chapter 1260: audit is legislative control exercised after the money is spent.

That the cycle ends with the audit report. An excess grant under article 115 requires the House to act after the audit, which is what makes it a cycle.

Quick revision

Four stages: estimate (art 112); authorisation (arts 113 and 114, with art 265 no tax except by authority of law and art 266(3) no appropriation except in accordance with law); expenditure; audit and examination (arts 148 to 151, and the Public Accounts Committee).

Three funds: the Consolidated Fund, art 266(1); the public account, art 266(2), all other public moneys; and the Contingency Fund, art 267(1), in the nature of an imprest, at the disposal of the President, for unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation under art 115 or 116.

munotes.in728

What Financial Control Is

Why it is a cycle: an excess grant under art 115 is regularised after the auditor has established the excess and the Public Accounts Committee has examined it, so stage four is the precondition of a later stage two.

The label's four questions: who audits and how is he protected; what may he audit; how does he audit (regularity, propriety, performance); and what happens to what he finds.

Test yourself

1. What are the stages of financial control? Four. The estimate, in the annual financial statement which the President causes to be laid before both Houses under article 112, showing charged and votable expenditure separately. The authorisation, in which the votable estimates go to the House of the People as demands for grants under article 113, which may assent to, refuse or reduce them and may not increase them, no demand being made except on the recommendation of the President, and the grants are converted into an Appropriation Act under article 114; the stage being locked by article 265, which forbids the levy or collection of a tax except by authority of law, and article 266(3), which forbids appropriation from the Consolidated Fund except in accordance with law. The expenditure, by the executive within that authorisation. And the audit, by the Comptroller and Auditor General under the law made pursuant to article 149, whose reports are submitted to the President and laid before each House under article 151 and are examined by the Public Accounts Committee.

2. Name the three funds and say what each is for. The Consolidated Fund of India, under article 266(1), into which fall all revenues received by the Government, all loans raised by the issue of treasury bills, loans or ways and means advances, and all moneys received in repayment of loans; nothing may be appropriated from it except in accordance with law. The public account of India, under article 266(2), to which all other public moneys received by or on behalf of the Government are credited, being money the Government holds rather than owns, such as provident fund balances and deposits. And the Contingency Fund of India, under article 267(1), which Parliament may by law establish in the nature of an imprest and which is placed at the disposal of the President to enable advances to be made for meeting unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation of that expenditure by Parliament under article 115 or article 116; advances from it are recouped once the authorisation is given.

3. Why is financial control described as a cycle rather than a sequence? Because the last stage feeds back into the second. Article 115 provides for supplementary, additional and excess grants, and an excess grant regularises money already spent beyond the amount authorised. The House does not regularise an excess blind: the excess is established by the Comptroller and Auditor General in his audit, examined by the Public Accounts Committee, and only then put to the House for a further grant. Audit is therefore not the end of the process but the precondition of a later act of authorisation, and that is what turns four stages into a cycle.

munotes.in729

What Financial Control Is

4. How does this label differ from the sixth label of Module III? They are the same field seen from opposite ends. Module III asked what the House can do about money: vote or refuse a demand, move a policy, economy or token cut, pass the Appropriation Act, and endure the guillotine. Module IV asks how the House knows what to do and what was in fact done: who audits, how his independence is secured, what he may audit, how he audits and what becomes of his report. The two meet at the Public Accounts Committee, which works on the auditor's report and reports to the House, and the proposition that joins them is that audit is legislative control exercised after the money has been spent.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in730

Chapter -Five

No Tax and No Spending Without Law

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Nothing may be taken from the citizen except by authority of law, nothing may be taken out of the fund except in accordance with law, and there are three funds, not one.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 265 provides that no tax shall be levied or collected except by authority of law; article 266(1) constitutes the Consolidated Fund of India out of all revenues received by the Government of India, all loans raised by it by the issue of treasury bills, loans or ways and means advances and all moneys received by it in repayment of loans, with a corresponding Consolidated Fund of each State, and article 266(2) credits all other public moneys received by or on behalf of a Government to the public account, while article 266(3) provides that no moneys out of a Consolidated Fund shall be appropriated except in accordance with law and for the purposes and in the manner provided in the Constitution; and article 267 empowers Parliament and a State Legislature by law to establish a Contingency Fund in the nature of an imprest, placed at the disposal of the President or Governor, to enable advances for unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation.

Proposition one: no tax without law

Article 265. No tax shall be levied or collected except by authority of law.

Read the two verbs, because the second is the one students omit. Not merely levied, that is imposed, but also collected. A tax lawfully imposed but collected without authority is collected in breach of article 265, and a tax collected under a law later held invalid is collected without authority.

And read "by authority of law". Not "by law": an executive notification under a valid statute is authority of law; an executive order with no statute behind it is not. That is the constitutional root of everything chapter 1050 said about a rule that imposes a charge, and of chapter 1220's doctrine that a legislature may not delegate the essential legislative function.

Article 265 stands in Part XII and not in Part III, so it is not a fundamental right; but a levy without authority of law is nonetheless void, and the remedy is the ordinary one.

Proposition two: no appropriation without law

Article 266(3). No moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India or the Consolidated Fund of a State shall be appropriated except in accordance with law and for the purposes and in the manner provided in this Constitution.

Two limbs, and both matter.

"Except in accordance with law": the Appropriation Act under article 114, chapter 1330. No Appropriation Act, no withdrawal.

"And for the purposes and in the manner provided in this Constitution": even with an Act, the money must go to the purposes the House granted it for. Spending an appropriation on another head is a breach of article 266(3) itself, and chapter 1010's audit paragraph about money voted for wells and spent on buildings is a constitutional complaint and not merely an accounting one.

munotes.in731

No Tax and No Spending Without Law

Proposition three: the money is public until Parliament says otherwise

Article 266(1): the Consolidated Fund. All revenues received by the Government, all loans raised by the issue of treasury bills, loans or ways and means advances, and all moneys received in repayment of loans, form one consolidated fund. The same for each State.

Note what is in it beyond taxes. Borrowing goes into the Consolidated Fund, which is why a loan raised by the Government is spendable only on an appropriation, exactly as a tax is.

Article 266(2): the public account. All other public moneys received by or on behalf of a Government are credited to the public account.

The distinction, stated in a way that makes it usable. The Consolidated Fund holds money the Government owns; the public account holds money the Government holds for somebody else: provident fund balances, small savings, deposits, remittances. Which is why withdrawals from the public account do not need an appropriation: the Government is returning what was never its own.

And that is a real feature of financial control, not a technicality. Money routed through the public account escapes the demands, the cut motions and the Appropriation Act; article 266(3) does not apply to it, and chapter 1530 counts the size of the public account among the things a critic of financial control examines.

The Contingency Fund

Article 267(1). Parliament may by law establish a Contingency Fund in the nature of an imprest to be entitled "the Contingency Fund of India", into which such sums as the law determines shall be paid, placed at the disposal of the President to enable advances to be made by him out of such Fund for the purposes of meeting unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation of such expenditure by Parliament by law under article 115 or article 116.

Article 267(2) makes the same provision for a State, with the Governor.

Three phrases, and each is a limit.

"In the nature of an imprest." An imprest is a fixed sum advanced and replenished as it is used. It is not a reserve that grows.

"Unforeseen expenditure." Not expenditure the Government preferred not to put in the estimates.

"Pending authorisation." The advance is a bridge to the House's vote, not a substitute for it. The expenditure must still be authorised under article 115 or article 116, and the Fund is then recouped.

munotes.in732

No Tax and No Spending Without Law

So the Contingency Fund does not break the rule in article 266(3); it postpones its operation. Say that in an answer and the article's place in the scheme is clear.

Custody, and the two articles nobody reads

Article 283(1). The custody of the Consolidated Fund and the Contingency Fund of India, the payment of moneys into them, the withdrawal of moneys from them, the custody of public moneys other than those credited to such Funds, their payment into and withdrawal from the public account, and all connected matters, shall be regulated by law made by Parliament, and until such provision is made, by rules made by the President. Article 283(2) makes corresponding provision for a State, with the Governor.

Article 284 deals with moneys received by a public servant or a court in the course of business, other than revenues or public moneys of the Government: they are to be paid into the public account.

Why these belong in an answer. Because they show that even the mechanics of custody are subjected to law, and because article 283 is the source of the financial rules under which stage three of chapter 1300's cycle actually operates. The Constitution regulates not only whether money may be spent but who may touch it.

A worked example

A Ministry proposes a new levy on a class of transactions and a scheme to spend the proceeds.

The levy. Article 265: it may be neither levied nor collected except by authority of law, so a statute, or a rule under a statute that authorises the levy, is required. A rule imposing a charge under a general power to make rules "for carrying out the purposes of the Act" fails, chapters 1050 and 1220.

Where the proceeds go. Article 266(1): they are revenues received by the Government of India and form part of the Consolidated Fund.

Spending them. Article 266(3): not except in accordance with law, so a demand for grants under article 113 and an Appropriation Act under article 114.

The scheme is urgent and the House is not in session. An advance from the Contingency Fund under article 267(1), being unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation, to be recouped when the House votes a supplementary grant under article 115.

The Ministry proposes instead to hold the proceeds as deposits in the public account and spend from there. The proceeds are revenues, so article 266(1) puts them in the Consolidated Fund and the choice is not open. Article 266(2) covers other public moneys, meaning money the Government holds rather than owns.

munotes.in733

No Tax and No Spending Without Law

A court receives money in the course of its business. Article 284: it goes to the public account.

And who may actually operate the account? Article 283: custody, payment in and withdrawal are regulated by law made by Parliament, and until then by rules made by the President.

What beginners get wrong

That article 265 forbids only the imposition of a tax. It forbids the levy or collection without authority of law.

That "authority of law" means an Act. A notification under a valid statute is authority of law; a bare executive order is not.

That the Consolidated Fund holds only taxes. It holds all revenues, all borrowings and all repayments of loans received.

That withdrawals from the public account need an appropriation. They do not; article 266(3) speaks of the Consolidated Fund, and the public account holds money the Government holds for others.

That the Contingency Fund lets the Government spend without the House. It permits an advance, for unforeseen expenditure, pending authorisation, and the Fund is recouped.

Quick revision

Art 265: no tax shall be levied or collected except by authority of law. Both verbs; and authority of law covers a notification under a valid statute, not a bare executive order.

Art 266(1): the Consolidated Fund, holding all revenues, all loans raised by treasury bills, loans or ways and means advances, and all moneys received in repayment of loans.

Art 266(2): the public account, holding all other public moneys, that is money the Government holds rather than owns. Art 266(3) does not apply to it.

Art 266(3): no appropriation from a Consolidated Fund except in accordance with law and for the purposes and in the manner provided in this Constitution. Two limbs: an Appropriation Act, and the purposes granted.

Art 267: a Contingency Fund in the nature of an imprest, at the disposal of the President or Governor, for unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation under art 115 or 116; a bridge to the vote, not a substitute, and recouped.

Art 283: custody, payment in and withdrawal regulated by law made by Parliament, and until then by rules made by the President. Art 284: moneys received by a public servant or a court in the course of business go to the public account.

Test yourself

1. State and explain article 265. No tax shall be levied or collected except by authority of law. Two features repay attention. The article covers both the levy, that is the imposition, and the collection, so that a tax properly imposed but collected without authority, or collected under a law subsequently held invalid, is collected in breach of it. And the phrase is authority of law rather than law, so that a notification issued under a valid statute is sufficient authority while a bare executive order is not; which is the constitutional root of the rule that a delegated instrument may not impose a charge unless the parent Act authorises it, and of the doctrine that a legislature may not delegate its essential legislative function.

munotes.in734

No Tax and No Spending Without Law

2. Distinguish the Consolidated Fund from the public account. Article 266(1) constitutes the Consolidated Fund out of all revenues received by the Government, all loans it raises by the issue of treasury bills, loans or ways and means advances, and all moneys it receives in repayment of loans; article 266(2) credits all other public moneys received by or on behalf of the Government to the public account. The working distinction is that the Consolidated Fund holds money the Government owns while the public account holds money it merely holds for somebody else, such as provident fund balances, small savings and deposits. The consequence matters: article 266(3) forbids appropriation from a Consolidated Fund except in accordance with law, so nothing may be drawn from it without an Appropriation Act, whereas withdrawals from the public account require no appropriation because the Government is returning what was never its own. Money routed through the public account therefore escapes the demands, the cut motions and the Appropriation Act, which is a real feature of financial control and not a technicality.

3. What is the Contingency Fund and what are its limits? Under article 267(1) Parliament may by law establish a Contingency Fund of India in the nature of an imprest, into which such sums are paid as that law determines, and which is placed at the disposal of the President to enable advances to be made for meeting unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation of that expenditure by Parliament under article 115 or article 116; article 267(2) makes corresponding provision for a State with the Governor. Three phrases limit it. Being in the nature of an imprest, it is a fixed sum advanced and replenished as used rather than a growing reserve. Being for unforeseen expenditure, it is not available for expenditure the Government preferred to keep out of the estimates. And being for expenditure pending authorisation, it is a bridge to the House's vote and not a substitute for it, the expenditure requiring authorisation under article 115 or 116 and the Fund being recouped. It therefore postpones the operation of article 266(3) rather than displacing it.

4. What do articles 283 and 284 add? Article 283(1) provides that the custody of the Consolidated Fund and the Contingency Fund of India, the payment of moneys into them, the withdrawal of moneys from them, the custody of public moneys other than those credited to those Funds, their payment into and withdrawal from the public account, and all connected or ancillary matters, shall be regulated by law made by Parliament and, until such provision is made, by rules made by the President; article 283(2) makes corresponding provision for a State with the Governor. Article 284 requires moneys received by a public servant or a court in the course of business, other than the revenues or public moneys of the Government, to be paid into the public account. Their significance is that the Constitution subjects not only the levy and the appropriation of public money to law but its custody and handling as well, and that article 283 is the source of the financial rules under which the executive actually spends.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in735

Chapter -Six

The Annual Financial Statement

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

The Constitution never uses the word budget; what it requires is an annual financial statement, and its most important feature is the line it draws between money the House votes and money the House may only discuss.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 112(1) requires the President in respect of every financial year to cause to be laid before both Houses of Parliament a statement of the estimated receipts and expenditure of the Government of India for that year, referred to in Part XII as the annual financial statement; article 112(2) requires the estimates of expenditure to show separately the sums required to meet expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India and the sums required to meet other expenditure proposed to be made from that Fund, and to distinguish expenditure on revenue account from other expenditure; and article 112(3) enumerates the expenditure which is charged, article 113(1) providing that so much of the estimates as relates to charged expenditure shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament, though nothing in that clause prevents its discussion in either House.

What article 112 requires

112(1). The President shall in respect of every financial year cause to be laid before both the Houses of Parliament a statement of the estimated receipts and expenditure of the Government of India for that year, called the annual financial statement.

Three words worth noticing. "Every financial year": it is annual and compulsory. "Both the Houses": the statement is laid before the Council of States too, even though the Demands go only to the House of the People, chapter 1330. And "estimated receipts and expenditure": it is an estimate, which is why chapter 1340's supplementary and excess grants exist.

112(2): the two divisions. The estimates of expenditure shall show separately:

(a) the sums required to meet expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India; and (b) the sums required to meet other expenditure proposed to be made from that Fund;

and shall distinguish expenditure on revenue account from other expenditure.

Two different distinctions in one clause, and students merge them. The first is charged against votable, which decides who may vote. The second is revenue account against other, which is an accounting classification distinguishing recurring expenditure from capital.

The charged list, and what it is a list of

Article 112(3) enumerates the expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India:

(a) the emoluments and allowances of the President and other expenditure relating to his office;

(b) the salaries and allowances of the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Council of States and the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the House of the People;

munotes.in736

The Annual Financial Statement

(c) debt charges for which the Government of India is liable, including interest, sinking fund charges and redemption charges, and other expenditure relating to the raising of loans and the service and redemption of debt;

(d) the salaries, allowances and pensions of Judges of the Supreme Court; the pensions of Judges of the Federal Court; and the pensions of Judges of any High Court exercising jurisdiction in relation to any area included in the territory of India, or which before the commencement of the Constitution exercised jurisdiction in a Governor's Province of the Dominion of India;

(e) the salary, allowances and pension of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India;

(f) any sums required to satisfy any judgment, decree or award of any court or arbitral tribunal;

and any other expenditure declared by the Constitution or by Parliament by law to be so charged.

Now read the list as a list of purposes and the pattern is unmistakable.

Clause (a) is the head of state. Clause (b) is the presiding officers of the Houses. Clause (d) is the judiciary. Clause (e) is the auditor. Clause (f) is court judgments and awards.

Every one of them is an office or an obligation that must be beyond the reach of an annual vote. A President, a Speaker, a Judge or an auditor whose salary the House of the People could refuse would be dependent on it; and a judgment debt the Government could decline to pay by refusing a grant would not be a judgment at all.

And clause (c) is the exception that proves the rule. Debt charges are charged not because the creditor is independent but because the credit of the Union must not be at the mercy of an annual vote. A Government that could default because the House refused a grant could not borrow.

Say that in an answer and the whole label opens. Chapter 660 read section 13 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act and chapter 130 read section 10(1) of the Lokpal Act, each charging that institution's money on the Fund. Those sections are Parliament using the last words of article 112(3), "any other expenditure declared by Parliament by law to be so charged", to add an institution to the constitutional list of the protected. The device Module II kept meeting is here in its original form.

Article 113: what the House may do with each division

113(1). So much of the estimates as relates to charged expenditure shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament, but nothing in this clause shall be construed as preventing the discussion in either House of any of those estimates.

munotes.in737

The Annual Financial Statement

113(2). So much as relates to other expenditure shall be submitted as demands for grants to the House of the People, which shall have power to assent, or to refuse to assent, to any demand, or to assent to any demand subject to a reduction of the amount specified therein.

113(3). No demand for a grant shall be made except on the recommendation of the President.

So the two divisions of article 112(2)(a) and (b) have two different constitutional treatments, and chapter 1330 works the votable half.

And note the words of clause (1) once more. "Not submitted to the vote" is not "not discussed". The House may debate the Comptroller and Auditor General's estimates, criticise the judiciary's establishment costs and ask why debt charges have risen; what it may not do is refuse them. That is the exact measure of independence the charged device confers: immunity from the vote, not immunity from scrutiny.

A worked example

The annual financial statement for a year is laid.

Where does the salary of a Judge of the Supreme Court appear? On the charged side: article 112(3)(d)(i).

Where does the Comptroller and Auditor General's salary appear? Charged: article 112(3)(e).

Where does the establishment of a Ministry appear? On the votable side, as a demand for grants under article 113(2).

Where does an arbitral award against the Union appear? Charged: article 112(3)(f), sums required to satisfy any judgment, decree or award of a court or arbitral tribunal.

A member wishes to move a cut on the Comptroller and Auditor General's estimate. He cannot. Article 113(1): charged expenditure is not submitted to the vote.

He wishes instead to criticise the auditor's staffing in the debate. He may. The clause does not prevent discussion.

Parliament wishes to give a new statutory commission the same protection. It may, by law declaring the expenditure charged, which is what section 13 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act and section 10(1) of the Lokpal Act do.

And a member asks why the statement distinguishes revenue account from other expenditure. Article 112(2) requires it, and it is an accounting distinction between recurring and capital expenditure, not the charged and votable one.

What beginners get wrong

That the Constitution provides for a "budget". The expression it uses is the annual financial statement.

That the statement goes only to the House of the People. It is laid before both Houses; only the demands go to the House of the People.

That charged expenditure cannot be discussed. Article 113(1) expressly preserves discussion; what is excluded is the vote.

That the charged list is a miscellany. It is a list of the head of state, the presiding officers, the judiciary, the auditor, judgment debts and the public debt: offices and obligations that must be beyond an annual vote.

munotes.in738

The Annual Financial Statement

That the charged and votable division is the same as the revenue account division. The first decides who may vote; the second is an accounting classification.

Quick revision

Art 112(1): the President shall in respect of every financial year cause to be laid before both Houses a statement of the estimated receipts and expenditure, the annual financial statement.

Art 112(2): show separately the charged sums and the other sums, and distinguish expenditure on revenue account from other expenditure. Two different distinctions.

Art 112(3), the charged list: (a) the President's emoluments; (b) the Chairman, Deputy Chairman, Speaker and Deputy Speaker; (c) debt charges, interest, sinking fund and redemption; (d) salaries, allowances and pensions of Supreme Court Judges, pensions of Federal Court and High Court Judges; (e) the Comptroller and Auditor-General; (f) sums to satisfy a judgment, decree or award; and anything Parliament by law declares charged.

Read it as a list of the protected: head of state, presiding officers, judiciary, auditor, judgment debts, and the credit of the Union. s.13 of the CVC Act and s.10(1) of the Lokpal Act are Parliament adding to that list.

Art 113(1): charged expenditure not submitted to the vote, but discussion is not prevented. 113(2): other expenditure as demands for grants to the House of the People, which may assent, refuse or reduce. 113(3): no demand except on the recommendation of the President.

Test yourself

1. What does article 112 require? That the President shall, in respect of every financial year, cause to be laid before both Houses of Parliament a statement of the estimated receipts and expenditure of the Government of India for that year, which Part XII calls the annual financial statement. The estimates of expenditure must show separately the sums required to meet expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India and the sums required to meet other expenditure proposed to be made from that Fund, and must distinguish expenditure on revenue account from other expenditure. Clause (3) then enumerates the charged expenditure, ending with any other expenditure declared by the Constitution or by Parliament by law to be so charged.

2. What is charged on the Consolidated Fund, and what does the list have in common? The emoluments and allowances of the President and other expenditure relating to his office; the salaries and allowances of the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Council of States and the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the House of the People; debt charges for which the Government of India is liable, including interest, sinking fund charges and redemption charges and other expenditure relating to the raising of loans and the service and redemption of debt; the salaries, allowances and pensions of Judges of the Supreme Court, the pensions of Judges of the Federal Court and the pensions of Judges of the High Courts described in the clause; the salary, allowances and pension of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India; and any sums required to satisfy a judgment, decree or award of any court or arbitral tribunal. What the list has in common is that each item is an office or an obligation which must be beyond the reach of an annual vote: the head of state, the presiding officers of the Houses, the judiciary, the auditor, and judgment debts, whose payment a Government must not be able to avoid by declining to seek a grant. Debt charges are charged for a related reason, that the credit of the Union must not depend on an annual vote.

munotes.in739

The Annual Financial Statement

3. What is the effect of being charged? That the estimate relating to it shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament, under article 113(1); but the same clause expressly provides that nothing in it shall be construed as preventing the discussion in either House of any of those estimates. The protection is therefore immunity from the vote and not immunity from scrutiny: a member may criticise the Comptroller and Auditor General's establishment, or the growth of debt charges, in the debate, and may not move a cut upon them. Votable expenditure, by contrast, goes to the House of the People as demands for grants under article 113(2), which may assent, refuse to assent, or assent subject to a reduction, no demand being made except on the recommendation of the President.

4. How does the charged device connect with the earlier modules of this book? Through the closing words of article 112(3), which make charged any other expenditure declared by Parliament by law to be so charged. Section 13 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 charges the expenses of that Commission, including the salaries, allowances and pensions of the Commissioners, the Secretary and the staff, upon the Consolidated Fund of India; section 10(1) of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013 does the same for the Lokpal; and article 148(6) does it for the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General himself. Each is an exercise of the same technique, the addition of an institution to the constitutional list of those whose money is beyond the annual vote, and each is the strongest single guarantee of independence available in Indian public law short of the removal procedure of a Judge.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in740

Chapter -Seven

Demands, Appropriation and Finance

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

The House votes the demands, an Appropriation Bill turns the votes into a law authorising withdrawal, and a separate Finance Bill authorises the taxes that fill the fund.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: under article 113(2) the votable estimates are submitted as demands for grants to the House of the People, which may assent, refuse to assent, or assent subject to a reduction, no demand being made except on the recommendation of the President; under article 114(1) an Appropriation Bill is introduced as soon as may be after the grants are made, to provide for the appropriation out of the Consolidated Fund of all moneys required to meet the grants so made and the charged expenditure not exceeding the amount previously shown, and under article 114(2) no amendment may be proposed which would vary the amount or alter the destination of any grant or vary the amount of any charged expenditure, the decision of the person presiding being final; and article 114(3) provides that no money shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund except under appropriation made by law passed in accordance with the article.

The demands

Article 113(2): the votable estimates go as demands for grants to the House of the People, which may assent, refuse to assent, or assent subject to a reduction of the amount specified therein.

Article 113(3): no demand for a grant shall be made except on the recommendation of the President.

The three powers and the two prohibitions, stated once. The House may assent, may refuse, may reduce. It may not increase, and it may not propose. Chapter 1200 worked the three cut motions by which the power to reduce is exercised: the policy cut to one rupee, the economy cut by a specified amount, and the token cut by one hundred rupees.

And the guillotine, chapter 1200. When the days allotted expire, the outstanding demands are put and voted without discussion. The constitutional power to reduce survives; the parliamentary opportunity to exercise it does not.

The Appropriation Bill

Article 114(1). As soon as may be after the grants under article 113 have been made by the House of the People, there shall be introduced a Bill to provide for the appropriation out of the Consolidated Fund of India of all moneys required to meet (a) the grants so made by the House of the People; and (b) the expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India but not exceeding in any case the amount shown in the statement previously laid before Parliament.

Notice what clause (1)(b) does. The charged expenditure was never voted, chapter 1320; but it must still be appropriated, because article 266(3) forbids appropriation except in accordance with law. So the Appropriation Act covers both halves of the statement: the grants the House made, and the charged sums it could not refuse, capped at the amount previously laid.

munotes.in741

Demands, Appropriation and Finance

Article 114(2). No amendment shall be proposed to any such Bill in either House which will have the effect of varying the amount or altering the destination of any grant so made or of varying the amount of any expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India, and the decision of the person presiding as to whether an amendment is inadmissible under this clause shall be final.

Why the bar exists. The House of the People has already decided the amounts, on demands moved on the President's recommendation. If the Appropriation Bill could be amended, the decision would be reopened in a Bill in which the Council of States also participates, and the Council has no part in the demands. Clause (2) protects the finality of the vote on the demands, and its last words make the presiding officer's ruling final.

Article 114(3). No money shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund of India except under appropriation made by law passed in accordance with the provisions of this article.

Article 114(3) is the operative lock, and it is the sentence to quote. Article 266(3) says money may not be appropriated except in accordance with law; article 114(3) says it may not be withdrawn except under an appropriation made by a law passed under article 114. Together they mean that a withdrawal without an Appropriation Act is unconstitutional, whatever else may have been authorised.

The Appropriation Bill and the Finance Bill

This is the distinction examiners test, and most answers conflate them.

The Appropriation Bill authorises the SPENDING. It is introduced under article 114 after the grants are made, and it takes money out of the Consolidated Fund.

The Finance Bill authorises the TAXING. It gives effect to the financial proposals of the Government for the year, imposing, abolishing, remitting, altering or regulating taxes, and it puts money into the Fund.

Three practical differences.

Timing. The Appropriation Bill follows the completion of the voting on demands. The Finance Bill deals with the taxation proposals and is passed by the end of the financial year.

Amendment. No amendment to an Appropriation Bill may vary an amount or alter a destination, article 114(2). A Finance Bill may be amended, and the proviso to article 117(1) provides that no recommendation of the President is required for the moving of an amendment making provision for the reduction or abolition of any tax.

munotes.in742

Demands, Appropriation and Finance

Subject matter. Appropriation is article 110(1)(d); taxation is article 110(1)(a). Chapter 1350 works which of them makes a Bill a Money Bill.

Article 117: financial Bills

117(1). A Bill or amendment making provision for any of the matters specified in article 110(1)(a) to (f) shall not be introduced or moved except on the recommendation of the President, and such a Bill shall not be introduced in the Council of States. Proviso: no recommendation is required for an amendment making provision for the reduction or abolition of any tax.

117(2). A Bill or amendment is not deemed to make such provision by reason only that it provides for the imposition of fines or other pecuniary penalties, or for the demand or payment of fees for licences or fees for services rendered, or that it provides for the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax by any local authority or body for local purposes.

117(3). A Bill which, if enacted and brought into operation, would involve expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India, shall not be passed by either House unless the President has recommended to that House the consideration of the Bill.

Read 117(1) and 117(3) together and the executive's grip on money is complete. 117(1): a Bill about taxation, borrowing, the Funds or appropriation cannot even be introduced without the President's recommendation, and cannot start in the Council of States. 117(3): a Bill about anything at all cannot be passed if it would involve expenditure from the Consolidated Fund, unless the President recommends its consideration.

So a private member cannot in practice legislate anything that costs money, and this, with article 113(3), is the constitutional foundation of the criticism in chapter 1270 that the House's financial power is a veto and not an initiative.

And the proviso to 117(1) is the citizen's one opening. A member may move, without any recommendation, an amendment reducing or abolishing a tax. The Constitution lets the House give the taxpayer relief on its own motion and never lets it spend on its own motion.

A worked example

A Budget is presented.

The taxation proposals are contained in a Finance Bill, introduced on the President's recommendation under article 117(1) and only in the House of the People.

The expenditure estimates are laid as the annual financial statement under article 112, and the votable half goes as demands for grants under article 113(2).

A member moves an amendment to the Finance Bill abolishing a cess. No recommendation of the President is required: the proviso to article 117(1).

A member moves an amendment to the Appropriation Bill increasing a grant by fifty crores. Inadmissible: article 114(2) bars any amendment varying the amount or altering the destination of a grant, and the presiding officer's decision is final.

munotes.in743

Demands, Appropriation and Finance

A private member introduces a Bill creating a new statutory authority with a salaried staff. Article 117(3): it shall not be passed by either House unless the President has recommended its consideration, because it would involve expenditure from the Consolidated Fund.

His Bill instead provides only for fines for a new offence. Article 117(2): it is not treated as a financial Bill by reason only of providing for fines or other pecuniary penalties.

The grants are made and the Appropriation Act passed. Money may now be withdrawn, and only now: article 114(3), no money shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund except under appropriation made by law passed in accordance with this article.

What beginners get wrong

That the Appropriation Bill and the Finance Bill are the same. One authorises spending, the other taxing; one takes money out, the other puts it in.

That the Appropriation Act covers only voted expenditure. Article 114(1)(b): it covers the charged expenditure too, not exceeding the amount previously shown.

That the Appropriation Bill can be amended like any other. Article 114(2): no amendment varying an amount or altering a destination, and the presiding officer's decision is final.

That a Bill involving expenditure needs the President's recommendation to be introduced. Article 117(3) bars its being passed without a recommendation for its consideration; 117(1) is what bars introduction, and it applies to Bills within article 110(1)(a) to (f).

That a member can never propose a financial change. He may move an amendment for the reduction or abolition of a tax without any recommendation: the proviso to article 117(1).

Quick revision

Art 113(2): demands to the House of the People, which may assent, refuse, or reduce; 113(3): no demand except on the President's recommendation. No power to increase or propose.

Art 114(1): an Appropriation Bill as soon as may be after the grants are made, covering (a) the grants and (b) the charged expenditure not exceeding the amount previously shown.

Art 114(2): no amendment varying the amount or altering the destination of a grant or varying charged expenditure; the presiding officer's decision is final.

Art 114(3): no money shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund except under appropriation made by law passed in accordance with this article.

Appropriation Bill against Finance Bill: spending against taxing; money out against money in; after the grants against the taxation proposals; unamendable as to amount against amendable, with the proviso to art 117(1) allowing an amendment reducing or abolishing a tax without any recommendation.

munotes.in744

Demands, Appropriation and Finance

Art 117(1): a Bill or amendment within art 110(1)(a) to (f) needs the President's recommendation and may not be introduced in the Council of States. 117(2): fines, penalties, fees for licences or services, and local taxation do not by themselves make a Bill financial. 117(3): a Bill involving expenditure from the Consolidated Fund shall not be passed unless the President has recommended its consideration.

Test yourself

1. How does money lawfully leave the Consolidated Fund? By four steps. The votable estimates are submitted as demands for grants to the House of the People under article 113(2), which may assent, refuse to assent or assent subject to a reduction, no demand being made except on the recommendation of the President. As soon as may be after the grants are made, an Appropriation Bill is introduced under article 114(1) providing for the appropriation of all moneys required to meet the grants so made and the charged expenditure, the latter not exceeding the amount previously shown in the statement. No amendment may be proposed varying the amount or altering the destination of any grant or varying charged expenditure, the decision of the presiding officer being final. And article 114(3) provides that no money shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund except under appropriation made by law passed in accordance with the article, which is the operative lock, article 266(3) forbidding appropriation otherwise than in accordance with law.

2. Distinguish the Appropriation Bill from the Finance Bill. The Appropriation Bill authorises spending: it is introduced under article 114 after the voting on demands is complete, and it takes money out of the Consolidated Fund to meet the grants made and the charged expenditure. The Finance Bill authorises taxing: it gives effect to the Government's financial proposals for the year by imposing, abolishing, remitting, altering or regulating taxes, and it puts money into the Fund. They differ in timing, since the Appropriation Bill follows the completion of the voting on demands; in amendability, since article 114(2) forbids any amendment to an Appropriation Bill varying an amount or altering a destination while a Finance Bill may be amended and the proviso to article 117(1) allows an amendment reducing or abolishing a tax to be moved without any recommendation of the President; and in subject matter, appropriation falling under article 110(1)(d) and taxation under article 110(1)(a).

3. Why does article 114(2) forbid amendments to an Appropriation Bill? Because the amounts have already been decided. The demands for grants were moved on the recommendation of the President and voted by the House of the People alone, and the Council of States has no part in them. If the Appropriation Bill were amendable as to amounts or destinations, that decision would be reopened in a Bill in which the Council of States does participate, and the finality of the vote on the demands would be lost. The clause therefore protects the settled grants, and it makes the presiding officer's decision on the admissibility of an amendment final so that the point cannot itself become a means of delay.

munotes.in745

Demands, Appropriation and Finance

4. What is the combined effect of article 117? That the executive controls all financial legislation from beginning to end. Under clause (1) a Bill or amendment making provision for any of the matters in article 110(1)(a) to (f), that is taxation, borrowing and guarantees, the custody of and payments into and out of the Funds, appropriation, the declaring or increasing of charged expenditure, and receipts, custody, issue or audit, may not be introduced or moved except on the recommendation of the President, and such a Bill may not be introduced in the Council of States. Under clause (3) any Bill at all which if enacted would involve expenditure from the Consolidated Fund may not be passed by either House unless the President has recommended its consideration. The two together mean that no member can effectively legislate anything that costs money, which with article 113(3) is the constitutional basis for describing the House's financial power as a veto rather than an initiative. The single opening left is the proviso to clause (1), under which an amendment providing for the reduction or abolition of a tax needs no recommendation: the Constitution permits the House to relieve the taxpayer on its own motion and never permits it to spend on its own motion.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in746

Chapter -Eight

Supplementary and Excess Grants

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Four ways the year departs from the estimate: the grant is too small, a new service arises, the money has already been overspent, or the year begins before the budget is passed.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 115(1)(a) requires the President to cause another statement to be laid where the amount authorised by an Appropriation Act for a particular service is found insufficient for the year, or where a need has arisen during the year for supplementary or additional expenditure upon some new service not contemplated in the annual financial statement; article 115(1)(b) requires a demand for an excess to be presented to the House of the People where money has been spent on a service during a financial year in excess of the amount granted for that service and for that year; article 115(2) applies articles 112, 113 and 114 to such statements, demands and appropriation laws; and article 116 empowers the House of the People to make a vote on account, a vote of credit and an exceptional grant.

Article 115: three situations, two remedies

115(1)(a): insufficiency, or a new service. Where the amount authorised by an Appropriation Act for a particular service for the current year is found to be insufficient for the purposes of that year, or where a need has arisen during the current year for supplementary or additional expenditure upon some new service not contemplated in the annual financial statement for that year, the President shall cause to be laid before both Houses another statement showing the estimated amount of that expenditure.

Two different cases in one clause. A supplementary grant tops up a service already provided for and found short. An additional grant funds a new service the statement did not contemplate. Both are prospective: the money has not yet been spent.

115(1)(b): excess. Where any money has been spent on any service during a financial year in excess of the amount granted for that service and for that year, the President shall cause to be presented to the House of the People a demand for such excess.

Read the tense. "Has been spent." An excess grant is regularisation after the event, for money already out of the Fund without authority.

115(2): articles 112, 113 and 114 apply to such a statement, expenditure or demand, and to the appropriation law made upon it, as they apply to the annual financial statement. So the whole machinery of chapter 1330 runs again in miniature.

Why the excess grant is where the Public Accounts Committee becomes necessary

Put the two provisions side by side.

Article 114(3): no money shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund except under appropriation made by law.

munotes.in747

Supplementary and Excess Grants

Article 115(1)(b): a demand shall be presented where money has been spent in excess of the amount granted.

The second describes a state of affairs the first forbids. An excess is money withdrawn beyond the appropriation, and the Constitution provides for it not because it is permissible but because it happens, and something must be done about it.

And here is the point. The House is being asked to authorise, after the event, expenditure it never sanctioned. On what material?

Not on the executive's word, because the executive is the party in default.

On the audit. The Comptroller and Auditor General establishes the excess in his report under article 151; the Public Accounts Committee examines the accounting officer on it, chapter 1010; and the House votes the excess grant on the Committee's recommendation.

Which makes the Public Accounts Committee's work constitutionally necessary and not merely useful. Chapter 1010 called the Committee's loop the only closed one in this paper; article 115(1)(b) is the provision that requires it to close. Without the audit and the examination, an excess grant would be the House regularising, unexamined, a breach of article 114(3).

Say that in an answer and the connection between the two labels of this module is made in a sentence.

Article 116: three further devices

116(1)(a): the vote on account. The House of the People may make any grant in advance in respect of the estimated expenditure for a part of any financial year pending the completion of the procedure prescribed in article 113 for voting the grant and passing the article 114 law.

What it is for. The financial year begins on a fixed date; the demands take weeks to vote. A vote on account keeps the administration paid until the full Appropriation Act is passed. It is a grant in advance for a part of the year, and it is on account of the grants that will be made.

116(1)(b): the vote of credit. A grant for meeting an unexpected demand upon the resources of India when on account of the magnitude or the indefinite character of the service the demand cannot be stated with the details ordinarily given in an annual financial statement.

Notice the justification: not urgency but INDESCRIBABILITY. The House votes a sum without the usual details because the details cannot be given, the classic case being a war or an emergency of unknown scale. A vote of credit is a blank cheque and the Constitution says so in as many words, which is why it is confined to a demand that cannot be stated with the details ordinarily given.

munotes.in748

Supplementary and Excess Grants

116(1)(c): the exceptional grant. A grant which forms no part of the current service of any financial year.

And the closing words of 116(1): Parliament shall have power to authorise by law the withdrawal of moneys from the Consolidated Fund of India for the purposes for which the said grants are made.

116(2): articles 113 and 114 apply to the making of such grants and to the law made under the clause.

Note which articles are applied. 113 and 114, but not 112. A vote on account, a vote of credit and an exceptional grant do not require a fresh annual financial statement; they require the voting and the appropriation law.

How the four devices relate to the Contingency Fund

Students confuse the Contingency Fund with a supplementary grant, and the distinction is clean.

The Contingency Fund, article 267, chapter 1310, is a fund from which the President makes an advance for unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation. No vote is involved.

A supplementary, additional or excess grant under article 115, and a vote on account, vote of credit or exceptional grant under article 116, are votes of the House.

The relationship is sequential. Money is advanced from the Contingency Fund when the need cannot wait; the House later votes a supplementary grant under article 115; and the Fund is recouped from the appropriation. Article 267 itself says the advance is "pending authorisation of such expenditure by Parliament by law under article 115 or article 116." The Contingency Fund is the bridge and article 115 is the far bank.

A worked example

A financial year begins on 1 April and the demands will not be voted until the middle of May.

How is the administration paid in the interval? A vote on account under article 116(1)(a): a grant in advance for a part of the year, pending completion of the article 113 procedure.

In August a scheme provided for at four hundred crores is found to need five hundred. A supplementary grant under article 115(1)(a), first limb: the amount authorised is found to be insufficient.

In September a flood requires a relief programme nobody had contemplated. An additional grant under article 115(1)(a), second limb: a new service not contemplated in the annual financial statement. And if the money is needed before the House can vote, an advance from the Contingency Fund under article 267, recouped when the additional grant is made.

A conflict breaks out and the scale of the requirement cannot be stated. A vote of credit under article 116(1)(b): the demand cannot be stated with the details ordinarily given because of its magnitude or indefinite character.

munotes.in749

Supplementary and Excess Grants

And at the end of the year the accounts show that a Ministry spent thirty crores more on a service than was granted for it. That is an excess, contrary to article 114(3).

What happens? The Comptroller and Auditor General establishes it in his report, laid under article 151. The Public Accounts Committee examines the Secretary on how it occurred and recommends. Only then is a demand for the excess presented to the House of the People under article 115(1)(b), and an Appropriation Act passed under article 114 as applied by article 115(2).

Note the order. Audit, examination, then regularisation. The House does not forgive an excess it has not had explained.

What beginners get wrong

That a supplementary grant and an excess grant are the same. A supplementary or additional grant is prospective; an excess grant regularises money already spent.

That an additional grant tops up an existing service. It funds a new service not contemplated in the statement; the supplementary grant tops up.

That a vote on account is a small budget. It is a grant in advance for a part of the year pending completion of the article 113 procedure, and articles 113 and 114 apply to it.

That a vote of credit is for urgency. It is for a demand that cannot be stated with the details ordinarily given, by reason of its magnitude or indefinite character.

That the Contingency Fund and a supplementary grant are alternatives. The Fund gives an advance pending authorisation; the grant is the authorisation, and the Fund is then recouped.

Quick revision

Art 115(1)(a): supplementary where the authorised amount is found insufficient; additional where a need arises for expenditure on some new service not contemplated in the statement. Both prospective; another statement is laid before both Houses.

Art 115(1)(b): excess, where money has been spent on a service in excess of the amount granted for that service and for that year; a demand for such excess is presented to the House of the People. Retrospective regularisation of a breach of art 114(3).

Art 115(2): arts 112, 113 and 114 apply to such statements, demands and laws.

Why the PAC becomes constitutionally necessary: the House is asked to authorise after the event what it never sanctioned, and it does so on the auditor's finding and the Committee's examination. Audit, examination, then regularisation.

Art 116(1): (a) vote on account, a grant in advance for part of the year pending the art 113 procedure; (b) vote of credit, for a demand which cannot be stated with the details ordinarily given because of its magnitude or indefinite character; (c) exceptional grant, forming no part of the current service of any financial year. 116(2): arts 113 and 114 apply, not art 112.

munotes.in750

Supplementary and Excess Grants

Against art 267: the Contingency Fund gives an advance, no vote; arts 115 and 116 are votes; and the advance is pending authorisation under art 115 or 116, after which the Fund is recouped.

Test yourself

1. Distinguish supplementary, additional and excess grants. A supplementary grant is sought under the first limb of article 115(1)(a) where the amount authorised by the Appropriation Act for a particular service for the current year is found to be insufficient for the purposes of that year; it tops up a service already provided for. An additional grant is sought under the second limb of the same clause where a need has arisen during the year for expenditure upon some new service not contemplated in the annual financial statement; it funds something the statement did not cover. Both are prospective, and in each case the President causes another statement showing the estimated amount to be laid before both Houses. An excess grant is different in kind: under article 115(1)(b), where money has been spent on a service during a financial year in excess of the amount granted for that service and for that year, the President causes a demand for the excess to be presented to the House of the People. The tense is past, and the grant regularises money already withdrawn beyond the appropriation.

2. Why does the excess grant make the Public Accounts Committee constitutionally necessary? Because article 114(3) provides that no money shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund except under appropriation made by law, and an excess is by definition a withdrawal beyond the appropriation. Article 115(1)(b) therefore asks the House of the People to authorise, after the event, expenditure it never sanctioned. It cannot do so on the executive's own account, since the executive is the party in default. The material on which it acts is the audit: the Comptroller and Auditor General establishes the excess in a report laid before the House under article 151, the Public Accounts Committee examines the accounting officer on how it occurred and reports, and the demand for the excess is then presented. The Committee's examination is accordingly not a convenience but the constitutional precondition of regularisation, which is why chapter 1010 can describe its loop as the only closed one in this paper and this article as the reason it must close.

3. What are a vote on account, a vote of credit and an exceptional grant? Under article 116(1)(a) the House of the People may make any grant in advance in respect of the estimated expenditure for a part of any financial year, pending the completion of the article 113 procedure for voting the grant and the passing of the article 114 law; this is the vote on account, and it keeps the administration paid between the start of the financial year and the passing of the full Appropriation Act. Under clause (b) it may make a grant to meet an unexpected demand upon the resources of India when, on account of the magnitude or the indefinite character of the service, the demand cannot be stated with the details ordinarily given in an annual financial statement; this is the vote of credit, and its justification is not urgency but the impossibility of stating the details. Under clause (c) it may make an exceptional grant which forms no part of the current service of any financial year. Parliament may authorise by law the withdrawal of moneys for the purposes of these grants, and articles 113 and 114, though not article 112, apply to them.

munotes.in751

Supplementary and Excess Grants

4. How does the Contingency Fund fit with articles 115 and 116? Sequentially rather than as an alternative. The Contingency Fund under article 267 is a fund in the nature of an imprest at the disposal of the President from which advances may be made for unforeseen expenditure, and no vote of the House is involved in the advance. Articles 115 and 116 provide for votes of the House. Article 267 itself states the relationship, since the advance is for expenditure pending authorisation by Parliament by law under article 115 or article 116. In practice, therefore, money is advanced from the Fund when the need cannot wait for the House, the House afterwards votes a supplementary or additional grant under article 115, and the Fund is recouped out of the appropriation so made. The Fund is the bridge and article 115 is the far bank.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in752

Chapter -Nine

Money Bills

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

A Bill is a Money Bill only if it contains nothing but the seven listed matters, the Speaker alone decides, his decision is final, and the Council of States gets fourteen days to recommend and no power to insist.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: under article 110(1) a Bill is deemed to be a Money Bill if it contains only provisions dealing with all or any of seven matters, namely the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax; the regulation of the borrowing of money or the giving of any guarantee by the Government of India, or the amendment of the law with respect to any financial obligations undertaken or to be undertaken by it; the custody of the Consolidated Fund or the Contingency Fund, and payments into or withdrawals from either; the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund; the declaring of any expenditure to be charged on that Fund or the increasing of the amount of any such expenditure; the receipt of money on account of the Consolidated Fund or the public account, or the custody or issue of such money, or the audit of the accounts of the Union or of a State; and any matter incidental to those; article 110(3) makes the decision of the Speaker of the House of the People final on any question whether a Bill is a Money Bill; and article 110(4) requires his certificate to be endorsed on the Bill when it is transmitted under article 109 and when it is presented for assent under article 111.

Article 110(1): the seven matters

A Bill shall be deemed to be a Money Bill if it contains ONLY provisions dealing with all or any of the following matters:

(a) the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax;

(b) the regulation of the borrowing of money or the giving of any guarantee by the Government of India, or the amendment of the law with respect to any financial obligations undertaken or to be undertaken by it;

(c) the custody of the Consolidated Fund or the Contingency Fund of India, the payment of moneys into or the withdrawal of moneys from any such Fund;

(d) the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India;

(e) the declaring of any expenditure to be expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of India or the increasing of the amount of any such expenditure;

(f) the receipt of money on account of the Consolidated Fund of India or the public account of India, or the custody or issue of such money, or the audit of the accounts of the Union or of a State; or

munotes.in753

Money Bills

(g) any matter incidental to any of the matters in (a) to (f).

THE WORD IS "ONLY". A Bill is a Money Bill if it contains only provisions dealing with those matters. One provision outside the list and the Bill is not a Money Bill, however much of it is financial. That single word is the whole of the law on this article, and an answer that omits it has not stated the test.

Note clause (e) and clause (f), because they connect this chapter to the rest of the module. Clause (e) is the power chapter 1320 identified: declaring expenditure to be charged, which is how Parliament adds an institution to the protected list. Clause (f) expressly includes the audit of the accounts of the Union or of a State, so a Bill about the Comptroller and Auditor General's audit functions falls within the Money Bill definition.

Article 110(2): what does not make a Bill a Money Bill

A Bill is not deemed to be a Money Bill by reason only that it provides for:

the imposition of fines or other pecuniary penalties; or the demand or payment of fees for licences or fees for services rendered; or the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax by any local authority or body for local purposes.

The three exclusions have one thing in common. None of them touches the Consolidated Fund of India as such. A fine is a penalty, a fee is a charge for a service, and a local tax is another authority's revenue. The article is about the Union's money.

And "by reason only" is doing work. A Bill containing such a provision and nothing else outside the list may still be a Money Bill; the clause prevents such a provision from by itself making a Bill one.

Article 110(3) and (4): who decides

110(3). If any question arises whether a Bill is a Money Bill or not, the decision of the Speaker of the House of the People thereon shall be final.

110(4). There shall be endorsed on every Money Bill when it is transmitted to the Council of States under article 109, and when it is presented to the President for assent under article 111, the certificate of the Speaker of the House of the People signed by him that it is a Money Bill.

One person decides, and the Constitution says his decision is final. Not the Council of States, not the President, not a committee. The Speaker.

Article 109: what follows from the certificate

109(1). A Money Bill shall not be introduced in the Council of States.

109(2). After it has been passed by the House of the People it is transmitted to the Council of States for its recommendations, and the Council shall within a period of fourteen days from the date of its receipt return the Bill to the House of the People with its recommendations, and the House of the People may thereupon either accept or reject all or any of them.

munotes.in754

Money Bills

109(3). If the House accepts any recommendation, the Bill is deemed to have been passed by both Houses with the amendments recommended and accepted.

109(4). If the House does not accept any recommendation, the Bill is deemed to have been passed by both Houses in the form in which it was passed by the House of the People, without any of the amendments recommended.

109(5). If the Bill is not returned within fourteen days, it is deemed to have been passed by both Houses at the expiration of that period in the form passed by the House of the People.

Read (3), (4) and (5) together and the Council of States has exactly one power: to be heard. It may recommend; the House of the People may reject every recommendation; and if the Council does nothing for fourteen days the Bill passes anyway. It cannot amend, cannot reject and cannot delay beyond fourteen days.

And article 111: the President shall declare that he assents or that he withholds assent; the proviso allowing him to return a Bill for reconsideration applies only if it is not a Money Bill. So a Money Bill cannot even be sent back by the President.

The controversy, stated as a controversy

The problem. A Bill certified as a Money Bill escapes the Council of States altogether and cannot be returned by the President. If a Bill containing provisions outside article 110(1) is nevertheless certified, the Council of States has been bypassed in a matter on which the Constitution gave it a full voice.

The arguments, and both must be given.

For finality. Article 110(3) says the Speaker's decision "shall be final", in as many words. Article 122(1), chapter 970, bars a challenge to the validity of proceedings in Parliament on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure. And the Speaker is the presiding officer of the House to which financial initiative belongs, so the choice of him is deliberate.

Against finality. "Final" ordinarily means final as between the two Houses, not final against the Constitution. Article 110(1) lays down an objective test, turning on whether the Bill contains only the listed matters, and a certificate cannot make true what is false. And chapter 1090 established that article 122(1) bars a challenge for irregularity of procedure and not for illegality, and that there is no basis for a claim of exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity in the privilege provisions.

munotes.in755

Money Bills

This book does not decide the question, because the material it holds does not decide it. What a candidate should write is the test in article 110(1), the finality in article 110(3), the two arguments, and the observation that the issue is live. An answer that asserts a settled outcome asserts more than the sources support.

And the observation worth making, which is safe. Whichever way the question is resolved, the practical protection is the word "only" in article 110(1): the wider the practice of certifying, the more work that word has to do, and the more the answer depends on whether anyone may examine whether it was satisfied.

A worked example

A Bill provides for a new cess, for the manner of its collection, and for a regulatory authority with power to license and to impose penalties.

Is it a Money Bill? No. The cess is within article 110(1)(a) and its collection may be incidental under (g); but the creation of a regulatory authority with licensing powers is a provision outside the list, and the Bill therefore does not contain only provisions dealing with the listed matters.

Does the power to impose penalties change that? No, and for a reason worth stating: article 110(2) provides that a Bill is not deemed to be a Money Bill by reason only that it provides for fines or other pecuniary penalties. That clause prevents the penalty provision from making it a Money Bill; it does not prevent the licensing provision from making it not one.

Suppose the Bill is nevertheless certified by the Speaker. It goes to the Council of States for recommendations only, which the House of the People may reject in their entirety; if not returned in fourteen days it is deemed passed; and the President may not return it under the proviso to article 111.

Can that certificate be questioned? Article 110(3) says the Speaker's decision shall be final; against that stand the objectivity of the article 110(1) test and the rule that article 122(1) bars a challenge for irregularity and not for illegality. State both and say the question is live.

Now change the Bill to one that declares the expenses of a new commission to be charged on the Consolidated Fund and does nothing else. Article 110(1)(e): the declaring of any expenditure to be expenditure charged. If the Bill contains only that, it is a Money Bill.

And a Bill amending the Comptroller and Auditor General's audit functions? Article 110(1)(f) includes the audit of the accounts of the Union or of a State, so such provisions are within the list; whether the Bill is a Money Bill still depends on whether it contains only listed matters.

munotes.in756

Money Bills

What beginners get wrong

That any Bill about money is a Money Bill. It must contain only provisions dealing with the seven matters.

That a Financial Bill and a Money Bill are the same. Article 117 governs financial Bills generally; article 110 defines the narrower class, and only that class attracts article 109.

That the Council of States may reject a Money Bill. It may recommend; the House of the People may reject every recommendation; and after fourteen days the Bill passes regardless.

That the President may return a Money Bill. The proviso to article 111 applies only if it is not a Money Bill.

That a provision for fines makes a Bill a Money Bill. Article 110(2): not by reason only of fines, fees for licences or services, or local taxation.

That the certification question is settled. It is live, and this book states both arguments.

Quick revision

Art 110(1): a Bill is a Money Bill if it contains ONLY provisions dealing with: (a) any tax; (b) borrowing, guarantees or financial obligations of the Government of India; (c) custody of the Consolidated or Contingency Fund and payments in or withdrawals; (d) appropriation from the Consolidated Fund; (e) declaring expenditure charged, or increasing it; (f) receipt on account of the Consolidated Fund or the public account, custody or issue, or the audit of the accounts of the Union or of a State; (g) anything incidental.

Art 110(2): not by reason only of fines or pecuniary penalties, fees for licences or services, or local taxation.

Art 110(3): the Speaker's decision shall be final. 110(4): his certificate endorsed on transmission under art 109 and on presentation under art 111.

Art 109: not to be introduced in the Council of States; transmitted for recommendations; the Council must return within fourteen days; the House of the People may accept or reject all or any; if none accepted the Bill is deemed passed as the House of the People passed it; if not returned in fourteen days, deemed passed at the expiry.

Art 111 proviso: the President may return a Bill for reconsideration only if it is NOT a Money Bill.

The controversy: finality in art 110(3) and art 122(1), against the objective test in art 110(1) and the rule that art 122(1) bars irregularity, not illegality. Give both; the question is live.

munotes.in757

Money Bills

Test yourself

1. What is a Money Bill? A Bill which contains only provisions dealing with all or any of the matters in article 110(1): the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax; the regulation of the borrowing of money or the giving of any guarantee by the Government of India or the amendment of the law with respect to any financial obligations undertaken or to be undertaken by it; the custody of the Consolidated Fund or the Contingency Fund of India and the payment of moneys into or withdrawal from either; the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund; the declaring of any expenditure to be charged on that Fund or the increasing of the amount of such expenditure; the receipt of money on account of the Consolidated Fund or the public account, the custody or issue of such money, or the audit of the accounts of the Union or of a State; and any matter incidental to those. The governing word is "only": a single provision outside the list prevents a Bill from being a Money Bill however financial the rest of it may be. By article 110(2) a Bill is not deemed to be a Money Bill by reason only that it provides for fines or other pecuniary penalties, for the demand or payment of fees for licences or for services rendered, or for local taxation.

2. What is the special procedure for a Money Bill? Under article 109(1) it may not be introduced in the Council of States. After it has been passed by the House of the People it is transmitted to the Council of States for its recommendations, and the Council must within fourteen days of receipt return it with those recommendations. The House of the People may accept or reject all or any of them: if it accepts any, the Bill is deemed passed by both Houses with the amendments accepted; if it accepts none, the Bill is deemed passed by both Houses in the form in which the House of the People passed it; and if the Council does not return the Bill within fourteen days, it is deemed passed by both Houses at the expiry of that period in that form. Article 111 completes the picture, since the President's power to return a Bill for reconsideration is expressly confined to a Bill which is not a Money Bill. The Council of States therefore has a right to be heard and no power to amend, to reject or to delay beyond fourteen days.

3. Who decides whether a Bill is a Money Bill? The Speaker of the House of the People. Article 110(3) provides that if any question arises whether a Bill is a Money Bill or not, his decision on it shall be final; and article 110(4) requires his certificate, signed by him, to be endorsed on every Money Bill when it is transmitted to the Council of States under article 109 and when it is presented to the President for assent under article 111. No other authority is given any part in the question.

munotes.in758

Money Bills

4. Can the Speaker's certificate be questioned? Discuss. The question is live and this book does not resolve it. In favour of finality it is said that article 110(3) declares the decision final in terms; that article 122(1) forbids the validity of proceedings in Parliament to be called in question on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure; and that the choice of the Speaker of the House of the People, the House to which financial initiative belongs, is deliberate. Against finality it is said that "final" naturally means final as between the two Houses rather than final against the Constitution; that article 110(1) prescribes an objective test, turning on whether the Bill contains only the listed matters, and a certificate cannot make true what is not; and that on the modern authority article 122(1) bars a challenge for irregularity of procedure and not for illegality, there being no basis for a claim of exclusive cognizance or absolute immunity for parliamentary proceedings. What can safely be added is that the practical protection lies in the word "only" in article 110(1): the wider the practice of certification, the more work that word must do, and the more the answer depends on whether anyone may examine whether it has been satisfied.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in759

Chapter

The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

One officer for the Union and every State, appointed by warrant, paid as a Judge of the Supreme Court, holding office for six years or until sixty-five, and removable only as a Judge is removable.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 148(1) provides that there shall be a Comptroller and Auditor-General of India who shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal and shall only be removed from office in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court; article 148(2) requires him before entering upon his office to make and subscribe before the President an oath or affirmation according to the form in the Third Schedule; article 148(3) leaves his salary and conditions of service to be determined by Parliament by law, with a proviso that neither his salary nor his rights in respect of leave of absence, pension or age of retirement shall be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment; and section 3 of the Act of 1971 fixes his salary as equal to that of a Judge of the Supreme Court while section 4 fixes his term at six years from the date he assumes office, with a proviso that he vacates office on attaining the age of sixty-five years if that occurs earlier.

One officer, two levels

Article 148(1) creates a Comptroller and Auditor-General of India. One officer.

Not one for the Union and one for each State. Chapter 1260 noted the consequence and it is worth stating first because everything else depends on it: the officer who audits a State's accounts is appointed by the President, paid out of the Consolidated Fund of India, and removable only by the process that removes a Judge of the Supreme Court.

So no State Government appoints, pays, promotes or removes the person who audits it. That is a degree of independence no State institution in this book possesses, and chapter 1510 shows how the office works at the State level through the Accountant General.

And article 151 completes it, chapter 1400: his reports on Union accounts go to the President and are laid before Parliament; his reports on State accounts go to the Governor and are laid before the State Legislature. One officer, two sets of masters, and neither of them the government he audits.

Appointment and oath

148(1): appointment. Appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal.

Note what article 148 does not provide. No selection committee. No consultation. No panel. No qualifications. Compare chapter 610's section 4 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act and chapter 800's section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, each of which prescribes a committee and, in the latter, a judicial member.

munotes.in760

The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General

That is the first of the two gaps chapter 1370 sets out, and it is the sharpest criticism available of an office otherwise more protected than any other in this paper: the most protected officer in the Constitution is chosen by the executive alone.

148(2): the oath. Before entering upon his office he shall make and subscribe before the President, or some person appointed in that behalf by him, an oath or affirmation according to the form set out for the purpose in the Third Schedule.

The Third Schedule form for this office is the same form as for a Judge of the Supreme Court and a High Court, containing the words "without fear or favour, affection or ill-will". Chapter 620 noted the same borrowing in the Schedule to the Central Vigilance Commission Act. The Constitution gives its auditor a judge's oath.

Salary and term

148(3): the constitutional frame. The salary and other conditions of service shall be such as may be determined by Parliament by law and, until so determined, as specified in the Second Schedule; with the proviso in chapter 1370.

Section 3 of the 1971 Act: the salary. There shall be paid to the Comptroller and Auditor-General a salary which is equal to the salary of the Judge of the Supreme Court, with a proviso reducing it by any pension he was drawing or eligible to draw in respect of previous Government service, including the commuted portion.

The salary is the Judge's salary, which is the third place in article 148 and the Act where the office is measured against the judiciary: removal as a Judge, oath as a Judge, salary as a Judge. Say that as a set and the constitutional intention is unmistakable.

Section 4 of the 1971 Act: the term. He shall hold office for a term of six years from the date on which he assumes such office, with a proviso that where he attains the age of sixty-five years before the expiry of the said term of six years, he shall vacate such office on the date on which he attains the said age.

Six years OR sixty-five, whichever comes first, exactly as chapter 620's Commissioners hold for four years or sixty-five. The longer term is the measure of the office's seniority.

The other conditions, in sections 5 to 9

These are short and worth a line each, because GUIDELINES require the Act to be covered and because two of them carry a point.

Section 5: leave. A person who was in the service of Government immediately before assuming office may be granted leave under the rules applicable to his former service, during his tenure but not thereafter, and may carry forward the leave standing to his credit. Any other person is granted leave under the rules applicable to a member of the Indian Administrative Service.

munotes.in761

The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General

Section 6: pension. A person who was in Government service shall be deemed to have retired on the date he enters upon the office, but his service as Comptroller and Auditor-General shall be reckoned as continuing approved service counting for pension in his former service; and every holder of the office is, on demitting it, eligible to a pension of the stated sum, inclusive of all other pensions and the commuted portion.

Section 7 on commutation of pension was omitted by Act 50 of 1987, section 3, with effect from 16 December 1987.

Section 8: provident fund. Every holder is entitled to subscribe to the General Provident Fund (Central Services).

Section 9: other conditions. Save as otherwise provided, the conditions of service relating to travelling allowance, rent-free residence and the exemption from income-tax on its value, conveyance facilities, sumptuary allowance, medical facilities and such other conditions as are for the time being applicable to a Judge of the Supreme Court under the Supreme Court Judges Act and the rules made under it, shall so far as may be apply to a serving or retired Comptroller and Auditor-General; with a proviso that a person who came from Government service shall not be given less favourable terms than he would otherwise have had.

Section 9 is the fourth equation with a Judge, and it is the completion of the pattern: removal, oath, salary and conditions of service, all of a Judge of the Supreme Court.

The description of the office

The office is habitually described as the most important officer under the Constitution, a description taken from the Constituent Assembly debates. This book does not hold those debates and does not quote them. What it can do is show why the description is defensible from the articles themselves:

He is the only officer whose reports the Constitution requires to be laid before every legislature in the country, article 151.

He is one of only two officers whose removal the Constitution equates with a Judge's, the other being a Judge of a High Court under article 218.

His office's entire administrative expenses are charged on the Consolidated Fund, article 148(6), which chapter 1320 showed is the constitutional badge of an office meant to be beyond the annual vote.

He is barred from any further office under any government in India, article 148(4), which is a restriction no other constitutional functionary in this paper bears in that absolute form.

munotes.in762

The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General

And his certificate of the net proceeds of a tax is final, article 279(1), chapter 1520, which is a power of decision and not merely of report.

That is a better answer than the quotation, because every element of it can be checked in the text.

A worked example

A Comptroller and Auditor-General is to be appointed.

Who appoints? The President, by warrant under his hand and seal: article 148(1). No committee, no consultation, no prescribed qualification.

What must he do first? Make and subscribe an oath or affirmation before the President in the Third Schedule form: article 148(2).

What is he paid? A salary equal to that of a Judge of the Supreme Court: section 3, reduced by any pension from previous Government service.

How long does he hold office? Six years from the date he assumes office, or until he attains sixty-five, whichever is earlier: section 4.

He is fifty-eight on appointment. He holds office until sixty-four, that is the full six years.

He is sixty-one on appointment. He vacates on attaining sixty-five, that is after four years.

On demitting office may he be appointed to a tribunal? No: article 148(4) bars further office either under the Government of India or under the Government of any State. Chapter 1370.

And who audits the accounts of Maharashtra? The same officer. Article 148 creates a Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, and article 151(2) sends his State reports to the Governor to be laid before the State Legislature.

What beginners get wrong

That each State has its own auditor. One officer, the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, audits the Union and every State.

That the Constitution prescribes qualifications or a selection procedure. It prescribes neither. He is appointed by the President by warrant.

That his term is five years. Six years from the date he assumes office, or sixty-five, whichever is earlier: section 4 of the 1971 Act.

That his salary is fixed by the Constitution. Article 148(3) leaves it to Parliament by law; section 3 fixes it at a Supreme Court Judge's salary.

That the office's equation with a Judge is only about removal. It is about removal, the oath, the salary and the conditions of service: article 148(1) and (2), and sections 3 and 9 of the Act.

Quick revision

ONE officer, the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, for the Union and every State. No State Government appoints, pays or removes him.

Art 148(1): appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal; removed only in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court. No committee, no consultation, no qualifications prescribed.

munotes.in763

The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General

Art 148(2): oath before the President in the Third Schedule form, the judge's form, "without fear or favour, affection or ill-will".

Art 148(3): salary and conditions as Parliament by law determines, until then the Second Schedule.

s.3 of the 1971 Act: salary equal to a Judge of the Supreme Court, less any pension from previous Government service.

s.4: six years from assuming office, or sixty-five, whichever is earlier.

ss.5 to 9: leave; pension, with prior Government service deemed to have ended but the tenure counting as approved service; s.7 omitted in 1987; General Provident Fund; and s.9, the conditions of a Judge of the Supreme Court as to travelling allowance, rent-free residence and its tax exemption, conveyance, sumptuary allowance and medical facilities.

Four equations with a Judge: removal, oath, salary, conditions of service.

Test yourself

1. How is the Comptroller and Auditor-General appointed, and for how long does he hold office? Article 148(1) provides that there shall be a Comptroller and Auditor-General of India who shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal. The Constitution prescribes no qualifications, no consultation and no selection committee. Before entering upon his office he must, under article 148(2), make and subscribe before the President or a person appointed by him an oath or affirmation in the form set out in the Third Schedule. By section 4 of the Comptroller and Auditor-General's (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service) Act 1971 he holds office for a term of six years from the date on which he assumes it, with a proviso that where he attains the age of sixty-five before the expiry of that term he vacates office on the date he attains that age.

2. In what respects is the office equated with a Judge of the Supreme Court? In four. Removal: article 148(1) provides that he shall only be removed from office in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court. The oath: article 148(2) requires the form in the Third Schedule, which for this office contains the judicial formula about acting without fear or favour, affection or ill-will. Salary: section 3 of the 1971 Act fixes it as equal to the salary of a Judge of the Supreme Court, reduced by any pension he was drawing or eligible to draw in respect of previous Government service. And conditions of service: section 9 applies, so far as may be, the conditions applicable to a Judge of the Supreme Court under the Supreme Court Judges Act and the rules made under it in respect of travelling allowance, rent-free residence and the exemption from income-tax on its value, conveyance facilities, sumptuary allowance, medical facilities and such other conditions, with a proviso that a person coming from Government service shall not be given less favourable terms.

munotes.in764

The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General

3. Why is it significant that there is only one Comptroller and Auditor-General? Because article 148 creates a Comptroller and Auditor-General of India and not one for each government, so the officer who audits the accounts of a State is appointed by the President, paid out of the Consolidated Fund of India, and removable only in the manner and on the grounds applicable to a Judge of the Supreme Court. No State Government appoints, pays, promotes or removes the person who audits it, which is a degree of independence that no institution created by a State possesses. Article 151(2) completes the arrangement by requiring his reports on the accounts of a State to be submitted to the Governor and laid before the State Legislature, so that the auditor answers to the legislature of the government he audits without being in any way dependent upon that government.

4. Is the description of the office as the most important officer under the Constitution defensible? The description comes from the Constituent Assembly debates, which this book does not hold and therefore does not quote; but the case for it can be made from the text alone. He is the only officer whose reports the Constitution requires to be laid before every legislature in the country, under article 151. He is one of only two officers whose removal the Constitution equates with that of a Judge of the Supreme Court, the other being a Judge of a High Court under article 218. The whole of his office's administrative expenses, including all salaries, allowances and pensions, are charged on the Consolidated Fund by article 148(6), which is the constitutional badge of an office meant to be beyond the annual vote. He is barred by article 148(4) from any further office under the Government of India or of any State. And under article 279(1) his certificate of the net proceeds of a tax is final, which is a power of decision and not merely of report.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in765

Chapter -One

The Safeguards of Independence

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Removal only as a Judge, a salary and pension that cannot be cut, no further office ever, an establishment charged on the Consolidated Fund, and rules made only after consulting him; against which stand no prescribed procedure for choosing him and no bar on his taking any other kind of position afterwards.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the independence of the Comptroller and Auditor-General rests on five provisions of article 148, that he may only be removed from office in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court under clause (1); that neither his salary nor his rights in respect of leave of absence, pension or age of retirement may be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment, under the proviso to clause (3); that he shall not be eligible for further office either under the Government of India or under the Government of any State after he has ceased to hold office, under clause (4); that the conditions of service of persons serving in the Indian Audit and Accounts Department and his own administrative powers are prescribed by rules made by the President only after consultation with him, under clause (5); and that the administrative expenses of his office, including all salaries, allowances and pensions, are charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India, under clause (6).

Safeguard one: removal as a Judge

Article 148(1): he shall only be removed from office in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court.

What that imports, from article 124(4). A Judge of the Supreme Court shall not be removed from his office except by an order of the President passed after an address by each House of Parliament supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of that House present and voting has been presented to the President in the same session for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity. Chapter 1560 works the article in full.

Read the requirements and count them. The ground must be proved misbehaviour or incapacity. The address must come from each House. Each must support it by a majority of its total membership and two-thirds of those present and voting. Both addresses must be presented in the same session. And the removal is by order of the President on that address.

Compare the ranking chapter 750 made. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may be removed by the President on a Supreme Court reference, and under section 6(3) on five grounds by order alone. The Lokpal's Chairperson requires a Supreme Court inquiry on a reference the President may make on a hundred Members' petition or a citizen's petition. The Comptroller and Auditor-General requires an address of both Houses on a special majority, with no short route of any kind. He is the most protected officer in this book, and the ranking tracks how far each officer's findings reach into the executive.

munotes.in766

The Safeguards of Independence

And note the honest qualification, which chapter 1660 supplies. No Judge has ever been removed under article 124(4), and the process has succeeded exactly never. A protection that has never been used is a very strong protection, and it is also an untested one.

Safeguard two: pay that cannot be cut

The proviso to article 148(3): neither the salary of a Comptroller and Auditor-General nor his rights in respect of leave of absence, pension or age of retirement shall be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment.

Four things are protected, and students remember only the first. Salary, leave, pension, and age of retirement. A Parliament that lowered the retiring age would be shortening his term, and the proviso forbids it as squarely as a pay cut.

And note what it does not say. It forbids variation to his disadvantage; an improvement is permissible. And it operates after his appointment, so the terms may be altered for a future holder.

Safeguard three: no further office

Article 148(4): he shall not be eligible for further office either under the Government of India or under the Government of any State after he has ceased to hold his office.

This is the most absolute post-office bar in the book, and the comparison makes the point. Chapter 620 read section 5(6) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, which bars a diplomatic assignment, a Union territory administratorship, any other warrant appointment and any office of profit under the Union or a State. Article 148(4) bars "further office" simply, under either Government, without qualification and without limit of time.

Why it matters more here than anywhere else. He audits every Government in India. If any of them could employ him afterwards, every audit report would be written by a man with a prospective employer among the audited. The bar removes the possibility rather than regulating it.

And the gap, which chapter 1530 counts. The bar is on office under a Government. It says nothing about any other position: a company, an institution, a body that is not a Government. A candidate who notices that has found a real limit of the safeguard.

munotes.in767

The Safeguards of Independence

Safeguard four: he is consulted on his own establishment

Article 148(5): subject to the Constitution and to any law made by Parliament, the conditions of service of persons serving in the Indian Audit and Accounts Department and the administrative powers of the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall be such as may be prescribed by rules made by the President after consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor-General.

Set that against chapter 620's section 7 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act. There the Central Government, in consultation with the Commission, makes rules on the number and conditions of service of the Commission's staff. Here the President makes them after consultation with him, and the article names his own administrative powers as well as his staff's conditions.

But the difference is smaller than it looks, and an answer should say so. In both cases the rules are made by the executive and the officer is consulted. Consultation is not concurrence, chapter 670. The Comptroller and Auditor-General does not settle the strength of the Indian Audit and Accounts Department any more than the Commission settles its own. Chapter 1530 puts the resulting capacity constraint among the weaknesses of financial control.

Safeguard five: money beyond the vote

Article 148(6): the administrative expenses of the office of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, including all salaries, allowances and pensions payable to or in respect of persons serving in that office, shall be charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India.

And article 112(3)(e) charges his own salary, allowances and pension separately. So both the officer and his establishment are on the charged side, and by article 113(1), chapter 1320, charged expenditure is not submitted to the vote of Parliament, though it may be discussed.

Read that with what he does and the design is complete. He audits the executive and reports to the House. If the executive could propose to cut his budget, or the House could refuse it, the audit would be conducted by an office dependent on the audited and on the body it reports to. Article 148(6) removes both possibilities in one clause.

The two gaps

Gap one: no procedure for choosing him. Chapter 1360 made the point and it belongs in every answer on independence. Article 148(1) says only that he is appointed by the President by warrant. No committee, no consultation, no qualifications, no panel, no eminence requirement.

The consequence. Chapter 610 showed that the courts will review a recommendation which fails to consider institutional integrity; but that reasoning attaches to a statutory recommendation by a Committee exercising a statutory power. Where the Constitution prescribes no procedure, there is much less for a court to hold against. The most protected officer in the Constitution is chosen by the least regulated procedure in it, and that sentence is the strongest single criticism available in this label.

munotes.in768

The Safeguards of Independence

Gap two: nothing after office except Government office. As above: article 148(4) bars office under a Government and nothing else.

The reforms that follow, and both are worth naming. A selection committee on the model of section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, chapter 800, containing a judicial member and giving the Government a minority; and an extension of article 148(4) to a cooling-off period before any position, not merely any Government office.

A worked example

A Comptroller and Auditor-General reports adversely on a major Government scheme.

Can the Government have him removed? Only by an address of each House supported by a majority of the total membership and two-thirds of those present and voting, presented in the same session, on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity, and by order of the President. There is no other route.

Can it cut his salary? The proviso to article 148(3): neither his salary nor his rights as to leave, pension or age of retirement may be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment.

Can it lower the retiring age to sixty-two so that he leaves early? Same proviso: age of retirement is expressly protected.

Can it starve his office by refusing the estimate? Article 148(6) charges the office's administrative expenses, including all salaries, allowances and pensions, on the Consolidated Fund, and article 113(1) puts charged expenditure beyond the vote.

Can it decline to enlarge his establishment? Yes. Article 148(5) requires the rules to be made by the President after consultation with him, and consultation is not concurrence. This is the real pressure point, and chapter 1530 returns to it.

Can it offer him a Governorship when he demits office? Article 148(4): no further office either under the Government of India or under the Government of any State.

Can he take a chair at a private institution? Article 148(4) does not reach it. That is the second gap.

And how was he chosen in the first place? By the President by warrant, with no prescribed procedure. That is the first gap, and the answer's closing point.

What beginners get wrong

That he is removed on a Supreme Court reference. That is the Central Vigilance Commissioner, chapter 620. He is removed as a Judge of the Supreme Court is removed: an address of both Houses on a special majority.

That only his salary is protected. Salary, leave, pension and age of retirement.

munotes.in769

The Safeguards of Independence

That article 148(4) bars all future employment. It bars further office under the Government of India or of any State, and nothing else.

That article 148(5) gives him control of his department. The President makes the rules after consultation with him; consultation is not concurrence.

That his independence is complete. Two gaps: no procedure for his appointment, and no bar on non-Government positions afterwards.

Quick revision

Five safeguards, all in art 148: (1) Removal only in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, which by art 124(4) requires proved misbehaviour or incapacity and an address by each House supported by a majority of the total membership and two-thirds present and voting, presented in the same session, and an order of the President. No short route of any kind. (2) Proviso to (3): neither salary nor rights as to leave of absence, pension or age of retirement may be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment. (3) (4): no further office under the Government of India or of any State, without qualification or time limit. (4) (5): the conditions of service of the Indian Audit and Accounts Department and his own administrative powers are prescribed by rules made by the President after consultation with him. (5) (6): the office's administrative expenses, including all salaries, allowances and pensions, are charged on the Consolidated Fund, and art 112(3)(e) charges his own salary separately, so art 113(1) puts both beyond the vote.

Two gaps: no committee, consultation, panel or qualification for his appointment, only a warrant; and art 148(4) reaches only Government office, not any other position.

Reforms: a selection committee on the s.4A DSPE Act model with a judicial member; and a cooling-off period covering positions other than Government office.

Test yourself

1. What are the safeguards of the Comptroller and Auditor-General's independence? Five, all contained in article 148. He may only be removed from office in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, which by article 124(4) requires the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity and an address by each House supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by not less than two-thirds of the members present and voting, presented to the President in the same session, whereupon the President makes the order. Neither his salary nor his rights in respect of leave of absence, pension or age of retirement may be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment. He is not eligible for further office either under the Government of India or under the Government of any State after ceasing to hold office. The conditions of service of persons serving in the Indian Audit and Accounts Department and his own administrative powers are prescribed by rules made by the President after consultation with him. And the administrative expenses of his office, including all salaries, allowances and pensions payable to or in respect of persons serving in it, are charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India, his own salary being separately charged by article 112(3)(e), so that by article 113(1) neither is submitted to the vote of Parliament.

munotes.in770

The Safeguards of Independence

2. How does his protection compare with that of the other officers in this syllabus? It is the strongest. The Central Vigilance Commissioner is removed by the President on proved misbehaviour or incapacity after a reference to the Supreme Court, but section 6(3) of the Act of 2003 permits removal by executive order on five grounds without any reference, two of them resting on an opinion. The Chairperson and Members of the Lokpal are removed only on a Supreme Court inquiry, on a reference the President may make on a petition of at least a hundred Members of Parliament or on a citizen's petition. The Comptroller and Auditor-General requires an address of both Houses on a special majority, and there is no short route of any kind. The ranking corresponds to how far each officer's findings reach into the executive. The honest qualification is that no Judge has ever been removed under article 124(4), so the protection, while very strong, is untested.

3. What are the gaps in that independence? Two. First, the Constitution prescribes no procedure for his selection: article 148(1) provides only that he shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal, and there is no committee, no consultation, no panel and no qualification. The contrast with section 4 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act and section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, both of which prescribe committees and the latter of which includes a judicial member, is striking, and the point is sharpened by the fact that judicial review of an appointment for failure to consider institutional integrity attaches most readily where a committee is exercising a statutory power; where the Constitution prescribes no procedure there is much less for a court to hold against. The most protected officer in the Constitution is therefore chosen by the least regulated procedure in it. Second, article 148(4) bars further office under the Government of India or of any State and says nothing about any other position, so the bar is absolute within its field and does not extend beyond it.

4. Where is the real pressure point on the office? Article 148(5). His money is beyond the vote by article 148(6), his tenure is beyond executive interference by article 148(1) and the proviso to article 148(3), and he cannot be offered a Government post afterwards by article 148(4). What remains is his establishment: the conditions of service of persons serving in the Indian Audit and Accounts Department, and his own administrative powers, are prescribed by rules made by the President after consultation with him, and consultation is not concurrence. A Government which cannot remove him, cannot cut his pay and cannot refuse his budget can still decline to enlarge the department through which he works, which is the same structural weakness that section 7 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act creates for the Commission, and it is one of the matters the closing chapter of this label takes up.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in771

Chapter -Two

Duties and Powers: Article 149

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

The Constitution creates the office and protects it, and then leaves what it actually does to a law Parliament may make; and the words "any other authority or body" in that article are where the modern controversy lives.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 149 provides that the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall perform such duties and exercise such powers in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States and of any other authority or body as may be prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament, and until provision in that behalf is so made shall perform such duties and exercise such powers in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States as were conferred on or exercisable by the Auditor-General of India immediately before the commencement of the Constitution in relation to the accounts of the Dominion of India and of the Provinces respectively; and the law made in pursuance of that article is the Comptroller and Auditor-General's (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service) Act 1971.

The article, read closely

Article 149. The Comptroller and Auditor-General shall perform such duties and exercise such powers in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States and of any other authority or body as may be prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament, and until provision in that behalf is so made, shall perform such duties and exercise such powers in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States as were conferred on or exercisable by the Auditor-General of India immediately before the commencement of this Constitution in relation to the accounts of the Dominion of India and of the Provinces respectively.

Three features, and the third is the one that matters most.

The duties are not in the Constitution. Articles 148 and 151 create and protect the office and provide for its reports; article 149 leaves what it does to Parliament. Chapter 1360 noted the same technique in article 148(3) for the salary.

"By or under any law". Not merely by a law but under one, which permits rules and regulations made under the Act. Chapter 1440 reads the rule-making power.

"And of any other authority or body". The article contemplates from the outset that the auditor's reach extends beyond the Union and the States, and it leaves the extent of that reach to Parliament. Chapters 1420, 1430 and 1460 are the working out of those five words, and AUSPI turned on them.

And the transitional limb. Until Parliament legislated, the office carried the powers of the Auditor-General of India immediately before the commencement of the Constitution. Parliament did not legislate for twenty-one years. The Act came in 1971, and until then the office worked on inherited colonial-era powers, which is worth a sentence when an examiner asks about the adequacy of the framework.

munotes.in772

Duties and Powers: Article 149

The Act of 1971: what article 149 produced

Section 1. The Act may be called the Comptroller and Auditor-General's (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service) Act 1971.

Read the long title. Duties, powers and conditions of service. The Act does three things, and chapters 1360 and 1370 have already covered the third; chapters 1410 to 1440 cover the first two.

Section 2: the definitions worth knowing.

(a) "Accounts", in relation to commercial undertakings of a Government, includes trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts.

Notice the width. A commercial undertaking's audit is not confined to whether money left the Fund lawfully; it extends to trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance sheets. That definition is what makes chapter 1430's audit of Government companies and corporations an audit of a business rather than of a cash book.

(b) "Appropriation accounts" means accounts which relate the expenditure brought to account during a financial year to the several items specified in the law made in accordance with the Constitution, or the Government of Union Territories Act 1963, for the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India, a State, or a Union territory having a Legislative Assembly.

This is the definition that connects the whole module. An appropriation account is the document that compares what was spent with what the Appropriation Act authorised, item by item. Chapter 1330 established that article 114(3) forbids withdrawal except under an appropriation made by law; the appropriation account is how anyone finds out whether that happened, and chapter 1340's excess is what the account discloses.

(c) "Comptroller and Auditor-General" means the officer appointed under article 148.

(d) "State" means a State specified in the First Schedule.

Why article 149 is drafted as it is

The obvious criticism first. An office whose independence is entrenched in the Constitution but whose functions are left to an ordinary law is protected in its person and alterable in its work. Parliament could narrow the auditor's remit by amending the Act of 1971, without any constitutional amendment at all.

The answer, and it is a good one. What may be audited cannot be fixed once for all. In 1950 there were no Government companies of the modern kind, no public sector undertakings on the present scale, no autonomous bodies living on grants, and no private licensees sharing revenue from a national resource. A constitutional list would have been obsolete within a generation.

munotes.in773

Duties and Powers: Article 149

And the phrase "any other authority or body" is the drafting that makes the flexibility possible. Association of Unified Tele Services Providers v. Union of India, (2014) 6 SCC 110, chapter 1460, turned on precisely that phrase: the argument was that the words were "only meant to cover entities that performed State functions or entities financed or controlled by the State", and the Court answered that the Constitution "is a living organic thing and must be applied to meet the current needs and requirements", that it "is not bound to be understood or accepted to the original understanding of the constitutional economics", and that the Constituent Assembly debates "may not be the sole criteria to be adopted by a court while examining the meaning and content of Article 149, since its content and significance has to vary from age to age."

So article 149 is deliberately open, and the openness has been construed as openness. That is the sentence to write when asked why the Constitution did not define the auditor's duties.

The shape of the Act

For orientation, because the next four chapters read it in order.

Sections 1 to 2: title and definitions, this chapter. Sections 3 to 9: salary, term, leave, pension, provident fund and conditions of service, chapter 1360. Sections 10 to 13: the duties, chapter 1410. Sections 14 to 17: audit of grants and loans, of receipts, and of stores and stock, chapter 1420. Sections 18 to 20: audit of Government companies and corporations, chapter 1430. Sections 21 to 26: delegation, rules, regulations and the tail, chapter 1440.

A worked example

Parliament wishes to bring a new class of body within the auditor's remit.

Is a constitutional amendment needed? No. Article 149 already contemplates duties in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States and of any other authority or body, and leaves the prescription to a law made by Parliament. An amendment of the Act of 1971 suffices.

Could Parliament instead narrow the remit? Yes, and that is the criticism. The auditor's independence is constitutional; his functions are statutory. What an ordinary majority conferred, an ordinary majority may take away.

A body argues that "any other authority or body" was meant to cover only entities performing State functions or financed or controlled by the State, and that the Constituent Assembly debates say so. That was the argument in Association of Unified Tele Services Providers v. Union of India, (2014) 6 SCC 110, and the Court's answer was that the Constitution is a living organic thing, that it is not bound to the original understanding of the constitutional economics, and that the debates may not be the sole criteria, the content and significance of article 149 having to vary from age to age.

munotes.in774

Duties and Powers: Article 149

A Government company is audited and objects that the audit has gone beyond the cash book into its trading results. Section 2(a): in relation to commercial undertakings of a Government, "accounts" includes trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts.

And how does anyone establish that a Ministry overspent its grant? From the appropriation accounts, section 2(b): the accounts which relate the expenditure brought to account during a financial year to the several items specified in the appropriation law. Chapter 1340's excess is what those accounts disclose.

What beginners get wrong

That the Constitution sets out the auditor's duties. Article 149 leaves them to a law made by Parliament, and the law is the Act of 1971.

That the Act was passed at once. It came twenty-one years after the Constitution; until then the office carried the powers of the Auditor-General of India immediately before the commencement.

That article 149 covers only the Union and the States. It expressly covers any other authority or body.

That "accounts" means a cash book. For a commercial undertaking of a Government it includes trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets.

That the Constituent Assembly debates settle the meaning of article 149. On the Association of Unified Tele Services Providers decision they may not be the sole criteria, the article's content having to vary from age to age.

Quick revision

Art 149: such duties and powers in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States and of ANY OTHER AUTHORITY OR BODY as may be prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament; and until then, those of the Auditor-General of India immediately before the commencement of the Constitution.

Three features: the duties are not constitutional; "by or under" a law permits rules and regulations; and "any other authority or body" is the phrase that carries the reach beyond the two Governments.

The law: the Comptroller and Auditor-General's (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service) Act 1971, twenty-one years later.

s.2(a): for a commercial undertaking of a Government, "accounts" includes trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts.

s.2(b): appropriation accounts relate the expenditure brought to account during a financial year to the several items specified in the appropriation law. That is the document that proves or disproves compliance with art 114(3), and it is where an excess appears.

munotes.in775

Duties and Powers: Article 149

The criticism: independence constitutional, functions statutory. The answer, from the Association of Unified Tele Services Providers decision: the Constitution is a living organic thing, not bound to the original understanding of the constitutional economics, and the debates may not be the sole criteria, the content of art 149 varying from age to age.

Test yourself

1. What does article 149 provide? That the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall perform such duties and exercise such powers in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States and of any other authority or body as may be prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament, and that until such provision is made he shall perform such duties and exercise such powers in relation to the accounts of the Union and of the States as were conferred on or exercisable by the Auditor-General of India immediately before the commencement of the Constitution in relation to the accounts of the Dominion of India and of the Provinces. Three features matter: the duties of the office are not fixed by the Constitution but left to Parliament; the words "by or under" permit rules and regulations made under the Act as well as the Act itself; and the phrase "any other authority or body" contemplates from the outset a reach extending beyond the two levels of government.

2. Why did the Constitution not define the auditor's duties? Because what may usefully be audited cannot be settled once for all. In 1950 there were no Government companies of the modern kind, no public sector undertakings on the present scale, no autonomous bodies subsisting on grants and no private licensees sharing revenue from a national resource, and a constitutional list would have been obsolete within a generation. The criticism is that an office whose independence is entrenched in the Constitution but whose functions rest on an ordinary statute is protected in its person and alterable in its work, since Parliament could narrow the remit by amending the Act of 1971 without any constitutional amendment. The answer is the flexibility just described, and it was given judicial expression in Association of Unified Tele Services Providers v. Union of India, where the Court held that the Constitution is a living organic thing which must be applied to meet current needs, that it is not bound to be understood according to the original understanding of the constitutional economics, and that the Constituent Assembly debates may not be the sole criteria for determining the meaning and content of article 149, whose content and significance has to vary from age to age.

munotes.in776

Duties and Powers: Article 149

3. What are appropriation accounts, and why do they matter? Section 2(b) of the Act of 1971 defines them as accounts which relate the expenditure brought to account during a financial year to the several items specified in the law made for the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of India, of a State, or of a Union territory having a Legislative Assembly. They matter because they are the document by which compliance with article 114(3), which forbids withdrawal from the Consolidated Fund except under appropriation made by law, is established or disproved. They set the expenditure actually incurred against the amounts the Appropriation Act authorised, item by item, and it is in them that an excess appears, which is what article 115(1)(b) requires to be regularised by a demand presented to the House of the People after the Public Accounts Committee has examined it.

4. How wide is the expression "accounts" in the Act? Wider than a record of receipts and payments. Section 2(a) provides that in relation to commercial undertakings of a Government, accounts includes trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts. The consequence is that the audit of a Government's commercial undertaking is the audit of a business and not merely a check that money left the Consolidated Fund lawfully, which is what makes the audit of Government companies and corporations under sections 19 and 20 a scrutiny of commercial performance as well as of regularity.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in777

Chapter -Three

The Form of Accounts

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

The auditor once kept the accounts he audited; article 150 lets the President prescribe their form on his advice; and since the mid-1970s the Union's accounts have been kept by the Government itself.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 150 provides that the accounts of the Union and of the States shall be kept in such form as the President may, on the advice of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, prescribe, the words "on the advice of" having been substituted for "after consultation with" by the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978 with effect from 20 June 1979 and the article itself having been substituted by the Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act 1976 with effect from 1 April 1977; and sections 10 and 11 of the Act of 1971 make the Comptroller and Auditor-General responsible for compiling the accounts of the Union and of each State and for preparing and submitting the annual accounts, subject to provisos under which the President, after consultation with him, may by order relieve him of the responsibility for compiling the Union's accounts, and a Governor may with the previous approval of the President do the same for a State.

Article 150

The accounts of the Union and of the States shall be kept in such form as the President may, on the advice of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, prescribe.

Two amendments, and both are worth carrying.

The article as it stands was substituted by the Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act 1976, section 27, with effect from 1 April 1977.

And the words "on the advice of" were substituted for "after consultation with" by the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978, section 22, with effect from 20 June 1979.

That second change is small on the page and large in substance, and chapter 670 supplies the reason. Consultation is not concurrence: an authority that must consult must genuinely take the advice into account and need not follow it. "On the advice of" is stronger. The President prescribes the form of accounts on the auditor's advice, not merely after hearing it.

Why the form of accounts matters at all. Because the form determines what can be seen. An account that groups a Ministry's expenditure under a single head cannot show what chapter 1330's appropriation account must show, namely whether the money went to the item the Appropriation Act specified. Whoever settles the form settles the visibility of the spending, and article 150 gives that a constitutional footing by putting the auditor's advice behind it.

Sections 10 and 11: compiling and preparing

Section 10(1). The Comptroller and Auditor-General shall be responsible (a) for compiling the accounts of the Union and of each State from the initial and subsidiary accounts rendered to the audit and accounts offices under his control by treasuries, offices or departments responsible for keeping such accounts; and (b) for keeping such accounts in relation to any of those matters as may be necessary.

munotes.in778

The Form of Accounts

The two provisos are the point of this chapter.

First proviso: the President may, after consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor-General, by order, relieve him from the responsibility for compiling (i) the said accounts of the Union, either at once or gradually by the issue of several orders, or (ii) the accounts of any particular services or departments of the Union.

Second proviso: the Governor of a State may, with the previous approval of the President and after consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor-General, by order, relieve him of the corresponding responsibility for that State.

Section 11. He shall, from the accounts compiled by him or by the Government or any other person responsible in that behalf, prepare in each year accounts including, in the case of accounts compiled by him, appropriation accounts showing under the respective heads the annual receipts and disbursements for the purposes of the Union, each State and each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, and submit those accounts to the President, the Governor or the Administrator, on or before such dates as he may determine with the concurrence of the Government concerned; with a proviso allowing the President, after consultation with him, to relieve him of the preparation and submission of the Union's accounts as well.

The separation of accounts from audit

The historical position. The same office kept the accounts and audited them. Sections 10 and 11 are drafted on that footing, and it is why the Act of 1971 opens its duties with compiling rather than with auditing.

The change. From the mid-1970s the Union's accounts were departmentalised: the compiling of accounts was moved to the Ministries themselves, and the President exercised the power in the first proviso to section 10(1) to relieve the Comptroller and Auditor-General of that responsibility for the Union. The Act was not rewritten; the provisos were used.

The argument for separation, and it is the one that carried. An auditor who prepares the accounts audits his own work. The first principle of audit is that the person who checks must not be the person who records; and so long as the same office did both, an audit of the Union's accounts was in part a self-audit.

The argument against, which an answer should also give. An auditor who compiles the accounts sees every transaction as it is recorded, in real time, across the whole administration. Departmentalisation bought independence at the price of proximity, and chapter 1530 counts the resulting delay among the weaknesses of financial control: an auditor who receives the accounts from the Government cannot report until the Government has produced them.

munotes.in779

The Form of Accounts

And note what did NOT change. Article 150 still requires the form of the accounts to be prescribed on his advice, and section 11 still requires him to prepare and submit the annual accounts from the accounts compiled by him or by the Government or any other person responsible. He lost the compiling and kept the form and the submission, which is the arrangement a candidate should be able to state precisely.

Section 12: information and assistance

The Comptroller and Auditor-General shall, in so far as the accounts for the compilation or keeping of which he is responsible enable him so to do, give to the Union Government, the State Governments or the Governments of Union territories having Legislative Assemblies such information as they may from time to time require, and render such assistance in the preparation of their annual financial statements as they may reasonably ask for.

A short section with an interesting shape. The auditor assists the Government in preparing the very statement he will later audit, chapter 1320's annual financial statement.

Note the two limits that make it acceptable. The duty is confined to accounts for whose compilation or keeping he is responsible, which after departmentalisation is much narrower for the Union; and the assistance is such as the Government may reasonably ask for. It is a duty to help with the numbers, not to advise on the policy.

A worked example

A Ministry's accounts for a year are to be produced.

Who compiles them? For the Union, the Ministry itself, the Comptroller and Auditor-General having been relieved of the responsibility by order under the first proviso to section 10(1). For a State, he remains responsible unless the Governor, with the previous approval of the President and after consulting him, has relieved him under the second proviso.

Who settles the form in which they are kept? The President, on the advice of the Comptroller and Auditor-General: article 150.

A Ministry proposes a change of classification that would merge two heads. The change is to the form of accounts, so it requires the President's prescription on the auditor's advice. He cannot be bypassed, and since 1979 the President acts on his advice rather than merely after consulting him.

Who prepares and submits the annual accounts? Section 11: the Comptroller and Auditor-General, from the accounts compiled by him or by the Government or any other person responsible, and he submits them to the President, Governor or Administrator on dates fixed with the concurrence of the Government concerned.

munotes.in780

The Form of Accounts

The Ministry asks him for help in drafting part of the annual financial statement. Section 12: he shall render such assistance as they may reasonably ask for, so far as the accounts for which he is responsible enable him to do so.

And the Ministry is late in producing its accounts, so the audit report is late. That is the price of departmentalisation, and chapter 1530 takes it up.

What beginners get wrong

That the Comptroller and Auditor-General keeps the Union's accounts. He was relieved of that responsibility under the first proviso to section 10(1); the Act was not amended.

That article 150 lets the Government choose the form of accounts. The President prescribes it on the advice of the auditor, and since 20 June 1979 those are the words, not "after consultation with".

That he lost all accounting functions. Section 11 still requires him to prepare and submit the annual accounts, and article 150 still requires the form to be prescribed on his advice.

That separating accounts from audit was uncontroversial. It bought independence at the cost of proximity and timeliness.

That section 12 makes him an adviser to the Government. It obliges him to give information and assistance in preparing the annual financial statement, so far as the accounts for which he is responsible allow, and only as reasonably asked for.

Quick revision

Art 150: the accounts of the Union and the States shall be kept in such form as the President may, ON THE ADVICE OF the Comptroller and Auditor-General, prescribe. Article substituted by the Forty-second Amendment, s.27, w.e.f. 1 April 1977; "on the advice of" substituted for "after consultation with" by the Forty-fourth Amendment, s.22, w.e.f. 20 June 1979.

s.10(1): responsible for compiling the accounts of the Union and each State from the initial and subsidiary accounts rendered by treasuries, offices and departments, and for keeping such accounts as necessary. First proviso: the President, after consulting him, may by order relieve him of compiling the Union's accounts, at once or gradually, or those of particular services or departments. Second proviso: a Governor, with the President's previous approval, may do the same for a State.

s.11: prepare and submit in each year accounts, including appropriation accounts where he compiled them, showing annual receipts and disbursements, to the President, Governor or Administrator, on dates fixed with the concurrence of the Government concerned.

s.12: give information and assistance in the preparation of annual financial statements, so far as the accounts for which he is responsible enable him, as reasonably asked for.

munotes.in781

The Form of Accounts

The separation: an auditor who prepares the accounts audits his own work; departmentalisation cured that and cost proximity and timeliness. He lost the compiling and kept the form and the submission.

Test yourself

1. What does article 150 provide, and what has changed in it? That the accounts of the Union and of the States shall be kept in such form as the President may, on the advice of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, prescribe. The article in its present form was substituted by the Constitution (Forty-second Amendment) Act 1976 with effect from 1 April 1977, and the words "on the advice of" were substituted for "after consultation with" by the Constitution (Forty-fourth Amendment) Act 1978 with effect from 20 June 1979. That last change matters because consultation requires only that the advice be genuinely taken into account and permits the consulting authority to depart from it, while a prescription made on the advice of an officer is made upon that advice. The article matters at all because the form of accounts determines what can be seen: an account which merges heads cannot show whether money went to the item the Appropriation Act specified, so whoever settles the form settles the visibility of the spending.

2. Does the Comptroller and Auditor-General compile the accounts he audits? Not for the Union. Section 10(1) of the Act of 1971 makes him responsible for compiling the accounts of the Union and of each State from the initial and subsidiary accounts rendered to the audit and accounts offices under his control by treasuries, offices and departments, and for keeping such accounts as may be necessary. But the first proviso permits the President, after consultation with him, by order to relieve him of the responsibility for compiling the accounts of the Union, either at once or gradually by several orders, or the accounts of particular services or departments; and the second proviso permits a Governor, with the previous approval of the President and after consultation with him, to do the same for a State. The Union's accounts were departmentalised from the mid-1970s under the first proviso, so that the Ministries compile their own accounts. The Act was not rewritten, which is why it still opens the auditor's duties with compiling.

3. What is the argument for separating accounts from audit, and what did it cost? The argument is the first principle of audit, that the person who checks must not be the person who records; so long as the same office compiled the accounts of the Union and audited them, an audit of those accounts was in part a self-audit. What the separation cost was proximity and timeliness. An office which compiles the accounts sees every transaction as it is recorded, across the whole administration and in real time; an office which receives the accounts from the Government cannot begin to report until the Government has produced them, and cannot report earlier than the accounts allow. The delay in audit reports which is among the standard criticisms of financial control is in part a consequence of the change.

munotes.in782

The Form of Accounts

4. What accounting functions did he retain? Two. Under article 150 the form in which the accounts of the Union and the States are kept is prescribed by the President on his advice, so that no change of classification can be made without him. And under section 11 he prepares in each year, from the accounts compiled by him or by the Government or any other person responsible in that behalf, accounts showing under the respective heads the annual receipts and disbursements for the purposes of the Union, of each State and of each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, including appropriation accounts in the case of accounts compiled by him, and submits them to the President, the Governor or the Administrator on dates he determines with the concurrence of the Government concerned. Section 12 adds a duty to give such information and render such assistance in the preparation of annual financial statements as the Governments may reasonably ask for, so far as the accounts for whose compilation or keeping he is responsible enable him to do so.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in783

Chapter -Four

The Audit Reports: Article 151

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

To the President, laid before each House; to the Governor, laid before the State legislature; and then, by convention and not by any article, to the Public Accounts Committee.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 151(1) provides that the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India relating to the accounts of the Union shall be submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament, and article 151(2) that his reports relating to the accounts of a State shall be submitted to the Governor of the State, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State; and the reference of those reports to the Public Accounts Committee, and the examination of the accounting officer upon them, rest not on any provision of the Constitution but on the rules of procedure made under articles 118 and 208 and on established practice.

The article

151(1). The reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India relating to the accounts of the Union shall be submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament.

151(2). The reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India relating to the accounts of a State shall be submitted to the Governor of the State, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State.

The words "or Rajpramukh" in clause (2) were omitted by the Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act 1956, section 29 and the Schedule, with effect from 1 November 1956.

Why two sentences carry the module

Read the article for what it does not say.

It does not say the report goes to the Government. It goes to the President or the Governor, who is the constitutional head and not the Ministry whose accounts have been audited.

It does not give the recipient a discretion. "Shall cause them to be laid." The President and the Governor are under a duty, and by chapter 1150's article 74(1) and article 163(1) they act on ministerial advice; but the duty is expressed as a command and no ground for withholding is provided.

And it does not say what the House must do with the report. Nothing at all follows in the article.

So article 151 does exactly one thing, and it is the most important thing in the module: it makes the auditor answerable to the legislature and to nobody else. Chapter 1360 established that he is appointed by the President by warrant and removable only as a Judge; chapter 1370 that his money is charged and his conditions unalterable to his disadvantage. Article 151 completes the arrangement by directing his product past the executive and into the House.

munotes.in784

The Audit Reports: Article 151

And the same device appears throughout this book, which is worth collecting once. Chapter 660: section 14(3) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, the annual report laid before each House. Chapter 470: section 3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, the report laid with an action taken memorandum. Chapter 1060: the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, which polices all of them. Laying before the House is the standard accountability device of this paper, and article 151 is its constitutional form.

What is NOT in article 151

The Public Accounts Committee is not mentioned.

Chapter 1010 set out the four-step sequence: audit, laying, examination by the Committee, and the action taken reply with a further report. The first two steps are constitutional; the last two are not.

Where the last two come from. The Committee is created by rules made under article 118, chapter 1000, and the reference of the audit reports to it, the appearance of the Secretary as accounting officer, the action taken replies and the Committee's reports upon them are practice and rules, not constitutional command.

Which produces a real point for an evaluative answer. The Constitution guarantees that the report reaches the House and guarantees nothing about what the House does with it. Chapter 1130 made the same observation about committee reports generally; here it applies to the report of a constitutional officer.

And the counter-observation, which is fair. What is left to practice has in fact worked better than what is commanded. The action taken loop that chapter 1010 called the only closed loop in this paper is entirely a matter of practice, and it is the strongest accountability mechanism in the syllabus. A candidate who notices that the Constitution's silence has been filled by convention has made an observation worth marks.

Timing, and where it bites

The article fixes no time. It does not say when the reports shall be submitted, nor when they shall be laid.

Compare the statutes. Section 14(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act requires the annual report within six months of the close of the year under report, chapter 660. Section 8A(2) and section 8B(1) of the same Act fix ninety days and six months, chapter 640. Article 151 fixes nothing.

And that silence is one of the two structural reasons audit arrives late, chapter 1530. The other is chapter 1390's departmentalisation: an auditor who receives the accounts from the Government cannot report before the Government has produced them. Neither is a failing of the office; both are features of the framework.

The State limb

Article 151(2) is the provision that makes the one officer of chapter 1360 an instrument of every legislature in the country.

munotes.in785

The Audit Reports: Article 151

Three consequences.

The State legislature receives an audit of its Government conducted by an officer that Government cannot touch. Chapter 1280 called this the strongest independent institution in a State's field.

Every State Legislature has its own Public Accounts Committee under rules made under article 208, chapter 1510.

And the reports go to the Governor, who shall cause them to be laid. The Chief Minister does not stand between the auditor and the Assembly, exactly as the Prime Minister does not at the Union.

A worked example

An audit report on the accounts of the Union for a year is complete.

To whom is it submitted? The President: article 151(1). Not to the Ministry of Finance and not to the Government.

What must the President do? Cause it to be laid before each House of Parliament. The clause is in the imperative and provides no ground for withholding.

Is there a time limit? Article 151 fixes none, and that silence is one reason audit reaches the House late.

What happens after it is laid? By practice and rules, it goes to the Public Accounts Committee, which examines the Secretary as accounting officer, reports, receives the action taken reply and reports again. None of that is in the Constitution.

Suppose a Government simply does not lay a report. The obligation is the President's under article 151(1) and it is expressed as a duty; and the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, chapter 1060, examines whether papers required to be laid were laid in compliance with the provision requiring them and whether there was unreasonable delay.

Now take a State report. It is submitted to the Governor, who shall cause it to be laid before the Legislature of the State: article 151(2). The State Public Accounts Committee then does what the Union's does.

And what if the audit discloses an excess over the appropriation? Then the sequence becomes constitutionally compulsory rather than conventional: chapter 1340, article 115(1)(b) requires a demand for the excess to be presented to the House of the People, and the House regularises on the Committee's examination.

What beginners get wrong

That the report goes to the Government. It is submitted to the President or the Governor.

That the President may decide whether to lay it. "Shall cause them to be laid."

That the Public Accounts Committee is a constitutional body. It is created by rules made under article 118, and its examination of audit reports is practice.

That article 151 prescribes a time limit. It prescribes none.

munotes.in786

The Audit Reports: Article 151

That laying is the end of the process. It is the beginning of the part that matters, and everything after it rests on practice, except an excess grant, which article 115 makes compulsory.

Quick revision

Art 151(1): reports on the accounts of the Union are submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament.

Art 151(2): reports on the accounts of a State are submitted to the Governor, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State. "Or Rajpramukh" omitted by the Seventh Amendment, w.e.f. 1 November 1956.

What the article does: it directs the auditor's product past the executive and into the House, completing the arrangement of arts 148 and 149. The report goes to the constitutional head, not the audited Government; the duty to lay is imperative; and no ground for withholding is provided.

What it does not do: it names no Public Accounts Committee, prescribes no time limit, and says nothing about what the House must do.

The counter-observation: the action taken loop, entirely a matter of practice, is the strongest accountability mechanism in this book. The Constitution's silence has been filled by convention, and filled better than it was commanded.

The family: s.14(3) CVC Act, s.3(4) Commissions of Inquiry Act, s.22 CVC Act, and the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table which polices them all. Laying is the paper's standard device and art 151 is its constitutional form.

Test yourself

1. What does article 151 provide? That the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India relating to the accounts of the Union shall be submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament; and that his reports relating to the accounts of a State shall be submitted to the Governor of the State, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State, the words "or Rajpramukh" having been omitted from clause (2) by the Seventh Amendment with effect from 1 November 1956.

2. Why is so short an article described as the hinge of the module? Because of what it directs and what it excludes. The report is submitted not to the Government whose accounts have been audited but to the President or the Governor, the constitutional head; the duty to lay it before the legislature is expressed in the imperative, with no ground for withholding provided; and the destination is the House. Articles 148 and 149 create the office, protect its holder and leave its duties to Parliament; article 151 completes the design by making the product of those duties the legislature's and not the executive's. The same device recurs throughout this book in statutory form, in section 14(3) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, section 3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act and section 22 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, all policed by the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table; article 151 is its constitutional original.

munotes.in787

The Audit Reports: Article 151

3. What does article 151 not provide for? Three things. It does not mention the Public Accounts Committee, which is created by rules made under article 118 and whose examination of the audit reports, the appearance of the Secretary as accounting officer, the action taken replies and the further reports upon them are all matters of rule and practice. It prescribes no time limit, neither for submission nor for laying, which is one of the two structural reasons audit reaches the House late, the other being that since departmentalisation the auditor receives the accounts from the Government and cannot report before they are produced. And it says nothing about what the legislature must do with the report once it is laid.

4. Is that silence a defect? Partly, and partly not. It is a defect in that the Constitution guarantees the report will reach the House and guarantees nothing about what follows, so that the most authoritative finding of fact in Indian public administration may be laid and left. But the observation that answers it is that what has been left to practice has worked better than what was commanded. The sequence by which the Public Accounts Committee examines the accounting officer, reports, receives the Government's action taken reply and reports again upon it, returning to the matter until satisfied, is the only closed accountability loop in this entire syllabus, and not one step of it is required by any article. There is besides one point at which the sequence does become constitutionally compulsory: where the audit discloses expenditure in excess of the amount granted, article 115(1)(b) requires a demand for the excess to be presented to the House of the People, and the House regularises it upon the Committee's examination.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in788

Chapter -Five

The Act of 1971: The Duties

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Four sections: compile the accounts, prepare and submit them, help the Government with information, and audit all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund asking whether the money was legally available for the purpose and whether the expenditure conformed to the authority governing it.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 10 makes the Comptroller and Auditor-General responsible for compiling the accounts of the Union and of each State, subject to provisos permitting the President and a Governor to relieve him of that responsibility; section 11 requires him to prepare and submit annual accounts, including appropriation accounts where he compiled them, to the President, the Governor or the Administrator; section 12 requires him to give information and render assistance in the preparation of annual financial statements; and section 13 provides that it shall be his duty to audit all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India and of each State and of each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly and to ascertain whether the moneys shown in the accounts as having been disbursed were legally available for and applicable to the service or purpose to which they have been applied or charged and whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it, to audit all transactions relating to Contingency Funds and Public Accounts, and to audit all trading, manufacturing, profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts kept in any department, and in each case to report on what he has audited.

Sections 10, 11 and 12, in short

Chapter 1390 worked them and the summary belongs here for completeness.

Section 10: responsible for compiling the accounts of the Union and each State from the initial and subsidiary accounts rendered by treasuries, offices and departments, and for keeping such accounts as necessary; subject to the provisos under which the President, after consulting him, may relieve him of the Union's compiling, and a Governor, with the President's previous approval, of a State's.

Section 11: prepare and submit annual accounts, including appropriation accounts where he compiled them, to the President, Governor or Administrator, on dates fixed with the concurrence of the Government concerned.

Section 12: give information and render assistance in the preparation of annual financial statements, so far as the accounts for which he is responsible enable him, as reasonably asked for.

Section 13: the audit duty

It shall be the duty of the Comptroller and Auditor-General:

(a) to audit all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India and of each State and of each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, and to ascertain whether the moneys shown in the accounts as having been disbursed were legally available for and applicable to the service or purpose to which they have been applied or charged, and whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it;

munotes.in789

The Act of 1971: The Duties

(b) to audit all transactions of the Union and of the States relating to Contingency Funds and Public Accounts; and

(c) to audit all trading, manufacturing, profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts kept in any department of the Union or of a State;

and in each case to report on the expenditure, transactions or accounts so audited by him.

Clause (a) read word by word

This is the most important sentence in the label, and every phrase in it does work.

"All expenditure from the Consolidated Fund." Not selected expenditure, not sampled expenditure. All of it, and of every Government: the Union, each State, and each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly.

"Ascertain whether the moneys shown in the accounts as having been disbursed." The audit works from the accounts, which is why chapter 1390's question of who compiles them matters, and why section 2(b)'s appropriation accounts are the primary document.

"Were legally available for." Was there money to spend? That is the appropriation question: chapter 1330's article 114(3), no withdrawal except under appropriation made by law; and chapter 1340's excess is the failure of this test.

"And applicable to the service or purpose to which they have been applied or charged." Was it the right money for this purpose? That is chapter 1310's second limb of article 266(3): appropriation must be for the purposes provided. Money voted for one head and spent on another fails here even though it was available.

"And whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it." Was it spent according to the rules? The financial rules made under article 283, chapter 1310, the delegations, the sanctions, the tender procedure.

So clause (a) contains three distinct questions, and a student who can separate them can classify any audit paragraph.

Availability: was there an appropriation? Applicability: was this the purpose it was granted for? Conformity: was it spent under the authority governing it?

And all three are questions of LEGALITY. Not one of them asks whether the spending was wise. That is why chapter 1450 calls clause (a) regularity audit, and why propriety and performance audit have to be found elsewhere, which is the controversy chapter 1480 works.

Clauses (b) and (c)

Clause (b): the Contingency Fund and the public accounts. Chapter 1310 established that the public account holds money the Government holds rather than owns, and that withdrawals from it need no appropriation.

munotes.in790

The Act of 1971: The Duties

Clause (b) is therefore the answer to the gap chapter 1310 identified. Money routed through the public account escapes the demands, the cut motions and the Appropriation Act, but it does not escape the audit. The auditor reaches what the appropriation process does not, and that is worth saying in any answer on the completeness of financial control.

Clause (c): commercial accounts kept in a department. All trading, manufacturing, profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts kept in any department of the Union or of a State.

Read it with section 2(a), chapter 1380, which defines accounts for a commercial undertaking of a Government to include exactly those documents. Clause (c) is the audit of a Government's own commercial activity, as distinct from chapter 1430's audit of a Government company, which is a separate legal person and is dealt with by sections 19 and 20.

The closing words

"And in each case to report on the expenditure, transactions or accounts so audited by him."

The duty is not merely to audit; it is to REPORT. And by article 151, chapter 1400, the report goes to the President or Governor and is laid before the legislature. Section 13 and article 151 are one mechanism: the Act says what he must examine and report on, and the Constitution says where the report goes.

And note what section 13 does not give him. No power to disallow, to surcharge or to punish, chapter 1010. He audits and he reports, and the consequence is supplied by the Public Accounts Committee and by whatever the record sets in motion elsewhere.

A worked example

An audit of a Ministry for a year.

A payment of ten crores appears against a head for which the Appropriation Act provided eight. Availability fails: the money was not legally available, and chapter 1340's excess grant under article 115(1)(b) becomes necessary.

A payment appears under the head for rural water supply for the construction of an office building. Applicability fails: the money was available but was not applicable to the service or purpose to which it was applied, contrary to the second limb of article 266(3).

A payment within the head and the purpose was made without the sanction the financial rules require. Conformity fails: the expenditure did not conform to the authority which governs it.

A payment was lawful in all three respects but the goods bought were three times the market price. Clause (a) is satisfied. Nothing in section 13(a) asks whether the price was reasonable. That is propriety, and chapter 1450 shows where it comes from.

The Ministry paid a deposit into the public account and drew it down without any appropriation. Lawful, because article 266(3) governs the Consolidated Fund; but clause (b) audits all transactions relating to the Public Accounts, so the transaction is examined.

munotes.in791

The Act of 1971: The Duties

The Ministry runs a departmental printing press with trading and profit and loss accounts. Clause (c): those accounts are audited, and by section 2(a) they are within the definition of accounts.

And the auditor finds all of this. He reports. He cannot disallow the payment, surcharge the officer or prosecute anybody; the report goes to the President under article 151 and to the Public Accounts Committee by practice.

What beginners get wrong

That section 13 authorises a sample audit. The duty is to audit all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of every Government named.

That clause (a) asks one question. It asks three: legally available, applicable to the service or purpose, and conforming to the authority which governs it.

That clause (a) covers wisdom. All three tests are legality. Propriety and performance are elsewhere.

That the public account escapes audit because it escapes appropriation. Clause (b) audits all transactions relating to Contingency Funds and Public Accounts.

That clause (c) covers Government companies. It covers accounts kept in any department; a company is a separate person, dealt with by sections 19 and 20.

Quick revision

s.10 compile; s.11 prepare and submit, including appropriation accounts where he compiled them; s.12 information and assistance with the annual financial statement.

s.13(a): audit all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of the Union, each State and each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, and ascertain (i) whether the moneys were legally available for, (ii) and applicable to the service or purpose to which they were applied or charged, (iii) and whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it. Three questions, all of legality.

s.13(b): audit all transactions relating to Contingency Funds and Public Accounts. The auditor reaches what the appropriation process does not.

s.13(c): audit all trading, manufacturing, profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts kept in any department, read with the s.2(a) definition.

Closing words: and in each case to report, the report going where art 151 directs. No power to disallow, surcharge or punish.

Test yourself

1. What is the audit duty imposed by section 13? That it shall be the duty of the Comptroller and Auditor-General to audit all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India and of each State and of each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, and to ascertain whether the moneys shown in the accounts as having been disbursed were legally available for and applicable to the service or purpose to which they have been applied or charged and whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it; to audit all transactions of the Union and of the States relating to Contingency Funds and Public Accounts; and to audit all trading, manufacturing, profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts kept in any department of the Union or of a State; and in each case to report on the expenditure, transactions or accounts so audited.

munotes.in792

The Act of 1971: The Duties

2. What three questions does section 13(a) ask? Whether the money was legally available, which is the appropriation question and corresponds to article 114(3)'s prohibition on withdrawal except under appropriation made by law, an excess being the failure of this test. Whether it was applicable to the service or purpose to which it was applied or charged, which corresponds to the second limb of article 266(3), requiring appropriation to be for the purposes provided, so that money voted for one head and spent on another fails here even though it was available. And whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it, which is the question of compliance with the financial rules, delegations and sanctions made under article 283. All three are questions of legality, and none of them asks whether the spending was wise, which is why section 13(a) is the definition of regularity audit and why propriety and performance audit must be found elsewhere.

3. Why does clause (b) matter? Because it reaches money that the appropriation process does not. Article 266(2) credits all public moneys other than revenues, borrowings and repayments to the public account, and article 266(3), which forbids appropriation except in accordance with law, governs the Consolidated Fund alone; so money routed through the public account escapes the demands for grants, the cut motions and the Appropriation Act. Clause (b) requires the auditor to audit all transactions of the Union and of the States relating to Contingency Funds and Public Accounts, so what escapes the legislature's prior authorisation does not escape its subsequent scrutiny. That is a real point about the completeness of financial control and an answer that makes it has read the two provisions together.

4. What is the effect of the closing words of section 13? That the duty is not merely to audit but to report: in each case he is to report on the expenditure, transactions or accounts audited by him. Read with article 151, under which his reports on the accounts of the Union are submitted to the President to be laid before each House and his reports on the accounts of a State to the Governor to be laid before the State Legislature, section 13 and the article form one mechanism, the Act saying what he must examine and report upon and the Constitution saying where the report must go. What section 13 conspicuously does not confer is any power to disallow an item, to surcharge an officer or to punish anyone: he audits and he reports, and the consequences are supplied by the Public Accounts Committee and by whatever the record sets in motion elsewhere.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in793

Chapter -Six

Audit of Receipts and Stores

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Four sections that take the audit beyond the Government's own spending: into any body it substantially finances, into the conditions of any grant, into the revenue that should have come in, and into the stores on the shelf.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 14 requires the Comptroller and Auditor-General to audit all receipts and expenditure of any body or authority substantially financed by grants or loans from a Consolidated Fund, the Explanation deeming a body substantially financed where the grant or loan in a financial year is not less than rupees twenty-five lakhs and is not less than seventy-five per cent of that body's total expenditure; section 15 requires him, where a grant or loan is given for a specific purpose to any authority or body not being a foreign State or international organisation, to scrutinise the procedures by which the sanctioning authority satisfies itself as to the fulfilment of the conditions, with a right of access to books and accounts after reasonable previous notice; section 16 makes it his duty to audit all receipts payable into a Consolidated Fund and to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check on the assessment, collection and proper allocation of revenue and are being duly observed; and section 17 gives him authority to audit and report on the accounts of stores and stock kept in any office or department.

Section 14: bodies substantially financed

14(1). Where any body or authority is substantially financed by grants or loans from the Consolidated Fund of India, of any State, or of any Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall, subject to the provisions of any law for the time being in force applicable to that body or authority, audit all receipts and expenditure of that body or authority and report on the receipts and expenditure audited by him.

The Explanation, and it is the definition to memorise. Where the grant or loan in a financial year is not less than rupees twenty-five lakhs and the amount is not less than seventy-five per cent of the total expenditure of that body or authority, the body shall be deemed to be substantially financed.

Both conditions, not either. A body receiving five crores which is ten per cent of its expenditure is not deemed substantially financed; a body receiving thirty lakhs which is ninety per cent of its expenditure is.

14(2): the discretionary extension. Notwithstanding sub-section (1), the Comptroller and Auditor-General may, with the previous approval of the President, the Governor or the Administrator, as the case may be, audit all receipts and expenditure of such a body.

munotes.in794

Audit of Receipts and Stores

So section 14 has a deemed category and a discretionary one. The Explanation creates an entitlement; sub-section (2) lets the auditor reach further with the previous approval of the constitutional head.

And note the opening qualification of sub-section (1): "subject to the provisions of any law for the time being in force applicable to the body or authority". A body's own statute may provide its own audit arrangement, and section 14 yields to it.

Section 15: the conditions of a grant

15(1). Where a grant or loan is given for any specific purpose from a Consolidated Fund to any authority or body, not being a foreign State or international organisation, the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall scrutinise the procedures by which the sanctioning authority satisfies itself as to the fulfilment of the conditions subject to which such grants or loans were given, and shall for this purpose have right of access, after giving reasonable previous notice, to the books and accounts of that authority or body.

Proviso: the President, Governor or Administrator may, where he is of opinion that it is necessary so to do in the public interest, by order, relieve the Comptroller and Auditor-General, after consultation with him, from making any such scrutiny in respect of any body or authority receiving such a grant or loan.

15(2): except where authorised by the President, the Governor or the Administrator, he shall not exercise the section's powers in the cases the sub-section excepts.

The distinction between sections 14 and 15 is the one examiners test, and it is clean.

Section 14 audits the BODY. Its receipts and expenditure, all of them, because the public is paying for most of what it does.

Section 15 audits the GRANT. Not the body's affairs generally, but the procedures by which the sanctioning authority satisfied itself that the conditions of the grant were fulfilled; and the right of access to the body's books is for that purpose.

So section 15 is, in substance, an audit of the GOVERNMENT and not of the grantee. The question is whether the Ministry that gave the money checked that the conditions were met. The grantee's books are opened only so far as that question requires.

And note the two protections in section 15. Access only after reasonable previous notice; and the power of the President, Governor or Administrator to relieve him of the scrutiny in the public interest, after consulting him.

Section 16: audit of receipts

It shall be the duty of the Comptroller and Auditor-General to audit all receipts which are payable into the Consolidated Fund of India and of each State and of each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, and to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures in that behalf are designed to secure an effective check on the assessment, collection and proper allocation of revenue and are being duly observed, and to make for this purpose such examination of the accounts as he thinks fit and report thereon.

munotes.in795

Audit of Receipts and Stores

This is the most far-reaching section in the Act and the least noticed. Read it three times.

"All receipts which are payable into the Consolidated Fund." Payable, not paid. The audit reaches money that should have come in and did not. Everything else in chapter 1410 was about money going out; section 16 is about money coming in, and about money that ought to have come in.

"That the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check." A test of the SYSTEM, not merely of the transactions. He asks whether the machinery for assessment and collection is adequate in design, which is a different and larger inquiry than whether a particular receipt was correctly accounted for.

"On the assessment, collection and proper allocation of revenue." Three stages: assessment, what was due; collection, what came in; proper allocation, where it was credited.

"And are being duly observed." And then whether the adequate rules were followed.

"Such examination of the accounts as he thinks fit." His discretion, not the Government's.

And here is why section 16 matters beyond the Government. Revenue is assessed on and collected from private persons. If the auditor must satisfy himself that the check on assessment and collection is effective and observed, he must be able to see enough of the assessment to judge it. Chapter 1460 works AUSPI, where the reach of section 16 into the accounts of a private licensee sharing revenue with the Union was upheld. Section 16 is the doorway, and article 149's "any other authority or body" is the frame it sits in.

Section 17: stores and stock

The Comptroller and Auditor-General shall have authority to audit and report on the accounts of stores and stock kept in any office or department of the Union or of a State.

Two features. The word is "authority", not "duty": sections 13 and 16 impose duties, section 17 confers a power. And the subject is stores and stock, that is physical assets, not money.

Why it is in the Act at all. Because a great deal of public expenditure ends in things: drugs in a hospital, cement on a site, equipment in a laboratory. An audit that followed only the cash would verify that the money was paid and never that the goods exist, and chapter 1450's propriety audit lives largely here.

munotes.in796

Audit of Receipts and Stores

A worked example

Four bodies receive public money in a year.

A university receives forty crores, which is ninety per cent of its total expenditure. Section 14: the grant is not less than twenty-five lakhs and is not less than seventy-five per cent of total expenditure, so the university is deemed substantially financed and the auditor audits all its receipts and expenditure.

A large trust receives two crores, which is five per cent of its expenditure. Not deemed substantially financed: the second condition fails. But section 14(2) permits the auditor, with the previous approval of the President or the Governor, to audit its receipts and expenditure notwithstanding.

A society receives a grant of one crore for a specific purpose, subject to conditions. Section 15: the auditor scrutinises the procedures by which the sanctioning Ministry satisfied itself that the conditions were fulfilled, with a right of access to the society's books after reasonable previous notice, and for that purpose only.

The Ministry says the scrutiny would be against the public interest. The President may, after consultation with the auditor, by order relieve him of it: the proviso to section 15(1). The Ministry cannot; only the constitutional head, on the opinion that it is necessary in the public interest.

A tax authority assesses a large company at a figure the auditor thinks understated. Section 16: he audits all receipts payable into the Consolidated Fund and satisfies himself that the rules and procedures secure an effective check on assessment, collection and proper allocation and are duly observed, making such examination of the accounts as he thinks fit.

A hospital's drug store has paid-for stock that cannot be found. Section 17: he has authority to audit and report on the accounts of stores and stock kept in any office or department.

What beginners get wrong

That "substantially financed" means a large grant. It means not less than twenty-five lakhs and not less than seventy-five per cent of total expenditure. Both.

That section 15 audits the grantee. It audits the procedures by which the sanctioning authority satisfied itself that the conditions were met; the grantee's books are opened for that purpose.

That section 16 audits money received. It audits all receipts payable, which reaches revenue that should have come in and did not.

That section 16 checks transactions. It checks whether the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check and whether they are being duly observed: the system as well as the instances.

That section 17 imposes a duty. It confers authority.

Quick revision

s.14(1): audit all receipts and expenditure of a body substantially financed by grants or loans from a Consolidated Fund, subject to any law applicable to that body. Explanation: not less than rupees twenty-five lakhs AND not less than seventy-five per cent of total expenditure. s.14(2): he may, with the previous approval of the President, Governor or Administrator, audit such a body notwithstanding sub-section (1).

munotes.in797

Audit of Receipts and Stores

s.15(1): where a grant or loan is given for a specific purpose to any authority or body, not being a foreign State or international organisation, he shall scrutinise the procedures by which the sanctioning authority satisfied itself as to the fulfilment of the conditions, with right of access after reasonable previous notice. Proviso: the President, Governor or Administrator may, in the public interest and after consultation, relieve him of the scrutiny.

ss.14 and 15 distinguished: s.14 audits the body; s.15 audits the grant, and in substance the Government's checking of it.

s.16: duty to audit all receipts PAYABLE into a Consolidated Fund; to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check on the assessment, collection and proper allocation of revenue and are being duly observed; and to make such examination of the accounts as he thinks fit and report. Payable, not paid; system as well as instance; his discretion. This is the section AUSPI turned on.

s.17: authority to audit and report on the accounts of stores and stock kept in any office or department.

Test yourself

1. When is a body substantially financed, and what follows? By the Explanation to section 14, where the grant or loan to a body or authority from a Consolidated Fund in a financial year is not less than rupees twenty-five lakhs and the amount of that grant or loan is not less than seventy-five per cent of the total expenditure of that body or authority, it is deemed to be substantially financed. Both conditions must be satisfied. What follows is that the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall, subject to any law for the time being in force applicable to the body, audit all its receipts and expenditure and report upon them. Where a body is not within the deeming provision, section 14(2) nevertheless permits him, with the previous approval of the President, the Governor or the Administrator as the case may be, to audit all its receipts and expenditure.

2. Distinguish section 14 from section 15. Section 14 audits the body: where it is substantially financed from public funds, all its receipts and expenditure are audited, because the public is paying for most of what it does. Section 15 audits the grant: where a grant or loan is given for a specific purpose to any authority or body not being a foreign State or international organisation, the auditor scrutinises the procedures by which the sanctioning authority satisfied itself as to the fulfilment of the conditions subject to which the grant was given, and has a right of access to the body's books and accounts, after reasonable previous notice, for that purpose. Section 15 is therefore in substance an audit of the Government rather than of the grantee, the question being whether the Ministry which gave the money checked that its conditions were met; and the President, Governor or Administrator may, on being of opinion that it is necessary in the public interest and after consulting the auditor, by order relieve him of the scrutiny.

munotes.in798

Audit of Receipts and Stores

3. Why is section 16 the most far-reaching section in the Act? Because of four features. It concerns receipts payable into the Consolidated Fund rather than receipts paid, so it reaches revenue which ought to have come in and did not. It requires him to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check, which is a test of the adequacy of the system and not merely of the correctness of transactions. It covers three stages, the assessment of what was due, the collection of what came in, and the proper allocation of what was collected, and asks in addition whether the rules are being duly observed. And it leaves the extent of examination to him, permitting such examination of the accounts as he thinks fit. Since revenue is assessed on and collected from private persons, a duty to satisfy himself that the check on assessment and collection is effective and observed necessarily carries him some way into the material on which assessment is made, and it is on this section, read with article 149, that the audit of a private licensee sharing revenue with the Union was upheld.

4. What does section 17 add? Authority, rather than a duty, to audit and report on the accounts of stores and stock kept in any office or department of the Union or of a State. It matters because a great deal of public expenditure ends not in payments but in things, and an audit confined to money would establish that a payment was made and never that the goods exist, are of the quality specified or are still there. It is accordingly the provision under which much of what is described as propriety audit is in practice conducted.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in799

Chapter -Seven

Audit of Companies and Corporations

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

A Government company is audited under the company law, a Union corporation under its own statute, a State corporation on the Governor's request, and any other body on the President's request or on the auditor's own proposal; and since 1984 the reports must be laid before the legislature.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 19(1) provides that the duties and powers of the Comptroller and Auditor-General in relation to the audit of the accounts of Government companies shall be performed and exercised in accordance with the provisions of the company law; section 19(2) that his duties and powers in relation to corporations, not being companies, established by or under law made by Parliament shall be performed in accordance with the respective legislations; section 19(3) that a Governor or an Administrator may, where he is of opinion that it is necessary in the public interest, request him to audit the accounts of a corporation established by law made by the State or Union territory legislature, whereupon he shall audit and shall have right of access to its books, no such request being made except after consultation with him and after giving the corporation a reasonable opportunity to make representations; section 19A requires the reports in relation to the accounts of such companies and corporations to be submitted to the Government concerned and laid before Parliament or the State Legislature; and section 20 provides for the audit of other bodies on request or on his own proposal.

Section 19: three routes

19(1): Government companies. His duties and powers shall be performed and exercised by him in accordance with the provisions of the Companies Act.

Note what that means in practice. The audit of a Government company is conducted under company law and not under the general audit provisions of this Act. The Comptroller and Auditor-General appoints or directs the appointment of the company's auditor, directs the manner of audit, and may conduct a supplementary audit and comment on the auditor's report; the details are the company law's and belong to the company law paper.

And chapter 1380's section 2(a) supplies the width. For a commercial undertaking of a Government, "accounts" includes trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts. The audit of a public sector company is the audit of a business.

19(2): Union corporations. For corporations, not being companies, established by or under law made by Parliament, his duties and powers are in accordance with the provisions of the respective legislations.

So the extent of audit of a statutory corporation depends on its OWN Act. A corporation whose statute provides for audit by the Comptroller and Auditor-General is fully audited; one whose statute provides otherwise is audited to that extent only. A candidate asked how far the auditor reaches into the public sector must answer: it depends on the constituting statute, and that variability is itself a criticism, chapter 1530.

munotes.in800

Audit of Companies and Corporations

19(3): State corporations. The Governor of a State or the Administrator of a Union territory having a Legislative Assembly may, where he is of opinion that it is necessary in the public interest so to do, request the Comptroller and Auditor-General to audit the accounts of a corporation established by law made by that legislature; where such a request is made he shall audit and shall have right of access to the books and accounts of the corporation.

Proviso: no such request shall be made except after consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor-General and except after giving reasonable opportunity to the corporation to make representations.

Two safeguards in one proviso, and they run in opposite directions. The auditor must be consulted, so he is not saddled with work he cannot do. And the corporation must be heard, so a body is not brought under audit without an opportunity to object. The second is unusual, and it is worth noticing that the Act gives a hearing to the entity about to be audited.

Section 19A: laying the reports

Inserted by Act 2 of 1984, section 4, with effect from 16 March 1984.

19A(1). The reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General in relation to the accounts of a Government company or a corporation referred to in section 19 shall be submitted to the Government or Governments concerned.

19A(2). The Central Government shall cause every report received by it to be laid, as soon as may be after it is received, before each House of Parliament.

19A(3). The State Government shall cause every report to be laid before the Legislature of the State.

Explanation: "Government" or "State Government", in relation to a Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, means the Administrator.

Notice the difference from article 151, and it is the point of this section. Under article 151, chapter 1400, the report goes to the President or the Governor, the constitutional head, who shall cause it to be laid. Under section 19A, the report on a Government company or corporation goes to the Government concerned, which shall cause it to be laid.

Why the difference matters. The report on a public sector company is submitted to the Ministry that owns the company, which is then under a statutory duty to lay it. The document passes through the hands of the interested party, whereas an article 151 report does not.

munotes.in801

Audit of Companies and Corporations

And note the date. Section 19A was inserted in 1984, thirteen years after the Act. Before 1984 there was no statutory obligation to lay these reports at all. That a duty so obvious had to be added by amendment is worth a sentence in an answer on the adequacy of the framework, and it is the counterpart, in the audit of the public sector, of chapter 1400's observation that article 151 guarantees the laying of the auditor's reports on the Union and the States.

Section 20: any other body

20(1). Save as otherwise provided in section 19, where the audit of the accounts of any body or authority has not been entrusted to him by or under any law made by Parliament, he shall, if requested so to do by the President, the Governor or the Administrator, undertake the audit on such terms and conditions as may be agreed upon between him and the concerned Government, and shall have right of access to the books and accounts of that body. Proviso: no such request except after consultation with him.

20(2): his own initiative. He may propose to the President, the Governor or the Administrator that he may be authorised to undertake the audit of the accounts of any body whose audit has not been entrusted to him by law, if he is of opinion that such audit is necessary because a substantial amount has been invested in, or advanced to, such body or authority by the Central or a State Government or the Government of a Union territory.

Sub-section (2) is the only provision in the Act under which the auditor may ASK to audit something. Everywhere else he audits because the Act, another statute or a Government request requires it. Here he initiates, on the ground that a substantial amount has been invested in or advanced to the body.

But note the limit that keeps it from being a general power. He proposes; the President, Governor or Administrator authorises. The initiative is his and the decision is not.

And the contrast with section 14 is instructive. Section 14 operates automatically where the deeming Explanation is satisfied. Section 20 operates only on request or on his proposal followed by authorisation. The auditor's reach beyond the deemed category is therefore discretionary, and the discretion is largely the Government's.

A worked example

Four entities receive or handle public money.

A Government company. Section 19(1): audited in accordance with the provisions of the company law, with the wide definition of accounts in section 2(a) applying because it is a commercial undertaking of a Government.

A corporation established by an Act of Parliament. Section 19(2): in accordance with the provisions of the respective legislation. How far the audit reaches depends on that corporation's own Act.

munotes.in802

Audit of Companies and Corporations

A corporation established by a State Legislature. Section 19(3): the Governor may request the audit where he is of opinion that it is necessary in the public interest; and the request may be made only after consulting the auditor and after giving the corporation a reasonable opportunity to make representations.

A society in which the Central Government has invested a substantial amount, whose audit no law entrusts to him. Section 20(2): he may propose to the President that he be authorised to audit it, on the ground that a substantial amount has been invested in or advanced to it; and the President may authorise. Alternatively the President may request the audit under section 20(1), on terms agreed between him and the Government, after consulting him.

The auditor completes his report on the Government company. Section 19A(1): it is submitted to the Government concerned; 19A(2): the Central Government shall cause it to be laid, as soon as may be after it is received, before each House of Parliament.

Who examines it in the House? The Committee on Public Undertakings, chapter 1000, whose function is the reports, accounts and audit reports of the public undertakings.

And before 16 March 1984? There was no statutory duty to lay such a report at all, section 19A having been inserted by Act 2 of 1984.

What beginners get wrong

That a Government company is audited under this Act. Section 19(1) applies the company law.

That all statutory corporations are audited alike. Section 19(2): in accordance with the respective legislations, so it varies with each corporation's own Act.

That the auditor may audit any body he chooses. Section 20(2) lets him propose; the President, Governor or Administrator authorises.

That reports on Government companies go to the President. Section 19A(1): to the Government concerned, which must then lay them.

That the duty to lay these reports is as old as the Act. Section 19A was inserted in 1984.

Quick revision

s.19(1) Government companies: duties and powers in accordance with the provisions of the company law. s.19(2) corporations, not being companies, established by or under law made by Parliament: in accordance with the respective legislations. The reach varies with each constituting statute. s.19(3) State or Union territory corporations: on the Governor's or Administrator's request, made where he is of opinion that it is necessary in the public interest, with right of access; only after consulting the auditor and after giving the corporation a reasonable opportunity to make representations.

munotes.in803

Audit of Companies and Corporations

s.19A, inserted by Act 2 of 1984 w.e.f. 16 March 1984: reports on a Government company or a s.19 corporation are submitted to the Government concerned, which shall cause every report to be laid, as soon as may be after it is received, before each House of Parliament or the State Legislature; the Administrator for a Union territory. Contrast art 151, where the report goes to the President or Governor.

s.20(1): where audit is not entrusted by or under any law made by Parliament, he shall audit if requested by the President, Governor or Administrator, on agreed terms, with right of access, and only after consultation with him. s.20(2): he may propose to be authorised to audit a body whose audit is not entrusted to him, if he is of opinion that it is necessary because a substantial amount has been invested in, or advanced to, it. The only provision under which he initiates, and even there the decision is not his.

Test yourself

1. How is a Government company audited? Under section 19(1) the duties and powers of the Comptroller and Auditor-General in relation to the audit of the accounts of Government companies are performed and exercised in accordance with the provisions of the company law rather than under the general audit provisions of the Act of 1971. The scope of that audit is wide, because section 2(a) defines accounts, in relation to commercial undertakings of a Government, to include trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets and other subsidiary accounts, so that what is audited is the performance of a business and not merely the regularity of payments. His reports on such a company are then governed by section 19A.

2. How far does the audit reach into statutory corporations? It depends on the statute. For a corporation, not being a company, established by or under a law made by Parliament, section 19(2) provides that his duties and powers are to be performed and exercised in accordance with the provisions of the respective legislations, so the extent of audit is whatever the corporation's own Act provides. For a corporation established by a law made by a State Legislature or by the legislature of a Union territory, section 19(3) provides that the Governor or the Administrator may, where he is of opinion that it is necessary in the public interest, request the auditor to audit its accounts, whereupon he shall do so and shall have a right of access to its books; but no such request may be made except after consultation with him and except after giving the corporation a reasonable opportunity to make representations. The variability that results is itself a criticism of the framework, since the reach of audit into the public sector is settled corporation by corporation rather than by any general rule.

munotes.in804

Audit of Companies and Corporations

3. What does section 19A provide and why does it matter? That the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General in relation to the accounts of a Government company or a section 19 corporation shall be submitted to the Government or Governments concerned; that the Central Government shall cause every such report to be laid, as soon as may be after it is received, before each House of Parliament; and that the State Government shall cause it to be laid before the Legislature of the State, the expression including the Administrator for a Union territory having a Legislative Assembly. It matters for two reasons. It differs from article 151, under which the report goes to the President or the Governor, the constitutional head, and not to the Government; here the report on a public sector company is submitted to the Ministry that owns the company, which then bears the duty to lay it, so the document passes through the hands of the interested party. And it was inserted only by Act 2 of 1984 with effect from 16 March 1984, thirteen years after the Act, so that before that date there was no statutory obligation to lay these reports before any legislature at all.

4. Can the Comptroller and Auditor-General decide for himself what to audit? Only to a limited extent. Section 14 operates automatically where the deeming Explanation is satisfied, and sections 13, 16 and 17 impose duties or confer authority directly. Beyond those, section 20(1) requires a request from the President, the Governor or the Administrator, made after consultation with him, and the audit is then undertaken on terms agreed between him and the Government concerned. Section 20(2) is the single provision under which he takes the initiative: he may propose to the President, Governor or Administrator that he be authorised to undertake the audit of a body whose audit has not been entrusted to him by law, if he is of opinion that such audit is necessary because a substantial amount has been invested in or advanced to that body by a Government. Even there the initiative alone is his; the authorisation is the constitutional head's, acting on ministerial advice.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in805

Chapter -Eight

The Powers of Inspection

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

He may inspect any accounts office, require any relevant document to be sent to him, and question the officer in charge; officials must give him all facilities; he may delegate all his powers except the submission of his constitutional reports; and he makes the regulations that fix the scope and extent of audit.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 18(1) gives the Comptroller and Auditor-General authority, in connection with the performance of his duties, to inspect any office of accounts under the control of the Union or of a State, to require that any accounts, books, papers and other documents which deal with or form the basis of or are otherwise relevant to the transactions to which his audit duties extend be sent to such place as he may appoint for his inspection, and to put such questions or make such observations as he may consider necessary to the person in charge and to call for such information as he may require; section 18(2) obliges the person in charge to afford all facilities for such inspection and to comply with requests for information in as complete a form as possible and with all reasonable expedition; and section 23 authorises him to make regulations for carrying into effect the provisions of the Act in so far as they relate to the scope and extent of audit.

Section 18: the powers of inspection

18(1). He shall, in connection with the performance of his duties under the Act, have authority:

(a) to inspect any office of accounts under the control of the Union or of a State, including treasuries and such offices responsible for keeping initial or subsidiary accounts as submit accounts to him;

(b) to require that any accounts, books, papers and other documents which deal with or form the basis of or are otherwise relevant to the transactions to which his duties in respect of audit extend, shall be sent to such place as he may appoint for his inspection;

(c) to put such questions or make such observations as he may consider necessary to the person in charge of the office and to call for such information as he may require for the preparation of any account or report which it is his duty to prepare.

18(2). The person in charge of any office or department, the accounts of which have to be inspected and audited, shall afford all facilities for such inspection and comply with requests for information in as complete a form as possible and with all reasonable expedition.

Read clause (b) for its width, because it is wider than it looks. Not merely accounts, but books, papers and other documents; and not merely documents that record the transaction, but those which deal with, or form the basis of, or are otherwise relevant to it. A file containing the reasons for a decision to purchase is a document forming the basis of the transaction, and clause (b) reaches it.

munotes.in806

The Powers of Inspection

And note the limit. The documents must relate to the transactions to which his duties in respect of audit extend. The width of clause (b) is measured by the width of the duties in sections 13 to 20. It confers a power of access, not a jurisdiction.

Section 18(2) is the enforcement, and it is worth comparing with chapter 1070. A parliamentary committee's summons is backed by the House's contempt power. Section 18(2) imposes a statutory duty on the officer and provides no penalty, so what stands behind it is the officer's own service discipline and the auditor's power to report the refusal. Once again the sanction in this paper is the report.

Section 21: delegation

Any power exercisable by him under this Act or any other law may be exercised by such officer of his department as may be authorised by him by general or special order.

Proviso: except during the absence of the Comptroller and Auditor-General on leave or otherwise, no officer shall be authorised to submit on his behalf any report which he is required by the Constitution or the Government of Union Territories Act 1963 to submit to the President, the Governor or the Administrator.

The proviso is the point. Everything the office does may be delegated, except the submission of the reports article 151 requires. The constitutional act is personal to the holder of the office.

And the practical importance. Chapter 1510 works the Accountant General in a State, who is an officer of the department exercising delegated powers under section 21. The audit of a State is conducted by delegates; the report to the Governor is the Comptroller and Auditor-General's own.

Sections 22 and 23: rules and regulations

Section 22: rules, by the Central Government. The Central Government may, after consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor-General, by notification in the Official Gazette, make rules for carrying out the provisions of this Act in so far as they relate to the MAINTENANCE OF ACCOUNTS; in particular for the manner in which initial and subsidiary accounts shall be kept by treasuries, offices and departments rendering accounts.

Section 23: regulations, by the auditor himself. The Comptroller and Auditor-General is hereby authorised to make regulations for carrying into effect the provisions of this Act in so far as they relate to the SCOPE AND EXTENT OF AUDIT, including laying down for the guidance of the Government Departments the general principles of Government accounting and the broad principles in regard to audit of receipts and expenditure.

munotes.in807

The Powers of Inspection

Read sections 22 and 23 together and the division is the most important structural fact in the Act.

The GOVERNMENT makes the rules about how accounts are KEPT. The AUDITOR makes the regulations about the SCOPE AND EXTENT OF AUDIT.

And that second proposition is where propriety and performance audit come from. Chapter 1410 showed that section 13(a) defines only regularity audit: available, applicable, conforming. Nothing in the Act in terms requires an audit of whether money was spent wisely or whether the purpose was achieved. What section 23 does is authorise the auditor to settle the scope and extent of audit by regulation. The wider audits are exercises of section 23, and chapter 1480's controversy is in substance a controversy about how far section 23 goes.

Compare chapter 680's sections 20 and 21 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, where the Commission's regulations need the previous approval of the Central Government. Section 23 requires no approval at all. The auditor settles the scope of his own audit, and no other institution in this book settles the scope of its own inquiry.

Which is the strongest single answer to the charge in chapter 1480 that he has exceeded his mandate: his mandate as to scope is, by statute, his own to define. The counter-argument is that a power to define the scope of audit is not a power to define audit as something other than audit, and chapter 1480 gives both.

Sections 24, 25 and 26

Section 24: dispensing with detailed audit. He is authorised to dispense with, when circumstances so warrant, any part of detailed audit of any accounts or class of transactions and to apply such limited check in relation to such accounts or transactions as he may determine.

The necessary companion of section 13's "all expenditure". Chapter 1410 noted that section 13(a) requires the audit of all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund, which is impossible to perform transaction by transaction. Section 24 is what makes the duty workable, permitting limited check and test audit in place of exhaustive examination.

And the criticism it invites. A duty to audit everything, coupled with a power to dispense with detail as he determines, means that what is actually examined is settled by the auditor and is not visible on the face of the Act. Chapter 1530 counts capacity among the weaknesses of financial control, and section 24 is where the capacity constraint becomes a legal power.

Section 25: repeal. The Comptroller and Auditor-General (Conditions of Service) Act 1953 is repealed.

munotes.in808

The Powers of Inspection

Section 26: removal of doubts. On the commencement of the Act, the Government of India (Audit and Accounts) Order 1936, as adapted by the India (Provisional Constitution) Order 1947, shall cease to be in force except as respects anything done or any action taken thereunder.

Section 26 is the historical fact chapter 1380 anticipated. Article 149's transitional limb preserved the powers of the Auditor-General of India immediately before the commencement of the Constitution, and those powers were contained in the 1936 Order. Section 26 is the sentence that finally displaced a colonial instrument, in 1971, twenty-one years after the Constitution.

A worked example

An audit team examines a Ministry's purchases.

They wish to see the treasury records. Section 18(1)(a): authority to inspect any office of accounts under the control of the Union or of a State, including treasuries and offices keeping initial or subsidiary accounts.

They wish to see the file recording why a supplier was chosen. Section 18(1)(b): books, papers and other documents which deal with or form the basis of or are otherwise relevant to the transactions to which his audit duties extend. The reasons file forms the basis of the transaction.

The Ministry says it will produce the papers in three months. Section 18(2): the person in charge shall afford all facilities and comply in as complete a form as possible and with all reasonable expedition. No penalty is provided, so the remedy is the report.

A Deputy Accountant General signs the audit observations. Lawful: section 21 permits delegation by general or special order.

He proposes to sign the report submitted to the Governor. The proviso to section 21 forbids it except during the absence of the Comptroller and Auditor-General on leave or otherwise.

The Government wishes to change how treasuries keep their initial accounts. Section 22: rules by the Central Government, after consultation with the auditor, by notification in the Official Gazette, on the maintenance of accounts.

The auditor wishes to extend his examination to whether a scheme achieved its objectives. Section 23: regulations on the scope and extent of audit, made by him, with no approval required.

The Ministry protests that the Act nowhere provides for such an audit. Chapter 1480 is the argument, and section 23 is the auditor's answer.

And a class of small transactions is too numerous to examine individually. Section 24: he may dispense with any part of detailed audit and apply such limited check as he may determine.

What beginners get wrong

That section 18 gives him access only to accounts. It reaches books, papers and other documents which deal with, form the basis of, or are otherwise relevant to the transactions audited.

munotes.in809

The Powers of Inspection

That a refusal to produce is punishable. Section 18(2) imposes a duty and provides no penalty; the sanction is the report.

That the Government makes the rules about audit. Section 22 gives it rules on the maintenance of accounts; section 23 gives the auditor regulations on the scope and extent of audit.

That every power may be delegated. All may, except the submission of the reports the Constitution requires him to make, save during his absence.

That section 13's "all expenditure" means every transaction is examined. Section 24 permits him to dispense with detailed audit and apply a limited check.

Quick revision

s.18(1): authority to (a) inspect any office of accounts, including treasuries and offices keeping initial or subsidiary accounts; (b) require accounts, books, papers and other documents which deal with or form the basis of or are otherwise relevant to the transactions audited to be sent to such place as he may appoint; (c) put questions, make observations and call for information. s.18(2): the officer shall afford all facilities and comply in as complete a form as possible and with all reasonable expedition. No penalty.

s.21: delegation by general or special order; proviso: no officer may submit a report the Constitution requires him to submit, except during his absence on leave or otherwise.

ss.22 and 23: the Central Government, after consulting him, makes rules on the maintenance of accounts; he makes regulations on the SCOPE AND EXTENT OF AUDIT, including the general principles of Government accounting and the broad principles in regard to audit of receipts and expenditure. No approval required. This is where propriety and performance audit come from.

s.24: may dispense with any part of detailed audit and apply such limited check as he may determine. The companion of s.13's all expenditure.

s.25: repeals the Act of 1953. s.26: the Government of India (Audit and Accounts) Order 1936, as adapted in 1947, ceases to be in force, which is art 149's transitional limb finally spent, twenty-one years on.

Test yourself

1. What powers of inspection does the Act confer? Section 18(1) gives the Comptroller and Auditor-General authority, in connection with the performance of his duties, to inspect any office of accounts under the control of the Union or of a State, including treasuries and offices responsible for keeping initial or subsidiary accounts which submit accounts to him; to require that any accounts, books, papers and other documents which deal with, or form the basis of, or are otherwise relevant to the transactions to which his audit duties extend be sent to such place as he may appoint for his inspection; and to put such questions or make such observations as he considers necessary to the person in charge of the office and to call for such information as he may require for preparing any account or report it is his duty to prepare. Section 18(2) obliges the person in charge of any office or department whose accounts are to be inspected and audited to afford all facilities for the inspection and to comply with requests for information in as complete a form as possible and with all reasonable expedition. The width of the power of access is measured by the width of the duties, since the documents must relate to transactions to which his audit duties extend, and no penalty is provided for a failure to comply, so that the sanction is the report.

munotes.in810

The Powers of Inspection

2. What is the difference between sections 22 and 23, and why does it matter? Section 22 empowers the Central Government, after consultation with the Comptroller and Auditor-General and by notification in the Official Gazette, to make rules for carrying out the provisions of the Act in so far as they relate to the maintenance of accounts, in particular the manner in which initial and subsidiary accounts are to be kept. Section 23 authorises the Comptroller and Auditor-General himself to make regulations for carrying into effect the provisions of the Act in so far as they relate to the scope and extent of audit, including laying down for the guidance of Government departments the general principles of Government accounting and the broad principles in regard to audit of receipts and expenditure. The division matters because the Government settles how accounts are kept and the auditor settles how far audit goes, and because section 13(a) defines only regularity audit, so that the wider forms of audit, propriety and performance, are exercises of the regulation-making power in section 23. It is also notable that section 23 requires no approval, whereas the Central Vigilance Commission's regulations under section 21 of its Act require the previous approval of the Central Government: no other institution in this book settles the scope of its own inquiry.

3. What may not be delegated? Section 21 permits any power exercisable by the Comptroller and Auditor-General under the Act or any other law to be exercised by such officer of his department as he authorises by general or special order, which is how the audit of a State is in practice conducted by an Accountant General. The proviso excepts one thing: except during the absence of the Comptroller and Auditor-General on leave or otherwise, no officer may be authorised to submit on his behalf any report which he is required by the Constitution, or by the Government of Union Territories Act 1963, to submit to the President, the Governor or the Administrator. The constitutional act of submitting the report is personal to the holder of the office.

munotes.in811

The Powers of Inspection

4. How is the duty to audit all expenditure made workable? By section 24, which authorises him to dispense with, when circumstances so warrant, any part of the detailed audit of any accounts or class of transactions, and to apply such limited check in relation to those accounts or transactions as he may determine. Section 13(a) imposes a duty to audit all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India and of each State and of each Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, which could not be performed transaction by transaction, and section 24 permits test audit and limited check in its place. The criticism the section invites is that a duty to audit everything coupled with a power to dispense with detail as the auditor determines means that what is in fact examined is settled by him and is not visible on the face of the Act, so that the capacity constraint on the office becomes a legal power rather than an acknowledged limitation.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in812

Chapter -Nine

The Three Audits

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Regularity audit asks whether the money was spent as authorised, propriety audit whether it was spent wisely, and performance audit whether the purpose was achieved; the first is in section 13(a), and the other two are exercises of the regulation-making power in section 23.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: audit is of three kinds; regularity or legality audit, which asks whether the moneys shown as disbursed were legally available for and applicable to the service or purpose to which they were applied and whether the expenditure conformed to the authority governing it, and which is prescribed by section 13(a) of the Act of 1971; propriety audit, which asks whether the expenditure, though lawful, was wise, faithful and economical, and which rests on the canons of financial propriety and on the auditor's power under section 23 to make regulations relating to the scope and extent of audit; and performance or efficiency audit, which asks whether the objectives of a scheme were achieved, and at what economy, efficiency and effectiveness, and which likewise rests on section 23.

Regularity audit

Where it comes from. Section 13(a), chapter 1410, in terms.

The three questions. Whether the moneys shown as disbursed were legally available for, and applicable to the service or purpose to which they were applied or charged, and whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it.

What it is. An audit of legality. It compares the payment with the appropriation, with the purpose granted, and with the rules, sanctions and delegations that govern it.

What it cannot ask. Whether the price was reasonable. Whether the thing bought was needed. Whether the scheme worked. A payment may pass every test in section 13(a) and still be a waste of public money, and that limitation is the reason the other two audits exist.

And note its strength, which criticisms of it usually forget. Regularity audit produces a finding that is objective and unanswerable: either the appropriation covered the payment or it did not. Chapter 1340's excess grant is a regularity finding, and it is the only audit finding the Constitution itself requires the House to act upon.

Propriety audit

It is nowhere defined in the Act, and an honest answer says so. Section 13(a) does not mention it, and no section of the Act uses the word.

Where it comes from, and this is the part that matters. From two places.

Section 23, chapter 1440: the Comptroller and Auditor-General is authorised to make regulations for carrying into effect the provisions of this Act in so far as they relate to the scope and extent of audit, including laying down the general principles of Government accounting and the broad principles in regard to audit of receipts and expenditure. The scope of audit is his to settle, and propriety audit is settled within it.

munotes.in813

The Three Audits

And from the financial rules themselves. The rules made under article 283, chapter 1310, contain the canons of financial propriety which every authority incurring expenditure is required to observe. So propriety audit is not the auditor inventing a standard; it is the auditor applying the Government's own standard. That is the single best answer to the objection in chapter 1480 that propriety audit is second-guessing.

The canons, in substance. That expenditure should not be prima facie more than the occasion demands; that no authority should exercise its powers of sanctioning expenditure to pass an order directly or indirectly to its own advantage; that public moneys should not be utilised for the benefit of a particular person or section of the community except where the amount is small, or a claim could be enforced in a court, or the expenditure is in pursuance of a recognised policy or custom; and that the amount of allowances granted to meet expenditure of a particular type should be so regulated that they are not on the whole a source of profit to the recipient.

This book states the canons as the substance of the financial rules and does not quote a rule number, because it does not hold the rules; and a candidate should do the same.

Where propriety audit lives in practice. Chapter 1420's section 17, stores and stock; and chapter 1430's section 19, the commercial audit of a Government company, where section 2(a) brings trading, manufacturing and profit and loss accounts and balance-sheets within the definition of accounts. An audit of a balance sheet is inescapably an audit of prudence.

Performance audit

Also nowhere in the Act, and also an exercise of section 23.

What it asks. Not whether the money was lawfully spent, nor whether the price was fair, but whether the purpose was achieved, and with what economy, efficiency and effectiveness.

The three E's, and they are worth separating because they are three tests.

Economy: were the inputs acquired at the least cost consistent with quality? Efficiency: was the maximum output obtained from the inputs used? Effectiveness: were the objectives of the scheme achieved?

And the statutory hook, beyond section 23, that a good answer names. Chapter 1420's section 16 requires him to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check on assessment, collection and allocation of revenue. That is a test of the ADEQUACY OF A SYSTEM and not of a transaction, and it is performance audit in the Act's own language, applied to the revenue side. The Act therefore contemplates the method even where it does not use the name.

munotes.in814

The Three Audits

Where performance audit becomes contested. Effectiveness is a question about whether the scheme worked, and a scheme that did not work may have failed because the policy was wrong. The line between auditing the execution and auditing the policy is exactly where chapter 1480 begins.

The three set against one another

RegularityProprietyPerformance
Questionwas it lawful?was it wise?did it work?
Sources.13(a), in termss.23 and the canons of financial propriety in the financial ruless.23; and s.16's test of the design of a system
Standardthe appropriation, the purpose, the ruleswhat a prudent person would do with his own moneyeconomy, efficiency, effectiveness
Findingobjective and unanswerablea judgment, capable of being disputeda judgment, capable of being disputed
Contested?nosometimesoften, and chapter 1480 says why

Say the ladder in one sentence and the answer is made. Regularity audit asks a question with a right answer; propriety and performance audit ask questions with better and worse answers; and the further up the ladder the auditor goes, the more he is exercising judgment and the more his findings can be argued with.

A worked example

A Ministry buys ten thousand computers for a school scheme.

Regularity. Was there an appropriation for the head? Was the head the one the House granted for this purpose? Were the tender rules, the sanction and the delegation complied with? Section 13(a), and the answers are yes or no.

All three are satisfied. Regularity audit is finished, and it has established nothing about whether this was a sensible purchase.

Propriety. Were the computers bought at a price a prudent person would have paid? Was the specification more than the occasion demanded? Did the sanctioning authority stand to gain? The canons of financial propriety, applied under section 23; and section 17 reaches the stores to see whether the computers exist.

Performance. Were they delivered to the schools? Were the schools electrified? Were the teachers trained? Did any child learn anything? Economy, efficiency, effectiveness, under section 23.

The audit finds that the computers sit in boxes because no school had power. A performance finding, and a strong one.

The Ministry replies that electrification was another department's responsibility and that the policy of distributing computers was the Government's to make. That is the objection chapter 1480 examines, and the answer this book gives there is that an audit which says the scheme did not achieve its object is auditing execution, and an audit which says the scheme should not have been adopted is auditing policy.

munotes.in815

The Three Audits

What beginners get wrong

That the Act provides for three kinds of audit. It provides in terms for regularity audit in section 13(a). Propriety and performance audit are exercises of the regulation-making power in section 23.

That propriety audit is the auditor's own standard. It applies the canons of financial propriety in the Government's own financial rules.

That performance audit has no statutory basis at all. Section 23 authorises regulations on the scope and extent of audit, and section 16 requires him to test whether a system is designed to secure an effective check, which is the method under another name.

That the three are alternatives. They are layers: every audit is a regularity audit, and propriety and performance are added.

That a regularity finding is weaker because it is narrow. It is the only kind that is objective and unanswerable, and it is the only kind the Constitution requires the House to act upon, in the excess grant under article 115(1)(b).

Quick revision

Regularity: was it lawful? s.13(a): legally available, applicable to the service or purpose, conforming to the authority which governs it. Objective; and an excess is a regularity finding that art 115(1)(b) obliges the House to regularise.

Propriety: was it wise? Not defined in the Act. From s.23 (scope and extent of audit) and the canons of financial propriety in the financial rules made under art 283: expenditure not prima facie more than the occasion demands; no authority to sanction to its own advantage, directly or indirectly; public money not for the benefit of a particular person or section save in the recognised exceptions; allowances not on the whole a source of profit. Lives in s.17 stores and s.19 commercial audit.

Performance: did it work? Also from s.23; and s.16's duty to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check is the method in the Act's own words. Tests: economy, efficiency, effectiveness.

The ladder: regularity asks a question with a right answer; propriety and performance ask questions with better and worse answers; and the higher he climbs, the more he exercises judgment and the more his findings can be argued with.

Test yourself

1. Distinguish the three kinds of audit and say where each comes from. Regularity or legality audit asks whether the expenditure was lawful, and it is prescribed in terms by section 13(a) of the Act of 1971, which requires the auditor to ascertain whether the moneys shown in the accounts as disbursed were legally available for and applicable to the service or purpose to which they were applied or charged, and whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it. Propriety audit asks whether the expenditure, though lawful, was wise, faithful and economical; it is nowhere defined in the Act, and it rests on the auditor's power under section 23 to make regulations relating to the scope and extent of audit, applied to the canons of financial propriety contained in the Government's own financial rules made under article 283. Performance or efficiency audit asks whether the objectives of a scheme were achieved, and with what economy, efficiency and effectiveness; it likewise rests on section 23, and it has an analogue in the Act's own language in section 16, which requires the auditor to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check on the assessment, collection and proper allocation of revenue, a test of the adequacy of a system rather than of a transaction.

munotes.in816

The Three Audits

2. What are the canons of financial propriety? In substance, that every public officer should exercise the same vigilance in respect of expenditure from public moneys as a person of ordinary prudence would exercise in respect of his own; that expenditure should not be prima facie more than the occasion demands; that no authority should exercise its powers of sanctioning expenditure to pass an order which will be directly or indirectly to its own advantage; that public moneys should not be utilised for the benefit of a particular person or section of the community, unless the amount involved is insignificant, or a claim could be enforced in a court of law, or the expenditure is in pursuance of a recognised policy or custom; and that the amount of allowances granted to meet expenditure of a particular type should be so regulated that they are not on the whole a source of profit to the recipients. They are contained in the financial rules made under article 283, and it follows that propriety audit applies the Government's own standard rather than one the auditor has invented, which is the best answer to the charge that it amounts to second-guessing.

3. What does performance audit examine? Three things, usually called the three E's. Economy, whether the inputs were acquired at the least cost consistent with the quality required. Efficiency, whether the maximum output was obtained from the inputs used. And effectiveness, whether the objectives of the programme or scheme were in fact achieved. It is the form of audit that produces the findings a legislature and a public are most interested in, and it is also the form that carries the audit closest to the boundary with policy, since a scheme that did not achieve its object may have failed because the policy underlying it was wrong, and to say so is to audit the policy rather than its execution.

munotes.in817

The Three Audits

4. Why is the source of each audit worth knowing? Because it decides how an objection to the audit is answered. Where the auditor makes a regularity finding, the objection that he has exceeded his mandate cannot be made at all, since section 13(a) requires exactly that inquiry. Where he makes a propriety or a performance finding, the mandate has to be located, and it is located in section 23, which authorises him to make regulations for carrying into effect the provisions of the Act in so far as they relate to the scope and extent of audit, and which, unlike the corresponding provision for the Central Vigilance Commission, requires no approval from the Government. The auditor accordingly settles the scope of his own audit, which is a stronger position than any other institution in this syllabus occupies; and the counter-argument, that a power to define the scope of audit is not a power to define audit as something other than audit, is the substance of the controversy the next chapters take up.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in818

Chapter

How Far Audit Reaches

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Where a private licensee shares revenue from a national resource, its books are open to the auditor, not to audit the company but to ascertain whether the Union got its share, because the people are entitled through Parliament to know how their natural resources have been dealt with.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Association of Unified Tele Services Providers v. Union of India, (2014) 6 SCC 110, the Supreme Court held that article 149 must be given a purposive interpretation, the Constitution being a living organic thing whose content must vary from age to age, so that the words "any other authority or body" are not confined to entities performing State functions or financed or controlled by the State; that Parliament has an obligation to ascertain whether the entire receipts by way of licence fee and spectrum charges have been realised and credited to the Consolidated Fund; and that in seeking the records of a licensee under a revenue sharing arrangement the Comptroller and Auditor-General is not auditing the service provider's accounts as such but examining the receipts to ascertain whether the Union is getting its legitimate share, for which limited purpose the service providers are bound to make available all their books of accounts and other documents.

The case

Facts. Association of Unified Tele Services Providers v. Union of India, (2014) 6 SCC 110, decided on 17 April 2014, K.S. Radhakrishnan J. Licences to provide telecommunication services were granted on a revenue sharing basis: the licensee kept its revenue and paid the Union a licence fee and spectrum charges calculated as a share of it. The Comptroller and Auditor-General sought the licensees' records. The service providers resisted, contending that they were private companies, that article 149's words "any other authority or body" covered only entities performing State functions or financed or controlled by the State, and that the Constituent Assembly debates supported that reading; and the Tribunal had held that an audit under the licence depended on the Department forming an opinion that the statements submitted were inaccurate or misleading.

The reasoning, in five steps

Step one: article 149 is to be read purposively. The Court said: "we are dealing with a natural resource which belongs to the peoples of this country, and hence we have to give a purposive interpretation to Article 149 read with Section 16 of 1971 Act."

Step two: the debates do not fix the meaning. The "Constitution, as it is often said, is a living organic thing and must be applied to meet the current needs and requirements"; it is "not bound to be understood or accepted to the original understanding of the constitutional economics"; and the Parliamentary Debates "may not be the sole criteria to be adopted by a court while examining the meaning and content of Article 149, since its content and significance has to vary from age to age."

munotes.in819

How Far Audit Reaches

That reasoning is not confined to this case, and chapter 1380 makes the point: article 149's openness has been construed as openness, which is what allows the office to follow public money into forms nobody contemplated in 1950.

Step three: Parliament's entitlement to know. "Parliament has an obligation to ascertain whether the entire receipts by way of licence fee, spectrum charges, have been realized by the Union of India and credited to the Consolidated Fund of India." And article 266 requires all public moneys received by or on behalf of the Government to be credited to that Fund.

So the constitutional hook is not any power over the company. It is Parliament's need to know what came into the Fund, and chapter 1420's section 16 is the section that carries it: the duty to audit all receipts which are PAYABLE into the Consolidated Fund.

Step four: why the people are entitled. "The subject matter with which we are concerned is spectrum, a natural resource, which belongs to the people, therefore, people of this country, through Parliament, should know how its natural resources have been dealt with by the Union, State or its instrumentalities or even by UAS licence holders." And the Court added the practical reason: "Instances are not rare, where even the Executive, at times, acts hand in glove with licence holders, who deal with the natural resources, hence, necessity of proper parliamentary control over the resources."

Step five, and this is the step to reproduce exactly, because it defines the limit as well as the reach. "CAG, in that process, is not actually auditing the accounts of the UAS Service providers as such, but examining all the receipts to ascertain whether the Union is getting its due share by way of licence fee and spectrum charges, which it is legitimately entitled to, by way of Revenue Sharing. By adopting that process, CAG is not carrying out any statutory audit of the accounts of the service providers, but for the limited purpose of ascertaining whether the Union is getting its legitimate share by way of Revenue Sharing. Service providers are, therefore, bound to provide all the records and documents called for by the CAG."

And the duty stated positively. "CAG has, therefore, a duty to examine and satisfy himself that all the rules and procedures in that behalf are being met not only by the Union but also the service providers as a whole, since both, the Union, as well as the service providers, are dealing with the natural resources."

munotes.in820

How Far Audit Reaches

What was also decided

On the Tribunal's "formation of opinion" point. An audit by the Comptroller and Auditor-General "would not depend upon the 'formation of opinion' by the DoT that the statements or accounts submitted to it were inaccurate or misleading, which, in our view, would deprive the statutory and constitutional powers conferred on the CAG"; and the Tribunal's order was "an encroachment upon the constitutional and statutory power conferred on CAG under Articles 148, 149 of the Constitution as well as Section 16 of the 1971 Act."

And on the licence clauses. The audit provisions in the licence agreement, under which the licensor might order an audit or a special audit of the licensee's accounts, were "not meant for an audit to be conducted by CAG" but for an audit by the Department; the Comptroller and Auditor-General's function is "separate and independent" and not similar to those audits.

That is the sentence that answers the commonest objection. A licensee cannot say that because the contract provides for an audit by the licensor, the constitutional auditor's power is spent or conditioned. The contractual audit and the constitutional audit are different things with different sources.

The limit, and why an answer must state it

The Court did not hold that a private company receiving public money is open to audit. It held something narrower and more defensible.

The auditor is not auditing the company. He is examining the receipts, and the object is whether the Union got its share.

The purpose is limited, and the Court said so twice in one paragraph: "for the limited purpose of ascertaining whether the Union is getting its legitimate share by way of Revenue Sharing."

The obligation on the company is correspondingly defined: to make available all the books of accounts and other documents maintained by them so as to ascertain that share.

So the test that emerges, and it is worth stating as a test. Where (a) the subject matter is a national resource or public revenue, (b) a private party's receipts determine what is payable into the Consolidated Fund, and (c) Parliament is entitled to know whether the Fund received its due, then the auditor may examine the private party's books for that purpose and no other.

And what falls outside it. A company that merely contracts with the Government and is paid a price is not within this reasoning: its receipts do not determine what is payable into the Fund. A supplier is audited through the Ministry's payment, not through his own books.

munotes.in821

How Far Audit Reaches

Where this sits in the module

Chapter 1380: article 149 contemplates duties in relation to "any other authority or body", and leaves the extent to Parliament.

Chapter 1420: section 16 requires the audit of all receipts payable into the Fund, and of the design and observance of the check on assessment, collection and proper allocation.

Chapter 1440: section 18 gives access to books, papers and other documents which deal with or form the basis of or are otherwise relevant to the transactions audited.

This chapter is what those three become when the money that should reach the Fund is in a private company's books. The Court read sections 13, 16 and 18 along with article 149 and the sectoral legislation, and reached the licensee's records that way.

A worked example

The Union grants a mining lease on a revenue sharing basis: the lessee extracts, sells, and pays a share of its revenue as royalty.

May the auditor examine the lessee's sales records? On this reasoning, yes, for a limited purpose: the royalty is a receipt payable into the Consolidated Fund, its amount depends on the lessee's revenue, and Parliament is entitled to know whether the Fund received its due.

Is he auditing the lessee? No, and the distinction matters. He is examining the receipts to ascertain whether the Union is getting its legitimate share; he is not carrying out any statutory audit of the accounts of the lessee.

May he comment on the lessee's business decisions? No. The purpose is limited, and the obligation on the lessee is to produce what is needed for that purpose.

The Ministry says it has not formed the opinion that the lessee's returns are inaccurate, so no audit arises. The auditor's power "would not depend upon the formation of opinion" by the Ministry; to hold otherwise would deprive him of his statutory and constitutional powers.

The lease provides for an audit by the lessor. That is an audit by the Government, and the Comptroller and Auditor-General's function is separate and independent of it.

Now change the facts: a company builds a road for the Government at a contract price. Outside the reasoning. Its receipts do not determine what is payable into the Fund; the money flows out, not in. The audit is of the Ministry's payment, under section 13(a), and the contractor's books are reached, if at all, through section 18(1)(b)'s documents relevant to the transaction.

What beginners get wrong

That the case makes private companies auditable. It permits examination of a licensee's books for the limited purpose of ascertaining whether the Union is getting its legitimate share under a revenue sharing arrangement.

munotes.in822

How Far Audit Reaches

That the Court audited the service providers. It said in terms that the auditor is "not actually auditing the accounts of the UAS Service providers as such" and is "not carrying out any statutory audit" of them.

That the Constituent Assembly debates settle article 149. They "may not be the sole criteria", the article's content having "to vary from age to age".

That a contractual audit clause displaces the constitutional power. The licence clauses were "not meant for an audit to be conducted by CAG"; his function is separate and independent.

That the audit depends on the Ministry suspecting something. It "would not depend upon the formation of opinion" by the Department.

Quick revision

Association of Unified Tele Services Providers v. Union of India, (2014) 6 SCC 110, 17 April 2014, Radhakrishnan J. Telecom licences on revenue sharing; the auditor sought the licensees' records; the providers said art 149's "any other authority or body" covered only entities performing State functions or financed or controlled by the State.

Held: (1) art 149 read with s.16 must be given a purposive interpretation, the subject being a natural resource which belongs to the peoples of this country; (2) the Constitution is a living organic thing, not bound to the original understanding of the constitutional economics, and the debates may not be the sole criteria, the content of art 149 varying from age to age; (3) Parliament has an obligation to ascertain whether the entire receipts by way of licence fee and spectrum charges have been realised and credited to the Consolidated Fund, and the people, through Parliament, should know how their natural resources have been dealt with, even by licence holders, instances not being rare where the Executive acts hand in glove with licence holders; (4) the auditor is not actually auditing the accounts of the service providers as such and not carrying out any statutory audit of them, but examining all the receipts for the limited purpose of ascertaining whether the Union is getting its legitimate share by way of Revenue Sharing, and they are bound to provide all the records and documents called for; (5) the power does not depend on the Department forming an opinion that the statements are inaccurate or misleading, and the licence's own audit clauses are for an audit by the Department, the auditor's function being separate and independent.

The test: a national resource or public revenue; a private party's receipts determining what is payable into the Fund; and Parliament's entitlement to know. A mere supplier paid a contract price is outside it.

munotes.in823

How Far Audit Reaches

Test yourself

1. Can the Comptroller and Auditor-General examine the books of a private company? In a defined situation, yes. In Association of Unified Tele Services Providers v. Union of India the Supreme Court held that where telecommunication licences were granted on a revenue sharing basis, so that the licence fee and spectrum charges payable to the Union were a share of the licensee's revenue, the auditor was entitled to seek the licensees' records. The Court was careful about the character of what he was doing: he was not actually auditing the accounts of the service providers as such and was not carrying out any statutory audit of them, but examining all the receipts to ascertain whether the Union was getting its due share by way of revenue sharing, and for that limited purpose the service providers were bound to provide all the records and documents called for. The obligation is therefore defined by the purpose, and does not make the company generally auditable.

2. On what reasoning did the Court reach that conclusion? On five steps. That article 149, read with section 16 of the Act of 1971, must be given a purposive interpretation, because the subject matter was spectrum, a natural resource belonging to the people of the country. That the Constitution is a living organic thing which must be applied to meet current needs, is not bound to be understood according to the original understanding of the constitutional economics, and whose article 149 has a content and significance that must vary from age to age, so that the Constituent Assembly debates relied on by the service providers could not be the sole criteria. That Parliament has an obligation to ascertain whether the entire receipts by way of licence fee and spectrum charges have been realised and credited to the Consolidated Fund, article 266 requiring all public moneys received by or on behalf of the Government to be so credited. That the people, through Parliament, should know how their natural resources have been dealt with by the Union, by its instrumentalities or even by licence holders, instances not being rare in which the Executive acts hand in glove with those who deal with natural resources. And that the auditor's function in that process is limited to ascertaining whether the Union is getting its legitimate share.

3. What is the limit of the decision? That the examination is for a limited purpose, which the Court stated twice: ascertaining whether the Union is getting its legitimate share by way of revenue sharing. He does not audit the company, does not conduct a statutory audit of its accounts and does not review its business decisions; and the obligation on the company is to make available its books and documents so as to ascertain that share. The test which emerges is that where the subject matter is a national resource or public revenue, where a private party's receipts determine what is payable into the Consolidated Fund, and where Parliament is entitled to know whether the Fund received its due, the auditor may examine that party's books for that purpose and no other. A company which merely contracts with the Government and is paid a price falls outside the reasoning, because its receipts do not determine what is payable into the Fund and the money flows out rather than in; the audit there is of the Ministry's payment.

munotes.in824

How Far Audit Reaches

4. Does a contractual audit clause or the Department's opinion condition the power? Neither. The Court held that an audit by the Comptroller and Auditor-General would not depend upon the formation of an opinion by the Department that the statements or accounts submitted were inaccurate or misleading, since such a requirement would deprive him of the statutory and constitutional powers conferred on him, and that the Tribunal's contrary order was an encroachment upon the powers conferred by articles 148 and 149 and section 16. As for the licence agreement's own audit clauses, under which the licensor might order an audit or a special audit of the licensee at the licensee's cost, the Court held that these were not meant for an audit to be conducted by the Comptroller and Auditor-General but for an audit by the Department, and that his function is separate and independent of them.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in825

Chapter -One

What Happens to an Audit Report

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Six stages: the inspection, the draft paragraph, the Ministry's reply, the report to the President, the laying, and the Public Accounts Committee with its action taken loop; and the process stalls wherever a stage depends on somebody who did not want the paragraph written.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: an audit finding begins as an observation in an inspection report issued to the audited office under section 18 of the Act of 1971; if it survives the office's reply it becomes a draft paragraph, which is sent to the Ministry for its comments; if it survives those it is included in the report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, which under article 151 is submitted to the President or the Governor and laid before each House of Parliament or the State Legislature; the report is then examined by the Public Accounts Committee, or for a public sector body by the Committee on Public Undertakings, which takes evidence from the Secretary as accounting officer and reports to the House; and the Government furnishes an action taken note, on which the Committee reports again, the paragraph remaining open until the Committee is satisfied.

The six stages

Stage one: the inspection report. The audit party examines the office under section 18(1), chapter 1440, and issues an inspection report containing its observations. This is the level at which most audit findings live and die: a great many are settled by the office producing the sanction, the file or the explanation that was missing.

Stage two: the draft paragraph. An observation the office cannot answer, and which is material, is worked up into a draft paragraph for the printed report.

Stage three: the Ministry's reply. The draft paragraph is sent to the Ministry or department concerned for its comments, and the paragraph is settled in the light of them.

Stage three is a real safeguard and should be named as one. It means that a paragraph reaching the House has been put to the Government, and the Government's answer considered, before it was printed. Chapter 1480's objection that the auditor is unaccountable overlooks that his findings are, by process, answered before they are published.

Stage four: the report. The paragraph appears in the report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, which under article 151(1) is submitted to the President and, for a State, under article 151(2) to the Governor; for a Government company or a section 19 corporation, under section 19A, to the Government concerned, chapter 1430.

Stage five: laying. The President or the Governor shall cause the report to be laid before each House of Parliament or the Legislature of the State; and under section 19A the Government shall cause the report to be laid as soon as may be after it is received.

munotes.in826

What Happens to an Audit Report

Stage six: the Committee. The Public Accounts Committee, or for a public sector body the Committee on Public Undertakings, chapter 1000, takes up the paragraph, examines the Secretary as accounting officer, and reports to the House. The Government furnishes an action taken note; the Committee reports on that note; and the paragraph is not closed until it is satisfied.

Where the process stalls, structurally

This book does not give figures for delay, because it holds no source for them. What it can give is the points at which the design makes delay possible, and each is anchored.

Stall one: the accounts. Chapter 1390: since departmentalisation, the auditor receives the accounts from the Government. He cannot audit an account that has not been produced, and section 11 fixes the dates for submission of the accounts he prepares with the concurrence of the Government concerned. The audit of a year cannot begin until the year's accounts exist.

Stall two: the Ministry's reply. Stage three is a safeguard and it is also a delay. Section 18(2) requires the officer to comply with all reasonable expedition, and provides no penalty. A department that answers slowly slows the paragraph.

Stall three: no time limit for the report. Chapter 1400: article 151 fixes no time for submission or for laying. Compare section 14(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, chapter 660, which requires the annual report within six months of the close of the year under report. The Constitution's silence is a structural stall point.

Stall four: the Committee's capacity. Chapter 1000: the Public Accounts Committee is twenty-two members, meeting for part of a year, against all the audit paragraphs on the Union. It cannot examine every paragraph, and the ones it does not take up are laid and left.

Stall five: the action taken note. Nothing requires the Government to furnish one, and nothing fixes when. Chapter 1010 called this loop the only closed one in this paper; it is closed by practice and not by law, and a practice can be observed slowly.

So the honest account is this. Every stage that depends on the audited body is a stage at which the paragraph can be delayed, and no stage carries a sanction. That is not a criticism of the office; it is the consequence of an accountability system whose sanction throughout is disclosure.

The one stage the Constitution compels

There is a single exception, and it is chapter 1340's.

Where the audit discloses expenditure in excess of the amount granted for a service and for that year, article 115(1)(b) requires a demand for such excess to be presented to the House of the People.

munotes.in827

What Happens to an Audit Report

That is a constitutional obligation and not a practice. The House must regularise the excess or the expenditure remains unauthorised in breach of article 114(3); and it regularises on the auditor's finding and the Committee's examination.

So one class of audit paragraph cannot be laid and left, and it is the class that establishes a breach of the Constitution. A candidate who can name that exception has shown he understands the difference between what the Constitution commands and what convention supplies.

What the process produces

At each stage the finding gets harder.

An inspection report observation is an audit party's view. A draft paragraph has survived the office's answer. A printed paragraph has survived the Ministry's answer. A paragraph examined by the Committee has been put to the Secretary on the record. A paragraph on which an action taken note has been furnished and reported on has been answered in writing by the Government and assessed.

And what it never produces. Chapter 1010: no recovery, no penalty, no prosecution. The auditor cannot disallow or surcharge; the Committee cannot order.

What it produces instead is a record of the highest evidentiary quality available in Indian public administration, and chapter 1260 argued that this is the one place in the whole of legislative control where documented instances rather than debate are produced. The consequences, if any, come from elsewhere: chapter 670's section 18 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, chapter 700's disciplinary proceeding, chapter 740's prosecution.

The cases to cite, and what each one proves

MU's stem on eight of the nine papers says "Cite examples and cases", and the 2025-2026 paper carries "Cite Case Laws" as a standing instruction. A financial control answer without decisions is an incomplete answer. Four are enough, and each proves a different link in the chain above.

One, the audit report as the first link in an accountability chain: Manohar Lal Sharma v. Principal Secretary, (2014) 9 SCC 516.

The facts. Public interest petitions challenged the allocation of coal blocks made between 1993 and 2010, by a Screening Committee and by the Government dispensation route. The Comptroller and Auditor-General's report on the allocations had put the matter into public debate, and the Central Bureau of Investigation was investigating.

Held. The entire allocation through the Screening Committee from 1993 onwards, and through the Government dispensation route, was arbitrary and illegal: there was no objective criterion, no fair and transparent procedure, and no application of mind to the comparative merits of the applicants. The consequences of that declaration, including cancellation, were reserved for a further hearing.

munotes.in828

What Happens to an Audit Report

Why it is the best single case for this label. It shows the chain this module has been describing, working end to end: an audit report, chapter 1420's performance audit; a CBI investigation, chapter 810; public interest litigation; and a judicial declaration of illegality with cancellation to follow. The auditor still recovered nothing and disallowed nothing. The consequence came from elsewhere, exactly as this chapter says it must, and the report was what made the elsewhere possible.

Two, the auditor is himself subject to the ordinary law: Comptroller and Auditor General of India v. K.S. Jagannathan, (1986) 2 SCC 679.

The facts. Candidates belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the Indian Audit and Accounts Department were denied the benefit of the relaxed standard in a departmental examination for promotion, so that reserved vacancies went unfilled. The High Court directed the authorities to treat them as having qualified, and the Comptroller and Auditor-General appealed, saying a court cannot direct how a discretion is to be exercised.

Held. The appeal was dismissed. The powers of a High Court under article 226 are not confined to the prerogative writs known to English law: it may issue directions, orders or writs other than those writs, and where an authority has exercised its discretion improperly or has failed to exercise it, the Court may itself direct that the thing be done in a particular manner if that is necessary to do justice.

Why it belongs in this answer. Chapter 1360 sets out the protections that make the auditor the most insulated officer in the Constitution, and a student who stops there concludes that he answers to nobody. He answers to a High Court like any other authority, and here he did, as the losing appellant. It is also the cleanest authority in this book on the width of article 226, which is the instrument by which every power holder in this paper is finally controlled.

Three, what makes public spending lawful and what escapes: S. Subramaniam Balaji v. Government of Tamil Nadu, (2013) 9 SCC 659.

The facts. Schemes announced in election manifestos in Tamil Nadu distributed colour televisions, mixer-grinders, fans and laptops free to eligible persons at the cost of the State exchequer. The petitioner said the promises were a corrupt practice under section 123 of the Representation of the People Act 1951 and the expenditure was unauthorised and beyond the constitutional mandate.

Held. Promises in the election manifesto of a political party are not a corrupt practice under section 123, which controls only a candidate or his agent; and expenditure on such schemes, made under a law and out of the Consolidated Fund after appropriation, is not unconstitutional, the objects being traceable to the directive principles. The Court nonetheless directed the Election Commission to frame guidelines on election manifestos as part of the Model Code of Conduct, and recorded the need for separate legislation.

munotes.in829

What Happens to an Audit Report

Why it is the answer's best illustration of chapter 1310. The test of lawful spending is appropriation by law, and once that is satisfied the wisdom of the spending is not a matter for a court. So the whole weight of controlling such expenditure falls on the machinery this module describes: the Demands and the policy cut, chapter 1330; the audit report, chapter 1420; and the Public Accounts Committee, chapter 1000. That is the argument a good answer makes with this case, and it is the argument the syllabus's own title asks for.

Four, how far the auditor may reach: Association of Unified Tele Services Providers v. Union of India, (2014) 6 SCC 110, worked in chapter 1440 and chapter 1460. It is the modern authority on the reach of audit into a private party's accounts under a revenue sharing licence, and it is the case to cite for the proposition that audit follows the public revenue rather than the public office.

And the honest caution to carry into the exam hall. Chapter 1530: this book states no figures for any audit report and names no Commission's findings it does not hold. Cite these four, work them, and say plainly where the record stops. An examiner marking an LL.M. script rewards that far more than an invented number.

A worked example

An audit party finds that a hospital paid for drugs that were never delivered.

Stage one. The finding goes into the inspection report issued to the hospital under section 18.

The hospital produces a delivery challan. The observation is settled at stage one and never becomes a paragraph. Most findings end here, and that is the system working.

The hospital cannot produce it. The observation becomes a draft paragraph.

Stage three. The draft goes to the Ministry, which replies that an inquiry is under way. The paragraph is settled in the light of that reply and printed.

Stage four and five. It appears in the report, submitted to the President under article 151(1), who shall cause it to be laid before each House.

Stage six. The Public Accounts Committee takes it up and examines the Secretary. It reports. The Government furnishes an action taken note saying that recovery has been ordered and a disciplinary proceeding begun. The Committee reports on that note.

munotes.in830

What Happens to an Audit Report

Suppose the Committee never reaches the paragraph. Then it is laid and left, and nothing further happens under this label. The capacity of a twenty-two member committee is the limit.

Now change the finding: the hospital spent forty crores where the appropriation was thirty. That is an excess, and it cannot be laid and left. Article 115(1)(b) requires a demand for the excess to be presented to the House of the People, and the House regularises it after the Committee's examination.

And what if the paragraph discloses a bribe? The record leaves this module. The Central Vigilance Commission may call for reports under section 18 of its Act; a disciplinary authority may act on its advice; and the Central Bureau of Investigation may investigate an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act. The audit produces the record on which the machinery of Module II operates.

What beginners get wrong

That an audit paragraph goes straight to Parliament. It passes through an inspection report, a draft paragraph and the Ministry's reply first.

That the Ministry has no opportunity to answer. It answers at stage three, before the paragraph is printed.

That every paragraph is examined by the Public Accounts Committee. It examines what it can reach; the rest are laid and left.

That the action taken note is a legal requirement. It is practice, and it is the strongest thing in this paper precisely because practice supplied what law did not.

That the whole process is optional. One class of finding, an excess, engages article 115(1)(b) and must be put to the House.

Quick revision

Six stages: inspection report under s.18; draft paragraph; Ministry's reply; the report, submitted under art 151 to the President or Governor, or under s.19A to the Government concerned; laying; and the Public Accounts Committee or Committee on Public Undertakings, with the action taken note and a further report on it.

Five structural stall points: the accounts must be produced before audit can begin (chapter 1390); the Ministry's reply has no penalty behind it (s.18(2), "all reasonable expedition"); art 151 fixes no time for submission or laying; the Committee's capacity is twenty-two members against all the paragraphs; and nothing requires an action taken note or fixes when.

The one compelled stage: an excess engages art 115(1)(b), so the House must be asked to regularise, on the auditor's finding and the Committee's examination. Everything else is practice; this is command.

What it produces: a finding that has survived the office, the Ministry, the House and the Committee. Never a recovery, a penalty or a prosecution; those come from Module II's machinery, set going by the record.

munotes.in831

What Happens to an Audit Report

Test yourself

1. Trace the journey of an audit paragraph. It begins as an observation in an inspection report issued to the audited office under section 18 of the Act of 1971, and most observations are settled at that stage by the production of the sanction, file or explanation that was missing. An observation which is material and cannot be answered becomes a draft paragraph, which is sent to the Ministry or department concerned for its comments, and the paragraph is settled in the light of them. It then appears in the report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, which under article 151(1) is submitted to the President or, for a State, under article 151(2) to the Governor, and for a Government company or a section 19 corporation under section 19A to the Government concerned; the recipient shall cause it to be laid before each House of Parliament or the Legislature of the State. The Public Accounts Committee, or for a public sector body the Committee on Public Undertakings, then examines the paragraph, taking evidence from the Secretary as accounting officer, and reports to the House; the Government furnishes an action taken note, on which the Committee reports again, and the paragraph is not closed until the Committee is satisfied.

2. Where does the process stall, and why? At five structural points, each of which is a stage depending on somebody who did not want the paragraph written and none of which carries a sanction. The accounts must be produced by the Government before the audit of a year can begin, since departmentalisation moved the compiling of the Union's accounts to the Ministries under the first proviso to section 10(1). The Ministry's reply to a draft paragraph is required by section 18(2) to be given with all reasonable expedition, and no penalty is provided. Article 151 fixes no time either for the submission of a report or for its laying, unlike section 14(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, which requires the annual report within six months of the close of the year. The Public Accounts Committee is twenty-two members meeting for part of a year against all the audit paragraphs on the Union, and cannot examine them all. And nothing requires the Government to furnish an action taken note or fixes when, that loop being a matter of practice rather than of law.

3. Is any part of the process constitutionally compelled? One part. Where an audit discloses that money has been spent on a service during a financial year in excess of the amount granted for that service and for that year, article 115(1)(b) requires the President to cause a demand for the excess to be presented to the House of the People. That is a command and not a convention, because the expenditure is otherwise a breach of article 114(3), which forbids withdrawal from the Consolidated Fund except under appropriation made by law; and since the House cannot regularise an excess it has not had explained, the auditor's finding and the Public Accounts Committee's examination become the constitutional precondition of the demand. Every other stage of the process rests on practice.

munotes.in832

What Happens to an Audit Report

4. What does the process produce, and what does it not? It produces a finding of unusually high evidentiary quality, because it has survived the audited office's answer at the inspection stage, the Ministry's answer at the draft stage, publication in a report laid before the legislature, examination of the accounting officer on the record, and a written action taken note assessed by the Committee. It does not produce a recovery, a penalty or a prosecution: the Comptroller and Auditor-General has no power to disallow an item, to surcharge an officer or to punish, and the Public Accounts Committee cannot order anything. What follows, if anything follows, comes from outside this label, since the recorded facts are available to the Central Vigilance Commission under section 18 of its Act, to a disciplinary authority acting on its advice, and to the Central Bureau of Investigation where an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act is disclosed.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in833

Chapter -Two

The Auditor and Policy

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Auditing whether a scheme achieved its object is auditing execution; auditing whether the scheme should have been adopted is auditing policy; and the difficulty is that a scheme may have failed because the policy was wrong.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the controversy is whether the Comptroller and Auditor-General, in conducting propriety and performance audit under the regulations he is authorised to make by section 23 of the Act of 1971, exceeds his function by passing upon matters of policy which the Constitution commits to the executive and the legislature; the arguments against him being that section 13(a) prescribes only an audit of legality, that policy is committed by article 75(3) to a Council of Ministers answerable to the House and not to an auditor answerable to nobody, and that a finding of loss computed against a hypothetical alternative is a comparison of policies rather than an audit of accounts; and the arguments for him being that propriety audit applies the Government's own canons of financial propriety, that section 23 commits the scope and extent of audit to him without any requirement of approval, that section 16 requires him to test whether a system is designed to secure an effective check, and that a report which could never say a scheme failed would be of no use to the House to which article 151 sends it.

The two questions the controversy is really about

Students treat this as one question and it is two, and separating them is most of the answer.

Question one: propriety. May the auditor say that a lawful payment was imprudent, that a price was too high, that a specification was more than the occasion demanded?

Question two: presumptive loss. May he quantify what the public lost, by comparing what happened with what would have happened under a different course?

The first is much easier than the second, and an answer that concedes the first and contests the second is a better answer than one that defends or attacks both together.

The case against the auditor

One: the Act prescribes legality. Chapter 1410: section 13(a) requires him to ascertain whether the moneys were legally available, applicable to the service or purpose, and whether the expenditure conforms to the authority which governs it. Three tests, all of law. Nothing in the section asks whether the spending was wise, and a duty defined in terms of legality is not enlarged by describing something else as audit.

Two: policy belongs to the accountable. Chapter 1150: article 75(3) makes the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the House of the People, and chapter 1200 shows the House expressing that responsibility on the Demands through the policy cut, which is a motion "that the amount of the demand be reduced to one rupee" signifying disapproval of the policy. The Constitution has an institution for judging policy, and it is elected.

munotes.in834

The Auditor and Policy

And the sharpest form of the objection. The auditor is the most protected officer in this book and, chapter 1370, is chosen by the least regulated procedure in the Constitution. An official who cannot be removed, whose pay cannot be cut and whose budget cannot be refused should not be the judge of what the elected Government ought to have done.

Three: presumptive loss is a comparison of policies. To say that the public lost a sum is to say that a different course would have produced more. The alternative course is a hypothesis, and its yield is an estimate. An audit finding of that kind is not a statement about the accounts but a statement about a road not taken, and its confidence is the confidence of a forecast.

Four: the finding cannot be answered on equal terms. A Minister may reply, chapter 1470's stage three; but the auditor's report is laid before Parliament under article 151 and carries the authority of a constitutional officer, while the reply carries the authority of the party in default. The asymmetry is real.

The case for the auditor

One: propriety audit applies the Government's own standard. Chapter 1450: the canons of financial propriety are in the financial rules made under article 283. The auditor asking whether expenditure was more than the occasion demanded is asking whether the department obeyed its own rules, which is squarely within section 13(a)'s third test, conformity to the authority which governs it.

That answer disposes of question one almost entirely, and a candidate should say so: most of what is called propriety audit is regularity audit against the financial rules.

Two: section 23 commits the scope of audit to him. Chapter 1440: he is authorised to make regulations relating to the scope and extent of audit, including the broad principles in regard to audit of receipts and expenditure, and no approval is required. The Act therefore does not merely permit him to define the scope; it assigns the definition to him and to nobody else.

Three: the Act itself contemplates the method. Chapter 1420: section 16 requires him to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check on assessment, collection and allocation. That is a judgment about the adequacy of a system, and it is in the Act's own words. A statute that requires him to judge whether a system is well designed cannot be read as forbidding him to judge whether a scheme was well executed.

munotes.in835

The Auditor and Policy

Four: a report that could say nothing would be useless. Article 151 sends the report to the House. Chapter 1010: the House's need is to know what became of the money it voted. A report confined to whether payments matched sanctions would tell a legislature that a scheme was lawfully executed and never that it failed, which is precisely the information a House needs in order to exercise the control chapter 1140 describes.

Five: and AUSPI supports the wider view of the office. Chapter 1460: "CAG can carry out examination into the economy, efficacy and effectiveness with which the Union of India has used its resources", and the whole reasoning turned on Parliament's entitlement to know, and on the fact that instances are not rare where the Executive acts hand in glove with those dealing with public resources.

Where this book takes its position

On question one, propriety: the objection fails. Most propriety audit is conformity to the financial rules, which is section 13(a) itself; and what is not is a legitimate exercise of section 23, which assigns the scope of audit to the auditor without any approval. An audit that may not ask whether a price was reasonable is not an audit.

On question two, presumptive loss: the objection has force, and the answer is a distinction rather than a defence.

A finding of ACTUAL loss is an audit finding. Money paid for goods not delivered; a rate paid above the contracted rate; a receipt due and not collected. The comparison is with what the transaction itself required.

A finding of NOTIONAL loss computed against an alternative policy is not. What a different method of allocation might have realised is a comparison between the course taken and a course not taken, and the second is a hypothesis whose value nobody can verify.

The distinction that this book proposes, and it is capable of being applied. An auditor may say what was lost against the standard the Government set itself; he should be slow to say what was lost against a standard he sets for it. The first is measurement; the second is preference.

And the honest qualification. The line is not always clean. A scheme may fail wholly because the policy was wrong, and a performance audit that reports the failure without saying why has reported half of what it found. The workable rule is one of expression rather than of jurisdiction: the auditor may report that the objectives were not achieved and why, and should stop short of recommending which policy should have been adopted instead. Reporting the consequence is audit; prescribing the alternative is government.

munotes.in836

The Auditor and Policy

What both sides agree on

Worth stating, because it narrows the dispute usefully.

Nobody says the auditor may direct anything. Chapter 1010: he cannot disallow, surcharge or punish.

Nobody says his findings bind. They are a report, laid before a House, examined by a Committee.

And nobody says the Government has no answer. Chapter 1470: the draft paragraph goes to the Ministry before it is printed, and the action taken note is a written reply the Committee assesses.

Which reduces the controversy to its real proportions. It is a dispute about what a non-binding report to a legislature may contain, and the ultimate safeguard against an auditor who overreaches is the same as the safeguard against everything else in this paper: the report is public, the Government answers, and the House decides what to make of both.

A worked example

An audit examines the allocation of a scarce public resource by a first come first served method rather than by auction.

Finding one: the fee prescribed was not collected from three allottees. Actual loss, and squarely within section 13(a) and section 16: a receipt payable into the Consolidated Fund was not realised.

Finding two: the allotment rules required a solvency certificate and none was taken. Conformity to the authority which governs it: section 13(a), third test.

Finding three: the price fixed was below the rate the Government's own committee had recommended. Propriety, against the Government's own standard. The department departed from a benchmark it had itself adopted, and the canons of financial propriety require expenditure and forbearance to be justified.

Finding four: had the resource been auctioned, the public would have received a very much larger sum. This is the contested finding. It compares the course taken with a course not taken, and the figure depends on assumptions about what bidders would have offered.

How should the auditor express it? On this book's position: he may report that the method adopted did not secure the value the Government's own committee had identified, which is finding three; he may report that no assessment of comparative yield was made before the method was chosen, which is a finding about process; and he should be slow to certify a figure for what an auction would have realised, because that is a forecast and not a measurement.

The Ministry replies that the choice of method was a policy decision. Correct, and it is an answer to finding four and to nothing else. Findings one, two and three are about law, rules and the Government's own benchmark, and policy is no answer to any of them.

munotes.in837

The Auditor and Policy

And who decides in the end? Not the auditor and not the Ministry. The report is laid under article 151, the Public Accounts Committee examines the Secretary, the Government furnishes an action taken note, and the House has both.

What beginners get wrong

That propriety audit has no statutory basis. Most of it is conformity to the financial rules, which is section 13(a)'s third test; the rest is section 23.

That the auditor claims a power to decide. He reports. He cannot disallow, surcharge or punish, and his findings do not bind.

That the Government has no opportunity to answer. The draft paragraph goes to the Ministry, and the action taken note is assessed by the Committee.

That the whole of performance audit is contested. Economy and efficiency are barely contested; it is effectiveness, and the quantification of loss against an alternative, that is.

That the controversy is about jurisdiction. It is in substance about expression: what a non-binding report to a legislature may usefully and fairly contain.

Quick revision

Two questions: (1) propriety, may he say a lawful payment was imprudent; (2) presumptive loss, may he quantify what was lost against an alternative course.

Against: s.13(a) prescribes legality only; policy belongs to a Council answerable under art 75(3) and to a House with a policy cut; the auditor is the most protected officer chosen by the least regulated procedure; a notional loss is a comparison of policies; and the asymmetry between a constitutional officer's report and a Ministry's reply is real.

For: propriety audit applies the Government's own canons of financial propriety under the financial rules, which is s.13(a)'s third test; s.23 assigns the scope and extent of audit to him with no approval; s.16 requires him to judge whether a system is designed to secure an effective check; a report that could never say a scheme failed would be useless to the House art 151 sends it to; and the Association of Unified Tele Services Providers decision speaks of examination into the economy, efficacy and effectiveness with which resources were used.

This book's position: on propriety, the objection fails. On presumptive loss, distinguish actual loss, measured against the standard the Government set itself, from notional loss measured against a standard the auditor sets for it; and the workable rule is one of expression: report that the objectives were not achieved and why; do not prescribe the policy that should have been adopted. Reporting the consequence is audit; prescribing the alternative is government.

munotes.in838

The Auditor and Policy

Common ground: he may direct nothing, his findings do not bind, and the Government answers twice, at the draft stage and in the action taken note.

Test yourself

1. State the case against propriety and performance audit. That section 13(a) of the Act of 1971 defines the audit duty in terms of legality alone, requiring him to ascertain only whether the moneys were legally available for and applicable to the service or purpose to which they were applied and whether the expenditure conformed to the authority governing it, so that a duty framed in those terms is not enlarged by calling something else audit. That policy is committed by the Constitution to institutions that answer for it: article 75(3) makes the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the House of the People, and the House expresses disapproval of a policy by a policy cut reducing a demand to one rupee. That the auditor is the most protected officer in this book, removable only as a Judge of the Supreme Court, whose pay cannot be reduced and whose budget is charged on the Consolidated Fund, and who is chosen by the least regulated procedure in the Constitution, so that an official so insulated should not be the judge of what an elected Government ought to have done. That a finding of presumptive loss is a comparison between the course taken and a course not taken, and the yield of the alternative is a forecast rather than a measurement. And that the report of a constitutional officer laid before Parliament is answered by a Ministry which is the party in default, an asymmetry that is real.

2. State the case for it. That most of what is called propriety audit is in fact regularity audit, because the canons of financial propriety are contained in the Government's own financial rules made under article 283, so that asking whether expenditure was more than the occasion demanded is asking whether the department obeyed its own rules, which is the third test in section 13(a). That section 23 authorises the Comptroller and Auditor-General to make regulations relating to the scope and extent of audit, including the broad principles in regard to audit of receipts and expenditure, and requires no approval from anyone, so the Act assigns the definition of scope to him. That the Act itself contemplates the method, since section 16 requires him to satisfy himself that the rules and procedures are designed to secure an effective check on the assessment, collection and proper allocation of revenue, which is a judgment on the adequacy of a system. That article 151 sends his report to the House, whose need is to know what became of the money it voted, so a report confined to whether payments matched sanctions would tell a legislature that a scheme was lawfully executed and never that it failed. And that in Association of Unified Tele Services Providers the Supreme Court spoke of his carrying out examination into the economy, efficacy and effectiveness with which the Union has used its resources.

munotes.in839

The Auditor and Policy

3. What position does this book take? That on propriety the objection fails, because most propriety audit is conformity to the financial rules and so is regularity audit, and what is not is a legitimate exercise of section 23; an audit which may not ask whether a price was reasonable is not an audit. That on presumptive loss the objection has force, and the answer is a distinction rather than a defence: a finding of actual loss, such as money paid for goods not delivered or a receipt due and not collected, is measured against what the transaction itself required and is plainly an audit finding, whereas a notional loss computed against an alternative policy is a comparison with a course not taken whose yield nobody can verify. The proposed rule is that an auditor may say what was lost against the standard the Government set itself, and should be slow to say what was lost against a standard he sets for it, the first being measurement and the second preference. And since a scheme may fail precisely because its policy was wrong, the workable rule is one of expression rather than jurisdiction: he may report that the objectives were not achieved and why, and should stop short of prescribing the policy that ought to have been adopted, reporting the consequence being audit and prescribing the alternative being government.

4. What do both sides accept? Three things, and stating them reduces the controversy to its real proportions. That the Comptroller and Auditor-General may direct nothing: he has no power to disallow an item, to surcharge an officer or to punish anyone. That his findings do not bind: they are a report, laid before a House and examined by a committee. And that the Government is not without an answer, since a draft paragraph is sent to the Ministry for its comments before it is printed, and the action taken note furnished after the Public Accounts Committee reports is a written reply which the Committee itself assesses. What remains in dispute is therefore what a non-binding report to a legislature may properly contain, and the ultimate safeguard against an auditor who overreaches is the same as the safeguard against every institution in this paper: the report is public, the Government answers, and the House has both before it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in840

Chapter -Three

The Fiscal Responsibility Act

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

Four statements laid with the Budget, numerical targets for deficit and debt, a bar on borrowing from the central bank, a duty of transparency, and a duty to correct course when receipts fall short.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act 2003 requires the Central Government under section 3 to lay before both Houses in each financial year, along with the annual financial statement and demands for grants, the Medium-term Fiscal Policy Statement, the Fiscal Policy Strategy Statement, the Macro-economic Framework Statement and the Medium-term Expenditure Framework Statement; section 4 prescribes fiscal management principles including limiting the fiscal deficit to three per cent of gross domestic product by 31 March 2021, endeavouring to ensure that general Government debt does not exceed sixty per cent and Central Government debt forty per cent of gross domestic product by the end of 2024-2025, and not giving additional guarantees on the security of the Consolidated Fund in excess of one-half per cent of gross domestic product in any financial year; section 5 forbids borrowing from the Reserve Bank subject to exceptions; section 6 requires measures for fiscal transparency; and section 7 requires half-yearly review by the Minister-in-charge of Finance and corrective measures where there is a shortfall in revenue or excess of expenditure.

Why a statute at all

Because everything else in this module operates AFTER the money is committed.

Chapter 1330: the House votes the Demands and passes the Appropriation Act. Chapter 1470: the auditor reports, years later, on how the money was spent.

Neither asks whether the Government should be spending more than it earns. The size of the deficit, the level of debt and the guarantees given are decisions taken before any demand is framed, and until 2003 they were matters of policy and promise and of nothing else.

The Act's technique is the one this whole paper turns on: LAYING. It does not forbid a deficit; it requires the Government to state its targets in documents laid before Parliament, to explain deviations, and to be reviewed. Chapter 1230's laying procedure is the model, and chapter 1500 shows the auditor being brought in to review compliance.

Sections 1 and 2: the reach, and the words the targets are made of

Section 1 gives the short title, provides that the Act extends to the whole of India, and that it shall come into force on such date as the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint.

Ordinary machinery, but note the third sub-section and chapter 1240's point about it. An Act whose commencement is left to a notification does not bind the Government until the Government says so, and that is a choice Parliament makes each time.

munotes.in841

The Fiscal Responsibility Act

Section 2 is not ordinary at all, because the whole of section 4 is written in words this section defines. A target expressed as a percentage of something means nothing until the something is defined, and the amendments of 2018 are almost entirely amendments to this section.

"Fiscal deficit" means "the excess of total disbursements, from the Consolidated Fund of India, excluding repayment of debt, over total receipts into the Fund (excluding the debt receipts), during a financial year." Both exclusions matter: repaying a loan is not spending, and raising one is not income, so the definition measures the gap the Government must borrow to fill.

"Central Government debt" at any date means the total outstanding liabilities on the security of the Consolidated Fund of India, including external debt valued at current exchange rates; the total outstanding liabilities in the public account of India; and "such financial liabilities of any body corporate or other entity owned or controlled by the Central Government, which the Government is to repay or service from the annual financial statement", reduced by the cash balance available at the end of that date.

Read that third limb slowly, because it is the anti-avoidance clause of the whole Act. Without it a Government could keep its own debt inside a wholly owned corporation and report a falling figure while the liability grew; the definition reaches a liability the Government will in fact have to service out of the annual financial statement, whoever formally owes it. Chapter 1450's audit of Government companies is the machinery by which such a liability becomes visible.

"General Government debt" means "the sum total of the debt of the Central Government and the State Governments, excluding inter-Governmental liabilities", which is why section 4(1)(b)(i) can set a target for the country and not merely for the Union.

"Fiscal indicators" means "the measures such as numerical ceilings and proportions to gross domestic product, as may be prescribed, for evaluation of the fiscal position of the Central Government", so the indicators themselves are left to rules, which is chapter 1500's point about section 8.

"Gross domestic product", "real gross domestic product" and "real output growth" are defined by reference to what the Central Statistics Office publishes, and "prescribed" means prescribed by rules under the Act. "Reserve Bank" means the Bank constituted under section 3(1) of the Reserve Bank of India Act 1934, which is the bank section 5 forbids the Government to borrow from.

The examinable point about section 2 in one line. Every number in section 4 is a ratio, and section 2 defines both halves of every ratio; a target is only as honest as its definitions, and the 2018 amendments were largely a tightening of these.

munotes.in842

The Fiscal Responsibility Act

Section 3: the four statements

3(1). The Central Government shall lay in each financial year before both Houses of Parliament the following statements of fiscal policy along with the annual financial statement and demands for grants, except the Medium-term Expenditure Framework Statement:

(a) the Medium-term Fiscal Policy Statement; (b) the Fiscal Policy Strategy Statement; (c) the Macro-economic Framework Statement; (d) the Medium-term Expenditure Framework Statement.

3(1A) and (1B), inserted by amendment: the statements in clauses (a) to (c) shall be followed up with the Medium-term Expenditure Framework Statement with detailed analysis of underlying assumptions, which shall be laid immediately following the session in which the first three were laid.

3(2). The Medium-term Fiscal Policy Statement shall set forth a three-year rolling target for prescribed fiscal indicators with specification of underlying assumptions.

Read section 3(2) for the two features that make the Act work.

A three-year rolling target. Not a target for the coming year alone. A Government must state where it intends the deficit to be in three years, and must restate it every year, so that a departure from last year's stated path is visible in this year's statement.

With specification of underlying assumptions. The assumptions must be stated, which is what allows a reader to see that a target was met by assuming an implausible rate of growth. A target without its assumptions is unfalsifiable; the Act requires both.

Section 4: the fiscal management principles

4(1). The Central Government shall:

(a) take appropriate measures to limit the fiscal deficit up to three per cent of gross domestic product by the 31st March 2021;

(b) endeavour to ensure that (i) the general Government debt does not exceed sixty per cent and (ii) the Central Government debt does not exceed forty per cent of gross domestic product by the end of financial year 2024-2025;

(c) not give additional guarantees with respect to any loan on the security of the Consolidated Fund of India in excess of one-half per cent of gross domestic product in any financial year;

(d) endeavour to ensure that the targets in (a) and (b) are not exceeded after the stipulated target dates.

Notice the verbs, because they decide the legal character of the whole Act. Clause (a) says "take appropriate measures to limit". Clauses (b) and (d) say "endeavour to ensure". Only clause (c), the guarantees cap, is an unqualified "shall not".

So the deficit and debt targets are duties of ENDEAVOUR, and the guarantee cap is a prohibition. A candidate who notices that has found the honest measure of the Act's bite.

munotes.in843

The Fiscal Responsibility Act

The escape clause, in the proviso to section 4(2). Exceeding the annual fiscal deficit target may be allowed on the ground or grounds of national security, act of war, national calamity, collapse of agriculture severely affecting farm output and incomes, structural reforms in the economy with unanticipated fiscal implications, or decline in real output growth of a quarter by at least three per cent points below its average of the previous four quarters.

4(3): the cap on the escape. Any deviation from the fiscal deficit target under sub-section (2) shall not exceed one-half per cent of the gross domestic product in a year.

4(4): the symmetry. Where real output growth of a quarter increases by at least three per cent points above its average of the previous four quarters, the Government shall reduce the fiscal deficit by at least one-quarter per cent of gross domestic product in a year.

Sub-sections (3) and (4) are the two features that make the escape clause a rule rather than a hole. The deviation is capped, and the good years carry a duty to consolidate. An escape clause with a numerical limit and a matching obligation on the upside is a serious provision, and an answer should say so before criticising the Act.

Section 5: borrowing from the Reserve Bank

5(1). The Central Government shall not borrow from the Reserve Bank.

5(2). It may borrow by way of advances to meet temporary excess of cash disbursement over cash receipts during a financial year, under agreements with the Bank; and such advances are repayable as the Reserve Bank of India Act provides.

5(3), inserted by amendment: notwithstanding sub-section (1), the Reserve Bank may subscribe to the primary issues of Central Government Securities on the grounds specified in the proviso to section 4(2), that is the escape-clause grounds.

5(4). The Reserve Bank may buy and sell Central Government securities in the secondary market, or convert securities it holds.

Why section 5(1) is the most important prohibition in the Act. A Government that can borrow directly from the central bank can finance a deficit by creating money, and a deficit financed that way appears in nobody's vote and is paid for by inflation. Section 5(1) closes the door, and the exceptions are confined to temporary cash mismatches, to the escape-clause grounds, and to secondary market operations which are the Bank's own monetary policy and not lending to the Government.

Section 6: transparency

6(1). The Central Government shall take suitable measures to ensure greater transparency in its fiscal operations in public interest and minimise as far as practicable, secrecy in the preparation of the annual financial statement and demands for grants.

munotes.in844

The Fiscal Responsibility Act

6(2). In particular, it shall, at the time of presentation of the annual financial statement and demands for grants, make such disclosures and in such form as may be prescribed.

Note the object of section 6(1), which is unusual and worth quoting. It requires the Government to minimise secrecy in the preparation of the Budget. Budget secrecy is a strong convention; the Act qualifies it by statute, "as far as practicable", in the interest of transparency.

Section 7: measures to enforce compliance

7(1). The Minister-in-charge of the Ministry of Finance shall review, on a half-yearly basis, the trends in receipts and expenditure in relation to the budget and place before both Houses of Parliament the outcome of such reviews.

7(1A), inserted by amendment: the Central Government shall prepare a monthly statement of its accounts.

7(2). Whenever there is either a shortfall in revenue or an excess of expenditure over the prescribed levels during any period in a financial year, the Central Government shall take appropriate measures for increasing revenue or for reducing the expenditure, including curtailing the sums authorised to be paid and applied from the Consolidated Fund under any Appropriation Act.

Proviso: nothing in the sub-section applies to expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund under article 112(3), or to expenditure required to be incurred under any agreement or contract, or to such other expenditure which cannot be postponed or curtailed.

Section 7(2) is remarkable and students walk past it. It authorises the Government to curtail sums Parliament has appropriated. Chapter 1330 established that article 114(3) forbids withdrawal except under an appropriation; section 7(2) does not authorise spending beyond the appropriation but spending LESS than it, which the Constitution nowhere forbids.

And the proviso is the safeguard on that power. Charged expenditure under article 112(3) cannot be curtailed, which protects everything chapter 1320 identified as beyond the vote, including the Comptroller and Auditor-General's own office; nor may expenditure required under a contract; nor what cannot be postponed or curtailed.

Section 8: rules

The Central Government may by notification in the Official Gazette make rules for carrying out the Act, in particular for the annual targets under section 4(2), the fiscal indicators under section 3(2), the expenditure indicators with specifications of underlying assumptions and risk, and the forms of the four statements.

And chapter 1500 reads section 9, which requires those rules to be laid before each House in the standard form chapter 1230 worked.

A worked example

A Budget is presented in a year of poor growth.

munotes.in845

The Fiscal Responsibility Act

What must be laid with it? Section 3(1): the Medium-term Fiscal Policy Statement, the Fiscal Policy Strategy Statement and the Macro-economic Framework Statement, with the Medium-term Expenditure Framework Statement to follow immediately after that session.

What must the first of them contain? Section 3(2): a three-year rolling target for prescribed fiscal indicators with specification of underlying assumptions.

The Government proposes a fiscal deficit above the target. It may do so only on a ground in the proviso to section 4(2), such as a decline in real output growth of a quarter by at least three per cent points below its average of the previous four quarters; and by section 4(3) the deviation shall not exceed one-half per cent of gross domestic product in a year.

Growth then recovers strongly. Section 4(4): where growth in a quarter exceeds its four-quarter average by at least three per cent points, the Government shall reduce the fiscal deficit by at least one-quarter per cent of gross domestic product in a year.

The Government proposes to fund the gap by borrowing from the Reserve Bank. Section 5(1): it shall not. It may take advances for a temporary cash mismatch under section 5(2), and the Bank may subscribe to primary issues under section 5(3) only on the escape-clause grounds.

Mid-year, revenue falls short. Section 7(1): the Finance Minister reviews half-yearly and places the outcome before both Houses. Section 7(2): the Government shall take appropriate measures, including curtailing sums authorised by an Appropriation Act.

It proposes to curtail the Comptroller and Auditor-General's establishment. The proviso to section 7(2) forbids it: that expenditure is charged under article 112(3) and article 148(6).

And it proposes to curtail payments due under a signed contract. Also excluded by the proviso.

What beginners get wrong

That the Act forbids a deficit. It requires targets to be stated and laid, and clause (a) of section 4(1) speaks of taking appropriate measures to limit the deficit.

That the targets are absolute duties. The debt targets and the post-date duty are to endeavour to ensure; only the guarantee cap in clause (c) is an unqualified prohibition.

That the escape clause has no limits. The grounds are enumerated, the deviation is capped at one-half per cent of gross domestic product, and section 4(4) imposes a duty to consolidate in good quarters.

That the Government may borrow from the Reserve Bank in the ordinary course. Section 5(1) forbids it; the exceptions are temporary advances, the escape-clause grounds and secondary market operations.

That section 7(2) lets the Government overspend. It lets it spend less than appropriated, and the proviso protects charged expenditure, contractual obligations and what cannot be curtailed.

munotes.in846

The Fiscal Responsibility Act

Quick revision

s.3(1): lay each financial year before both Houses, with the annual financial statement and demands for grants: the Medium-term Fiscal Policy Statement, the Fiscal Policy Strategy Statement, the Macro-economic Framework Statement, and (following the session) the Medium-term Expenditure Framework Statement. s.3(2): a three-year rolling target for prescribed fiscal indicators with specification of underlying assumptions.

s.4(1): (a) limit the fiscal deficit up to three per cent of GDP by 31 March 2021; (b) endeavour that general Government debt not exceed sixty per cent and Central Government debt forty per cent of GDP by end 2024-2025; (c) not give additional guarantees on the security of the Fund exceeding one-half per cent of GDP in any financial year; (d) endeavour that the targets are not exceeded after the stipulated dates. Verbs: "limit", "endeavour", and only (c) an unqualified "shall not".

Escape clause, proviso to s.4(2): national security, act of war, national calamity, collapse of agriculture severely affecting farm output and incomes, structural reforms with unanticipated fiscal implications, or a fall in quarterly real output growth of at least three percentage points below the previous four quarters' average. s.4(3): deviation not to exceed one-half per cent of GDP in a year. s.4(4): on a rise of at least three percentage points, reduce the deficit by at least one-quarter per cent of GDP.

s.5(1): shall not borrow from the Reserve Bank; exceptions: temporary advances (5(2)), primary subscription on escape-clause grounds (5(3)), secondary market operations (5(4)).

s.6: greater transparency and minimise as far as practicable secrecy in the preparation of the statement and demands; prescribed disclosures at presentation.

s.7: half-yearly review by the Finance Minister, placed before both Houses; a monthly statement of accounts; and on a shortfall or excess, appropriate measures including curtailing sums authorised by an Appropriation Act, except charged expenditure under art 112(3), contractual obligations, and what cannot be postponed or curtailed.

Test yourself

1. What does the Act require to be laid before Parliament? Section 3(1) requires the Central Government to lay in each financial year before both Houses, along with the annual financial statement and the demands for grants, the Medium-term Fiscal Policy Statement, the Fiscal Policy Strategy Statement and the Macro-economic Framework Statement; and, by sub-sections (1A) and (1B), to follow those up with the Medium-term Expenditure Framework Statement, containing a detailed analysis of underlying assumptions, laid immediately following the session in which the first three were laid. By section 3(2) the Medium-term Fiscal Policy Statement must set forth a three-year rolling target for prescribed fiscal indicators with specification of underlying assumptions, which are the two features that make the discipline effective: a rolling target makes a departure from last year's stated path visible in this year's statement, and the requirement to specify assumptions prevents a target from being met on paper by assuming an implausible rate of growth.

munotes.in847

The Fiscal Responsibility Act

2. What are the fiscal management principles in section 4, and how strong are they? The Central Government shall take appropriate measures to limit the fiscal deficit up to three per cent of gross domestic product by 31 March 2021; shall endeavour to ensure that general Government debt does not exceed sixty per cent and Central Government debt forty per cent of gross domestic product by the end of the financial year 2024-2025; shall not give additional guarantees with respect to any loan on the security of the Consolidated Fund in excess of one-half per cent of gross domestic product in any financial year; and shall endeavour to ensure that the targets are not exceeded after the stipulated dates. Their strength varies with the verb: the deficit obligation is to take appropriate measures to limit, the debt and post-date obligations are to endeavour to ensure, and only the cap on additional guarantees is an unqualified prohibition. That is the honest measure of the Act's bite.

3. Is the escape clause a loophole? It is a serious provision rather than a hole, for three reasons. The grounds are enumerated and are not general: national security, an act of war, a national calamity, a collapse of agriculture severely affecting farm output and incomes, structural reforms in the economy with unanticipated fiscal implications, and a decline in real output growth of a quarter by at least three percentage points below its average of the previous four quarters. The permitted deviation is capped by section 4(3) at one-half per cent of gross domestic product in a year. And section 4(4) imposes the corresponding duty on the upside, requiring the Government, where real output growth of a quarter exceeds its four-quarter average by at least three percentage points, to reduce the fiscal deficit by at least one-quarter per cent of gross domestic product in a year. An escape clause with enumerated grounds, a numerical limit and a matching consolidation duty is a rule and not an exception without content.

4. Why does section 5(1) matter, and what does section 7(2) permit? Section 5(1) provides that the Central Government shall not borrow from the Reserve Bank, and it matters because a Government able to borrow directly from the central bank can finance a deficit by the creation of money, which appears in no vote of the House and is paid for by inflation; the exceptions are confined to advances to meet a temporary excess of cash disbursement over cash receipts, to the Bank's subscription to primary issues on the escape-clause grounds, and to secondary market operations which are the Bank's own monetary policy rather than lending to the Government. Section 7(2) requires the Government, whenever there is a shortfall in revenue or an excess of expenditure over the prescribed levels, to take appropriate measures for increasing revenue or reducing expenditure, including curtailing the sums authorised to be paid and applied from the Consolidated Fund under an Appropriation Act; that is a power to spend less than Parliament appropriated, which the Constitution nowhere forbids, and the proviso protects expenditure charged under article 112(3), expenditure required under any agreement or contract, and such other expenditure as cannot be postponed or curtailed.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in848

Chapter -Four

Review Reports and Rules

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

The Government may entrust the Comptroller and Auditor General with reviewing compliance and the reviews are laid before both Houses; the rules are laid in the standard form; good faith is protected; and no civil court may question anything done under the Act.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 7A provides that the Central Government may entrust the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India to review periodically, as required, the compliance of the provisions of the Act, and that such reviews shall be laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament; section 9 requires every rule made under the Act to be laid before each House in the standard form; section 10 protects the Central Government and its officers from suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding for anything in good faith done or intended to be done under the Act or the rules; section 11 provides that no civil court shall have jurisdiction to question the legality of any action taken by, or any decision of, the Central Government under the Act; section 12 provides that the Act is in addition to and not in derogation of any other law; and section 13 confers a power to remove difficulties by order, exercisable within two years of commencement and requiring every such order to be laid before each House.

Section 7A: the auditor as reviewer

The Central Government may entrust the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India to review periodically as required, the compliance of the provisions of this Act, and such reviews shall be laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament.

Read the section for its three limbs and its one weakness.

"May entrust." The initiative is the Government's. Section 7A does not impose a duty on the auditor and does not entitle him to review; it permits the Government to ask him. Contrast chapter 1410's section 13, which begins "It shall be the duty of the Comptroller and Auditor-General", and chapter 1420's section 16, in the same words.

"Review periodically as required." The frequency is not fixed; it is whatever is required.

"The compliance of the provisions of this Act." The subject is compliance with the Act, that is with the targets in section 4, the statements under section 3, the transparency duty in section 6 and the corrective duty in section 7.

"Shall be laid on the table of both Houses." The one imperative in the section, and it is the familiar device: chapter 1400's article 151, chapter 660's section 14(3), chapter 470's section 3(4). What is reviewed must be laid.

The weakness, and an answer should state it plainly. The Government whose compliance is to be reviewed decides whether the review happens. Chapter 1370 established that the auditor's independence is entrenched; section 7A makes his most directly relevant function under this Act depend on a request from the party to be reviewed. That is the sharpest criticism available of the Act's enforcement design.

munotes.in849

Review Reports and Rules

And the answer that partly meets it. The audit reports under article 151 are not confined by section 7A. If a Government's fiscal statements are laid under section 3 and the accounts audited under section 13 of the 1971 Act, the material for a comment is already before the auditor; section 7A adds a dedicated compliance review, and its absence does not silence him. But a dedicated review is what makes compliance the subject rather than an incident, and that is what the section leaves to the Government.

Section 9: the rules laid

Chapter 1230 read section 9 in full, and it is the standard formula: every rule shall be laid before each House while it is in session for a total period of thirty days, comprised in one session or two or more successive sessions; and if both Houses agree in a modification or that the rule should not be made, it has effect only as modified or is of no effect, without prejudice to anything previously done.

Its place here. The substantive obligations of the Act are in the statements and the targets; the numbers are in the rules, since section 8 empowers rules on the annual targets, the fiscal indicators, the expenditure indicators with underlying assumptions and risk and the forms of the statements.

So the detail that gives the Act its content is delegated legislation, and everything chapter 1050 said about the Committee on Subordinate Legislation and chapter 1240 about the directory character of laying applies to it. A fiscal target prescribed by rule is a target Parliament may modify or annul, and in practice a target nobody reads.

Sections 10 and 11: good faith and the courts

Section 10. No suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding shall lie against the Central Government or any officer of the Central Government for anything which is in good faith done or intended to be done under this Act or the rules made thereunder.

The standard clause, and chapter 660 read its counterpart in section 15 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act. Good faith under section 3(22) of the General Clauses Act 1897 means done honestly, whether negligently or not.

Section 11 is the unusual one. No civil court shall have jurisdiction to question the legality of any action taken by, or any decision of, the Central Government, under this Act.

munotes.in850

Review Reports and Rules

Three observations, and the third is the one that matters.

It is wider than section 10. Section 10 protects persons from proceedings; section 11 removes jurisdiction to question the legality of an action or decision.

It is confined to civil courts. Article 226 and article 32 are not civil courts, and chapter 1090 established that a statutory bar does not oust the constitutional jurisdiction. An ouster clause of this kind does not reach the High Courts or the Supreme Court.

And the reason such a clause is defensible here, which an answer should give before criticising it. The Act's subject is the fiscal deficit, the level of debt and the timing of corrective measures. These are not justiciable questions. A court cannot decide whether the Government should have curtailed expenditure in October rather than January. Section 11 states in terms what would in any event be the position: fiscal management is answerable to Parliament and not to a court.

The criticism that survives. Section 11 protects any action or decision under the Act, and the Act contains duties of laying, section 3, and duties of disclosure, section 6. A failure to lay a statement is a breach of a statutory duty and not a question of fiscal judgment, and a clause barring a civil court from examining it goes further than the subject requires. The answer is that the constitutional courts remain, which is where such a complaint would go in any event.

Sections 12 and 13

Section 12. The provisions of the Act shall be in addition to, and not in derogation of, the provisions of any other law for the time being in force.

Which preserves everything in this module. The FRBM Act does not displace articles 112 to 117, the appropriation process, the 1971 Act or the audit. It sits on top of them.

Section 13. A power to remove difficulties by order published in the Official Gazette, making provisions not inconsistent with the Act, barred after two years from commencement; and every such order shall be laid, as soon as may be after it is made, before each House.

The two-year limit is the safeguard, exactly as in chapter 680's section 23 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act. This one expired in 2005.

How this Act closes the loop with Module III

Chapter 1140 divided legislative control into three fields, the third being control over delegated legislation. This Act is an instance of all three at once, and saying so is a good closing observation on the label.

munotes.in851

Review Reports and Rules

Control over the executive. Section 7(1): the Finance Minister reviews half-yearly and places the outcome before both Houses. That is an account rendered to the House by a Minister, on a statutory timetable, which chapter 1160 showed no ordinary device compels.

Control over expenditure. Section 3: the fiscal statements are laid with the annual financial statement and demands for grants, so the House votes the Demands with the medium-term picture in front of it. Chapter 1200's Demands are voted on a one-year view; section 3 supplies the three-year one.

Control over delegated legislation. Sections 8 and 9: the numbers are in rules, laid under the standard formula, subject to the Committee on Subordinate Legislation.

And the audit link. Section 7A brings the Comptroller and Auditor-General in, and his reviews are laid before both Houses, where the Public Accounts Committee may take them up.

So the FRBM Act is the point at which Module III's legislative control and Module IV's financial control are the same thing, which is the observation this label has been building towards since chapter 1260.

A worked example

A Government misses its fiscal deficit target for a year.

Was the miss lawful? Only on a ground in the proviso to section 4(2), and the deviation may not exceed one-half per cent of gross domestic product: section 4(3).

How does Parliament find out? From the Medium-term Fiscal Policy Statement laid the following year under section 3(1)(a), which must set out a three-year rolling target with underlying assumptions, so the departure from the earlier path is visible.

And mid-year? Section 7(1): the Finance Minister's half-yearly review, placed before both Houses.

Can the Comptroller and Auditor-General review compliance? Only if the Central Government entrusts him under section 7A. If it does, the review shall be laid on the table of both Houses.

A citizen sues, contending the Government acted illegally in exceeding the target. Section 11: no civil court has jurisdiction to question the legality of any action or decision under the Act.

He moves the High Court under article 226 instead. Section 11 does not reach it, chapter 1090; but he will have to identify a justiciable question, and the size of a deficit is not one.

He complains instead that the Medium-term Expenditure Framework Statement was never laid. That is a breach of a statutory duty of laying under section 3(1B), not a question of fiscal judgment, and the Committee on Papers Laid on the Table, chapter 1060, is the institutional answer.

And an officer is sued for advice he gave on the corrective measures. Section 10: no suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding for anything in good faith done or intended to be done.

munotes.in852

Review Reports and Rules

What beginners get wrong

That the auditor reviews compliance as of right. Section 7A: the Central Government may entrust him.

That the FRBM targets are in the Act. The principles are in section 4; the annual targets, fiscal indicators and forms are in rules made under section 8.

That section 11 ousts all judicial review. It bars a civil court from questioning the legality of an action or decision; articles 226 and 32 are untouched.

That the Act replaces the constitutional financial provisions. Section 12: in addition to and not in derogation of any other law.

That the removal of difficulties power is still available. Section 13 barred an order after two years from commencement.

Quick revision

s.7A: the Central Government may entrust the Comptroller and Auditor-General to review periodically as required the compliance of the provisions of this Act, and such reviews shall be laid on the table of both Houses. The party to be reviewed decides whether the review happens; the only imperative is the laying.

s.9: rules laid before each House for thirty days, both Houses may modify or annul, without prejudice to anything previously done (chapter 1230's formula). The Act's numbers are in the rules made under s.8.

s.10: no suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding against the Central Government or its officers for anything in good faith done or intended to be done.

s.11: no civil court shall have jurisdiction to question the legality of any action taken by, or any decision of, the Central Government under the Act. Does not reach arts 226 and 32; and it states what would be the position anyway, since the size of a deficit is not a justiciable question.

s.12: in addition to, and not in derogation of, any other law. s.13: removal of difficulties by order, barred after two years, every order laid before each House.

The Act as the meeting point: control over the executive (s.7(1) half-yearly review placed before both Houses); control over expenditure (s.3 statements laid with the Demands, giving the House a three-year view where the Demands give one year); control over delegated legislation (ss.8 and 9); and audit (s.7A). Module III's legislative control and Module IV's financial control are here the same thing.

Test yourself

1. What does section 7A provide and what is wrong with it? That the Central Government may entrust the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India to review periodically, as required, the compliance of the provisions of the Act, and that such reviews shall be laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament. What is wrong with it is the first verb. The section imposes no duty on the auditor and confers no entitlement upon him; it permits the Government to ask him, so that the party whose compliance is to be reviewed decides whether the review takes place. That may be contrasted with section 13 and section 16 of the Act of 1971, each of which begins by declaring it to be the duty of the Comptroller and Auditor-General. The answer that partly meets the criticism is that the auditor is not silenced by the absence of a section 7A entrustment, since the fiscal statements are laid under section 3 and the accounts are audited under section 13 of the 1971 Act, so the material for comment is before him in any event; but a dedicated compliance review is what makes compliance the subject rather than an incident, and that is what the section leaves to the Government's choice.

munotes.in853

Review Reports and Rules

2. What is the effect of section 11? That no civil court shall have jurisdiction to question the legality of any action taken by, or any decision of, the Central Government under the Act. It is wider than section 10, which protects the Government and its officers from proceedings in respect of anything done in good faith, because it removes jurisdiction rather than conferring immunity. It is confined to civil courts, so it does not reach the High Courts under article 226 or the Supreme Court under article 32, and on the modern authority a statutory bar cannot oust the constitutional jurisdiction in any event. And it is defensible in substance, because the subject matter of the Act is the size of the fiscal deficit, the level of debt and the timing of corrective measures, none of which is a justiciable question; a court cannot decide whether expenditure should have been curtailed in October rather than in January. The criticism which survives is that the Act also contains duties of laying and disclosure, in sections 3 and 6, and a failure to lay a statement is a breach of a statutory duty and not an exercise of fiscal judgment, so the clause is drawn wider than its subject requires.

3. Where are the Act's numbers to be found? In rules. Section 4 sets out the fiscal management principles and certain figures, but section 8 empowers the Central Government to make rules by notification for the annual targets to be specified under section 4(2), the fiscal indicators to be prescribed for section 3(2), the expenditure indicators with specifications of underlying assumptions and risk, and the forms of the four statements. Section 9 then requires every rule to be laid before each House in the standard form, for a total period of thirty days, both Houses being able to agree upon a modification or that the rule should not be made, without prejudice to anything previously done under it. The detail that gives the Act its content is therefore delegated legislation, and everything said about the scrutiny of rules by the Committee on Subordinate Legislation, and about the ordinarily directory character of a laying requirement, applies to it.

munotes.in854

Review Reports and Rules

4. Why is this Act the point at which legislative and financial control meet? Because it operates in all three fields of legislative control at once. It controls the executive, since section 7(1) requires the Minister-in-charge of Finance to review the trends in receipts and expenditure half-yearly and to place the outcome before both Houses, which is an account rendered to the House on a statutory timetable that no ordinary parliamentary device compels. It controls expenditure, since section 3 requires the fiscal policy statements to be laid along with the annual financial statement and the demands for grants, so that the House votes the Demands with a three-year rolling target and its underlying assumptions before it, where the Demands themselves present only a one-year view. It controls delegated legislation, since the operative numbers are prescribed by rules under section 8 which must be laid under section 9. And it brings in the audit, since section 7A allows the Comptroller and Auditor-General to be entrusted with reviewing compliance and requires his reviews to be laid before both Houses, where the Public Accounts Committee may take them up.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in855

Chapter -Five

Financial Control in a State

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

The same articles renumbered, with a Legislative Council that cannot vote a demand; and the auditor is the same officer of the Union, working through an Accountant General who exercises delegated powers.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: financial control in a State follows the Union pattern article for article, article 202 corresponding to article 112 on the annual financial statement, article 203 to article 113 on charged expenditure and demands for grants, article 204 to article 114 on the Appropriation Bill, article 205 to article 115 on supplementary, additional and excess grants, article 206 to article 116 on votes on account, votes of credit and exceptional grants, article 207 to article 117 on financial Bills, and article 199 to article 110 on the definition of a Money Bill; the differences being that the demands go to the Legislative Assembly alone, that a recommendation is the Governor's rather than the President's, and that a Bill within article 199(1)(a) to (f) may not be introduced in a Legislative Council; and the audit is conducted by the same Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, whose reports on the accounts of a State are submitted under article 151(2) to the Governor and laid before the Legislature of the State.

The mirror

UnionStateWhat it does
110199definition of a Money Bill
112202the annual financial statement
113203charged expenditure not voted; demands for grants
114204the Appropriation Bill
115205supplementary, additional and excess grants
116206votes on account, votes of credit, exceptional grants
117207financial Bills
118208rules of procedure, hence the committees
151(1)151(2)audit reports laid before the legislature
266, 267266, 267the Funds, in the same articles

Note that the Funds are in the SAME articles. Article 266(1) constitutes both the Consolidated Fund of India and the Consolidated Fund of the State; article 266(3) forbids appropriation from either except in accordance with law; and article 267(2) provides for a Contingency Fund of the State, established by the State Legislature by law and placed at the disposal of the Governor. Chapter 1310's three propositions are common to both levels.

The three differences

One: the demands go to the Assembly alone. Article 203(2): the votable estimates are submitted in the form of demands for grants to the Legislative Assembly, which may assent, refuse to assent, or assent subject to a reduction. Article 203(3): no demand except on the recommendation of the Governor.

A Legislative Council has no part in the demands, chapter 1280, and cannot move a cut motion on them.

Two: the recommendation is the Governor's. Everywhere the Union articles require the President's recommendation, the State articles require the Governor's: article 203(3) for a demand, article 207(1) for a Bill within article 199(1)(a) to (f), and article 207(3) for a Bill involving expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of the State.

munotes.in856

Financial Control in a State

And the same single opening survives. The proviso to article 207(1): no recommendation shall be required for the moving of an amendment making provision for the reduction or abolition of any tax. A member of a State Legislature, like a member of Parliament, may relieve the taxpayer on his own motion and may never spend on it.

Three: a Legislative Council. Article 207(1): such a Bill shall not be introduced in a Legislative Council; and on a Money Bill under article 199, a Council's power corresponds to the Council of States' under article 109: recommend within fourteen days, and no more.

So in a State with two Houses, financial control is exercised by one of them. Chapter 1280 called the Council a chamber of exposure and not of decision, and in the financial field that is literally so.

The auditor: one officer, and the Accountant General

Chapter 1360 established it and it must be stated exactly, because most answers get it wrong.

There is no State auditor. Article 148 creates a Comptroller and Auditor-General of INDIA. He audits the Union and every State.

The Accountant General is not a separate constitutional officer. He is an officer of the Indian Audit and Accounts Department, exercising powers delegated under section 21 of the Act of 1971, chapter 1440, by general or special order.

And the proviso to section 21 fixes the limit of the delegation. Except during the absence of the Comptroller and Auditor-General on leave or otherwise, no officer shall be authorised to submit on his behalf any report which he is required by the Constitution to submit to the President, the Governor or the Administrator.

So the audit of a State is CONDUCTED by delegates and the report to the Governor is the Comptroller and Auditor-General's OWN. That is the sentence to write, and it is the reason a State Government cannot influence the report by influencing the Accountant General: the officer whose name is on it is beyond the State's reach entirely.

And the compiling. Chapter 1390: section 10(1) makes him responsible for compiling the accounts of each State, subject to the second proviso, under which the Governor may, with the previous approval of the President and after consultation with him, by order relieve him of that responsibility for that State. The Union's accounts were departmentalised; a State's are relieved State by State, and only with the President's approval.

munotes.in857

Financial Control in a State

Article 205: the State excess

205(1)(a) and (b) are article 115 in the same words, with the Governor for the President and the statement laid before the House or the Houses of the Legislature of the State, and the demand for an excess presented to the Legislative Assembly.

And chapter 1340's point holds identically. An excess is money spent beyond the appropriation, contrary to article 204(3); it is established by the auditor, examined by the State Public Accounts Committee, and regularised by the Assembly. The State Public Accounts Committee's work is constitutionally necessary for exactly the reason the Union's is.

The State committees

Article 208(1): a House of the Legislature of a State may make rules for regulating, subject to the provisions of this Constitution, its procedure and the conduct of its business.

So the State's financial committees are creatures of rules, exactly as chapter 1000 showed for the Union: a Public Accounts Committee, an Estimates Committee and, where the State has public undertakings, a Committee on Public Undertakings; and the privilege that makes a summons enforceable comes from article 194(3), chapter 1070.

And this book does not state the membership of any State's committees, because it holds no State's rules. The structure is constitutional; the numbers are each State's own.

Section 19(3): the State corporations

Chapter 1430: for a corporation established by a law made by a State Legislature, the Governor may, where he is of opinion that it is necessary in the public interest, request the Comptroller and Auditor-General to audit its accounts, and on such a request he shall audit and shall have right of access; and no such request except after consultation with him and after giving the corporation a reasonable opportunity to make representations.

Note the asymmetry with the Union. A corporation established by Parliament is audited in accordance with its own Act, section 19(2). A corporation established by a State Legislature is audited only if the Governor requests it. The State's public sector is therefore audited at the Governor's option, and the Union's according to statute.

Maharashtra, as the worked example

What this book can say about its own State, and it keeps to what it has established.

The audit is by the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, through an Accountant General exercising delegated powers under section 21, with the report submitted to the Governor under article 151(2) and laid before the State Legislature.

The Legislature is bicameral, so the Vidhan Parishad may discuss and may not vote the demands, chapter 1280.

The financial articles are 202 to 207, with the Governor's recommendation required for a demand and for a financial Bill.

munotes.in858

Financial Control in a State

And the institutions the money is spent through were worked in Module II: chapter 710 established that Maharashtra has no statutory State vigilance commission, that anti-corruption investigation is by a wing of the State police, and that the statutory ombudsman is the Lokayukta under the Act of 1971, the Act of 2023 having only sections 1, 3 and 4 in force.

Which gives the closing observation for the State, and it is the same as chapter 1280's. The financial control is the Union's, article for article, and the machinery it supervises is thinner. The one exception is the auditor himself, who is the Union's officer and therefore the strongest independent institution in the State's field.

A worked example

A State Government's scheme overruns its grant by twenty crores.

How is the year's budget presented? Article 202: the annual financial statement laid before the House or Houses, showing charged and votable separately.

Who votes the demands? Article 203(2): the Legislative Assembly, which may assent, refuse or reduce; and article 203(3): only on the Governor's recommendation.

A member of the Legislative Council wishes to move a cut. He cannot; the demands go to the Assembly.

Who audits? The Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, through the Accountant General under a section 21 delegation.

Who signs the report to the Governor? The Comptroller and Auditor-General himself. The proviso to section 21 forbids an officer to submit on his behalf a report the Constitution requires him to submit, except during his absence.

Where does the report go? Article 151(2): to the Governor, who shall cause it to be laid before the Legislature of the State.

And the twenty crore excess? Article 205(1)(b): a demand for the excess presented to the Legislative Assembly, after the State Public Accounts Committee has examined it, exactly as chapter 1340 requires at the Union.

The State wishes its own statutory corporation audited. Section 19(3): the Governor may request it, after consulting the auditor and after giving the corporation a reasonable opportunity to make representations.

What beginners get wrong

That a State has its own Comptroller and Auditor-General. It does not. Article 148 creates one officer for India.

That the Accountant General is a constitutional officer. He is a delegate under section 21 of the Act of 1971.

That the Accountant General signs the report to the Governor. The proviso to section 21 forbids it save during the auditor's absence.

That a Legislative Council votes the demands. Article 203(2): they go to the Legislative Assembly.

That every State corporation is audited by him as of course. Section 19(3): only on the Governor's request, made after consultation and after hearing the corporation.

munotes.in859

Financial Control in a State

Quick revision

The mirror: 199 for 110; 202 for 112; 203 for 113; 204 for 114; 205 for 115; 206 for 116; 207 for 117; 208 for 118; 151(2) for 151(1). The Funds are in the SAME articles, 266 and 267.

Three differences: demands to the Legislative Assembly alone; the Governor's recommendation in place of the President's, with the same proviso to art 207(1) allowing an amendment reducing or abolishing a tax without one; and a Legislative Council which cannot be the House of introduction and, on a Money Bill under art 199, may only recommend within fourteen days.

The auditor: one officer, the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India; the Accountant General is a delegate under s.21; and by the proviso to s.21 the report the Constitution requires may be submitted only by him, save during his absence.

Compiling: s.10(1), second proviso, a Governor may relieve him only with the previous approval of the President and after consulting him.

Art 205(1)(b): the State excess, presented to the Legislative Assembly, on the auditor's finding and the State Public Accounts Committee's examination.

s.19(3): a State corporation audited on the Governor's request, made in the public interest, after consultation with him and after giving the corporation a reasonable opportunity to make representations.

Test yourself

1. How does financial control in a State differ from that in the Union? The articles mirror one another: article 199 corresponds to article 110 on Money Bills, article 202 to article 112 on the annual financial statement, article 203 to article 113 on charged expenditure and demands, article 204 to article 114 on the Appropriation Bill, article 205 to article 115 on supplementary, additional and excess grants, article 206 to article 116 on votes on account, votes of credit and exceptional grants, article 207 to article 117 on financial Bills and article 208 to article 118 on rules of procedure; while the Consolidated Fund of a State and the Contingency Fund of a State are provided for in the same articles 266 and 267 as their Union counterparts. Three differences matter. The demands for grants are submitted to the Legislative Assembly alone under article 203(2), so a Legislative Council has no part in them and cannot move a cut. The recommendation required for a demand under article 203(3), and for a financial Bill under article 207(1) and (3), is the Governor's rather than the President's, though the proviso to article 207(1) preserves the single opening, that no recommendation is needed for an amendment providing for the reduction or abolition of a tax. And a Bill within article 199(1)(a) to (f) may not be introduced in a Legislative Council, whose power over a Money Bill is confined, as the Council of States' is, to recommendation within fourteen days.

munotes.in860

Financial Control in a State

2. Who audits a State, and who signs the report? The Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, since article 148 creates a single officer for the Union and every State and there is no separate State auditor. The audit is conducted in practice by an Accountant General, who is an officer of the Indian Audit and Accounts Department exercising powers delegated under section 21 of the Act of 1971 by general or special order. But the report is not his: the proviso to section 21 provides that, except during the absence of the Comptroller and Auditor-General on leave or otherwise, no officer may be authorised to submit on his behalf any report which he is required by the Constitution to submit to the President, the Governor or the Administrator. The audit of a State is therefore conducted by delegates while the report to the Governor is the Comptroller and Auditor-General's own, which is why no State Government can influence the report by influencing the officer in the State.

3. What happens to a State excess? The same as at the Union. Article 204(3) forbids withdrawal from the Consolidated Fund of the State except under appropriation made by law, so an excess is a breach of it. Article 205(1)(b) requires the Governor, where money has been spent on any service during a financial year in excess of the amount granted for that service and for that year, to cause a demand for the excess to be presented to the Legislative Assembly. The excess is established by the Comptroller and Auditor-General in his report, submitted under article 151(2) to the Governor and laid before the State Legislature, and examined by the State Public Accounts Committee constituted under rules made under article 208; and it is on that finding and that examination that the Assembly regularises. The State Public Accounts Committee's work is accordingly constitutionally necessary for exactly the reason the Union's is.

4. How are State public sector corporations audited? Under section 19(3) of the Act of 1971, and only on request. Where a corporation is established by a law made by the Legislature of a State or of a Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, the Governor or the Administrator may, if he is of opinion that it is necessary in the public interest so to do, request the Comptroller and Auditor-General to audit its accounts; on such a request he shall audit them and shall have right of access to the corporation's books and accounts; and no such request may be made except after consultation with him and except after giving the corporation a reasonable opportunity to make representations. The contrast with the Union is instructive: a corporation established by or under a law made by Parliament is audited under section 19(2) in accordance with the provisions of its own legislation, so the Union's public sector is audited according to statute while a State's is audited at the Governor's option.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in861

Chapter -Six

The Finance Commission and Net Proceeds

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

The auditor's certificate of the net proceeds of a tax is final, which is the one place in the Constitution where he decides rather than reports; and the Finance Commission's recommendations, like his own reports, are laid before Parliament with a memorandum of the action taken.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 279(1) provides that in the provisions of Chapter I of Part XII "net proceeds" means, in relation to any tax or duty, the proceeds reduced by the cost of collection, and that the net proceeds of any tax or duty, or of any part of it, in or attributable to any area, shall be ascertained and certified by the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, whose certificate shall be final; article 280 requires the President to constitute a Finance Commission of a Chairman and four other members within two years of the commencement of the Constitution and thereafter every fifth year or earlier, to make recommendations as to the distribution between the Union and the States of the net proceeds of divisible taxes and their allocation among the States, the principles governing grants-in-aid of the revenues of the States, the measures needed to augment a State's Consolidated Fund to supplement the resources of Panchayats and Municipalities, and any other matter referred in the interests of sound finance; and article 281 requires every such recommendation to be laid before each House together with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken thereon.

Article 279: the one power of decision

279(1). In the foregoing provisions of the Chapter, "net proceeds" means in relation to any tax or duty the proceeds thereof reduced by the cost of collection; and for the purposes of those provisions the net proceeds of any tax or duty, or of any part of any tax or duty, in or attributable to any area, shall be ascertained and certified by the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, whose certificate shall be FINAL.

Stop on those last three words, because they are unique in this book.

Chapter 1010: the auditor cannot disallow, surcharge or punish. Chapter 1470: he audits and reports, and the consequences come from elsewhere. Chapter 1480: his findings are a report to a legislature and bind nobody.

Article 279(1) is the single exception. Here he DECIDES, and his decision is FINAL.

Why the Constitution gave him this. Because net proceeds determine how much of a divisible tax each State receives. If the Union certified them, the Union would be measuring its own liability to the States; if a State did, it would be measuring its own entitlement. The question had to go to somebody who is neither, and article 148's officer, chapter 1360, is the only functionary in the Constitution who belongs to both levels and to neither government.

munotes.in862

The Finance Commission and Net Proceeds

And the definition matters as much as the finality. Proceeds reduced by the COST OF COLLECTION. What a State receives is a share of the net figure, so the Union's cost of collection reduces what the States get, which is exactly why the computation cannot be left to the Union.

279(2) permits a law of Parliament or an order of the President to provide, subject as aforesaid, for the manner of calculating proceeds, the time and manner of payments, adjustments between financial years and incidental matters.

Article 280: the Finance Commission

280(1). The President shall, within two years from the commencement of this Constitution and thereafter at the expiration of every fifth year or at such earlier time as the President considers necessary, by order constitute a Finance Commission which shall consist of a Chairman and four other members appointed by the President.

280(2). Parliament may by law determine the qualifications requisite for appointment and the manner in which they shall be selected.

Note the contrast with chapter 1370's gap. For the Comptroller and Auditor-General, article 148 prescribes no qualifications and no manner of selection. For the Finance Commission, article 280(2) expressly contemplates that Parliament may prescribe both. The Constitution regulated the appointment of the recommending body and left the appointment of the auditing officer unregulated, which is a comparison worth making in an answer on independence.

280(3): the duties. To make recommendations to the President as to:

(a) the distribution between the Union and the States of the net proceeds of taxes which are to be or may be divided between them, and the allocation between the States of the respective shares;

(b) the principles which should govern the grants-in-aid of the revenues of the States out of the Consolidated Fund of India;

(bb) the measures needed to augment the Consolidated Fund of a State to supplement the resources of the Panchayats, on the basis of the recommendations of the State Finance Commission;

(c) the same for the Municipalities;

(d) any other matter referred to the Commission by the President in the interests of sound finance.

280(4). The Commission shall determine their procedure and shall have such powers as Parliament may by law confer.

Read clause (a) with article 279 and the connection appears. The Finance Commission recommends how the net proceeds are distributed; the Comptroller and Auditor-General certifies what the net proceeds are, and his certificate is final. The Commission divides a figure the auditor fixes.

munotes.in863

The Finance Commission and Net Proceeds

Article 281: the recommendations laid

The President shall cause every recommendation made by the Finance Commission under the provisions of this Constitution, together with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken thereon, to be laid before each House of Parliament.

Compare it with the two provisions this book has already read in the same form.

Article 151, chapter 1400: the audit reports submitted to the President, who shall cause them to be laid. No memorandum required.

Section 3(4) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act, chapter 470: the report laid together with a memorandum of the action taken thereon.

So article 281 is the stronger form. It requires not merely the recommendation but the Government's account of what it did about it, laid at the same time. The Finance Commission's recommendations enjoy a constitutional guarantee the auditor's reports do not, and chapter 1530 counts that among the reforms worth proposing: an explanatory memorandum requirement for the audit reports would put on a constitutional footing what the Public Accounts Committee's action taken note supplies only by practice.

Articles 282, 283 and 284

Article 282. The Union or a State may make any grants for any public purpose, notwithstanding that the purpose is not one with respect to which Parliament or the Legislature of the State may make laws.

A short article with a large consequence for this label. It permits spending on a subject outside the spending government's legislative competence. A great deal of Union expenditure on subjects in the State List rests on it.

Why an auditor's chapter notices it. Because chapter 1410's section 13(a) asks whether the money was legally available and applicable to the service or purpose. Article 282 widens what is legally available: a grant for a purpose the Union could not legislate on is nonetheless lawful. It does not widen the appropriation, which is still required by article 266(3).

Article 283, chapter 1310: custody, payment into and withdrawal from the Funds and the public account, regulated by law made by Parliament and, until then, by rules made by the President; and correspondingly for a State.

Article 284. All moneys received by or deposited with (a) any officer employed in connection with the affairs of the Union or of a State in his capacity as such, other than revenues or public moneys raised or received by the Government, or (b) any court within the territory of India to the credit of any cause, matter, account or persons, shall be paid into the public account.

Note what article 284 protects. Suitors' deposits: money paid into a court to the credit of a cause. It is not the Government's money, so it goes to the public account and not to the Consolidated Fund, and chapter 1310's distinction between money the Government owns and money it holds is here in its clearest form.

munotes.in864

The Finance Commission and Net Proceeds

A worked example

A divisible tax is collected across India.

Who determines what the States are to share? Two functionaries in sequence. The Comptroller and Auditor-General ascertains and certifies the net proceeds, that is the proceeds reduced by the cost of collection, and his certificate is final: article 279(1). The Finance Commission recommends the distribution between the Union and the States and the allocation among the States: article 280(3)(a).

A State disputes the auditor's figure. The certificate is final. This is the one place in the Constitution where his determination is not a report.

A State disputes the Commission's share. The recommendation is a recommendation; but article 281 requires it to be laid before each House with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken, so a departure from it must be explained on the record.

The Union proposes a scheme on a subject in the State List. Article 282: the Union may make any grants for any public purpose, notwithstanding that the purpose is not one with respect to which Parliament may make laws.

Does that dispense with an appropriation? No. Article 266(3) and article 114(3) still apply. Article 282 answers competence, not authorisation.

Money is deposited in a court to the credit of a suit. Article 284(b): it is paid into the public account, being money the Government holds and does not own.

And who may operate the account into which it goes? Article 283: law made by Parliament, and until then rules made by the President.

What beginners get wrong

That the auditor never decides anything. Article 279(1): his certificate of net proceeds is final.

That net proceeds means the tax collected. It means the proceeds reduced by the cost of collection.

That the Constitution prescribes qualifications for the auditor. It does not; article 280(2) expressly contemplates that Parliament may prescribe them for the Finance Commission.

That the Finance Commission's recommendations are simply laid. Article 281 requires them to be laid together with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken thereon.

That article 282 dispenses with an appropriation. It removes the objection of legislative competence; article 266(3) and article 114(3) still require the money to be appropriated by law.

Quick revision

Art 279(1): "net proceeds" means the proceeds reduced by the cost of collection, and the net proceeds in or attributable to any area shall be ascertained and CERTIFIED by the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, whose certificate shall be FINAL. The one power of decision in the whole office.

munotes.in865

The Finance Commission and Net Proceeds

Art 280: a Finance Commission constituted by the President within two years and thereafter every fifth year or earlier, of a Chairman and four other members; Parliament may by law determine the qualifications and the manner of selection (280(2)); duties (a) distribution of the net proceeds and allocation among States, (b) principles governing grants-in-aid, (bb) and (c) measures to augment a State's Fund for Panchayats and Municipalities, (d) any matter referred in the interests of sound finance; the Commission determines its own procedure.

Art 281: every recommendation laid before each House together with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken thereon. Stronger than art 151, which requires no memorandum.

Art 282: grants for any public purpose notwithstanding that the purpose is outside the spending legislature's competence. Widens what is legally available, not what is appropriated.

Art 283: custody and handling regulated by law made by Parliament, until then by rules made by the President. Art 284: moneys received by an officer other than revenues, and moneys in a court to the credit of a cause, go to the public account.

Test yourself

1. What is the effect of article 279(1)? That for the purposes of the provisions of Chapter I of Part XII, net proceeds means, in relation to any tax or duty, the proceeds reduced by the cost of collection, and that the net proceeds of any tax or duty, or of any part of it, in or attributable to any area, shall be ascertained and certified by the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India, whose certificate shall be final. Its significance is that it is the only provision in the Constitution under which he decides rather than reports. Everywhere else he audits and reports, and cannot disallow, surcharge or punish; here his determination is conclusive. The reason is that net proceeds fix what the States receive of a divisible tax, so the computation could not be left to the Union, which would be measuring its own liability, nor to a State, which would be measuring its own entitlement, and the auditor is the one functionary who belongs to both levels and to neither government.

2. What is the Finance Commission and what does it recommend? A body constituted by the President by order, within two years of the commencement of the Constitution and thereafter at the expiration of every fifth year or at such earlier time as he considers necessary, consisting of a Chairman and four other members appointed by him, Parliament being empowered by article 280(2) to determine the requisite qualifications and the manner of selection. Its duty is to make recommendations to the President as to the distribution between the Union and the States of the net proceeds of taxes which are to be or may be divided between them and the allocation among the States of their respective shares; the principles which should govern the grants-in-aid of the revenues of the States out of the Consolidated Fund of India; the measures needed to augment the Consolidated Fund of a State to supplement the resources of the Panchayats and of the Municipalities in that State, on the basis of the recommendations of the State Finance Commission; and any other matter referred to it by the President in the interests of sound finance. It determines its own procedure and has such powers as Parliament may by law confer.

munotes.in866

The Finance Commission and Net Proceeds

3. How does article 281 compare with article 151? Article 281 is the stronger provision. It requires the President to cause every recommendation of the Finance Commission to be laid before each House of Parliament together with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken thereon, so that the Government's response is laid at the same time as the recommendation and a departure must be explained on the record. Article 151, by contrast, requires only that the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General be submitted to the President or Governor and laid before the legislature, and requires no memorandum at all; the Government's account of what it did about an audit paragraph is supplied only by the practice of action taken notes furnished to the Public Accounts Committee. An obvious reform, accordingly, is to give the audit reports the article 281 treatment, which would put on a constitutional footing what convention now supplies.

4. Why does an answer on financial control need article 282? Because it widens what may lawfully be spent upon. The article provides that the Union or a State may make any grants for any public purpose, notwithstanding that the purpose is not one with respect to which Parliament or the State Legislature may make laws, and a great deal of Union expenditure on subjects in the State List rests upon it. Its significance for audit is that section 13(a) of the Act of 1971 requires the auditor to ascertain whether the moneys were legally available for and applicable to the service or purpose to which they were applied; article 282 makes lawful a grant for a purpose on which the granting legislature could not legislate, and so answers an objection of competence. What it does not do is dispense with authorisation: article 266(3) still forbids appropriation except in accordance with law and article 114(3) forbids withdrawal except under an appropriation made by law.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in867

Chapter -Seven

The Weaknesses of Financial Control

Syllabus topic 7, "Financial Control - Comptroller and Auditor General"

In one line

An auditor chosen by nobody in particular, whose establishment the Government settles, whose reports have no time limit and no memorandum requirement, examined by a committee of twenty-two that cannot reach them all, producing findings nobody can enforce.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: financial control is criticised on six grounds, that no procedure is prescribed for the appointment of the Comptroller and Auditor-General; that the conditions of service of his department and his own administrative powers are settled by rules made by the President after consultation with him and not on his advice; that article 151 fixes no time for the submission or laying of his reports and requires no explanatory memorandum, unlike article 281; that his reach into the public sector varies with each corporation's own statute under section 19(2) and depends on a Government request under sections 19(3) and 20; that the Public Accounts Committee cannot examine every paragraph and that the action taken procedure rests on practice alone; and that the whole apparatus produces no recovery, no penalty and no prosecution.

The six criticisms

1. The appointment

Chapter 1370's first gap, and the sharpest available criticism of the whole label.

Article 148(1): appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal. No committee, no consultation, no panel, no qualification, no eminence requirement.

The contrasts are all inside this book. Section 4 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act: a three-member Committee, chapter 610. Section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act: a Committee including the Chief Justice or his nominee, chapter 800. Article 280(2), chapter 1520: Parliament may by law determine the qualifications and the manner of selection of the Finance Commission.

The sentence to write. The Constitution regulated the appointment of the body that recommends how revenue is shared, and left unregulated the appointment of the officer who certifies what there is to share.

The reform. A selection committee on the section 4A model, with a judicial member and the Government in a minority. The objection to it, and it must be given: an auditor chosen by a committee containing the Leader of the Opposition may be seen as the Opposition's auditor, and the value of his findings depends on their being seen as nobody's. The answer is that the same objection applies to the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation and has not been thought fatal there.

2. The establishment

Article 148(5): the conditions of service of the Indian Audit and Accounts Department and his own administrative powers are prescribed by rules made by the President after CONSULTATION with him.

Compare article 150, chapter 1390: the form of accounts is prescribed on the ADVICE of him, the words substituted by the Forty-fourth Amendment in 1979. The Constitution used the stronger formula for the form of accounts and the weaker one for his own department.

munotes.in868

The Weaknesses of Financial Control

And chapter 670's proposition applies: consultation is not concurrence. A Government that cannot remove him, cut his pay or refuse his budget can still decline to enlarge the department through which he works.

The reform. Substitute "on the advice of" in article 148(5), as the Forty-fourth Amendment did in article 150. One amendment, four words.

3. The reports: no time, no memorandum

Two silences in article 151, chapters 1400 and 1470.

No time limit. Neither for submission nor for laying. Section 14(1) of the Central Vigilance Commission Act requires its annual report within six months of the close of the year; article 151 requires nothing.

No memorandum. Article 281, chapter 1520, requires a Finance Commission recommendation to be laid together with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken thereon. Article 151 requires no such thing, and the action taken note that chapter 1010 called the only closed loop in this paper exists by practice alone.

The reform is therefore obvious and cheap: give article 151 the article 281 treatment. Require the report to be laid within a stated period and with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken. That would make constitutional what convention now supplies, and it would fix the delay at the one point the Government controls.

The objection. An action taken memorandum laid with the report would have to be prepared before the Public Accounts Committee had examined anybody, and would therefore be the Ministry's first answer rather than its considered one. The answer is to require the memorandum after the Committee reports, which is what practice already does and which a provision could simply state.

4. The reach into the public sector varies

Chapter 1430 established the three regimes and the variability is the criticism.

Section 19(1): a Government company, under the company law. Section 19(2): a Union corporation, in accordance with the respective legislations, so the reach is whatever its own Act provides. Section 19(3): a State corporation, only on the Governor's request. Section 20(1): any other body, only on a request by the President, Governor or Administrator. Section 20(2): or on his proposal and their authorisation.

So outside section 14's deemed category, the auditor's reach into bodies spending public money is settled either by a statute drafted for that body or by a Government's decision. Nothing states a general rule, and a body may be brought within audit or kept outside it without any change in the law of audit.

munotes.in869

The Weaknesses of Financial Control

The reform. A general test in the Act itself, on the model of section 14's Explanation, applying to any body over a stated threshold of public investment or advance, without any requirement of request.

5. The Committee cannot reach it all

Chapter 1000: the Public Accounts Committee is twenty-two members; the Committee on Public Undertakings twenty-two.

Chapter 1470: a paragraph the Committee does not take up is laid and left, and nothing requires an action taken note or fixes when.

And chapter 1130's structural point applies here too. The Committee has no research staff of its own; what it has instead is the auditor's report, which is why chapter 1010 called it the best-equipped committee in Parliament. But being best equipped is not the same as being sufficient.

The reform. Professional staff for the Committee, and a statutory action taken procedure so that a paragraph the Committee does not reach still requires a written Government response laid before the House.

6. Nothing is enforced

The criticism that contains all the others.

Chapter 1010: the auditor cannot disallow, surcharge or punish. Chapter 1470: the Committee cannot order recovery, impose a penalty or direct a prosecution. The whole apparatus produces a record.

And the answer this book has given throughout, which must be given here too. The sanction is disclosure, and disclosure is not nothing: chapter 1260 showed that this is the one place in the whole of legislative control where documented instances rather than debate are produced, and chapter 1470 that a paragraph reaching the House has survived the office, the Ministry, publication and the Committee.

And the qualification that is fair. Disclosure works to the extent that somebody acts on it, and chapters 670, 700 and 740 name who can: the Central Vigilance Commission under section 18, a disciplinary authority on its advice, and the Central Bureau of Investigation under the Prevention of Corruption Act. The audit does not enforce; it supplies the machinery that does.

What is genuinely strong

An answer of six criticisms is a complaint. This is the other half.

The most protected officer in the Constitution, chapter 1370: removal only as a Judge of the Supreme Court, with no short route; pay, leave, pension and age of retirement unalterable to his disadvantage; no further office under any Government; and his establishment charged on the Consolidated Fund.

One officer for the Union and every State, chapter 1360, so no State Government appoints, pays or removes the person who audits it.

munotes.in870

The Weaknesses of Financial Control

A power of decision that is final, chapter 1520: article 279(1).

A reach that has grown with the economy, chapter 1460: article 149's "any other authority or body" construed as living, so that a private licensee sharing revenue from a national resource must produce its books, for the limited purpose of ascertaining whether the Union got its share.

A scope of audit he defines himself, chapter 1440: section 23, with no approval required, which is a position no other institution in this book occupies.

And a closed loop at the end, chapter 1010: report, reply, report on the reply, sustained across years by a permanent committee chaired by the Opposition.

The verdict

Financial control in India is strong in its INSTRUMENT and weak in its CONSEQUENCE.

The instrument is an officer more insulated than any other in the Constitution, with a reach the courts have read widely and a scope he settles himself, reporting to a legislature past the Government's hands.

The consequence is a document. No recovery, no penalty, no prosecution, no time limit, no memorandum, and a committee that cannot reach every paragraph.

And the imbalance is not accidental. Chapter 1290 set out the three controls and their characteristic weaknesses, and financial control has the legislative one: it decides nothing. What it does supremely well is find out, and this book's position is that finding out is the harder half, and the half nobody else does.

A worked example

An examiner asks whether the Comptroller and Auditor-General is effective.

Open with the instrument. Removal as a Judge, article 148(1); pay unalterable, the proviso to 148(3); no further office, 148(4); establishment charged, 148(6); one officer for the Union and every State; reports past the Government to the House, article 151; scope of audit his own, section 23; a reach the courts have read purposively, Association of Unified Tele Services Providers; and a final certificate, article 279(1).

Then the six weaknesses. Appointment unregulated; establishment on consultation only; no time limit and no memorandum; public sector reach variable and request-dependent; committee capacity; and no enforcement.

Then the reforms, each matched to a criticism. A selection committee with a judicial member; "on the advice of" in article 148(5); the article 281 treatment for article 151; a general threshold test in place of sections 19(3) and 20's requests; professional staff and a statutory action taken procedure; and, for the last, nothing, because enforcement is not the auditor's function and never was.

Close with the verdict. Strong in its instrument and weak in its consequence, and the weakness is the characteristic weakness of every legislative control in this paper.

munotes.in871

The Weaknesses of Financial Control

What beginners get wrong

That the criticism is about competence. Every criticism here is structural, and each is anchored to a provision.

That the appointment gap is minor. It is the only unregulated appointment among the institutions in this book, and it belongs to the most protected officer in it.

That article 151 requires a memorandum. It does not. Article 281 does, for the Finance Commission.

That the auditor's reach into the public sector is uniform. It is three regimes and two request routes, and outside section 14 there is no general rule.

That an office which enforces nothing is a weak office. Its function is to find out, and it is the only institution in this paper that finds out systematically, independently and in a form nobody may contradict.

Quick revision

Six criticisms: 1. Appointment: art 148(1), by warrant, with no committee, consultation, panel or qualification. Contrast art 280(2) for the Finance Commission. 2. Establishment: art 148(5), rules by the President after consultation with him; contrast art 150, on the advice of him since 1979. Consultation is not concurrence. 3. Reports: art 151 fixes no time and requires no memorandum; contrast s.14(1) CVC Act (six months) and art 281 (explanatory memorandum as to the action taken). 4. Public sector reach: s.19(1) company law; s.19(2) the corporation's own Act; s.19(3) the Governor's request; s.20(1) a request; s.20(2) his proposal and their authorisation. No general rule outside s.14's Explanation. 5. Committee capacity: twenty-two members, no staff of its own, and paragraphs not reached are laid and left; the action taken note is practice. 6. No enforcement: no disallowance, surcharge, penalty, recovery or prosecution.

The strengths: the most protected officer in the Constitution; one officer for the Union and every State; a final certificate under art 279(1); a living reading of art 149; a scope he defines himself under s.23; and the only closed accountability loop in this book.

The verdict: strong in its instrument, weak in its consequence; and finding out is the harder half, and the half nobody else does.

Test yourself

1. What are the weaknesses of financial control in India? Six, all structural. That article 148(1) prescribes no procedure at all for the appointment of the Comptroller and Auditor-General, who is appointed by the President by warrant with no committee, consultation, panel or qualification, in contrast with section 4 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act and even article 280(2), which contemplates that Parliament may prescribe qualifications and the manner of selection for the Finance Commission. That article 148(5) leaves the conditions of service of his department and his own administrative powers to rules made by the President after consultation with him, consultation not being concurrence, so that a Government which cannot remove him or cut his budget can still decline to enlarge his department. That article 151 fixes no time for the submission or laying of his reports and requires no explanatory memorandum, unlike article 281 for the Finance Commission. That his reach into the public sector varies with each corporation's own statute under section 19(2) and otherwise depends on a request under section 19(3) or section 20, there being no general rule outside the deeming Explanation to section 14. That the Public Accounts Committee, of twenty-two members and without research staff of its own, cannot reach every paragraph, and that the action taken procedure rests on practice alone. And that the whole apparatus produces no recovery, no penalty and no prosecution.

munotes.in872

The Weaknesses of Financial Control

2. What reforms follow, and what is the objection to each? A selection committee on the model of section 4A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, with a judicial member and the Government in a minority; to which it is objected that an auditor chosen by a committee containing the Leader of the Opposition may be perceived as the Opposition's auditor, and the value of his findings depends on their being seen as nobody's, though the same objection applies to the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation and has not been thought fatal there. Substituting the words "on the advice of" for "after consultation with" in article 148(5), as the Forty-fourth Amendment did in article 150. Giving article 151 the article 281 treatment, by requiring the report to be laid within a stated period and with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken; to which it is objected that a memorandum laid with the report would precede the Public Accounts Committee's examination and would be a first rather than a considered answer, the answer being to require it after the Committee reports, which is what practice already does. A general threshold test in the Act, on the model of the Explanation to section 14, in place of the request routes in sections 19(3) and 20. And professional staff for the Committee with a statutory action taken procedure, so that a paragraph the Committee cannot reach still requires a written response laid before the House.

3. Should the auditor be given power to enforce? No, and the answer is worth stating positively rather than as a concession. Enforcement requires a decision against a person, and a decision against a person requires the safeguards of a hearing, of reasons and of appeal, which an audit does not and could not provide; an auditor who could surcharge would be exercising judicial power on material collected inquisitorially. The design that exists puts the finding with the auditor, the confrontation with the Public Accounts Committee, and the sanction with the institutions of Module II, since the recorded facts are available to the Central Vigilance Commission under section 18 of its Act, to a disciplinary authority acting on its advice and to the Central Bureau of Investigation where an offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act is disclosed. The complaint that audit enforces nothing is therefore a complaint about the wrong institution: the audit does not enforce because it supplies the machinery that does.

munotes.in873

The Weaknesses of Financial Control

4. What is the honest verdict on financial control? That it is strong in its instrument and weak in its consequence. The instrument is the most protected officer in the Constitution, removable only in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court and with no short route, whose salary, leave, pension and age of retirement cannot be varied to his disadvantage, who may hold no further office under any Government, whose establishment is charged on the Consolidated Fund, who is one officer for the Union and every State so that no State Government can touch him, whose certificate of net proceeds is final under article 279(1), whose reach under article 149 the courts have read as living rather than as fixed in 1950, and who settles the scope and extent of his own audit under section 23 without anyone's approval. The consequence is a document: no recovery, no penalty, no prosecution, no time limit, no memorandum, and a committee that cannot reach every paragraph. The imbalance is the characteristic weakness of legislative control generally, that it decides nothing; and what may fairly be said in its defence is that what this apparatus does supremely well is find out, and that finding out is the harder half of accountability and the half no other institution in this syllabus performs systematically.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in874

Chapter -Eight

What a Judicial Inquiry Is

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

The phrase means two different things: an inquiry INTO a judge, which is the removal machinery of article 124(4) and the Act of 1968; and an inquiry BY a judge, which is a Commission of Inquiry headed by a serving or retired judge.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the expression "judicial inquiries" is used in two senses; in the first it means the investigation into the misbehaviour or incapacity of a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court, conducted by a Committee constituted under section 3 of the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 pursuant to article 124(5), as a step towards the removal of the Judge by an order of the President under article 124(4), which article 218 applies to a High Court; and in the second it means an inquiry conducted by a judge into some matter of public importance, ordinarily as the sole member or Chairman of a Commission of Inquiry appointed under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, the practice by which such Commissions are habitually headed by a serving or retired judge being what gives the expression its second meaning.

Why the ambiguity must be dealt with at the start

MU prints the label as two words and defines nothing. Chapter 20 established that the syllabus is eight bare labels and names no Act.

And the papers do not resolve it either. The stem MU repeats is "What do you understand by the Judicial Inquiries? Write in detail citing appropriate examples of Judicial Inquiries", which is set on eight of the nine papers. The words "what do you understand by" invite the candidate to say what the expression means, and "citing appropriate examples" invites instances.

So the right opening for an answer is the one this chapter gives: the expression bears two senses, and here is each. A candidate who picks one and writes only on it has answered half a question set on eight papers out of nine. A candidate who names both, treats the one the question is plainly about, and disposes of the other in a paragraph, has answered all of it.

Sense one: an inquiry INTO a judge

The constitutional provision. Article 124(4): A Judge of the Supreme Court shall not be removed from his office except by an order of the President passed after an address by each House of Parliament supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of that House present and voting has been presented to the President in the same session for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity.

munotes.in875

What a Judicial Inquiry Is

Article 124(5): Parliament may by law regulate the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the investigation and proof of the misbehaviour or incapacity of a Judge under clause (4).

Article 218: clauses (4) and (5) of article 124 apply in relation to a High Court as they apply to the Supreme Court, with the substitution of references.

The law made under article 124(5) is the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968, which came into force on 1 January 1969.

And the inquiry is judicial in two senses at once, which is why the label fits. It is an inquiry into a judge; and it is conducted by a Committee of three, of whom two are judges: section 3(2), chapter 1580, requires one from among the Chief Justice and other Judges of the Supreme Court, one from among the Chief Justices of the High Courts, and one distinguished jurist.

This is the sense the label is principally about, and chapters 1550 to 1720 work it: the ground, the procedure, the two stages, the judge's protections, the cases, the in-house procedure, the criminal route and the reform debate.

Sense two: an inquiry BY a judge

Chapter 430 established the practice. A Commission of Inquiry under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 is appointed to inquire into a definite matter of public importance, and in India it is habitually headed by a serving or retired judge.

The Act does not require it. Section 3 says the Commission shall consist of one or more members appointed by the appropriate Government, and prescribes no qualification. The judicial headship is a practice, not a rule, and chapter 1730 works why it arose.

And the practice gives the expression its second meaning. When a newspaper says a matter has been referred to "a judicial inquiry", it ordinarily means a Commission under the 1952 Act headed by a judge, or a magisterial inquiry into a death in custody, chapter 1750.

So the second sense is Module I's subject seen from the judge's side, and chapters 1730 to 1760 are the bridge: why the practice arose, whether a sitting judge should do it, the everyday magisterial inquiry, and what such inquiries are worth.

The two senses set against each other

Inquiry INTO a judgeInquiry BY a judge
Subjecta judge's conducta definite matter of public importance
Sourceart 124(4) and (5), art 218, Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, s.3
Who inquiresa Committee of three: a Supreme Court Judge, a Chief Justice of a High Court, a distinguished jurista Commission, by practice headed by a serving or retired judge
Who sets it goinga motion signed by 100 members of the House of the People or 50 of the Council of States, admitted by the Speaker or Chairmanthe appropriate Government, or on a resolution of the House
Outcomea finding of guilty or not guilty, then a votea report, recommendatory
Ends inpossible removal by the Presidentnothing, of itself
munotes.in876

What a Judicial Inquiry Is

And the one similarity that matters. Chapter 470 established that a Commission's report is not enforceable proprio vigore; chapter 1660 will establish that no judge has ever been removed under article 124(4). Both senses of judicial inquiry end in a finding that somebody else must act upon, which is the theme of this entire paper.

Why the label sits in this module

It looks misplaced beside financial control, and it is not.

Chapter 1290 set out the three controls: legislative, executive and judicial. This module is about the two institutions that stand outside the executive: the auditor, who is protected as a judge is, and the judge.

And chapter 1370 made the connection explicit. The Comptroller and Auditor-General is removed "in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court", so article 124(4) is a provision this module has already used, and chapter 1560 reads it in full for the first time.

Which gives the module its unity. Both labels are about officers whom the executive cannot remove, and about what happens when such an officer must nonetheless be held to account. The auditor's answer is the report; the judge's is the address of both Houses and, in practice, chapter 1670's in-house procedure.

A worked example

MU sets: "What do you understand by the Judicial Inquiries? Write in detail citing appropriate examples of Judicial Inquiries."

Open with the ambiguity. The expression bears two senses, and name both.

Say which the answer will treat. Since the stem asks what is understood by the expression and for examples, treat both, giving the greater part to the removal machinery.

Sense one, in detail. Article 124(4): removal only by order of the President after an address by each House supported by a majority of the total membership and two-thirds of those present and voting, in the same session, on proved misbehaviour or incapacity; article 124(5) and the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968; the motion of 100 or 50 members; the Speaker's or Chairman's discretion; the three-member Committee; definite charges; the powers of a civil court; the report; and section 6(3), under which adoption by both Houses makes the misbehaviour deemed to have been proved.

munotes.in877

What a Judicial Inquiry Is

Examples for sense one. Chapters 1650 and 1660: Justice Ramaswami, the only process to reach a finding of guilt; and the other attempts.

Sense two, in a paragraph. A Commission of Inquiry under the 1952 Act headed by a judge; the practice and its justification; and the magisterial inquiry into a custodial death.

Examples for sense two. Chapter 500's great Indian Commissions, each headed by a judge.

Close with what both senses share. A finding that somebody else must act upon, and in the first sense nobody ever has.

What beginners get wrong

That the label has one meaning. It has two, and MU never says which.

That an inquiry into a judge is conducted by Parliament. It is conducted by a Committee of three, two of them judges; Parliament votes afterwards.

That the Commissions of Inquiry Act requires a judge. Section 3 prescribes no qualification; the judicial headship is a practice.

That the label is misplaced in a module about financial control. Both labels concern officers the executive cannot remove, and article 124(4) is the provision by which the auditor himself is protected.

That removal has succeeded. Chapter 1660: no judge has ever been removed under article 124(4).

Quick revision

TWO SENSES.

Sense one, an inquiry INTO a judge: art 124(4) removal by order of the President after an address by each House, a majority of the total membership and two-thirds present and voting, in the same session, on proved misbehaviour or incapacity; art 124(5) empowers Parliament to regulate the procedure; art 218 applies both clauses to a High Court; and the law is the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968, in force 1 January 1969, under which a Committee of three, being a Supreme Court Judge, a Chief Justice of a High Court and a distinguished jurist, investigates.

Sense two, an inquiry BY a judge: a Commission of Inquiry under s.3 of the 1952 Act into a definite matter of public importance, headed by a judge by practice and not by requirement; and the magisterial inquiry into a custodial death.

What both share: a finding somebody else must act upon; the Commission's report is not enforceable proprio vigore, and no judge has ever been removed.

Why the label is here: this module is about the two officers the executive cannot remove, and art 124(4) is the very provision that protects the Comptroller and Auditor-General under art 148(1).

munotes.in878

What a Judicial Inquiry Is

Test yourself

1. What do you understand by "judicial inquiries"? The expression bears two senses and the syllabus resolves neither. In the first it means an inquiry into a judge: the investigation into the misbehaviour or incapacity of a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court, conducted under the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968, which Parliament enacted under article 124(5), as a step towards removal by an order of the President under article 124(4), applied to a High Court by article 218. In the second it means an inquiry by a judge: an inquiry into a definite matter of public importance conducted by a Commission of Inquiry appointed under section 3 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, which in India is habitually headed by a serving or retired judge although that Act prescribes no qualification for a member. The first sense is the one the label is principally about, and it is doubly judicial, since the subject is a judge and the Committee that investigates consists of three persons of whom two are judges.

2. Set the two senses against each other. The subject of the first is a judge's conduct and of the second a definite matter of public importance. The first rests on articles 124(4) and (5) and 218 and on the Act of 1968, the second on the Act of 1952. The first is conducted by a Committee of three consisting of a Judge of the Supreme Court, a Chief Justice of a High Court and a distinguished jurist; the second by a Commission whose judicial headship is practice rather than law. The first is set going by a motion signed by not less than a hundred members of the House of the People or fifty of the Council of States and admitted by the Speaker or Chairman; the second by the appropriate Government, or on a resolution of the House. The first produces a finding of guilt or innocence which is then voted upon and may end in removal by the President; the second produces a report which is recommendatory and enforceable against nobody of its own force. What they share is that each ends in a finding which somebody else must act upon, and in the first sense nobody ever has, no judge having been removed under article 124(4).

3. Why does this label belong in the same module as financial control? Because both labels concern officers whom the executive cannot remove, and what is to be done when such an officer must nevertheless be held to account. The connection is explicit in the text: article 148(1) provides that the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall only be removed from office in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, so that article 124(4), the central provision of this label, is the provision by which the officer of the previous label is protected. The auditor's accountability is discharged by a report laid before the legislature under article 151; the judge's by the address of both Houses and, in practice, by the in-house procedure. The module is accordingly about the two institutions standing outside the executive, and about the price each pays in accountability for the independence each is given.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in879

Chapter -Nine

Why Judges Are Treated Differently

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

A judge who can be removed by the executive is not independent, so the Constitution makes removal difficult on purpose, and the complaint that removal is impossible is a complaint about a design feature.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the Constitution secures judicial independence by a set of devices of which the removal procedure is the most important; article 50 directs the State to take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services of the State; article 124(4) permits removal only by an order of the President after an address by each House supported by a special majority on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity, applied to a High Court by article 218; articles 125 and 221 charge the salaries and allowances of Judges on the Consolidated Fund and forbid their variation to a Judge's disadvantage after appointment; article 146 gives the Chief Justice control over the appointments and conditions of service of the court's officers and servants and charges the court's administrative expenses on the Consolidated Fund; and articles 121 and 211 forbid discussion in Parliament or a State Legislature of the conduct of a Judge in the discharge of his duties except, in Parliament, upon a motion for an address praying for his removal.

The premise

A judge decides cases against the Government. He orders the release of a detenu, quashes an appointment, strikes down a section, directs an investigation the executive resisted. Chapters 610, 830, 840, 880 and 1080 are five instances in this book alone.

If the executive could remove him for doing so, none of those decisions would have been safe to make. Judicial independence is not a privilege of judges; it is a condition of the decisions being worth anything. That is the premise, and everything in this label follows from it.

And the price is stated at the outset, because chapter 1660 will prove it. A removal procedure designed to be hard is a removal procedure that fails. No judge has ever been removed under article 124(4). A candidate who presents that as a scandal has misunderstood the design; a candidate who presents it as a design feature and then asks what should fill the gap has understood it.

The devices, collected

Removal is one of six, and the others are worth naming because they show that the design is deliberate and not accidental.

One: removal. Article 124(4), chapter 1560: only by order of the President, after an address by each House on a special majority, in the same session, on proved misbehaviour or incapacity; and article 218 applies it to a High Court.

Two: pay. Article 125 for the Supreme Court and article 221 for a High Court: salaries and allowances as determined by Parliament, and not to be varied to a Judge's disadvantage after his appointment; and by article 112(3)(d), chapter 1320, the salaries, allowances and pensions of Judges of the Supreme Court and the pensions of High Court Judges are charged on the Consolidated Fund, so by article 113(1) they are beyond the vote.

munotes.in880

Why Judges Are Treated Differently

Three: the court's establishment. Article 146: the Chief Justice of India or a Judge or officer he directs makes appointments of officers and servants of the Supreme Court; their conditions of service are prescribed by rules made by the Chief Justice, subject to the President's approval where salaries and pensions are concerned; and the administrative expenses of the Supreme Court, including all salaries, allowances and pensions, are charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India.

Compare that with chapter 1370's article 148(5). The Chief Justice makes the rules for his court's establishment; the President makes them for the auditor's department after consulting him. The judiciary was given control of its own establishment and the auditor was not, which is a comparison worth a sentence.

Four: no practice after office. Article 124(7): no person who has held office as a Judge of the Supreme Court shall plead or act in any court or before any authority within the territory of India.

Five: no discussion. Article 121: no discussion shall take place in Parliament with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties, except upon a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge. Article 211: no discussion shall take place in the Legislature of a State with respect to such conduct, with no exception at all. Chapter 1720 works both.

Six: separation. Article 50: The State shall take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services of the State. A Directive Principle, not enforceable by a court, and directed at the public services of the State; it is a statement of the design rather than a source of it.

The bargain, stated as a bargain

Every one of the six is a protection against the executive and the legislature. And each has a corresponding cost in accountability, which is what this label is about.

Removal is hard, so a judge who should go may not go: chapters 1660 and 1670.

Pay cannot be reduced, so no financial pressure exists, and equally no financial discipline.

The court controls its establishment, so the executive cannot starve it, and equally cannot audit its administration in the ordinary way.

munotes.in881

Why Judges Are Treated Differently

No practice after office, so no employer awaits a retiring Judge of the Supreme Court, and equally the bar on practice does not bar other appointments, which is a criticism made of retirements to tribunals and commissions.

No discussion, so a judge is not attacked on the floor, and equally the House cannot debate his conduct at all until somebody moves for his removal: article 121's exception is the only door, and chapter 1580 shows how narrow it is.

Say the bargain in one sentence and the label opens. The Constitution bought judicial independence by removing every ordinary means of pressure on a judge, and the price is that it also removed every ordinary means of calling him to account.

What fills the gap

Because the gap is real, and the rest of this label is about what has been put into it.

The in-house procedure, chapters 1670 to 1690: a mechanism the Supreme Court created for itself because the constitutional one does not work.

The criminal law, chapter 1700: a judge of a superior court is a public servant under the Prevention of Corruption Act, and may be prosecuted, subject to safeguards.

Contempt and the withdrawal of judicial work, chapter 1710: what remained in one case when removal was impossible and the in-house procedure had failed.

And the reform proposals, chapter 1720: the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill and the National Judicial Appointments Commission.

Notice what all four have in common. Not one of them is in the Constitution. The Constitution provided independence and one removal procedure, and everything since has been an attempt to supply accountability without disturbing the independence.

A worked example

A High Court Judge is credibly alleged to have decided a case corruptly.

Can the Government suspend him? No. There is no power of suspension in the Constitution, and article 218 with article 124(4) provides one route only: removal by order of the President after an address of both Houses on a special majority.

Can it cut his salary or transfer him to a smaller court to signal displeasure? Article 221 forbids variation of his salary to his disadvantage after appointment; and transfer is a matter within the judiciary's own processes and not the executive's instrument.

Can Parliament debate his conduct? Article 121: no discussion except upon a motion for presenting an address praying for his removal. A State Legislature may not discuss it at all: article 211.

Can he be prosecuted? Yes, subject to the safeguards in chapter 1700: he is a public servant under the Prevention of Corruption Act, the sanctioning authority is the President, and no first information report may be registered without consulting the Chief Justice of India.

munotes.in882

Why Judges Are Treated Differently

Can the Chief Justice of India do anything short of removal? Yes: the in-house procedure, chapters 1670 and 1680, which is exactly what was created because the answers above are all no.

And can the House be asked to remove him? Yes, by the motion in chapter 1580; and chapter 1660 records that no such motion has ever succeeded.

What beginners get wrong

That the difficulty of removal is a defect. It is a design feature, and the price of decisions being safe to make against the Government.

That article 50 secures judicial independence. It is a Directive Principle, unenforceable, directed at the public services of a State.

That articles 121 and 211 are the same. Article 121 has an exception for a removal motion; article 211 has none.

That a Judge's salary is protected only from reduction. It is protected from variation to his disadvantage after appointment, and by article 112(3)(d) it is charged and so beyond the vote.

That the Constitution provided for judicial accountability. It provided one procedure, which has never succeeded, and everything else in this label was created afterwards and outside it.

Quick revision

The premise: a judge decides against the Government, so a judge the executive can remove is not independent; and a removal procedure designed to be hard is a removal procedure that fails.

Six devices: removal only under art 124(4) with art 218; pay under arts 125 and 221, not variable to his disadvantage, and charged under art 112(3)(d) so beyond the vote by art 113(1); the court's establishment under art 146, rules by the Chief Justice, expenses charged; art 124(7), no pleading or acting in any court or before any authority after office; arts 121 and 211, no discussion of a Judge's conduct, with an exception in art 121 only on a removal motion and none at all in art 211; and art 50, a Directive Principle.

The comparison: art 146 gives the Chief Justice the rules for his court's establishment; art 148(5) gives the President the rules for the auditor's department, after consultation.

The bargain: the Constitution removed every ordinary means of pressure on a judge, and with it every ordinary means of calling him to account.

What fills the gap, none of it constitutional: the in-house procedure; the criminal law; contempt and withdrawal of judicial work; and the reform proposals.

munotes.in883

Why Judges Are Treated Differently

Test yourself

1. Why does the Constitution make the removal of a judge so difficult? Because a judge decides cases against the Government, and if the executive could remove him for doing so those decisions would not be safe to make. Judicial independence is not a privilege conferred on judges but a condition of their decisions being worth anything, and the removal procedure is the principal device by which it is secured. Article 124(4) accordingly permits removal only by an order of the President passed after an address by each House of Parliament supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by not less than two-thirds of the members present and voting, presented in the same session, and only on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity; article 218 applies the same provisions to a Judge of a High Court. The consequence, that no judge has ever been removed, is therefore a feature of the design and not a scandal, and the useful question is not why the procedure fails but what should fill the gap it leaves.

2. What are the devices by which judicial independence is secured? Six. Removal only under article 124(4), read with article 218 for a High Court. Salaries and allowances determined by Parliament and not variable to a Judge's disadvantage after appointment, under articles 125 and 221, and charged on the Consolidated Fund by article 112(3)(d) so that by article 113(1) they are not submitted to the vote. Control of the court's own establishment, since article 146 provides for appointments of the Supreme Court's officers and servants by the Chief Justice of India or a Judge or officer he directs, for their conditions of service to be prescribed by rules made by the Chief Justice, and for the court's administrative expenses to be charged on the Consolidated Fund. A bar under article 124(7) on a former Judge of the Supreme Court pleading or acting in any court or before any authority within the territory of India. A prohibition under article 121 on any discussion in Parliament of the conduct of a Judge in the discharge of his duties except upon a motion for an address praying for his removal, and under article 211 an absolute prohibition on such discussion in a State Legislature. And article 50, a Directive Principle requiring the State to take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services of a State.

3. What is the price of those devices? That each protection against pressure is also the removal of a means of accountability. Because removal is hard, a judge who ought to go may not go. Because pay cannot be reduced, no financial pressure exists and no financial discipline either. Because the court controls its own establishment, the executive cannot starve it and cannot examine its administration in the ordinary way. Because a retired Judge of the Supreme Court may not plead or act, no litigant's employer awaits him, though the bar is on practice and not on other appointments, which is the basis of criticism of retirements to tribunals and commissions. And because the conduct of a judge may not be discussed, he is protected from attack on the floor of the House and the House cannot debate his conduct at all until somebody moves for his removal, article 121's exception being the only door. The Constitution bought judicial independence by removing every ordinary means of pressure on a judge, and the price is that it removed every ordinary means of calling him to account.

munotes.in884

Why Judges Are Treated Differently

4. What has been done about the gap? Four things, of which none is in the Constitution. The Supreme Court created an in-house procedure for itself, by which a complaint against a judge is examined within the judiciary and the Chief Justice may act short of removal. The criminal law applies, a judge of a superior court being a public servant within the Prevention of Corruption Act, subject to the safeguard that the President is the sanctioning authority and that no first information report may be registered without consulting the Chief Justice of India. Contempt proceedings and the withdrawal of judicial work have been used in an extreme case where removal was impossible and the in-house procedure had failed. And reform has been proposed, in the Judicial Standards and Accountability Bill and in the National Judicial Appointments Commission. That every one of these was created after the Constitution and outside it is itself the measure of what the Constitution left unprovided.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in885

Chapter

Article 124(4): The Ground and the Procedure

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

An order of the President, after an address by each House supported by two majorities, presented in the same session, on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity; and the same for a High Court Judge by article 218.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 124(4) provides that a Judge of the Supreme Court shall not be removed from his office except by an order of the President passed after an address by each House of Parliament supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of that House present and voting has been presented to the President in the same session for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity; article 124(5) provides that Parliament may by law regulate the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the investigation and proof of the misbehaviour or incapacity of a Judge under clause (4); and article 218 provides that clauses (4) and (5) of article 124 shall apply in relation to a High Court as they apply in relation to the Supreme Court, with the substitution of references to the High Court for references to the Supreme Court.

The article, phrase by phrase

"Shall not be removed from his office except." A negative and exhaustive formula. There is no other way to remove a Judge: no dismissal, no termination, no suspension and no compulsory retirement.

"By an order of the President." The removal is an executive act, but only at the end. The President has no independent judgment here: the order follows the address.

"Passed after an address by each House of Parliament." Each House. The Council of States has the same voice as the House of the People, which is unusual: chapter 1180 showed that on confidence and chapter 1330 on money the Council has no equal say. On removing a judge it does.

"Supported by a majority of the total membership of that House." The first majority, computed on the whole House, so absences count against the motion.

"And by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of that House present and voting." The second majority, computed on those actually voting. Both must be satisfied, in each House.

"Has been presented to the President in the same session." Both addresses must be presented in one session, so a motion carried in one House and left over to the next session is spent.

"For such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity." The ground, and the word that decides everything is "proved".

munotes.in886

Article 124(4): The Ground and the Procedure

The word "proved", and what it imports

The ground is not misbehaviour; it is PROVED misbehaviour.

So the article assumes a process of proof, and article 124(5) supplies it: Parliament may by law regulate the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the INVESTIGATION AND PROOF of the misbehaviour or incapacity of a Judge under clause (4).

And that is why the removal of a judge in India is not an impeachment. In an impeachment the legislature tries the officer. Here the legislature votes on a matter already proved elsewhere, and chapter 1610 works the two stages that follow.

The Supreme Court put it exactly, in Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699: "the entire process of removal is in two parts: the first part, under clause (5), from initiation to investigation and proof of misbehaviour or incapacity, is covered by an enacted law, Parliament's role being only legislative as in all the laws enacted by it; the second part, under clause (4), is in Parliament and that process commences only on proof of misbehaviour or incapacity in accordance with the law enacted under clause (5). Thus, the first part is entirely statutory, while the second part alone is the parliamentary process."

And the Court connected the word to article 121. The bar on discussion in Parliament is lifted "upon a motion for presenting an address ... as hereinafter provided", and "what lifts the bar under Article 121 is the 'proved' misbehaviour or incapacity." So until misbehaviour is proved under the clause (5) law, Parliament may not discuss the judge's conduct at all, chapter 1720.

What "misbehaviour" and "incapacity" mean

Neither is defined, in the Constitution or in the Act, and an honest answer says so.

What can be said about misbehaviour, on the material this book holds. It is plainly wider than a criminal offence, since chapter 1700 shows that a prosecution is a separate route and does not depend on removal. It is conduct incompatible with holding judicial office, and the practice under the Act is that the Committee frames definite charges, chapter 1590, so that the content of the word is settled charge by charge rather than by definition.

Incapacity. Section 3(5) of the Act, chapter 1580, contemplates an allegation that the Judge is unable to discharge the duties of his office efficiently due to any physical or mental incapacity, and where the allegation is denied the Committee may arrange for a medical examination. So incapacity is physical or mental and is provable by evidence, which is why the Act provides machinery for it.

munotes.in887

Article 124(4): The Ground and the Procedure

Article 218 and the High Courts

The provisions of clauses (4) and (5) of article 124 shall apply in relation to a High Court as they apply in relation to the Supreme Court, with the substitution of references to the High Court for references to the Supreme Court.

Two consequences, and both are counter-intuitive.

A High Court Judge is removed by PARLIAMENT, not by the State Legislature. Article 218 imports article 124(4), which speaks of each House of Parliament. A State Legislature has no part in the removal of a Judge of its own High Court, and article 211, chapter 1720, forbids it even to discuss his conduct.

And the same Committee inquires. The Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 applies to a Judge, which by section 2(c) means a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court and includes the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justice of a High Court.

So a Chief Justice of India is removable by the same procedure as a puisne Judge of a High Court, which is worth noticing: the Constitution makes no distinction of rank in the removal of judges.

Clauses (6) and (7)

124(6): the oath. Every person appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court shall, before entering upon his office, make and subscribe before the President, or some person appointed in that behalf by him, an oath or affirmation according to the form set out in the Third Schedule.

Chapter 620 and chapter 1360 noted the borrowing in the other direction. The Central Vigilance Commissioner's oath and the Comptroller and Auditor-General's are in the judicial form: "without fear or favour, affection or ill-will."

124(7): no practice after office. No person who has held office as a Judge of the Supreme Court shall plead or act in any court or before any authority within the territory of India.

Compare chapter 1370's article 148(4) for the auditor: no further office under any Government. The Judge's bar is on PRACTICE, not on OFFICE; the auditor's is on OFFICE, not on practice. The two are near mirror images, and the criticism made of each is the gap the other closes.

A worked example

Allegations are made against a Judge of a High Court.

Who removes him? The President, on an address of each House of Parliament: article 218 with article 124(4). Not the State Legislature, which may not even discuss his conduct: article 211.

On what ground? Proved misbehaviour or incapacity, and on no other.

Who proves it? Not Parliament. Article 124(5) and the law made under it: the Committee under the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968, chapter 1580. The first part is entirely statutory; the second part alone is the parliamentary process.

munotes.in888

Article 124(4): The Ground and the Procedure

Can the House debate his conduct in the meantime? No. Article 121 lifts the bar only on a motion for an address, and what lifts it is the "proved" misbehaviour: chapter 1720.

Both Houses vote and the motion is carried in one by 300 of 545 members present, of whom 290 vote in favour. Check both majorities. A majority of the total membership of 545 is 273, and 290 exceeds it. Two-thirds of those present and voting: if 300 voted, two-thirds is 200, and 290 exceeds that. Both satisfied.

The other House carries it in the next session. Fatal. The addresses must be presented to the President in the same session.

And the allegation is that he can no longer hear cases because of illness. That is incapacity, and section 3(5) allows the Committee to arrange for a medical examination where the allegation is denied.

What beginners get wrong

That a judge is impeached. He is removed on an address, and the proof happens outside Parliament under the law made under article 124(5).

That a simple majority suffices. Two majorities are required in each House: a majority of the total membership and two-thirds of those present and voting.

That the addresses may be carried in different sessions. They must be presented in the same session.

That a High Court Judge is removed by the State Legislature. Article 218 imports article 124(4), so it is each House of Parliament; and article 211 forbids a State Legislature even to discuss his conduct.

That "misbehaviour" is defined. It is not, in the Constitution or in the Act; the Committee frames definite charges, and the content is settled charge by charge.

Quick revision

Art 124(4): shall not be removed except by an ORDER OF THE PRESIDENT, passed after an ADDRESS BY EACH HOUSE supported by (i) a majority of the total membership of that House and (ii) not less than two-thirds of the members present and voting, presented to the President IN THE SAME SESSION, on the ground of PROVED misbehaviour or incapacity.

Art 124(5): Parliament may by law regulate the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the investigation and proof of the misbehaviour or incapacity.

Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability, (1991) 4 SCC 699: the process is in two parts; the first, under cl. (5), from initiation to investigation and proof, is covered by an enacted law, Parliament's role being only legislative; the second, under cl. (4), commences only on proof. The first part is entirely statutory; the second part alone is the parliamentary process. And what lifts the bar under art 121 is the "proved" misbehaviour or incapacity.

munotes.in889

Article 124(4): The Ground and the Procedure

Art 218: cl. (4) and (5) apply to a High Court. So a High Court Judge is removed by each House of PARLIAMENT, not by the State Legislature; and by s.2(c) of the Act, "Judge" includes the Chief Justice of India and a Chief Justice of a High Court.

Art 124(6) the oath in the Third Schedule; art 124(7) no pleading or acting in any court or before any authority after office. Mirror of art 148(4): the Judge's bar is on practice, the auditor's on office.

Test yourself

1. Set out article 124(4). That a Judge of the Supreme Court shall not be removed from his office except by an order of the President passed after an address by each House of Parliament supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of that House present and voting has been presented to the President in the same session for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity. The formula is negative and exhaustive, so there is no other means of removal, no dismissal, suspension or compulsory retirement; the order of the President is an executive act at the end of the process and involves no independent judgment; both Houses must address, the Council of States having an equal voice which it does not have on confidence or on money; two distinct majorities must be satisfied in each House, one computed on the total membership so that absences tell against the motion and one on those present and voting; the addresses must be presented in the same session; and the ground is proved misbehaviour or incapacity and no other.

2. What is the significance of the word "proved"? That the removal of a judge in India is not an impeachment. The ground is not misbehaviour but proved misbehaviour, which assumes a process of proof, and article 124(5) supplies it by empowering Parliament to regulate by law the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the investigation and proof of the misbehaviour or incapacity. As the Supreme Court held in Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, the entire process is in two parts: the first, under clause (5), from initiation to investigation and proof, is covered by an enacted law, Parliament's role being only legislative as in all laws it enacts; and the second, under clause (4), is in Parliament and commences only on proof of misbehaviour or incapacity in accordance with the law made under clause (5), so that the first part is entirely statutory and the second part alone is the parliamentary process. The Court added that what lifts the bar on discussion under article 121 is the proved misbehaviour or incapacity, so that until the statutory stage is complete Parliament may not discuss the judge's conduct at all.

munotes.in890

Article 124(4): The Ground and the Procedure

3. How is a Judge of a High Court removed? By exactly the same process. Article 218 provides that clauses (4) and (5) of article 124 shall apply in relation to a High Court as they apply in relation to the Supreme Court, with the substitution of references. Two consequences follow which are counter-intuitive. The removal is by the President on an address of each House of Parliament, so a State Legislature has no part in the removal of a Judge of its own High Court, and by article 211 it may not even discuss his conduct. And the same statutory machinery applies, since section 2(c) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 defines a Judge as a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court and includes the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justice of a High Court, so that the Chief Justice of India and a puisne Judge of a High Court are removable by an identical procedure and the Constitution draws no distinction of rank.

4. What do "misbehaviour" and "incapacity" mean? Neither is defined, in the Constitution or in the Act, and the honest answer begins by saying so. Misbehaviour is plainly wider than a criminal offence, since prosecution under the Prevention of Corruption Act is a separate route which does not depend on removal; it is conduct incompatible with the holding of judicial office, and its content is settled in practice charge by charge, because section 3(3) of the Act requires the Committee to frame definite charges on the basis of which the investigation is proposed to be held. Incapacity is physical or mental, as appears from section 3(5), under which, where it is alleged that the Judge is unable to discharge the duties of his office efficiently due to any physical or mental incapacity and the allegation is denied, the Committee may arrange for a medical examination; so incapacity is a matter of evidence for which the Act provides machinery.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in891

Chapter -One

Article 124(5) and the Act

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

The Constitution left the procedure to Parliament, Parliament took eighteen years to legislate, and what it produced is seven sections.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 124(5) provides that Parliament may by law regulate the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the investigation and proof of the misbehaviour or incapacity of a Judge under clause (4), and the law made under it is the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968, which came into force on 1 January 1969; section 2 defines "Chairman" as the Chairman of the Council of States, "Committee" as a Committee constituted under section 3, "Judge" as a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court including the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justice of a High Court, "prescribed" as prescribed by rules made under the Act, and "Speaker" as the Speaker of the House of the People; and the whole of the investigation of a judge's misbehaviour is carried by sections 3 to 7.

Article 124(5)

Parliament may by law regulate the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the investigation and proof of the misbehaviour or incapacity of a Judge under clause (4).

Two subjects, and they are different in kind.

"The presentation of an address" is a matter of parliamentary procedure: how a motion carried in one House is transmitted to the other, how the address is presented to the President.

"The investigation and proof of the misbehaviour or incapacity" is not parliamentary procedure at all. It is the conduct of a quasi-judicial inquiry, and chapter 1610 works the consequence: because the Constitution put it in a law rather than in the rules of the House, it is justiciable.

And the word is "MAY". Article 124(5) is permissive. Parliament need never have legislated, and until it did the removal procedure had no machinery for proof at all.

Which explains the eighteen-year gap. The Constitution came into force in 1950; the Act was passed in 1968 and brought into force on 1 January 1969. For nineteen years article 124(4) required "proved" misbehaviour and no law existed by which anything could be proved.

Section 2: the definitions

(a) "Chairman" means the Chairman of the Council of States. (b) "Committee" means a Committee constituted under section 3. (c) "Judge" means a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court and includes the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justice of a High Court. (d) "prescribed" means prescribed by rules made under this Act. (e) "Speaker" means the Speaker of the House of the People.

Clause (c) is the one that matters, and chapter 1560 anticipated it. One statute, one procedure, for every judge of a superior court in India, from a puisne Judge of a High Court to the Chief Justice of India. The Constitution and the Act make no distinction of rank, and a candidate who says so has stated something most answers omit.

munotes.in892

Article 124(5) and the Act

And clauses (a) and (e) matter because of who is NOT named. The presiding officers of the two Houses appear; the Government does not appear anywhere in the Act. Chapter 1580 shows why: the motion is a member's, the admission is the Speaker's or the Chairman's, and the Committee is constituted by them. The executive has no role in the removal of a judge at any stage, which is the whole point of the design.

Seven sections, and what each does

Section 1: short title, and commencement on such date as the Central Government may appoint, which was 1 January 1969.

Section 2: definitions, above.

Section 3: the motion, its admission, and the constitution of the Committee; the framing of definite charges; the communication of the charges and grounds to the Judge and his written statement of defence; and the medical board where incapacity is denied. Chapter 1580.

Section 4: the Committee's power to regulate its own procedure, the Judge's right to cross-examine, adduce evidence and be heard in defence, the report with findings on each charge separately, and the laying of the report before the Houses. Chapter 1590.

Section 5: the powers of a civil court. Chapter 1590.

Section 6: what happens on a finding of not guilty and on a finding of guilty, and the effect of adoption by each House. Chapter 1600.

Section 7: the Joint Committee of fifteen which makes the rules. Chapter 1600.

Seven sections for the removal of a judge of a superior court, and a candidate should say so. Chapter 1440 counted the Comptroller and Auditor General's Act at twenty-six sections and chapter 810 counted the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act at seven. The two shortest statutes in this book govern the investigation of a judge and the constitution of India's principal investigating agency, and both have been criticised for it.

Why it matters that the procedure is in a LAW

Chapter 1560 quoted the holding and chapter 1610 works it, but the point belongs here because it flows from article 124(5) itself.

Article 118, chapter 960, lets each House make rules for regulating its procedure and the conduct of its business; and article 122(1) bars a court from questioning the validity of proceedings on the ground of an irregularity of procedure.

munotes.in893

Article 124(5) and the Act

Article 124(5) did not use that route. It requires a law made by Parliament, and the Supreme Court in Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, drew the consequence: the context and setting of clause (5) "distinguish it from Articles 118, 119 and 121, all of which relate to procedure and conduct of business in Parliament"; and "the validity of law enacted by the Parliament under clause (5) of Article 124 and the stage upto conclusion of the inquiry in accordance with that law, being governed entirely by statute, would be open to judicial review."

And the Court identified the Speaker's character in that stage exactly. "The Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act." So his admission or refusal of the motion under section 3(1) is an exercise of statutory power, not a proceeding of the House; and "upto that point the matter cannot be said to remain outside the Court's jurisdiction."

That single sentence is the most important consequence of article 124(5)'s choice of instrument, and chapter 1620 shows what followed from it.

A worked example

A motion is given notice of, alleging misbehaviour by a Chief Justice of a High Court.

Does the Act apply to a Chief Justice? Yes: section 2(c) includes the Chief Justice of a High Court and the Chief Justice of India within the definition of a Judge.

Who decides whether the motion proceeds? The Speaker or the Chairman, under section 3(1).

In what capacity does he decide? As a statutory authority under the Act, on the authority of the Judicial Accountability case, and not as the presiding officer regulating the business of the House.

Can that decision be questioned in a court? The stage up to the conclusion of the inquiry is governed entirely by statute and is open to judicial review, so the question does not fall at the threshold on article 122(1), which bars a challenge for irregularity of procedure in Parliament.

What is the Government's role? None. The Act names the Speaker, the Chairman, the Committee and the Judge, and nowhere the executive.

And what if Parliament had never passed the Act? Then article 124(4) would still require proved misbehaviour, and there would be no machinery by which anything could be proved. That was the position for nineteen years.

What beginners get wrong

That article 124(5) obliged Parliament to legislate. It says may, and Parliament did not do so until 1968.

That the Act applies only to Supreme Court Judges. Section 2(c): a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court, including both Chief Justices.

munotes.in894

Article 124(5) and the Act

That the Government initiates the removal of a judge. It has no role anywhere in the Act.

That the Speaker acts under the rules of the House. He is a statutory authority under the Act, and the stage up to the conclusion of the inquiry is open to judicial review.

That the removal procedure is elaborate. It is seven sections.

Quick revision

Art 124(5): Parliament may by law regulate the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the investigation and proof of misbehaviour or incapacity. Permissive, and unused for eighteen years; the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 came into force 1 January 1969.

s.2(c): "Judge" means a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court and INCLUDES the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justice of a High Court. One procedure, no distinction of rank. s.2(a) the Chairman of the Council of States; s.2(e) the Speaker of the House of the People; the Government appears nowhere in the Act.

Seven sections: 1 title and commencement; 2 definitions; 3 motion, admission, Committee, charges, defence, medical board; 4 procedure, hearing, report, laying; 5 powers of a civil court; 6 consequence of the finding and the address; 7 the Joint Committee of fifteen that makes the rules.

Why a LAW and not RULES: the context and setting of cl. (5) distinguish it from arts 118, 119 and 121; the stage up to the conclusion of the inquiry is governed entirely by statute and open to judicial review; and "the Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act."

Test yourself

1. What does article 124(5) provide, and what is notable about it? That Parliament may by law regulate the procedure for the presentation of an address and for the investigation and proof of the misbehaviour or incapacity of a Judge under clause (4). Three things are notable. It covers two subjects different in kind, the presentation of an address being parliamentary procedure while the investigation and proof of misbehaviour is the conduct of a quasi-judicial inquiry. It is permissive, saying may and not shall, so Parliament was under no obligation to legislate, and did not do so until 1968, the Judges (Inquiry) Act coming into force on 1 January 1969; for nineteen years article 124(4) required proved misbehaviour while no machinery existed by which anything could be proved. And it requires a law rather than rules of procedure, which is the choice from which the justiciability of the whole first stage follows.

2. Whom does the Act apply to? Every judge of a superior court. Section 2(c) defines a Judge as a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court, and expressly includes the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justice of a High Court. One statute and one procedure therefore govern the removal of a puisne Judge of a High Court and of the Chief Justice of India alike, and neither the Constitution nor the Act draws any distinction of rank. It is equally significant who is not mentioned: the Act names the Speaker of the House of the People, the Chairman of the Council of States, the Committee and the Judge, and the Government appears nowhere in it, the motion being a member's, the admission the presiding officer's and the Committee's constitution theirs, so that the executive has no role at any stage.

munotes.in895

Article 124(5) and the Act

3. Why does it matter that the procedure is contained in a law rather than in rules of the House? Because it determines whether a court may look at it. Article 118 empowers each House to make rules regulating its procedure and the conduct of its business, and article 122(1) bars a court from questioning the validity of proceedings in Parliament on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure. Article 124(5) did not take that route but required a law. In Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India the Supreme Court held that the context and setting in which clause (5) appears distinguish it from articles 118, 119 and 121, all of which relate to procedure and the conduct of business in Parliament; that the validity of a law enacted under clause (5), and the stage up to the conclusion of the inquiry held in accordance with it, being governed entirely by statute, are open to judicial review; and that the Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act, so that up to that point the matter cannot be said to remain outside the Court's jurisdiction.

4. How long is the Act, and does the brevity matter? Seven sections: the short title and commencement; the definitions; the motion, its admission, the constitution of the Committee, the framing of definite charges, their communication to the Judge with his right to a written statement of defence, and the medical board where incapacity is denied; the Committee's power to regulate its own procedure, the Judge's right to cross-examine, adduce evidence and be heard, the report with findings on each charge separately, and its laying before the Houses; the powers of a civil court; the consequences of a finding of guilt or innocence and the effect of adoption by each House; and the Joint Committee of fifteen that makes the rules. The brevity matters because it means that a great deal is left either to the rules made under section 7 or to the Committee's own procedure under section 4(1), and because the two shortest statutes in this book, this and the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946, govern respectively the investigation of a judge and the constitution of India's principal investigating agency.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in896

Chapter -Two

The Motion and the Committee

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

A hundred members of the House of the People or fifty of the Council of States sign a notice; the Speaker or Chairman may admit it or refuse; and if admitted he constitutes a Committee of a Supreme Court Judge, a Chief Justice of a High Court and a distinguished jurist.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 3(1) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 provides that if notice is given of a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of a Judge, signed in the House of the People by not less than one hundred members of that House and in the Council of States by not less than fifty members of that Council, the Speaker or the Chairman may, after consulting such persons as he thinks fit and after considering such materials as may be available to him, either admit the motion or refuse to admit the same; section 3(2) provides that if the motion is admitted he shall keep it pending and constitute, as soon as may be, a Committee of three members of whom one shall be chosen from among the Chief Justice and other Judges of the Supreme Court, one from among the Chief Justices of the High Courts, and one shall be a person who is, in the opinion of the Speaker or the Chairman, a distinguished jurist.

Section 3(1): the notice and the discretion

The numbers. Not less than one hundred members of the House of the People, or not less than fifty members of the Council of States.

The proportion is what matters, not the number. A hundred of five hundred and forty-five, and fifty of two hundred and forty-five, are in each case roughly a fifth of the House. The threshold is deliberately high: chapter 1550 established that removal was designed to be hard, and it is hard from the first step.

The discretion. The Speaker or the Chairman may, after consulting such persons, if any, as he thinks fit and after considering such materials, if any, as may be available to him, either admit the motion or refuse to admit the same.

Read the discretion for what it does not require.

"Such persons, IF ANY, as he thinks fit." He need consult nobody.

"Such materials, IF ANY, as may be available." There need be no material at all.

"Either admit or refuse to admit." No reasons are required, and no appeal lies.

So the first and least noticed filter in the whole removal procedure is one person's unreasoned discretion, and it is the exact counterpart of chapter 1040's Speaker's consent to a question of privilege. In both cases the presiding officer decides at the threshold, without reasons and without appeal.

munotes.in897

The Motion and the Committee

But there is a difference, and it is the most important thing in this chapter. Chapter 1570 established, on Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, that "the Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act" and that the stage up to the conclusion of the inquiry is open to judicial review. A refusal to admit a privilege motion is a proceeding of the House; a refusal to admit a removal motion is an exercise of statutory power.

Section 3(2): the Committee

If the motion is admitted, the Speaker or the Chairman shall keep the motion PENDING and constitute, as soon as may be, for the purpose of making an investigation into the grounds on which the removal of a Judge is prayed for, a Committee consisting of three members of whom:

(a) one shall be chosen from among the Chief Justice and other Judges of the Supreme Court; (b) one shall be chosen from among the Chief Justices of the High Courts; and (c) one shall be a person who is, in the opinion of the Speaker or the Chairman, a distinguished jurist.

Three features, each examinable.

The motion is kept PENDING. It is not voted on and does not lapse into the investigation; it waits. Chapter 1620 turns on that word entirely.

Two of three are sitting judges. A Judge of the Supreme Court and a Chief Justice of a High Court. The investigation of a judge's misbehaviour is conducted by judges, which is what makes the first stage judicial in character, chapter 1610.

And the third is chosen on an opinion. "A person who is, in the opinion of the Speaker or the Chairman, a distinguished jurist." The only subjective element in the composition, and the only member who is not identified by office.

Compare the selection committees in Module II. Chapter 610: the Central Vigilance Commissioner's Committee gives the Government two of three. Chapter 800: the Director's Committee gives it one of three. This Committee gives it none at all, since the Government has no part in constituting it. On the composition of the body that judges a judge, the design is at its most protective.

The two provisos: notices in both Houses

First proviso. Where notices are given on the same day in both Houses, no Committee shall be constituted unless the motion has been admitted in both Houses; and where it has been admitted in both, the Committee shall be constituted JOINTLY by the Speaker and the Chairman.

Second proviso. Where notices are given on different dates, the notice which is given LATER shall stand rejected.

munotes.in898

The Motion and the Committee

The second proviso is a rule against duplication and it is absolute. The later notice is rejected, not held, not consolidated. One inquiry, and the House that moved first owns it.

Sections 3(3) and (4): the charges and the defence

3(3). The Committee shall frame definite charges against the Judge on the basis of which the investigation is proposed to be held.

"Definite charges", and chapter 1560 explained why the phrase matters. Neither misbehaviour nor incapacity is defined; so the content of the allegation is fixed by the charge, and the Judge is tried on the charge and not on a general accusation.

3(4). Such charges together with a statement of the grounds on which each such charge is based shall be communicated to the Judge, and he shall be given a reasonable opportunity of presenting a written statement of defence within such time as may be specified by the Committee.

Notice the two things the Judge receives. The charges and the grounds on which each is based. He is not left to guess the case, and chapter 1590's section 4(1) adds the right to cross-examine, adduce evidence and be heard.

Sections 3(5) to (7): incapacity and the Medical Board

3(5). Where it is alleged that the Judge is unable to discharge the duties of his office efficiently due to any physical or mental incapacity and the allegation is denied, the Committee may arrange for the medical examination of the Judge by such Medical Board as may be appointed for the purpose by the Speaker or the Chairman, or by both where the Committee was constituted jointly; and the Judge shall submit himself to such medical examination within the time specified.

3(6). The Medical Board shall undertake such medical examination as may be considered necessary and submit a report to the Committee stating whether the incapacity is such as to render the Judge unfit to continue in office.

3(7): the presumption. If the Judge refuses to undergo medical examination considered necessary by the Board, the Board shall report the examination refused, and the Committee may, on receipt of such report, presume that the Judge suffers from the incapacity alleged.

That is a real and unusual provision. A refusal to be examined founds a presumption against the Judge. The Act does not compel the examination; it attaches a consequence to refusing, which is the ordinary technique where compulsion would be improper. And note the condition: the allegation must have been DENIED before the Board is arranged at all.

A worked example

Members of the House of the People wish to move for the removal of a Judge.

munotes.in899

The Motion and the Committee

How many must sign? Not less than one hundred. In the Council of States, not less than fifty.

Must the Speaker admit it? No. He may admit or refuse, after consulting such persons, if any, as he thinks fit and considering such materials, if any, as are available; no reasons are required and no appeal lies.

Is that decision beyond a court? No. He is a statutory authority under the Act, and the stage up to the conclusion of the inquiry is open to judicial review: chapter 1570.

He admits it. What happens to the motion? It is kept pending. It is not voted on now, and chapter 1620 shows what follows from that.

Who investigates? A Committee of three: a Judge of the Supreme Court, a Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist in the Speaker's opinion.

A similar notice is given in the Council of States three days later. The second proviso: the notice given later stands rejected.

Both notices had been given on the same day instead. The first proviso: no Committee unless the motion is admitted in both Houses, and if it is, the Committee is constituted jointly by the Speaker and the Chairman.

The Committee begins. It frames definite charges and communicates them with the grounds on which each is based, giving the Judge a reasonable opportunity to present a written statement of defence.

One charge is that he is mentally unfit, and he denies it. The Committee may arrange a medical examination by a Medical Board appointed by the Speaker, and the Judge shall submit himself to it; the Board reports whether the incapacity is such as to render him unfit to continue in office.

He refuses to be examined. The Board reports the refusal, and the Committee may presume that he suffers from the incapacity alleged.

What beginners get wrong

That the numbers are the same in both Houses. One hundred in the House of the People, fifty in the Council of States.

That the Speaker must admit an admissible motion. He may admit or refuse, without reasons and without appeal.

That his decision is a proceeding of the House. He is a statutory authority under the Act, and the stage is open to judicial review.

That the motion is voted on before the inquiry. It is kept pending.

That the Government constitutes the Committee. The Speaker or the Chairman does, and the Government has no part in it.

That a Judge can be compelled to undergo a medical examination. He cannot; section 3(7) attaches a presumption to his refusal instead.

munotes.in900

The Motion and the Committee

Quick revision

s.3(1): notice signed by not less than 100 members of the House of the People or 50 of the Council of States; the Speaker or Chairman may, after consulting such persons, if any, as he thinks fit and considering such materials, if any, as are available, either admit or refuse to admit. No reasons, no appeal; but he is a statutory authority under the Act and the stage is justiciable.

s.3(2): if admitted, he keeps the motion PENDING and constitutes a Committee of three: (a) from among the Chief Justice and other Judges of the Supreme Court; (b) from among the Chief Justices of the High Courts; (c) a person who is, in his opinion, a distinguished jurist. Two of three are sitting judges; the Government has no part.

Provisos: notices on the same day in both Houses, no Committee unless admitted in both, and then constituted jointly; notices on different dates, the later stands rejected.

s.3(3) and (4): definite charges, communicated with a statement of the grounds on which each is based, and a reasonable opportunity of presenting a written statement of defence.

s.3(5) to (7): on a denied allegation of physical or mental incapacity, a Medical Board appointed by the Speaker or Chairman, reporting whether the incapacity is such as to render the Judge unfit to continue in office; and on a refusal to be examined, the Committee may presume the incapacity.

Test yourself

1. How is a motion for the removal of a judge initiated? By notice of a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge, signed in the House of the People by not less than one hundred members of that House and in the Council of States by not less than fifty members of that Council, which is in each case about a fifth of the House. The Speaker or the Chairman may then, after consulting such persons, if any, as he thinks fit and after considering such materials, if any, as may be available to him, either admit the motion or refuse to admit it. He need consult nobody, need have no material before him, need give no reasons and is subject to no appeal, so that the first and least noticed filter in the whole procedure is one person's unreasoned discretion. It is not, however, beyond a court: as the Supreme Court held, the Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act, and the stage up to the conclusion of the inquiry is governed entirely by statute and open to judicial review.

munotes.in901

The Motion and the Committee

2. How is the Committee constituted? If the motion is admitted, the Speaker or the Chairman keeps it pending and constitutes, as soon as may be, a Committee of three members for the purpose of making an investigation into the grounds on which the removal is prayed for: one chosen from among the Chief Justice and other Judges of the Supreme Court, one from among the Chief Justices of the High Courts, and one who is, in the opinion of the Speaker or the Chairman, a distinguished jurist. Two of the three are therefore sitting judges, which is what gives the first stage its judicial character, and the third is the only member identified otherwise than by office and the only subjective element in the composition. The Government has no part whatever in the constitution of the Committee, which may be contrasted with the selection committees for the Central Vigilance Commissioner and for the Director of the Central Bureau of Investigation, where it has two of three votes and one of three respectively.

3. What happens if notices are given in both Houses? The provisos to section 3(2) govern it. Where notices of the motion are given on the same day in both Houses, no Committee shall be constituted unless the motion has been admitted in both, and where it has been admitted in both, the Committee shall be constituted jointly by the Speaker and the Chairman. Where notices are given on different dates, the notice given later stands rejected. The second rule is absolute: the later notice is not held over or consolidated but rejected, so that there is one inquiry and it belongs to the House which moved first.

4. How does the Act deal with an allegation of incapacity? Where it is alleged that the Judge is unable to discharge the duties of his office efficiently due to any physical or mental incapacity, and the allegation is denied, the Committee may arrange for his medical examination by a Medical Board appointed for the purpose by the Speaker or the Chairman, or by both where the Committee was constituted jointly, and the Judge shall submit himself to that examination within the time the Committee specifies. The Board undertakes such examination as it considers necessary and reports to the Committee whether the incapacity is such as to render the Judge unfit to continue in office. And if the Judge refuses to undergo an examination the Board considers necessary, the Board reports the refusal and the Committee may, on receiving that report, presume that he suffers from the incapacity alleged. The Act therefore does not compel the examination but attaches a consequence to refusing it, which is the ordinary technique where compulsion would be improper, and the machinery is engaged only where the allegation has first been denied.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in902

Chapter -Three

The Inquiry and the Report

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

Definite charges, a written defence, the right to cross-examine and be heard, the powers of a civil court, and a report with findings on each charge separately, laid before both Houses.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 4(1) provides that, subject to any rules made in that behalf, the Committee shall have power to regulate its own procedure in making the investigation and shall give a reasonable opportunity to the Judge of cross-examining witnesses, adducing evidence and of being heard in his defence; section 4(2) requires the Committee at the conclusion of the investigation to submit its report to the Speaker or the Chairman, or to both where it was constituted jointly, stating therein its findings on each of the charges separately with such observations on the whole case as it thinks fit; section 4(3) requires the report to be laid before the House of the People and the Council of States; and section 5 gives the Committee, for the purpose of making any investigation, the powers of a civil court while trying a suit under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908 in respect of summoning and enforcing attendance and examining on oath, requiring the discovery and production of documents, receiving evidence on oath, issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or documents, and such other matters as may be prescribed.

Section 4(1): procedure and the Judge's rights

"Subject to any rules that may be made in this behalf, the Committee shall have power to regulate its own procedure in making the investigation and shall give a reasonable opportunity to the Judge of cross-examining witnesses, adducing evidence and of being heard in his defence."

Two halves, and the second is mandatory while the first is not.

"Shall have power to regulate its own procedure." Discretionary, and subject to any rules made under section 7, chapter 1600.

"And SHALL give a reasonable opportunity." Mandatory, and of three specific things.

Cross-examining witnesses. Not merely hearing the evidence: testing it. Adducing evidence. Calling his own. And being heard in his defence.

Compare chapter 490's section 8B of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, which gives a person likely to be prejudicially affected a reasonable opportunity of being heard and, by section 8C, of cross-examining and being represented by a legal practitioner. The two statutes give the same protections, and the reason is the same: a proceeding that can destroy a reputation must be conducted judicially, whatever it is called.

And note what section 4(1) does NOT expressly give, which chapter 1590's counterpart does. Section 8C of the 1952 Act names legal representation; section 4(1) does not. But section 7(4)(d), chapter 1600, empowers the Joint Committee to make rules for "the facilities which may be accorded to the Judge for defending himself", which is where representation is provided for. The right is in the rules and not in the section, and a careful answer says so.

munotes.in903

The Inquiry and the Report

Section 5: the powers of a civil court

For the purpose of making any investigation under this Act the Committee shall have the powers of a civil court, while trying a suit, under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908, in respect of:

(a) summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person and examining him on oath; (b) requiring the discovery and production of documents; (c) receiving evidence on oath; (d) issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or documents; (e) such other matters as may be prescribed.

This is the fourth time this book has met the formula, and collecting the four is worth a sentence in an answer on inquiry powers generally.

Chapter 440: section 4 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952. Chapter 650: section 11 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003. Chapter 170: section 27 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013. And section 5 here.

Note two differences from the others, both instructive.

Section 5 has no "evidence on affidavits" clause, which chapter 650's section 11(c) and chapter 440's section 4 both have. This inquiry takes evidence ON OATH, clause (c), which with the right to cross-examine in section 4(1) means the Committee's procedure is closer to a trial than the others'.

And section 5 has no clause on requisitioning public records, which the others have. Because it does not need one: clause (b) gives discovery and production, and the persons holding the records are the Government's officers, who are compellable under clause (a).

Section 4(2): the report

"At the conclusion of the investigation, the Committee shall submit its report to the Speaker or, as the case may be, to the Chairman, or where the Committee has been constituted jointly by the Speaker and the Chairman, to both of them, stating therein its findings on each of the charges separately with such observations on the whole case as it thinks fit."

Three requirements, and the second is the important one.

To the Speaker or the Chairman, or both. Not to the Government, and not to the House. The report goes to the officer who constituted the Committee.

Findings on each of the charges SEPARATELY. Not a general verdict. A Judge may be found guilty on one charge and not guilty on another, and the report must say which. That is a trial court's obligation, and it is what makes chapter 1600's section 6 workable, since the House must know what has been proved.

munotes.in904

The Inquiry and the Report

With such observations on the whole case as it thinks fit. The Committee may say what it thinks beyond the charges, and "as it thinks fit" leaves the extent to it.

Section 4(3): laying

"The Speaker or the Chairman or, where the Committee has been constituted jointly by the Speaker and the Chairman, both of them, shall cause the report submitted under sub-section (2) to be laid, as soon as may be, respectively before the House of the People and the Council of States."

The familiar device once more. Chapter 1400's article 151, chapter 660's section 14(3), chapter 470's section 3(4). Laying before the House is this paper's standard accountability mechanism, and even the report on a judge is subject to it.

And note that the obligation is "as soon as may be" and is on the presiding officer. Not on the Government, which appears nowhere in this Act, chapter 1570.

Why this is a judicial inquiry in substance

Collect the features and the character is unmistakable.

Definite charges framed before the investigation: section 3(3). The charges and the grounds communicated, with a written statement of defence: section 3(4). Cross-examination, adducing evidence and being heard in defence: section 4(1). Evidence on oath, with the powers of a civil court: section 5. Findings on each charge separately: section 4(2). Two of the three members sitting judges: section 3(2), chapter 1580.

That is a trial in everything but name, and chapter 1610 draws the consequence: the Supreme Court held that the first part is entirely statutory and that the parliamentary process begins only on proof. The Committee's function is judicial; the House's is political; and the Act keeps them apart.

A worked example

A Committee investigates three charges against a Judge.

What must it do first? Frame definite charges under section 3(3), and communicate them with the grounds on which each is based, giving a reasonable opportunity for a written statement of defence: section 3(4).

A witness will not attend. Section 5(a): the Committee has a civil court's power of summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person and examining him on oath.

A department will not produce a file. Section 5(b): requiring the discovery and production of documents.

A witness is abroad. Section 5(d): issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or documents.

The Judge wishes to question the principal witness against him. Section 4(1): a reasonable opportunity of cross-examining witnesses, and it is mandatory.

munotes.in905

The Inquiry and the Report

He wishes to be represented by counsel. Not in section 4(1) in terms; section 7(4)(d) empowers the rules to provide for "the facilities which may be accorded to the Judge for defending himself".

The Committee finds charge one proved, charge two not proved and charge three partly proved. Section 4(2) requires findings on each of the charges separately, so the report must say exactly that, and may add such observations on the whole case as it thinks fit.

To whom does it go? To the Speaker, or the Chairman, or both if the Committee was constituted jointly. Not to the Government.

And then? Section 4(3): it is laid, as soon as may be, before the House of the People and the Council of States; and chapter 1600 works what the House may then do with it.

What beginners get wrong

That the Committee's procedure is fixed by the Act. It regulates its own procedure, subject to any rules made under section 7; what is fixed is the Judge's rights.

That the Judge is merely heard. He has a reasonable opportunity of cross-examining witnesses, adducing evidence and being heard in his defence.

That legal representation is in section 4. It is provided for by rules under section 7(4)(d).

That the report gives a single verdict. Findings on each of the charges separately.

That the report goes to the Government or to the House. It goes to the Speaker or the Chairman, who then causes it to be laid.

Quick revision

s.4(1): the Committee shall have power to regulate its own procedure, subject to rules; and SHALL give a reasonable opportunity to the Judge of (i) cross-examining witnesses, (ii) adducing evidence and (iii) being heard in his defence.

s.5: the powers of a civil court trying a suit as to (a) summoning and enforcing attendance and examining on oath; (b) discovery and production of documents; (c) receiving evidence on oath; (d) issuing commissions; (e) such other matters as may be prescribed. No affidavit clause and no public records clause, unlike ss.4 of the 1952 Act, 11 of the CVC Act and 27 of the Lokpal Act.

s.4(2): report to the Speaker or the Chairman, or both, stating findings on each of the charges SEPARATELY with such observations on the whole case as it thinks fit.

s.4(3): the presiding officer shall cause the report to be laid, as soon as may be, before the House of the People and the Council of States.

A trial in everything but name: definite charges, grounds communicated, written defence, cross-examination, evidence on oath, civil court powers, separate findings, and two judges of three on the Committee.

munotes.in906

The Inquiry and the Report

Test yourself

1. What rights does the Judge have before the Committee? Section 4(1) provides that the Committee, while having power to regulate its own procedure in making the investigation subject to any rules made in that behalf, shall give a reasonable opportunity to the Judge of cross-examining witnesses, adducing evidence and of being heard in his defence. Those three are mandatory, and they follow the protections in sections 3(3) and 3(4), which require the Committee to frame definite charges on the basis of which the investigation is proposed to be held and to communicate them, together with a statement of the grounds on which each is based, to the Judge, who is to be given a reasonable opportunity of presenting a written statement of defence. Legal representation is not mentioned in section 4, but section 7(4)(d) empowers the rules to provide for the facilities which may be accorded to the Judge for defending himself.

2. What powers has the Committee? For the purpose of making any investigation under the Act it has the powers of a civil court trying a suit under the Code of Civil Procedure 1908 in respect of summoning and enforcing the attendance of any person and examining him on oath; requiring the discovery and production of documents; receiving evidence on oath; issuing commissions for the examination of witnesses or documents; and such other matters as may be prescribed. The formula is the same one used by section 4 of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952, section 11 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act 2003 and section 27 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act 2013, with two differences: there is no clause permitting evidence on affidavits, this Committee taking evidence on oath, and no clause on requisitioning public records, which is unnecessary because the power of discovery and production together with the power to compel attendance reaches them.

3. What must the report contain and where does it go? At the conclusion of the investigation the Committee must submit its report to the Speaker, or to the Chairman, or to both where it was constituted jointly, stating its findings on each of the charges separately with such observations on the whole case as it thinks fit. The requirement of separate findings is significant: a Judge may be found guilty on one charge and not on another, and the House must know precisely what has been proved before it can act under section 6. The report goes to the presiding officer who constituted the Committee, and not to the Government, which appears nowhere in the Act; and by section 4(3) the presiding officer, or both where the Committee was constituted jointly, shall cause the report to be laid, as soon as may be, before the House of the People and the Council of States respectively.

munotes.in907

The Inquiry and the Report

4. Why is this properly called a judicial inquiry? Because in substance it is a trial. Definite charges are framed before the investigation begins; the charges and the grounds on which each rests are communicated to the Judge, who may file a written statement of defence; he has a mandatory right to cross-examine witnesses, to adduce evidence and to be heard in his defence; the Committee takes evidence on oath and has the powers of a civil court to compel attendance and the production of documents; the report must record findings on each charge separately; and two of the Committee's three members are sitting judges, a Judge of the Supreme Court and a Chief Justice of a High Court. That is the character which allowed the Supreme Court to hold that the first part of the removal process, from initiation to investigation and proof, is entirely statutory, and that the parliamentary process under article 124(4) begins only upon proof; the Committee's function is judicial, the House's is political, and the Act keeps the two apart.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in908

Chapter -Four

The Procedure on the Report

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

A finding of not guilty ends everything and the motion is not proceeded with; a finding of guilty puts the motion before the House; and if both Houses adopt it on the special majorities the misbehaviour is deemed to have been proved and the address is presented.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 6(1) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 provides that if the report of the Committee contains a finding that the Judge is not guilty of any misbehaviour or does not suffer from any incapacity, no further steps shall be taken in either House in relation to the report and the motion pending shall not be proceeded with; section 6(2) provides that if the report contains a finding of guilt or incapacity, the motion shall, together with the report, be taken up for consideration by the House or Houses in which it is pending; and section 6(3) provides that if the motion is adopted by each House in accordance with article 124(4), or that clause read with article 218, then the misbehaviour or incapacity of the Judge shall be deemed to have been proved and an address praying for his removal shall be presented in the prescribed manner to the President by each House in the same session in which the motion has been adopted.

Section 6(1): the finding of not guilty ends it

"If the report of the Committee contains a finding that the Judge is not guilty of any misbehaviour or does not suffer from any incapacity, then no further steps shall be taken in either House of Parliament in relation to the report and the motion pending in the House or the Houses of Parliament shall not be proceeded with."

Read that twice, because it is the most protective provision in the whole procedure.

"No further steps shall be taken." Not may not; shall not.

"In either House." Even the House in which the motion is not pending.

"The motion ... shall not be proceeded with." The House cannot vote on it at all.

So an acquittal by the Committee is FINAL, and Parliament has no power to disagree with it. That is a remarkable allocation, and it is the strongest evidence that the first stage is judicial: a body of two judges and a jurist can stop a motion which a hundred members signed and the Speaker admitted, and the House has no remedy.

And note the asymmetry, because it is the design. A finding of not guilty binds the House. A finding of guilty does not: it merely lets the motion be taken up. The Committee can acquit conclusively and cannot convict at all.

munotes.in909

The Procedure on the Report

Section 6(2): the finding of guilt opens the vote

"If the report of the Committee contains a finding that the Judge is guilty of any misbehaviour or suffers from any incapacity, then, the motion referred to in sub-section (1) of section 3 shall, together with the report of the Committee, be taken up for consideration by the House or the Houses of Parliament in which it is pending."

Note "together with the report". The House considers the motion and the report as one, so the members vote with the Committee's findings on each charge separately, chapter 1590, before them.

And note what the sub-section does not say. It does not say the House shall adopt the motion. The finding of guilt entitles the House to vote; it does not oblige it to vote either way.

Section 6(3): the deeming, and the vote

"If the motion is adopted by each House of Parliament in accordance with the provisions of clause (4) of article 124 or, as the case may be, in accordance with that clause read with article 218 of the Constitution, then, the misbehaviour or incapacity of the Judge shall be deemed to have been proved and an address praying for the removal of the Judge shall be presented in the prescribed manner to the President by each House of Parliament in the same session in which the motion has been adopted."

The phrase to stop on is "SHALL BE DEEMED TO HAVE BEEN PROVED".

Chapter 1560 established that article 124(4) requires PROVED misbehaviour. One would expect the Committee's finding to be the proof.

Section 6(3) says otherwise: what makes the misbehaviour "proved" for the purposes of article 124(4) is the ADOPTION OF THE MOTION BY EACH HOUSE. The Committee finds; the Houses' vote is what converts the finding into proof.

And the consequence is the criticism of the whole procedure. A Judge found guilty by two judges and a jurist, after a trial with charges, cross-examination and evidence on oath, is removed only if the politics of two Houses will carry two special majorities in one session. Chapter 1650 shows exactly that happening.

The defence of the design, and it must be given. The alternative is that a Committee of three could remove a judge, which would put the tenure of the judiciary in the hands of a body appointed by two presiding officers. The Constitution wanted a judicial finding and a political decision, in that order, and section 6(3) is that sequence in statutory form. Chapter 1610 works it.

And the three conditions in section 6(3), each drawn from article 124(4). Adopted by EACH House; in accordance with the special majorities; and the address presented in the SAME SESSION in which the motion has been adopted.

munotes.in910

The Procedure on the Report

Section 7: the rules

7(1). There shall be constituted a Joint Committee of both Houses for the purpose of making rules to carry out the purposes of this Act.

7(2). It shall consist of fifteen members of whom ten shall be nominated by the Speaker and five by the Chairman.

7(3). It shall elect its own Chairman and shall have power to regulate its own procedure.

7(4). Without prejudice to the generality of sub-section (1), it may make rules for:

(a) the manner of transmission of a motion adopted in one House to the other House; (b) the manner of presentation of an address to the President for the removal of a Judge; (c) the travelling and other allowances payable to members of the Committee and to witnesses; (d) the facilities which may be accorded to the Judge for defending himself; (e) any other matter which has to be or may be provided for by rules or in respect of which provision is, in the opinion of the Joint Committee, necessary.

7(5): the unusual commencement clause. "Any rules made under this section shall not take effect until they are approved and confirmed both by the Speaker and the Chairman and are published in the Official Gazette, and such publication of the rules shall be conclusive proof that they have been duly made."

Three observations, and each connects to an earlier chapter.

The rules are made by a Joint Committee, not by the Government. Consistent with chapter 1570's point that the executive appears nowhere in this Act.

They do not take effect until approved and confirmed by BOTH presiding officers, which is an approval requirement stronger than chapter 680's section 21 of the Central Vigilance Commission Act, where the Commission's regulations need the previous approval of the Central Government.

And "publication shall be CONCLUSIVE PROOF that they have been duly made" is the same formula as clause (5) of section 23 of the General Clauses Act, chapter 1250. Once gazetted, compliance with the rule-making procedure cannot be disputed.

And note what is absent. There is no laying requirement for these rules. Chapter 1230's standard formula does not appear; the safeguard here is the two presiding officers' approval instead, which is a different technique and, since they are the officers the Act elsewhere trusts, a coherent one.

A worked example

A Committee reports on three charges.

It finds the Judge not guilty on all three. Section 6(1): no further steps shall be taken in either House in relation to the report, and the motion shall not be proceeded with. The House cannot vote, and the acquittal is final.

munotes.in911

The Procedure on the Report

It finds him guilty on one charge and not guilty on two. The report contains a finding that the Judge is guilty of misbehaviour, so section 6(2) applies: the motion, together with the report, is taken up for consideration by the House in which it is pending.

The House of the People adopts it: 400 present and voting, 380 in favour, against a total membership of 545. A majority of the total membership is 273 and 380 exceeds it; two-thirds of those present and voting is 267 and 380 exceeds that. Both conditions satisfied in that House.

The Council of States takes it up in the same session and 100 of 200 voting are in favour, the total membership being 245. Neither majority is satisfied: 100 is short of 123, a majority of the total membership, and short of 134, two-thirds of those voting. The motion fails.

What happens to the Committee's finding of guilt? Nothing. The misbehaviour is not deemed to have been proved, because section 6(3) requires adoption by each House. A judicial finding of guilt stands on the record and the Judge remains in office, which is chapter 1650's history exactly.

Both Houses had adopted it, but in different sessions. Fatal. The address must be presented in the same session in which the motion has been adopted, and article 124(4) requires the addresses to be presented in the same session.

And how is the address actually presented? In the prescribed manner, that is by rules made by the Joint Committee of fifteen under section 7(4)(b), which do not take effect until approved and confirmed by both the Speaker and the Chairman and published in the Official Gazette.

What beginners get wrong

That the House may disagree with an acquittal. Section 6(1): no further steps shall be taken and the motion shall not be proceeded with.

That a finding of guilt removes the Judge. It permits the motion to be taken up; section 6(3) requires adoption by each House on the special majorities.

That the Committee's finding is the "proof" article 124(4) requires. Section 6(3): the misbehaviour shall be deemed to have been proved on the adoption of the motion by each House.

That the Government makes the rules under this Act. A Joint Committee of fifteen does, ten nominated by the Speaker and five by the Chairman.

That those rules are laid before the Houses. They are not; they take effect on approval and confirmation by both presiding officers and publication, which is conclusive proof that they were duly made.

munotes.in912

The Procedure on the Report

Quick revision

s.6(1): on a finding of not guilty or of no incapacity, no further steps shall be taken in either House and the motion shall not be proceeded with. An acquittal by the Committee is FINAL.

s.6(2): on a finding of guilty or of incapacity, the motion together with the report is taken up for consideration by the House or Houses in which it is pending.

s.6(3): on adoption by each House in accordance with art 124(4), or that clause with art 218, the misbehaviour or incapacity shall be DEEMED TO HAVE BEEN PROVED, and the address is presented in the prescribed manner to the President by each House IN THE SAME SESSION in which the motion was adopted.

The asymmetry: the Committee can acquit conclusively and cannot convict at all; the vote of the two Houses is what makes the misbehaviour "proved."

s.7: a Joint Committee of fifteen, ten nominated by the Speaker and five by the Chairman, electing its own Chairman and regulating its own procedure, making rules for transmission of a motion, presentation of the address, allowances, the facilities accorded to the Judge for defending himself, and any other necessary matter; the rules take effect only on approval and confirmation by BOTH presiding officers and publication in the Official Gazette, and publication is CONCLUSIVE PROOF that they were duly made. No laying requirement.

Test yourself

1. What happens if the Committee finds the Judge not guilty? Everything stops. Section 6(1) provides that if the report contains a finding that the Judge is not guilty of any misbehaviour or does not suffer from any incapacity, then no further steps shall be taken in either House of Parliament in relation to the report and the motion pending in the House or Houses shall not be proceeded with. The prohibition is mandatory and extends to both Houses, and it means that the House cannot vote on the motion at all. An acquittal by the Committee is therefore final and Parliament has no power to disagree with it, which is the strongest single indication that the first stage of the removal process is judicial: a body of two judges and a distinguished jurist can extinguish a motion signed by a hundred members and admitted by the Speaker, and the House has no remedy against that.

2. What happens if the Committee finds the Judge guilty? The motion, together with the report, is taken up for consideration by the House or Houses in which it is pending, under section 6(2). That is all: the finding entitles the House to vote and does not oblige it to vote either way. If the motion is then adopted by each House in accordance with article 124(4), or that clause read with article 218, section 6(3) provides that the misbehaviour or incapacity shall be deemed to have been proved and that an address praying for the removal shall be presented in the prescribed manner to the President by each House in the same session in which the motion was adopted. There is therefore a deliberate asymmetry: the Committee can acquit conclusively and cannot convict at all.

munotes.in913

The Procedure on the Report

3. What is the significance of the deeming in section 6(3)? Article 124(4) permits removal only on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity, and one would expect the Committee's finding, reached after definite charges, cross-examination and evidence on oath, to constitute the proof. Section 6(3) provides otherwise: what makes the misbehaviour or incapacity proved for the purposes of article 124(4) is the adoption of the motion by each House on the special majorities. The Committee finds, and the vote converts the finding into proof. The consequence is the standing criticism of the procedure, that a judge found guilty by a judicial body is removed only if the politics of two Houses will carry two special majorities in a single session. The answer to the criticism is that the alternative would allow a Committee of three, constituted by two presiding officers, to determine the tenure of the judiciary; the Constitution wanted a judicial finding followed by a political decision, and section 6(3) is that sequence in statutory form.

4. How are the rules under the Act made? By a Joint Committee of both Houses constituted under section 7(1), consisting of fifteen members of whom ten are nominated by the Speaker and five by the Chairman, which elects its own Chairman and regulates its own procedure. It may make rules for the manner of transmission of a motion adopted in one House to the other, the manner of presentation of an address to the President, the travelling and other allowances payable to members of the Committee and to witnesses, the facilities which may be accorded to the Judge for defending himself, and any other matter which must or may be provided for. By section 7(5) the rules do not take effect until they are approved and confirmed both by the Speaker and the Chairman and are published in the Official Gazette, and such publication is conclusive proof that they have been duly made. Three features are notable: the Government has no part in making them, consistently with its absence from the whole Act; the approval requirement rests with the two presiding officers rather than with the executive, unlike the regulations of the Central Vigilance Commission; and there is no laying requirement at all, the safeguard being the presiding officers' confirmation instead.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in914

Chapter -Five

The Investigation Stage and the Political Stage

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

Removal in India runs in two stages of removal, and the Supreme Court has held that the first is entirely statutory and open to judicial review while only the second is a proceeding of Parliament.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, a Constitution Bench held that the entire process of removal is in two parts, the first under article 124(5) from initiation to investigation and proof, covered by an enacted law and with Parliament's role being only legislative, and the second under article 124(4) after proof, which alone is in Parliament; that "the first part is entirely statutory while the second part alone is the parliamentary process"; that the Speaker in admitting the motion and constituting the Committee does not act as part of the House; and that up to the recording of findings by the Committee the matter is not outside the Court's jurisdiction.

Why the question arises at all

Chapter 1550 to chapter 1600 have described a machine. A motion signed by fifty or a hundred members; a Speaker who admits or refuses; a Committee of two judges and a jurist; definite charges; evidence on oath; a report; and a vote on two special majorities.

The constitutional question is: which parts of that machine are proceedings IN PARLIAMENT?

It matters for one reason, and the reason is article 122(1). Chapter 1080 established that "the validity of any proceedings in Parliament shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure."

So if the whole removal process is a proceeding in Parliament, then the admission of the motion, the constitution of the Committee, its procedure and its findings are ALL beyond a court. A judge could be found guilty by a Committee constituted in breach of the Act and would have no remedy anywhere.

And if none of it is, then the House's vote itself could be examined, which would put a court above Parliament on a matter the Constitution entrusts to two special majorities.

The Court's answer was neither, and the answer is the architecture of the whole subject.

The holding: the process is in two parts

The passage to memorise:

"Accordingly, the scheme is that the entire process of removal is in two parts, the first part under clause (5) from initiation to investigation and proof of misbehaviour or incapacity is covered by an enacted law, Parliament's role being only legislative as in all the laws enacted by it; and the second part only after proof under clause (4) is in Parliament, that process commencing only on proof in accordance with the law enacted under clause (5). Thus the first part is entirely statutory while the second part alone is the parliamentary process."

munotes.in915

The Investigation Stage and the Political Stage

Then the sentence that explains WHY the Constitution was drafted that way:

"The Constitution intended a clear provision for the first part covered fully by enacted law, the validity of which and the process thereunder being subject to judicial review independent of any political colour and after proof it was intended to be a parliamentary process. It is this synthesis made in our Constitutional Scheme for removal of a Judge."

Note the four words "independent of any political colour." They are the reason for the whole design. The finding of misbehaviour is made by judges under a statute so that it does not depend on who commands the House; the removal is voted by the House so that no body of three can end a judge's tenure.

The three consequences

First, the Speaker acts as a statutory authority, not as a part of the House.

"The constitutional process for removal of a Judge upto the point of admission of the motion, constitution of the Committee and the recording of findings by the Committee are not, strictly, proceedings in the Houses of Parliament. The Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act. Upto that point the matter cannot be said to remain outside the Court's jurisdiction."

That is the sentence a court needs. Because the Speaker acts under the Act and not as the House, the admission of the motion and the constitution of the Committee are justiciable. Chapter 1640 is a decision setting aside a member of a Committee on that footing, and chapter 1630 is the right that follows from it.

Second, article 124(5) is not article 118, so the rules of the House do not govern this field.

"Article 124(5) does not, therefore, operate in the same field as Article 118 relating to procedure and conduct of business in Parliament." And "Rules made under Article 118 have no application in this field."

The Court had to deal with an obvious objection: article 119 SAYS that a law made under it prevails over article 118 rules, and article 124(5) says no such thing. The answer was that articles 118 and 119 operate in the same field, the normal business of the House, so an express override was necessary there; articles 118 and 124(5) operate in DIFFERENT fields, so no such provision was needed. A law under article 124(5) therefore overrides the rules made under article 118 and binds both Houses, and a violation of such a law would constitute illegality and could not be immune from judicial scrutiny under article 122(1).

Read that last clause slowly, because it is the whole of chapter 1080's exception at work. Article 122(1) protects against irregularity of procedure; it does not protect illegality; and a breach of the Judges (Inquiry) Act is an illegality, not an irregularity of the House's procedure. The bar simply does not apply.

munotes.in916

The Investigation Stage and the Political Stage

Third, article 124(4) is meaningless without a law under article 124(5).

"Prior proof of misconduct in accordance with the law made under Article 124(5) is a condition precedent for the lifting of the bar under Article 121 against discussing the conduct of a Judge in the Parliament. Article 124(4) really becomes meaningful only with a law made under Article 124(5). Without such a law the constitutional scheme and process for removal of a Judge remains inchoate."

So between 1950 and 1968 there was no operative removal procedure at all, and chapter 1720 shows what article 121 does when no such proof exists.

The Court's own summary of the reconciliation

"The Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968 reflects the constitutional philosophy of both the judicial and political elements of the process of removal. The ultimate authority remains with the Parliament in the sense that even if the Committee for investigation records a finding that the Judge is guilty of the charges, it is yet open to the Parliament to decide not to present an address to the President for removal. But if the Committee records a finding that the Judge is not guilty then the political element in the process of removal has no further option. The law is, indeed, a civilised piece of legislation reconciling the concept of accountability of Judges and the values of judicial independence."

That paragraph is chapter 1600's section 6 in the Court's own words, and it is the best single answer to a question on the asymmetry: a finding of guilt does not bind Parliament, a finding of innocence does.

How this differs from an American impeachment

Students reach for the word "impeachment" and it is the wrong word. Chapter 1550 said so; this chapter gives the reason.

In the United States the House of Representatives impeaches and the Senate tries. Both the accusation and the trial are legislative acts, conducted by legislators, and the Constitution there provides that the Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments.

In India the trial is not legislative at all. The charges are framed and the evidence is taken by two judges and a distinguished jurist under a statute, and the House votes on a finding it did not make. This is the investigation stage and the political stage, in that order, and the separation is the reason the Indian Constitution does not use the word "impeach" for a judge anywhere. Chapter 1550 noted that the only place the Constitution uses it is article 61, for the President, where the process really is legislative throughout.

munotes.in917

The Investigation Stage and the Political Stage

The practical difference is judicial review. A United States Senate's verdict on an impeachment is not examinable by a court; an Indian Committee's proceedings up to its findings are.

A worked example

A Judge says the Speaker admitted the motion without giving him a hearing and that the Committee then framed charges he never saw. He petitions the High Court, and the Union objects that article 122(1) bars the petition.

Is the objection good? No, not as a blanket bar. The admission of the motion, the constitution of the Committee and the recording of its findings are "not, strictly, proceedings in the Houses of Parliament", and "the Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act." So the matter is not outside the Court's jurisdiction.

Does he succeed on the first complaint, the absence of a hearing before admission? No. The Court held that at the stage of admission "a Judge is not, as a matter of right, entitled to a notice", the scheme of the statute and the rules excluding such a right by necessary implication; the Speaker may hear him if the circumstances make it appropriate, but a decision to admit without a hearing does not by itself vitiate the decision.

Does he succeed on the second, charges he never saw? On the pleading, yes, because section 3(3) requires the Committee to frame definite charges and communicate them to the Judge together with the grounds, chapter 1590; a breach of that is illegality, not irregularity, and "a violation of such a law would constitute illegality and could not be immune from judicial scrutiny under Article 122(1)."

And if instead his complaint were that the House debated the motion for two hours when its rules require three? Barred. That is the second part, the parliamentary process, and it is a complaint of irregularity of procedure in a proceeding in Parliament, squarely within article 122(1).

What beginners get wrong

Calling the whole thing an impeachment. The investigation stage is judicial and statutory; only the address stage is parliamentary.

Thinking article 122(1) covers the Committee. It does not: up to the recording of findings the process is not, strictly, proceedings in the Houses of Parliament.

Thinking the Speaker acts for the House when he admits a motion. He is a statutory authority under the Act, and the House does not come into the picture at this stage.

Thinking article 124(5) is just another version of article 118. They operate in different fields, and a law under article 124(5) overrides article 118 rules without needing an express provision like article 119.

munotes.in918

The Investigation Stage and the Political Stage

Thinking article 124(4) works on its own. Without a law under clause (5) the scheme remains inchoate, so there was no operative removal machinery until 1968.

Quick revision

Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699 (Constitution Bench): the entire process of removal is in two parts, the first under clause (5) from initiation to investigation and proof, covered by enacted law with Parliament's role "only legislative"; the second under clause (4) only after proof, and "the first part is entirely statutory while the second part alone is the parliamentary process."

The reason: the first part was to be "subject to judicial review independent of any political colour", and only after proof was it "intended to be a parliamentary process."

The Speaker "is a statutory authority under the Act"; admission, constitution of the Committee and the recording of findings are "not, strictly, proceedings in the Houses of Parliament" and are not outside the Court's jurisdiction.

Article 118 rules "have no application in this field"; article 118 and article 124(5) operate in different fields, so no article 119 style override was needed; a violation of a law under article 124(5) is ILLEGALITY, not irregularity, and is not immune under article 122(1).

Article 124(4) "really becomes meaningful only with a law made under Article 124(5)"; prior proof under that law is a condition precedent to lifting the article 121 bar.

The reconciliation: a finding of guilt leaves Parliament free to decide not to present an address; a finding of not guilty leaves the political element "no further option."

Test yourself

1. State the two-part scheme. In Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, a Constitution Bench held that the entire process of removal is in two parts. The first, under article 124(5), runs from initiation to investigation and proof of misbehaviour or incapacity and is covered by an enacted law, Parliament's role in it being only legislative as in all laws enacted by it. The second, under article 124(4), begins only after proof and is in Parliament. In the Court's words, the first part is entirely statutory while the second part alone is the parliamentary process. The purpose of the division was that the first part, and the validity of the process under it, should be subject to judicial review independent of any political colour, and that only after proof should the matter become a parliamentary process.

2. Why does the division matter for judicial review? Because article 122(1) protects proceedings in Parliament from being called in question on the ground of an alleged irregularity of procedure. If the whole removal process were a proceeding in Parliament, a judge found guilty by a Committee constituted in breach of the Act would have no remedy in any court. The Court held instead that the constitutional process up to the point of admission of the motion, constitution of the Committee and the recording of findings by the Committee is not, strictly, proceedings in the Houses of Parliament, that the Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act, and that up to that point the matter cannot be said to remain outside the Court's jurisdiction. It also held that rules made under article 118 have no application in this field, that articles 118 and 124(5) operate in different fields so that no provision on the model of article 119 was necessary, and that a violation of a law made under article 124(5) would constitute illegality and could not be immune from judicial scrutiny under article 122(1).

munotes.in919

The Investigation Stage and the Political Stage

3. How does Indian removal differ from an American impeachment? In the United States both the accusation and the trial are legislative acts: the House impeaches and the Senate tries. In India the trial is not legislative at all. The charges are framed and the evidence taken by a Committee of two judges and a distinguished jurist under a statute, and the House votes on a finding it did not itself make. The Constitution accordingly uses the word impeachment only in article 61, for the President, where the process is legislative throughout, and never for a judge. The practical consequence is that an American Senate's verdict is not examinable in a court, whereas an Indian Committee's proceedings up to its findings are.

4. Is the Judges (Inquiry) Act consistent with the powers and privileges of the House? Yes. The Court held that the Speaker, in admitting a motion and constituting a Committee to investigate the alleged grounds of misbehaviour or incapacity, does not act as part of the House, and that the House does not come into the picture at that stage, so the Act does not abridge the powers and privileges of the House and is constitutional and intra vires. It described the Act as reflecting the constitutional philosophy of both the judicial and political elements of the process: the ultimate authority remains with Parliament, because even on a finding of guilt it may decide not to present an address, while a finding of not guilty leaves the political element with no further option. The Court called it a civilised piece of legislation reconciling the accountability of judges with the values of judicial independence.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in920

Chapter -Six

A Motion Does Not Lapse on Dissolution

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

Because the removal process is statutory and not a proceeding of the House, a motion does not lapse when the House that received it is dissolved, and the Committee already constituted continues.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, the Supreme Court held that neither the doctrine that dissolution of a House "passes a sponge over parliamentary slate" nor any rule framed under article 118 determines the effect of dissolution on a motion for the removal of a judge, because article 124(5) and the law made under it exclude the operation of article 118 in this area; that the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 is a law enacted under article 124(5) which provides against the doctrine of lapse; and that a motion under section 3 of that Act does not lapse upon the dissolution of the House.

The facts, because the point is entirely practical

108 members of the Ninth Lok Sabha gave notice of a motion for an address to the President for the removal of a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court for misconduct alleged to have been committed while he was Chief Justice of a High Court.

The Speaker admitted the motion and constituted a Committee of a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court, the Chief Justice of a High Court and a distinguished jurist, exactly as section 3(2) requires, chapter 1580.

Then the Lok Sabha was dissolved and its term came to an end.

And here is the practical squeeze. The Union Government took the view that the motion and the Speaker's decision had lapsed with the dissolution, and therefore declined to act in aid of the Speaker's decision. Specifically, it did not notify that the service of the two sitting judges on the Committee would be treated as "actual service" within paragraph 11(B)(i) of Part D of the Second Schedule to the Constitution.

Read that again, because it is the most instructive fact in the chapter. The Government did not stop the inquiry. It simply did not do the administrative act without which two serving judges could not sit on the Committee. Chapter 1520 said that the power of the purse and the power of the paperwork are the same power; this is that proposition applied to a judicial inquiry.

Two writ petitions followed, by the Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability, a body constituted by an All India Convention on Judicial Accountability, and by the Supreme Court Bar Association, praying that the Union be directed to take immediate steps to enable the Committee to discharge its functions, and that the Judge be restrained from performing judicial functions while the inquiry was pending.

munotes.in921

A Motion Does Not Lapse on Dissolution

The argument for lapse, and it was a serious one

Note who argued what, because it is the reverse of what a student expects.

The Union of India argued FOR lapse. Its case was that articles 107, 108 and 109 read together show that on dissolution all Bills lapse, subject only to the exception in article 108; that on first principle no motion should survive dissolution unless the rules provide otherwise; and that the doctrine of lapse is a necessary concomitant of the idea that each newly constituted House is a separate entity having a life of its own, unless the previous House's business is carried over by statute or rule.

Note the Union's own concession, and it is remarkable. It also argued that whether a motion lapsed was to be decided on the provisions of law governing the matter, that the House itself was not its final arbiter, and that the Court alone had jurisdiction to examine and pronounce on the law.

The petitioners argued AGAINST lapse, on the ground that pending business lapses on prorogation and the House is usually prorogued before dissolution, but that removal motions are sui generis and therefore do not lapse. But they also argued that the question was one of the conduct of the business of the House, of which the House is the sole and exclusive master, and that no aspect was justiciable.

So both sides were arguing partly against their own interest, and the Court had to settle two questions: whether a court could decide the point at all, and whether the motion had lapsed. Chapter 1610 is the answer to the first.

The holding

First, the source of the answer is not article 118 and not parliamentary practice.

"Neither the doctrine that dissolution of a House 'passes a sponge over parliamentary slate' nor the specific provisions contained in any rule or rules framed under Article 118 of the Constitution determine the effect of dissolution on the motion for removal of a Judge under Article 124, because Article 124(5) and the law made thereunder exclude the operation of Article 118 in this area."

The Kaul and Shakdher passage relied on for the sponge doctrine, that dissolution is irrevocable, that all business pending before the House or any of its committees lapses, and that no part of the record of a dissolved House can be carried into the new one, was not doubted as a statement of ordinary parliamentary practice. It was held inapplicable, because this field is not ordinary parliamentary business at all. That is chapter 1610's two-part scheme doing its first piece of practical work.

munotes.in922

A Motion Does Not Lapse on Dissolution

The Court also had to deal with a precedent that cut the other way, Purushothaman Nambudiri v. State of Kerala, [1962] Suppl. 1 SCR 753, and did so by noting that it dealt with a legislative measure and not a pending motion, and then by resting the answer on article 124(5) rather than on parliamentary practice at all.

Second, a law under article 124(5) is of a higher quality than a rule of the House, and can provide against lapse.

"The law envisaged in Article 124(5) is parliamentary law which is of higher quality and efficacy than rules made by the House for itself under Article 118. Such a law can provide against the doctrine of lapse."

Third, and this is the actual reasoning, the Act provides against lapse by its own words.

"The effect of sections 3(1) and (2) and 6(2) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968, is that the motion should be kept pending till the committee submits its report and if the committee finds the Judge guilty, the motion shall be taken up for consideration. Only one motion is envisaged which will remain pending. No words of limitation that the motion shall be kept pending subject to usual effect of dissolution of the House can or should be imported."

And then the sentence that does the work:

"Section 3 of the Act applies to both the Houses of Parliament. The words 'shall keep the motion pending' cannot have two different meanings in the two different contexts. It can only mean that the consideration of the motion shall be deferred till the report of the Committee implying that till the happening of that event the motion will not lapse. Therefore, such a motion does not lapse with the dissolution of the House of Parliament."

Follow that argument, because it is a small masterpiece of construction. Chapter 1570 noted that section 3(2) requires the Speaker, on admitting a motion, to "keep the motion pending" and constitute a Committee. The Council of States cannot be dissolved at all, chapter 210. So if "shall keep the motion pending" were read as subject to dissolution, the same four words would mean one thing in the Lok Sabha and another in the Rajya Sabha. They cannot. Therefore they mean, in both Houses, that the motion stays alive until the report comes.

So the dissolution of the house does not end the inquiry, and the Committee constituted by the Speaker of the dissolved House continues its work before the new House.

A worked example

Members of the Sixteenth Lok Sabha move a motion; the Speaker admits it and constitutes a Committee; the House is dissolved before the Committee reports.

munotes.in923

A Motion Does Not Lapse on Dissolution

Does the motion survive? Yes. The Judges (Inquiry) Act is a law enacted under article 124(5) which provides against the doctrine of lapse, and a motion under section 3 does not lapse upon dissolution.

Must the members of the new House move it again? No. "Only one motion is envisaged which will remain pending."

Must the new Speaker constitute a fresh Committee? No. The Committee was constituted by a statutory authority under the Act, chapter 1610, not by the House; it does not fall with the House.

The Government says it will not notify the sitting judges' service as "actual service", so the Committee cannot function. That was the very grievance in this case, and the Court's answer is chapter 1610's: the matter is not outside the Court's jurisdiction, and the Union can be required to act in aid of the Speaker's decision so that the Committee may discharge its functions under the Act.

The Committee reports guilt, and the motion is put to the new House. Whose motion is it? The same motion, given by members most of whom are no longer members. Section 6(2) requires it to be taken up together with the report by the House in which it is pending, and it has been pending throughout.

Would the answer be the same for an ordinary resolution censuring a judge? No, and it could not be moved at all. Article 121 bars discussion of a judge's conduct except on a motion for an address for removal, chapter 1720; and an ordinary motion, being ordinary business under article 118, would lapse in the usual way.

What beginners get wrong

Applying the sponge doctrine. It is good law for ordinary business and does not determine the effect of dissolution here, because article 124(5) and the law made under it exclude article 118 in this area.

Thinking the new House must adopt the old motion afresh. Only one motion is envisaged, and it remains pending.

Thinking the Committee is a committee of the House. It is constituted by the Speaker as a statutory authority; the House does not come into the picture at this stage.

Thinking the Government can stall the inquiry by withholding an administrative notification. That was tried, and the petitions were filed precisely to compel the Union to act in aid of the Speaker's decision.

Forgetting the Rajya Sabha half of the argument. The whole construction turns on the words "shall keep the motion pending" meaning the same thing in a House that can be dissolved and one that cannot.

Quick revision

Holding: the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 is a law enacted under article 124(5) which provides against the doctrine of lapse, and a motion under section 3 does not lapse on the dissolution of the House.

munotes.in924

A Motion Does Not Lapse on Dissolution

Reason 1: neither the sponge doctrine nor any article 118 rule governs, because article 124(5) and the law made thereunder exclude the operation of article 118 in this area.

Reason 2: a law under article 124(5) is "of higher quality and efficacy than rules made by the House for itself under Article 118" and "can provide against the doctrine of lapse."

Reason 3: ss.3(1), 3(2) and 6(2) together mean the motion is kept pending till the Committee reports; "only one motion is envisaged which will remain pending"; and since section 3 applies to both Houses, the words "shall keep the motion pending" cannot mean one thing in a House that can be dissolved and another in one that cannot.

The facts: 108 members of the Ninth Lok Sabha; Speaker admitted and constituted the Committee; House dissolved; the Union declined to notify the two sitting judges' service as "actual service" under para 11(B)(i) of Part D of the Second Schedule; writ petitions by the Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability and the Supreme Court Bar Association.

The alignment of arguments: the Union argued FOR lapse but conceded the Court alone had jurisdiction to pronounce on the law; the petitioners argued AGAINST lapse but said the question was not justiciable.

Test yourself

1. Does a motion for the removal of a judge lapse when the Lok Sabha is dissolved? No. In Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, the Supreme Court held that the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 is a law enacted under article 124(5) which provides against the doctrine of lapse, and that a motion under section 3 of that Act does not lapse upon the dissolution of the House. Neither the doctrine that dissolution passes a sponge over the parliamentary slate nor any rule framed under article 118 determines the effect of dissolution in this field, because article 124(5) and the law made under it exclude the operation of article 118 here. The Committee already constituted by the Speaker likewise continues, because it was constituted by a statutory authority under the Act and not by the House.

2. What is the reasoning drawn from the words of section 3? Sections 3(1), 3(2) and 6(2) read together mean that the motion is to be kept pending until the Committee submits its report, and that if the Committee finds the judge guilty the motion is then taken up for consideration. Only one motion is envisaged and it remains pending throughout, and no words of limitation making that pendency subject to the usual effect of dissolution can be imported into the section. The clinching point is that section 3 applies to both Houses of Parliament, so the words directing that the motion shall be kept pending cannot bear two different meanings in the two different contexts; since the Council of States is not subject to dissolution at all, the words can only mean that consideration is deferred until the report, and that until then the motion does not lapse.

munotes.in925

A Motion Does Not Lapse on Dissolution

3. What was the practical difficulty that brought the matter to court? After the Speaker of the Ninth Lok Sabha admitted a motion given by 108 members and constituted a Committee consisting of a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court, the Chief Justice of a High Court and a distinguished jurist, the House was dissolved. On its understanding that the motion and the Speaker's decision had lapsed, the Union Government did not act in aid of that decision and did not notify that the service of the two sitting judges on the Committee would be treated as actual service within paragraph 11(B)(i) of Part D of the Second Schedule to the Constitution. The Committee therefore could not function, not because anyone had stopped it, but because an administrative step it depended on was withheld. The Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability and the Supreme Court Bar Association filed writ petitions seeking a direction to the Union to enable the Committee to discharge its functions, and a restraint on the judge from performing judicial work meanwhile.

4. Why could the Court decide the question at all, given that the petitioners themselves said it was not justiciable? Because the removal process falls into two parts, and the first is not a proceeding in the Houses of Parliament. Up to the admission of the motion, the constitution of the Committee and the recording of its findings, the process is statutory: the Speaker acts as a statutory authority under the Act, and the matter is not outside the Court's jurisdiction. Whether the motion had lapsed was therefore a question about the effect of a statute made under article 124(5), which a court decides in the ordinary way. The Union itself, though arguing for lapse, accepted that the House was not the final arbiter of the point and that the Court alone had jurisdiction to pronounce on the law governing it.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in926

Chapter -Seven

The Judge's Right to the Report, and Review Before the House

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

The Committee owes the Judge nothing before it reports, but the Speaker must give him the report when it is laid, he must be heard by the House before it votes, and his challenge to a finding of guilt lies after removal and not before.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Sarojini Ramaswami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 506, the Supreme Court held that the Inquiry Committee is not a tribunal for the purposes of article 136; that the Act deliberately imposes no obligation on the Committee to furnish its report to the Judge before submitting it to the Speaker under section 4(2); that it is nevertheless the clear obligation of the Speaker or Chairman to supply a copy of the report to the Judge while causing it to be laid before Parliament under section 4(3); that it is implicit in the constitutional scheme that Parliament should have the benefit of the Judge's point of view and comments on a finding of guilty before it votes; and that judicial review of that finding is available not before the parliamentary process but after an order of removal, if that stage is reached.

The question, and who asked it

The petitioner was the wife of Mr Justice V. Ramaswami, and the petition was under article 32.

Note that, because it answers a question students ask. The Judge himself did not petition; his wife did, and the Court entertained it. The petition came after the Committee had concluded its proceedings and prepared its report, and before the report went to the Speaker.

Her case was a chain of three propositions, and each link was reasonable.

One. Chapter 1610 held the process statutory until the report is laid before Parliament, and therefore open to judicial review.

Two. So the Judge must be able to challenge a finding of guilty while the process is still statutory, that is, before the report reaches the Speaker or at latest before it is laid.

Three, and this is the operative prayer. A copy of the report must therefore be furnished to the Judge before it is submitted to the Speaker, and the Committee must hold back the report long enough for him to move a court. Otherwise the right recognised in chapter 1610 is worthless.

It is the argument a good student would make. It failed, and the reasons for its failure are the substance of this chapter.

First holding: the Committee is not a tribunal under article 136

It was argued that the Committee is a "tribunal" for article 136, so that an appeal by special leave would lie against its findings, and that the report must be furnished to enable that right to be exercised. The argument was that in recording findings on charges the Committee exercises judicial functions and that section 5 gives it the trappings of a court, chapter 1590; the Attorney General supported it.

munotes.in927

The Judge's Right to the Report, and Review Before the House

The Court rejected it, and the reason is the key to the whole subject:

"In effect, the report of the Inquiry Committee containing a finding that the Judge is guilty of misbehaviour is in the nature of recommendation for his removal which may or may not be acted upon by the Parliament while considering the motion for removal according to the procedure laid down in the Constitution for removal of a superior Judge, which is the only manner of curtailing the fixed tenure of the Judge. This is for security of tenure and thereby to ensure independence of the higher judiciary."

So the finding of guilt "is not final and conclusive." It recommends; chapter 1600's section 6(3) is what makes it proof. A body whose finding decides nothing by itself is not a tribunal, however judicial its procedure.

Second holding: the Committee owes the Judge no copy, and the omission is deliberate

Start with the easy half, the finding of NOT GUILTY. Chapter 1600 showed it ends the process. So there is no judicial review at the instance of anyone, including the Judge and the members who gave the notice of motion, and no debate even in Parliament; the Judge is not aggrieved and everyone else is excluded. So in that case there plainly need be no obligation to furnish a copy.

For a finding of GUILTY the Court reasoned from the silence of the statute:

"If the supply of a copy of the report to the Judge by the Committee before its submission to the Speaker was contemplated by the law enacted under Art. 124(5) that area would not be left blank in the provisions made in the law while providing elaborately for submission of the report together with its manner, including the number of copies, in S. 4 of the Act and R. 9 framed thereunder. The absence of such a provision in this law is a deliberate and not an inadvertent omission."

That is a specific and disciplined use of statutory silence, and it is worth noticing how it is done. The Court does not say "the Act is silent, so there is no right." It says: the Act legislates this very subject in detail, down to the number of copies; a gap in the middle of that detail is a choice, not an oversight. Chapter 1250's principle on express provision and implied exclusion is behind it.

munotes.in928

The Judge's Right to the Report, and Review Before the House

Third holding: the Speaker must supply it, and the House must hear him

This is where the protection actually sits, and it is not where the petitioner asked for it.

"To enable performance of this exercise and to effectuate the concerned Judge's right to show cause against the finding of 'guilty' made in the report at this stage to the Parliament, it is the clear obligation of the Speaker / Chairman to supply a copy of the Inquiry Committee's report to the concerned Judge while causing it to be laid before the Parliament under S. 4(3) 'as soon as may be' on its submission under S. 4(2)."

So the judge is entitled to a copy of the report, but from the SPEAKER and at the moment of LAYING, not from the Committee and not before.

And the copy exists for a purpose the Court then spells out:

"It is, therefore, implicit in the constitutional scheme for the removal of a Judge provided in Art. 124(4) and the law enacted under Article 124(5) that the Parliament should also have the benefit of the point of view and the comments, if any, of the concerned Judge on the finding of 'guilty' against him recorded by the Inquiry Committee in its report when the Parliament takes up the motion for removal of the Judge for consideration along with the Inquiry Committee's report and the other relevant materials made available to it."

Read that as what it is: a right of audience before the House, implied into the Constitution. The Act does not give it. Article 124(4) does not mention it. The Court found it implicit in the scheme, and it is the single most important protection in the entire procedure, because it is the only one that operates at the stage where the decision is actually made.

Where did the Court get it from? From the Rules, read as a signal. Rule 10(2) requires the materials received by the Committee to be placed before each House, and rule 9(4) and (5) require a dissenting opinion of "not guilty" by the third member to be made available to Parliament as well. If Parliament must have the dissent and the raw material, the Court reasoned, it must also have the Judge's answer.

And the Court left the mechanics alone. "The precise details of the manner in which such an opportunity is to be given to the concerned Judge may be for the Speaker / Chairman and the Parliament to decide", so long as the procedure ensures the House has the Judge's point of view and comments, is fair to him, and is in keeping with the dignity of the high office he holds. Chapter 1650 records what the Lok Sabha actually did with that latitude.

munotes.in929

The Judge's Right to the Report, and Review Before the House

Fourth holding: review comes after removal, not before

The petitioner's argument was "now or never": if the Judge cannot move a court before the House votes, the parliamentary stage will intervene and the remedy will be gone forever.

The Court's answer:

"The argument of 'now or never' does not appeal to us and what appears more consistent in the Constitutional scheme is that judicial review on permissible grounds is available not now but at the end of the process after the order of removal, if that stage is reached."

And what the review would then look like. In the event of an order of removal under article 124(4), the Judge may seek to quash that order on the ground that the finding of guilty suffers from an illegality rendering it void, which extinguishes the condition precedent for the commencement of the parliamentary process, so that there is no foundation for the motion and no authority in the President to make the order of removal.

Follow the logic, because it is elegant. The finding is not attacked directly; it is attacked as the foundation of the removal order. Knock out the foundation and the order falls. So judicial review of the inquiry committee's report survives the parliamentary stage; it simply arrives later.

The Court supported this with a proposition from Wade's Administrative Law, that parliamentary approval does not affect the normal operation of judicial review, and with Regina v. Boundary Commission for England, Ex parte Foot, [1983] 1 QB 600, where the Court of Appeal held it could examine whether the Commission had properly carried out Parliament's instructions in its report under the House of Commons (Redistribution of Seats) Act 1979.

And the Court gave four reasons of policy for the timing. It protects the Judge's right; it ensures the process is concluded expeditiously once commenced; it accords with the scheme being a blend of the political and judicial processes; and it excludes needless meddling by busybodies, confining participation to the Members of Parliament, the Speaker or Chairman, the Inquiry Committee and the concerned Judge.

Be honest about the cost of that choice, because an examiner will want it. A Judge found guilty must face a parliamentary vote on his removal before he can challenge the finding at all, which is precisely the "needless harassment" counsel argued against. The Court accepted that cost for the sake of a process that cannot be stalled midway.

And note the disposal. As in chapter 1620, no writ or direction issued: the Court declared the law and left "the different organs of the State to consider matters falling within the orbit of their respective jurisdiction and powers."

munotes.in930

The Judge's Right to the Report, and Review Before the House

A worked example

A Committee finds a Judge guilty on two charges and not guilty on a third, and prepares its report.

Must the Committee send him a copy before it goes to the Speaker? No. The absence of such a provision in the Act and the Rules is "a deliberate and not an inadvertent omission."

Can he move the Supreme Court under article 136 against the finding? No. The Committee is not a tribunal for the purposes of article 136, because its finding is in the nature of a recommendation and is not final and conclusive.

Can he move under article 32 to quash the finding before the report is laid? He can move, but he will not get the relief now. Review on permissible grounds is available "not now but at the end of the process after the order of removal, if that stage is reached."

What does he get instead? A copy of the report from the Speaker when it is laid under section 4(3), and an opportunity to place his point of view and comments before each House before it votes, the details being for the Speaker or Chairman and the House to settle.

The motion fails in the Rajya Sabha. What happens to his challenge? It never arises. There is no order of removal, so there is nothing to quash; the finding of guilt stands on the record and he remains in office. Chapter 1650 is that outcome.

The motion carries in both Houses and the President removes him. What does he plead? That the finding of guilty suffers from an illegality rendering it void, so the condition precedent for the parliamentary process was extinguished, leaving no foundation for the motion and no authority in the President to make the order.

And if the finding had been NOT guilty and the members who moved the motion wanted to challenge it? They cannot. A finding of not guilty is immune from scrutiny at the instance of anyone, including the members who gave the notice, and no debate on it is permitted even in Parliament.

What beginners get wrong

Thinking the Judge gets the report from the Committee. He gets it from the Speaker or Chairman, when it is laid under section 4(3).

Thinking an appeal lies under article 136. The Committee is not a tribunal; its finding recommends and is not final and conclusive.

Thinking review must be sought before the House votes. The "now or never" argument was rejected; review comes after the order of removal.

munotes.in931

The Judge's Right to the Report, and Review Before the House

Thinking the parliamentary stage extinguishes review. It does not; parliamentary approval does not affect the normal operation of judicial review, and the removal order is attacked through the illegality of its foundation.

Missing the hearing in the House. It is not in the Act; the Court held it implicit in the constitutional scheme, and it is the protection that matters most.

Quick revision

Sarojini Ramaswami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 506.

No article 136 appeal: the report containing a finding of guilt is "in the nature of recommendation for his removal which may or may not be acted upon by the Parliament", so the Committee is not a tribunal.

No copy from the Committee: the Act legislates section 4 and rule 9 in detail down to the number of copies, so the gap is "a deliberate and not an inadvertent omission."

A copy from the SPEAKER: it is "the clear obligation of the Speaker / Chairman to supply a copy of the Inquiry Committee's report to the concerned Judge while causing it to be laid before the Parliament under S. 4(3)."

A hearing in the HOUSE: it is implicit in the constitutional scheme that Parliament should have the Judge's point of view and comments on the finding of guilty before it votes; details left to the Speaker or Chairman and the House. Drawn from rule 10(2) (materials laid) and rule 9(4) and (5) (the third member's dissent laid).

Review AFTER removal: "not now but at the end of the process after the order of removal, if that stage is reached"; the plea is that the finding suffers from an illegality rendering it void, extinguishing the condition precedent, so there is no authority in the President to make the order.

A finding of NOT GUILTY is immune from review at anyone's instance and from any debate even in Parliament.

Test yourself

1. Is the Judge entitled to a copy of the Committee's report before it goes to the Speaker? No. In Sarojini Ramaswami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 506, the Court held that the absence of any obligation on the Committee to furnish a copy of its report to the Judge before submitting it under section 4(2) is deliberate and not inadvertent, because the Act and rule 9 provide elaborately for the submission of the report, including the number of copies, and would not have left this area blank if such a right were intended. What the Judge is entitled to is a copy from the Speaker or Chairman at the time the report is caused to be laid before Parliament under section 4(3), which the Court held to be the clear obligation of the presiding officer.

munotes.in932

The Judge's Right to the Report, and Review Before the House

2. Why is the Committee not a tribunal for the purposes of article 136? Because its finding decides nothing. The report containing a finding that the Judge is guilty of misbehaviour is in the nature of a recommendation for his removal, which Parliament may or may not act upon while considering the motion according to the procedure the Constitution lays down, that procedure being the only manner in which the fixed tenure of a judge may be curtailed, a fixity that exists to secure the independence of the higher judiciary. The Court also relied on the fact that a finding recorded by a member of the Committee is not required to be disclosed in certain circumstances, and that a finding of guilt is not final and conclusive. A body whose finding is not conclusive is not a tribunal, however judicial its procedure and however complete its trappings of a court under section 5.

3. At what stage is judicial review of a finding of guilt available? After the order of removal, if that stage is reached, and not before. The Court rejected the argument of now or never, holding that review on permissible grounds is available at the end of the process. In that event the Judge may seek to quash the order of removal on the basis that the finding of guilty recorded by the Committee, which matured into proved misbehaviour on the adoption of the motion, suffers from an illegality rendering it void, so that the condition precedent for the commencement of the parliamentary process is extinguished, there is no foundation for considering or adopting the motion, and there is no authority in the President to make the order of removal. The Court relied on the principle stated in Wade's Administrative Law that parliamentary approval does not affect the normal operation of judicial review, and on the Boundary Commission case in the English Court of Appeal. It gave four reasons for the timing: it protects the Judge's right, it ensures the process is concluded expeditiously once commenced, it accords with the scheme as a blend of political and judicial processes, and it excludes meddling by busybodies.

4. What opportunity does the Judge have during the parliamentary stage? The Court held it implicit in the constitutional scheme under article 124(4) and the law enacted under article 124(5) that Parliament should have the benefit of the point of view and the comments, if any, of the concerned Judge on the finding of guilty when it takes up the motion for consideration along with the report and the other relevant materials. That inference was drawn from the Rules themselves: rule 10(2) requires the materials received by the Committee to be placed before each House, and sub-rules (4) and (5) of rule 9 require a dissenting opinion of not guilty by the third member to be made available to Parliament, so that if the House must have the dissent and the underlying material it must also have the Judge's answer. The copy of the report supplied by the Speaker under section 4(3) exists to effectuate that right to show cause. The precise manner of the opportunity was left to the Speaker or Chairman and to Parliament, provided the procedure ensures each House has the Judge's point of view, is fair to him, and is in keeping with the dignity of his office.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in933

Chapter -Eight

Bias in the Composition of the Committee

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

A Judge facing inquiry may object to the composition of the Committee on the ordinary test of bias, and in the one case where he did the Court found the apprehension reasonable, held the objection belated and dismissed the petition, and then asked the Chairman to replace the member anyway.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Justice P.D. Dinakaran v. Hon'ble Judges Inquiry Committee, (2011) 8 SCC 380, the Supreme Court applied the real likelihood test of bias to a distinguished jurist nominated under section 3(2)(c) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act, held that the petitioner's apprehension of likelihood of bias was reasonable and not fanciful though the member might not in fact be biased, held that the objection had been raised belatedly and as a calculated move to delay the inquiry, dismissed the writ petition, and nonetheless requested the Chairman to nominate another distinguished jurist in his place, the reconstituted Committee being entitled to proceed on the charges already framed.

The facts

Fifty members of the Council of States gave notice of a motion for an address to the President for the removal of the petitioner, then Chief Justice of the Karnataka High Court, under article 217 read with article 124(4), chapter 1550. The notice enumerated the acts of misbehaviour alleged and was accompanied by an explanatory note and documents in support, which is section 3(1) working exactly as chapter 1570 described.

Note the House: the Council of States, so the presiding officer here is the CHAIRMAN, not the Speaker, and the count is fifty, not a hundred.

The Chairman admitted the motion and constituted a Committee under section 3(2) of Mr Justice V.S. Sirpurkar, Judge of the Supreme Court; Mr Justice A.R. Dave, then Chief Justice of the Andhra Pradesh High Court; and Mr P.P. Rao, Senior Advocate, as the distinguished jurist under section 3(2)(c). Notified on 15 January 2010.

Then the sequence that made the case, and it is worth following closely.

Immediately after the notification, newspapers reported an objection to the jurist's inclusion, on the ground that he had given a legal opinion to the petitioner in December 2009.

On reading those reports the jurist himself asked to be relieved. His letter of 19 January 2010 said that although there was no conflict of duty and interest, since he had rendered no professional service to the Judge, there was a demand for his recusal; that justice should not only be done but also be seen to be done; that it would not be proper for him to function as a member in the face of such objection; and asked the Chairman to relieve him and nominate another jurist.

munotes.in934

Bias in the Composition of the Committee

The Chairman declined and asked him to continue, and on 21 January 2010 he accepted the assignment.

On the same day a different objection arrived from a different quarter. The Convenor of a campaign body wrote to the Vice-President suggesting that Mr Justice Sirpurkar should recuse because he had been associated with the petitioner as a Judge of the Madras High Court from 1997 to 2003, and repeating the objection to the jurist on the footing that the petitioner had consulted him and been advised to get a commission of inquiry appointed.

The jurist's answer of 27 January 2010 set out what had actually happened, and it is the material fact. At a day-long National Seminar of the Bar Association of India on 28 November 2009, of which he was a Vice-President, he had demanded in his speech that the Collegium should not proceed with the recommendation to bring the petitioner to the Supreme Court, that there should be a public inquiry in which the petitioner should clear himself, and that he should step down and remain on leave during it; several eminent members of the Bar took the same view; and at the request of the President of the Association he had drafted the resolution that was passed unanimously.

So the real objection was never the December meeting at all. It was that the jurist had publicly opposed the petitioner's elevation and drafted the resolution demanding an inquiry into him, and was then nominated to sit on that inquiry.

The petitioner raised no objection then. He came to this Court under article 32 only in 2011, praying to quash an order of the Committee dated 24 April 2011 and for a declaration that the proceedings of that date were null and void, the grounds showing that he was also aggrieved by the inclusion of the jurist.

The test the Court applied

The Court surveyed the English and Indian authorities at length and stated the test:

"No man can be a Judge in his own cause and justice should not only be done, but manifestly be seen to be done. Scales should not only be held even but it must not be seen to be inclined. A person having interest in the subject matter of cause is precluded from acting as a Judge. To disqualify a person from adjudicating on the ground of interest in the subject matter of lis, the test of real likelihood of the bias is to be applied."

And the operative formulation, in three equivalent forms the Court itself gives:

Is there a "real danger of bias on the part of the person against whom such apprehension is expressed in the sense that he might favour or disfavour a party"?

munotes.in935

Bias in the Composition of the Committee

Would "a fair minded and informed person, having considered all the facts" reasonably apprehend "that the Judge would not act impartially"?

Would "a reasonably intelligent man fully apprised of all the facts have a serious apprehension of bias"?

Three qualifications the Court adds, and each is examinable.

In cases of non-pecuniary bias the "real likelihood" test is preferred over the "reasonable suspicion" test. Chapter 640's discussion of institutional integrity is the neighbouring idea.

In deciding the question one takes into account "human probabilities and ordinary course of human conduct."

And the real likelihood "should appear not only from the materials ascertained by the complaining party, but also from such other facts which it could have readily ascertained and easily verified by making reasonable inquiries."

And whose apprehension counts: not the Court's and not the Committee's. "It has to be seen from the angle of a reasonable, objective and informed person. What opinion he would form! It is his apprehension which is of paramount importance."

The finding on bias, and the finding on delay

On the merits the petitioner won.

"From the facts narrated in the earlier part of the judgment it can be said that petitioner's apprehension of likelihood of bias against respondent No.3 is reasonable and not fanciful, though, in fact, he may not be biased."

Note the last clause and never omit it. The Court is not saying the jurist was biased. It is saying an informed observer could reasonably apprehend that he might be, which is the whole point of the doctrine: the appearance is the disqualification.

On the conduct of the case the petitioner lost, and the reasoning is severe.

He is "not a layperson"; he is "well-versed in law and possesses a legally trained mind" and had held constitutional posts as a Judge and Chief Justice for fifteen years.

The seminar had "received wide publicity in the print and electronic media", and the constitution of the Committee was notified in the Official Gazette of 15 January 2010 and widely publicised, so it could reasonably be presumed he knew in January 2010.

And his own representation of 12 May 2010 said he learnt of the composition through the media, so at least by then he knew and still did not object. The Court's explanation is that after meeting the jurist on 6 December 2009 he was satisfied that the jurist had nothing against him.

The Court then found the objection to a member of the inquiry committee was made for a purpose:

"Belated raising of objection against inclusion of respondent No.3 in the Committee under Section 3(2) appears to be a calculated move on the petitioner's part."

munotes.in936

Bias in the Composition of the Committee

And the mechanism it names is a rule worth remembering. Under rule 9(2)(c) of the Judges (Inquiry) Rules 1969 the Presiding Officer of the Committee must forward the report to the Chairman within three months from the date the charges framed under section 3(3) were served, extendable by the Chairman under the proviso. So delay could force a request for extension, and "no Court can render assistance to the petitioner in a petition filed with the sole object of delaying finalisation of the inquiry."

The Court also recorded, in fairness to the jurist, that he had "nothing personal against the petitioner", that he took part in the seminar as Vice-President of the Association, that the concern shown by senior members of the Bar was not actuated by ulterior motive, and that after the seminar he did nothing to suggest he was ill disposed towards the petitioner.

The disposal, which is the part students get wrong

"In the result, the writ petition is dismissed with the aforesaid observations."

And immediately before that:

"However, keeping in view our finding on the issue of bias, we would request the Chairman to nominate another distinguished jurist in place of respondent No.3. The proceedings initiated against the petitioner have progressed only to the stage of framing of charges and the Committee is yet to record its findings on the charges and submit report. Therefore, nomination of another jurist will not hamper the proceedings of the Committee and the reconstituted Committee shall be entitled to proceed on the charges already framed against the petitioner."

So: petition dismissed, order of 24 April 2011 not quashed, proceedings not declared void, and the member replaced. The Court separates the disqualification of the member from the validity of what the Committee had already done, and answers each on its own footing.

And note the form of the remedy: a REQUEST to the Chairman, not a writ. Chapter 1610 explains why that is enough: the Chairman is a statutory authority under the Act, and chapters 1620 and 1630 both ended the same way, with the Court declaring the position and leaving the organs of State to act within their own jurisdiction.

And note what the case is NOT authority for. The judgment leaves the inquiry pending at the stage of framing charges, with the Committee yet to record its findings. This tree holds no later document in the matter, so the book records no finding on the charges and states no outcome for the inquiry. Chapter 1660 places it in the list on that footing.

munotes.in937

Bias in the Composition of the Committee

A worked example

A Committee is constituted of a sitting Judge, a Chief Justice and a jurist. The Judge under inquiry learns that the jurist publicly demanded an inquiry into him a month before the nomination.

Is that a ground of objection? Yes. Applying the real likelihood test, a fair minded and informed person could reasonably apprehend that the jurist would not act impartially, and that is enough, though in fact he may not be biased.

Does it matter that the jurist himself asked to be relieved and was refused? It is a material fact in the narrative and shows the objection was not fanciful, but the decision is the Chairman's, and a refusal does not by itself decide the question.

The Judge says nothing for sixteen months and then petitions. Fatal to the relief he asks for. He is not a layperson, the nomination was gazetted and widely reported, his own representation shows he knew, and a belated objection that would force an extension of the three month period under rule 9(2)(c) reads as a calculated move to delay.

So what does he get? Not the quashing of the Committee's order and not a declaration that its proceedings are void, but a request to the Chairman to nominate another jurist, the reconstituted Committee proceeding on the charges already framed.

Suppose instead he had objected in January 2010, at once. On this Court's own finding on bias the objection was reasonable and not fanciful, so the natural course would have been replacement then, with nothing yet done by the Committee to be undone. The lesson for a practitioner is that an objection of this kind is only worth as much as its promptness.

And if the objection had been to the sitting Judge, on the ground that he had served with the petitioner in the same High Court for six years? The Court did not decide that objection, which came from a campaign body and not from the petitioner, and this book records no finding on it. On the test stated, mere prior service on the same court, without more, is a long way from a real danger that he might favour or disfavour a party.

What beginners get wrong

Saying the petition succeeded. It was dismissed. The jurist was replaced by a request, not by an order quashing anything.

Saying the Court found the jurist biased. It found the apprehension reasonable and not fanciful, expressly adding "though, in fact, he may not be biased."

Applying the reasonable suspicion test. For non-pecuniary bias the Indian courts have preferred real likelihood.

Judging the apprehension from the Court's own point of view. It is the reasonable, objective and informed person's apprehension that is of paramount importance.

munotes.in938

Bias in the Composition of the Committee

Thinking delay is a technicality. Here it converted a good objection into a calculated move, and cost the petitioner every substantive relief he asked for.

Thinking the case produced a finding on the charges. It did not; the inquiry never concluded.

Quick revision

Justice P.D. Dinakaran v. Hon'ble Judges Inquiry Committee, (2011) 8 SCC 380.

Facts: fifty members of the Council of States; motion admitted by the Chairman; Committee of Justice V.S. Sirpurkar, Justice A.R. Dave and Mr P.P. Rao, Senior Advocate, as the jurist under section 3(2)(c), notified 15 January 2010; the jurist had opposed the petitioner's elevation at a Bar Association of India seminar on 28 November 2009 and drafted the resolution; he asked to be relieved and the Chairman refused; the petitioner objected only in 2011.

Test: real likelihood of bias; a fair minded and informed person considering all the facts; a reasonably intelligent man fully apprised of all the facts having a serious apprehension; non-pecuniary bias uses real likelihood, not reasonable suspicion; human probabilities and the ordinary course of human conduct; and facts the complainant could have readily ascertained count too.

Finding: the apprehension was "reasonable and not fanciful, though, in fact, he may not be biased."

But: belated, from a person well-versed in law who had held constitutional office for fifteen years, against a gazetted and widely publicised nomination he admitted knowing of by 12 May 2010; a "calculated move" exploiting the three month limit in rule 9(2)(c); no court can assist a petition filed with the sole object of delay.

Disposal: writ petition dismissed, and the Court requested the Chairman to nominate another distinguished jurist, the reconstituted Committee entitled to proceed on the charges already framed.

Test yourself

1. What test of bias applies to a member of an Inquiry Committee? The ordinary test. In Justice P.D. Dinakaran v. Hon'ble Judges Inquiry Committee, (2011) 8 SCC 380, the Court applied the real likelihood test: no man can be a judge in his own cause, justice must not only be done but be seen to be done, and a person having an interest in the subject matter is precluded from acting as a judge. The question is whether there is a real danger of bias in the sense that the person might favour or disfavour a party, whether a fair minded and informed person having considered all the facts would reasonably apprehend that he would not act impartially, and whether a reasonably intelligent man fully apprised of all the facts would have a serious apprehension of bias. In cases of non-pecuniary bias the real likelihood test is preferred over the reasonable suspicion test, human probabilities and the ordinary course of human conduct are taken into account, and the likelihood may appear not only from the materials the complaining party ascertained but from facts it could readily have ascertained by reasonable inquiry. What matters is the apprehension of a reasonable, objective and informed person, not that of the Court or of the Committee.

munotes.in939

Bias in the Composition of the Committee

2. What did the Court find on the facts, and what did it do? It found that the petitioner's apprehension of likelihood of bias against the distinguished jurist was reasonable and not fanciful, while expressly adding that in fact he might not be biased. But it held the objection belated. The petitioner was well-versed in law and had held constitutional office as a judge and Chief Justice for fifteen years; the seminar at which the jurist had opposed his elevation and drafted the resolution had received wide publicity; the constitution of the Committee had been notified in the Official Gazette and widely reported; and his own representation of 12 May 2010 showed he knew the composition by then and still said nothing. The Court held the belated objection to be a calculated move designed to force an extension of the three month period for the report under rule 9(2)(c) of the Judges (Inquiry) Rules 1969, and said no court can assist a petition filed with the sole object of delaying the inquiry. It therefore dismissed the writ petition, and then, keeping in view its finding on bias, requested the Chairman to nominate another distinguished jurist, the reconstituted Committee being entitled to proceed on the charges already framed.

3. Why is the disposal unusual, and what does it show? Because the petitioner lost the case and got the substance of what he wanted. The Court refused to quash the Committee's order of 24 April 2011 and refused to declare its proceedings void, so nothing already done was undone, but it separated the question whether the member should continue from the question whether the Committee's past acts were valid, and answered each on its own footing. The remedy took the form of a request to the Chairman rather than a writ, which is the same course the Court has taken in every case in this field: it declares the position and leaves the organs of State to act within their own jurisdiction, the Chairman here being a statutory authority under the Act rather than the House.

4. Does the case decide anything about the charges against the judge? No, and it is important not to suggest otherwise. The petition was confined to the composition of the Committee and to an interlocutory order, the proceedings had progressed only to the stage of framing charges, and the Committee had not recorded any findings. This tree holds no document later than the judgment, so no finding on the charges is recorded in this book and no outcome for the inquiry is stated. What the case decides is the law on objections to the composition of a Committee, and it is the only modern worked example of an inquiry under the 1968 Act reaching the courts.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in940

Chapter -Nine

The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

One judge in the history of the Republic has been through the whole machine, and the machine worked at every stage except the last.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the proceedings against Mr Justice V. Ramaswami of the Supreme Court, begun by a notice of motion signed by 108 members of the Ninth Lok Sabha presented on 27 February 1991 and admitted on 12 March 1991, produced three decisions of the Supreme Court on the removal procedure, namely Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, M. Krishna Swami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 605, and Sarojini Ramaswami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 506, and ended with the motion failing in the House of the People, so that no address was presented and the Judge was not removed.

Before the motion: what the Chief Justice of India did

The story does not begin in Parliament, and an answer that begins there misses the most instructive part of it.

In May 1990 advocates of the Supreme Court drew the attention of the then Chief Justice of India, Mr Justice Sabyasachi Mukharji, to newspaper reports of an audit report investigating the expenses incurred in furnishing the residence of a former Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, who was by then a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court, and asked him to act suo motu. The Attorney General, two former Attorneys General, the President and a former President of the Supreme Court Bar Association and the Union Minister of Law and Justice all raised it with him.

His statement to the Bar of 20 July 1990 begins with the sentence that defines the whole problem of this module:

"Legally and constitutionally the Chief Justice of India, as such, has no right or authority to inquire into the conduct of a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court."

And then the sentence that created the answer:

"However, the Chief justice of India, as the head of the Judicial Family has, I believe, the duty and the responsibility to maintain the judicial propriety and attempts to secure the confidence of the public in the working of the judicial process."

He called it "an unprecedented and an embarrassing situation" that "called for caution and establishment of a salutary convention." Chapter 1670 is what that convention became.

He obtained the papers from the Chief Justice of the High Court, describing three kinds of document: reports of the Internal Audit Cell of the High Court, fact finding reports of District and Sessions Judges (Vigilance) of Punjab and of Haryana, and reports and audit paras of the Accountant General's office sent to the High Court for reply.

munotes.in941

The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full

He then separated the allegations into two classes, and the distinction is examinable.

The first class was interpretation of the rules: whether the Chief Justice was entitled to telephone expenses at Madras because Chandigarh was a disturbed area; whether he needed leave to avail the leave travel concession; whether he could direct cars to be taken to Madras during his vacation; and two questions about the rate and the ordering of silver maces. Of these he said that "though one would like to think that there has been extravagance and ostentiousness", they do "not involve determining questions of moral or legal impropriety of a judge functioning as a Judge in the Court."

The second class was different in kind: not accounting for furniture in the residence and office, the alleged replacement of superior quality items by inferior, missing items, and the splitting up of bills to fit the sanctioning limits or the rules.

And the principle he stated is worth memorising for any question on judicial accountability:

"The Supreme Court must uphold the rule of law. It is, therefore, necessary that those who uphold the rule of law must live by law and judges must, therefore, be obliged to live according to law."

On 18 July 1990 he wrote to the Judge advising him to desist from discharging judicial functions while the investigations continued, and requesting him to be on leave; the Judge applied on the same day for six weeks' leave from 23 July 1990.

Note what that was and was not. It was not a removal, not a suspension known to law, and not a power the Constitution confers on anybody. It was advice from the head of the judicial family, accepted. Chapters 1670 and 1710 both turn on whether that is enough.

The Chief Justice afterwards constituted a Committee of three Judges to advise him what further course to take, and, when the question of reassigning work arose, made that Committee's report public. In neither exercise did the Judge participate, his position being that the only manner in which he could be proceeded against is that provided by article 124. That position is legally unanswerable, and it is exactly why the in-house procedure has the limits chapter 1690 describes.

And the 2015 judgment that reproduces the statement records the end of that road in one line: no further action was taken by the Chief Justice of India in the exercise of his administrative authority.

The motion, and the machine

27 February 1991. A notice of motion signed by 108 members of the Ninth Lok Sabha was presented to the Speaker for an address to the President for the removal of Mr Justice V. Ramaswami, the allegations being of financial improprieties and irregularities committed in his capacity as Chief Justice of the High Court of Punjab and Haryana before his appointment in October 1989 as a Judge of the Supreme Court.

munotes.in942

The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full

Note the count and the House. One hundred is the threshold in the House of the People under section 3(1)(a), and 108 signed. Chapter 1570.

And note the point of law hiding in the dates. The conduct alleged was as Chief Justice of a High Court; the office held was Judge of the Supreme Court. Chapter 1550's rule answers it: misbehaviour is not confined to conduct in the office currently held.

12 March 1991. The Speaker admitted the motion and constituted a Committee under section 3(2) of Mr Justice P.B. Sawant, a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court; Mr Justice P.D. Desai, Chief Justice of the High Court of Bombay; and Mr Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy, a retired Judge of the Supreme Court, as the distinguished jurist.

Pause on the third name, because it is a small illustration of chapter 1580. The Act says "a distinguished jurist", and the Speaker chose a retired Judge of the Supreme Court. The category is wide enough to include one; chapter 1640's Committee used a Senior Advocate instead.

Then the Ninth Lok Sabha was dissolved.

The three decisions

First, 1991: does the motion survive the House?

The Union took the view that the motion and the Speaker's decision had lapsed, and therefore did not notify that the service of the two sitting judges on the Committee would be treated as "actual service" within paragraph 11(B)(i) of Part D of the Second Schedule, without which they could not function. Writ Petitions Nos. 491 and 541 of 1991, by the Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability and the Supreme Court Bar Association, sought a direction to the Union to enable the Committee to work, and an order restraining the Judge from judicial functions meanwhile.

Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, a Constitution Bench, by a majority of 4:1: the process of removal is in two parts, the first entirely statutory and the second alone parliamentary; the Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act; the Judges (Inquiry) Act is a law under article 124(5) which provides against the doctrine of lapse; and the motion does not lapse on dissolution. Chapters 1610 and 1620.

And note the disposal, because it is the pattern: "All that is necessary to do is to declare the correct constitutional position. No specific writ or direction need issue to any authority."

munotes.in943

The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full

Second, 1992: may anyone else litigate about it?

Writ Petitions Nos. 140 and 149 of 1992, by an advocate of District Karnal and by a member of the Tenth Lok Sabha who was also an advocate long known to the Judge, sought to quash the notice, its admission and the constitution of the Committee, and in substance to have the 1991 decision reconsidered.

M. Krishna Swami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 605, decided 27 August 1992: both dismissed on preliminary grounds. Reliefs of this kind are personal to the Judge; no one else may ventilate grievances about the charges, the Committee's procedure or its findings; the plea of bias could be examined only at the instance of the Judge, who was not a party; and strangers to a Constitution Bench decision cannot ask for its reconsideration. Chapter 1140's warning against a busybody petition is the Court's own word here.

Third, 1992: what does the Judge himself get?

Writ Petition No. 514 of 1992, by the Judge's wife, sought a copy of the report before it went to the Speaker so that the finding could be challenged while the process was still statutory.

Sarojini Ramaswami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 506, decided the same day: no, but the Speaker must give him the report when it is laid, the House must have his point of view before it votes, and review comes after an order of removal, not before. Chapter 1630.

Notice the shape of the three together. The first kept the inquiry alive against the Government; the second kept everybody else out of it; the third told the Judge where his protections were. Between them they are the whole modern law of judicial removal in India, and all three came out of one case.

The end, and what this book can and cannot say

The Committee reported. The motion was then taken up in the House of the People and failed, so no address was presented, and Mr Justice V. Ramaswami was not removed. It remains the only removal motion to reach a finding of guilt.

Now the sourcing, and a candidate should be equally careful. This book has read the three judgments in full and they carry the story only to the point at which the report was ready. It does not hold the Committee's report and does not hold the Lok Sabha record of the debate or the division, and it therefore states no numbers for the vote and quotes no line of the report. What can be said without a document is what section 6 makes necessarily true: chapter 1600 shows that a motion taken up together with the report and not adopted on the special majorities means the misbehaviour is not deemed to have been proved, no address is presented, and the Judge continues in office. That is the outcome, whatever the arithmetic was.

munotes.in944

The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full

And there is a contemporary judicial description of the aftermath, from counsel in a case this book has read. Arguing three years later in the matter that produced the in-house procedure, Mr Nariman submitted that "the recent impeachment proceedings against Justice V. Ramaswami and its fall-out do indicate that the process of impeachment is cumbersome and the result uncertain." It is a submission, not a holding, and should be cited as one; but it is what the Bar took from the episode, and chapter 1670 is what the Court did about it.

What the proceedings showed

That the first stage works. A Committee was constituted, it framed charges, it took evidence, and it reported. Chapters 1580 to 1600 are not theory.

That the executive can obstruct without deciding. The Union stopped nothing; it merely withheld a notification, and the inquiry halted until the Supreme Court declared the law. Chapter 1520.

That the courts will protect the process but will not run it. Three decisions, and not one writ or direction to the Speaker, the Committee or the House.

And that the second stage is the weak point. A finding reached by two judges and a distinguished jurist, after charges and evidence, decided nothing, because section 6(3) makes the vote the proof. Chapter 1600 defended that design; this is the case that shows what it costs.

The reform proposals in chapter 1720 all begin here.

A worked example

An examiner asks: "Trace the proceedings against Justice V. Ramaswami and state what they establish."

Open with the two senses. The in-house attempt of 1990, which produced advice to be on leave and a report made public, and the constitutional proceeding of 1991 to 1993.

Give the four dates you can source: the Chief Justice's statement to the Bar of 20 July 1990, following his letter of 18 July; the notice of 27 February 1991 by 108 members; the admission and constitution of the Committee on 12 March 1991; and the dissolution that produced the litigation.

Name the Committee: Sawant J., Desai C.J. and Chinnappa Reddy J. as the distinguished jurist.

Give the three decisions with their holdings, in the order lapse, locus standi, the Judge's protections.

State the outcome and the sourcing in the same breath: the motion failed in the House of the People, so no address was presented and the Judge was not removed; and say that you are not quoting the report or the division because those are not the documents in front of you. An examiner rewards that far more than an invented figure.

munotes.in945

The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full

Close with the lesson. The statutory stage held; the political stage did not; and every reform proposal since has been about that gap.

What beginners get wrong

Starting at the motion. The Chief Justice of India acted first, and his own statement records that he had "no right or authority to inquire into the conduct of a sitting Judge."

Calling the 1990 leave a suspension. It was advice, accepted; the Judge's position throughout was that article 124 is the only route.

Saying the Supreme Court stopped or ordered the removal. It declared the law three times and issued no writ or direction to the Speaker, the Committee or the House.

Saying the Judge was acquitted. He was not removed, which is a different thing: the motion failed, and under section 6(3) that means the misbehaviour was never deemed proved.

Quoting figures for the division. Do not, unless you hold the record. This book does not, and says so.

Quick revision

1990, in-house: CJI Sabyasachi Mukharji, statement to the Bar 20 July 1990; "no right or authority to inquire" but a duty as head of the judicial family; allegations split into rule interpretation (telephone, leave travel concession, cars, maces) and the serious class (unaccounted furniture, inferior replacements, missing items, split bills); letter of 18 July advising him to desist and be on leave; six weeks' leave from 23 July 1990; a three Judge Committee advised the CJI and its report was made public; the Judge did not participate, saying article 124 was the only route; no further administrative action followed.

1991 to 1993, constitutional: notice by 108 members of the Ninth Lok Sabha, 27 February 1991; admitted 12 March 1991; Committee of Sawant J., Desai C.J. and Chinnappa Reddy J. as the distinguished jurist; dissolution; the Union withheld the "actual service" notification under para 11(B)(i), Part D, Second Schedule.

The three decisions: Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability, (1991) 4 SCC 699 (two stages, no lapse, 4:1); M. Krishna Swami, (1992) 4 SCC 605 (dismissed, reliefs personal to the Judge, no locus in strangers); Sarojini Ramaswami, (1992) 4 SCC 506 (report from the Speaker at laying, hearing in the House, review after removal).

The end: the motion failed in the House of the People; no address presented; not removed. This book holds neither the Committee's report nor the Lok Sabha record and states no figures.

munotes.in946

The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full

Test yourself

1. What happened before the motion was moved? The Chief Justice of India acted administratively. In May 1990 advocates drew his attention to newspaper reports of an audit report into the expenses of furnishing the residence of a former Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, then a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court, and asked him to act suo motu; the Attorney General, two former Attorneys General, officers of the Supreme Court Bar Association and the Union Law Minister raised it with him as well. In his statement to the Bar of 20 July 1990 he said that legally and constitutionally the Chief Justice of India has no right or authority to inquire into the conduct of a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court, but that as head of the judicial family he has the duty to maintain judicial propriety and to secure public confidence in the judicial process, and that the situation was unprecedented and called for the establishment of a salutary convention. He obtained the papers, separated the allegations into questions of interpretation of the rules and a more serious class concerning unaccounted furniture, inferior replacements, missing items and the splitting of bills, and wrote to the judge on 18 July 1990 advising him to desist from judicial work and to be on leave, on which the judge applied for six weeks' leave from 23 July 1990.

A committee of three judges later advised the Chief Justice and its report was made public, but the judge did not participate in either exercise, his position being that article 124 was the only route; and no further administrative action was taken.

2. Set out the constitutional proceeding and the three decisions it produced. A notice of motion signed by 108 members of the Ninth Lok Sabha was presented to the Speaker on 27 February 1991, alleging financial improprieties committed as Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court before the judge's appointment to the Supreme Court in October 1989. The Speaker admitted it on 12 March 1991 and constituted a Committee of Justice P.B. Sawant of the Supreme Court, Justice P.D. Desai, Chief Justice of the Bombay High Court, and Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy, a retired Judge of the Supreme Court, as the distinguished jurist. The House was then dissolved and the Union withheld the notification treating the sitting judges' service on the Committee as actual service.

In Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, a Constitution Bench held by 4:1 that the process is in two parts, the first entirely statutory and open to review and the second alone parliamentary, that the Speaker is a statutory authority under the Act, and that the motion does not lapse on dissolution. In M. Krishna Swami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 605, petitions by an advocate and a member of the Tenth Lok Sabha were dismissed on preliminary grounds, reliefs of this kind being personal to the judge and strangers having no standing to seek reconsideration of the earlier decision. In Sarojini Ramaswami v. Union of India, (1992) 4 SCC 506, decided the same day, the Court held that the Committee owes the judge no copy of its report, that the Speaker must supply it when laying the report, that the House must have the judge's point of view before it votes, and that judicial review of a finding of guilt comes after an order of removal and not before.

munotes.in947

The Ramaswami Proceedings, Worked in Full

3. How did the proceedings end, and what may be said about the ending? The Committee reported, the motion was taken up in the House of the People and failed, no address was presented to the President, and the judge was not removed. Because section 6(3) makes the adoption of the motion by each House the event that deems the misbehaviour proved, the failure of the motion means the misbehaviour was never proved for constitutional purposes, whatever the Committee had found. That much follows from the statute. What should not be offered without the documents is the content of the report or the arithmetic of the division: this book has read the three judgments, which carry the story only to the point at which the report was ready, and holds neither the report nor the Lok Sabha record, so it states no figures. A candidate should be equally explicit rather than reciting numbers from memory.

4. What do the proceedings establish about the removal machinery? Four things. That the statutory stage functions: a Committee was constituted, framed charges, took evidence and reported. That the executive can obstruct the process without ever deciding anything, since the Union halted the inquiry simply by withholding an administrative notification, until the Supreme Court declared the law. That the courts will protect the process without running it, three decisions having issued not one writ or direction to the Speaker, the Committee or the House. And that the political stage is the weak point, because a finding reached by two judges and a distinguished jurist after charges and evidence decided nothing once the vote went the other way. Counsel in a later case described the process, in a submission and not a holding, as cumbersome and its result uncertain, and every reform proposal since has been directed at that gap.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in948

Chapter

Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

Four matters in this book's own record went far enough to be worth studying, and not one produced an address to the President.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the proceedings against Justice V. Ramaswami of the Supreme Court reached a report and a vote and the motion failed; the proceedings against Justice Soumitra Sen of the Calcutta High Court were begun on the recommendation of the Chief Justice of India and were dropped as abated on his resignation during the deliberations in Parliament; the proceedings against Justice P.D. Dinakaran, then Chief Justice of the Karnataka High Court, reached the framing of charges and a challenge to the composition of the Committee; and a complaint of sexual harassment against a sitting Judge of the High Court of Madhya Pradesh was dealt with under the in-house procedure, the Supreme Court directing that the process be reinitiated. In none of them was an address presented to the President.

What this chapter can and cannot list

This book holds judgments and bare Acts. It does not hold the debates of either House, the records of the Secretariats, or any list of notices of motion. So it lists the matters that produced a judgment it has read, and it does not name or date any other.

That limit is not a weakness in an answer; it is the strength of one. A candidate who writes four matters with dates, names, documents and holdings is worth more than one who writes eight names and can say nothing about any of them.

One: Justice V. Ramaswami, Supreme Court of India

Sourced from three judgments read in full, and worked in chapter 1650.

What happened. A notice of motion by 108 members of the Ninth Lok Sabha, presented 27 February 1991, admitted 12 March 1991, on allegations of financial improprieties as Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court before his appointment to the Supreme Court in October 1989. A Committee of Sawant J., Desai C.J. and Chinnappa Reddy J. as the distinguished jurist. The House was dissolved; the Union withheld the notification the sitting judges needed; three decisions of the Supreme Court followed.

How far it got: the whole way. It is the only removal motion to reach a finding of guilt and a vote of the House.

How it ended. The motion failed in the House of the People, so no address was presented and the Judge was not removed. This book holds neither the Committee's report nor the record of the division and states no figures.

What it decided for the law. Chapters 1610, 1620 and 1630: the two stages, no lapse on dissolution, and the Judge's protections.

munotes.in949

Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document

Two: Justice Soumitra Sen, High Court at Calcutta

Sourced from the Chief Justice of India's own letter, reproduced verbatim in Additional District and Sessions Judge 'X' v. Registrar General, High Court of Madhya Pradesh, (2015) 4 SCC 91.

This is the best documented judicial accountability matter in the whole tree, because the letter sets out every step.

The sequence, from the letter of 4 August 2008 by Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan to the Prime Minister:

Newspaper reports appeared about the Judge's conduct; the then Chief Justice of the Calcutta High Court withdrew judicial work from him and wrote on 25 November 2006 to the predecessor Chief Justice of India for appropriate action.

On 1 July 2007 the Chief Justice of India sought a comprehensive report and the Chief Justice's views; on 12 July 2007 the Judge called on him and explained his conduct verbally; his written report followed on 20 August 2007; a fresh and final response was called for on 10 September 2007 and furnished on 28 September 2007, asking to resume duties.

Feeling that "a deeper probe was required", the Chief Justice of India constituted a three member Committee of Justice A.P. Shah, Chief Justice of the Madras High Court, Justice A.K. Patnaik, Chief Justice of the High Court of Madhya Pradesh, and Justice R.M. Lodha, Judge of the Rajasthan High Court, "as envisaged in the 'In-House Procedure'", to conduct a fact finding enquiry in which the Judge could appear and have his say. Chapter 1680 is that procedure.

The Committee reported on 1 February 2008, after calling for records and hearing the Judge in person. Its conclusions, as the letter reproduces them, were that he had not had an honest intention from 1993, having mixed money received as a Receiver with his personal money and converted it to his own use; that there had been misappropriation, at least temporary, of the sale proceeds, with figures set out; that he had given a false explanation to the court about which account a sum had been drawn from; that monetary recompense under the compulsion of a judicial order does not obliterate breach of trust and misappropriation of a Receiver's funds for personal gain; and that his conduct had brought disrepute to the high judicial office and dishonour to the institution of judiciary. In the Committee's opinion the misconduct disclosed was so serious that it called for initiation of proceedings for removal.

Then the step that shows what the in-house procedure actually is. The report was forwarded to the Judge and he was advised to resign or seek voluntary retirement. He sought reconsideration and a personal hearing; on 16 March 2008 a Collegium of the Chief Justice of India and the two seniormost Judges heard him and reiterated the advice, giving him until 2 April 2008; by letter of 26 March 2008 he expressed his inability to resign or retire.

munotes.in950

Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document

And only then did the constitutional route open. The Chief Justice of India wrote to the Prime Minister recommending that "the proceedings contemplated by Article 217(1) read with Article 124(4) of the Constitution be initiated."

How far it got, and how it ended. The 2015 judgment records it in one sentence: "Based on the communication addressed by the Chief Justice of India, impeachment proceedings were actually initiated against Mr. Justice Soumitra Sen, under Article 124 of the Constitution of India. Consequent upon his resignation, during the course of deliberation on the impeachment proceedings in Parliament, the impeachment proceedings were dropped as having been abated."

Note the legal point buried in that sentence, and an examiner will reward it. Resignation ends the proceedings, because the whole object of the machinery is removal from an office, and a Judge who has left the office cannot be removed from it. Chapter 1550's point that removal is the only way to curtail the tenure has a corollary: the Judge himself can end his tenure at any time, and thereby end the inquiry. That is why the in-house procedure's operative step is advice to resign.

Three: Justice P.D. Dinakaran, High Court of Karnataka

Sourced from Justice P.D. Dinakaran v. Hon'ble Judges Inquiry Committee, (2011) 8 SCC 380, worked in chapter 1640.

How far it got. Fifty members of the Council of States; motion admitted by the Chairman; a Committee notified on 15 January 2010 of Justice V.S. Sirpurkar, Justice A.R. Dave and Mr P.P. Rao, Senior Advocate; charges framed under section 3(3); an objection to the jurist on the ground of bias, held reasonable but belated; the petition dismissed and the Chairman requested to nominate another jurist, the reconstituted Committee to proceed on the charges already framed.

How it ended: this tree holds no later document, and the book therefore states no outcome. As at the judgment of 5 July 2011 the proceedings had progressed only to the framing of charges and the Committee was yet to record its findings.

What it decided for the law. That a Judge under inquiry has the ordinary protection against bias, on the real likelihood test, and that an objection loses its value if it is not made promptly.

Four: the Madhya Pradesh complaint of 2014

Sourced from Additional District and Sessions Judge 'X' v. Registrar General, High Court of Madhya Pradesh, (2015) 4 SCC 91.

munotes.in951

Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document

The Court anonymised both sides and this book follows it. The petitioner is Additional District and Sessions Judge 'X', a former member of the Madhya Pradesh Higher Judicial Service who had practised for fifteen years at Delhi and stood second in the merit list released on 22 March 2011; the respondent is "Justice 'A'", a sitting Judge of the High Court. The Court's stated reason is that the authenticity of the allegations, expressly disputed, would be affirmed or repudiated only after due process, so the identity of neither should be disclosed: her dignity and his reputation deserve the same protection. Reproducing a name the Court withheld would be a poor answer as well as a wrong one.

How far it got. Not to Parliament at all. It was a complaint of sexual harassment dealt with under the in-house procedure, and it reached the Supreme Court because the procedure had been applied wrongly.

What the Court held, and it is chapter 1680's material. The Chief Justice of the High Court had travelled beyond the determinative authority vested in him at stage one, whose limit is to decide whether a deeper probe is required, by constituting a two Judge Committee and beginning an in-depth probe, which belongs to the second stage and is carried out under the authority of the Chief Justice of India. The Court directed that the Judge be divested of administrative and supervisory control over the witnesses, in order that the investigation be fair and just; held that the Chief Justice of the High Court, having assumed a firm position on facts in the complaint, ought not to be associated with the procedure in that case; and left it to the Chief Justice of India to reinitiate the process, vesting the High Court Chief Justice's role in the Chief Justice of some other High Court or assuming it himself.

The pattern, and the reasons

On this book's record, every removal motion has failed to produce an address to the President, and so no judge has been removed under article 124(4) in any matter this tree documents. It is a statement about this record, and a candidate should frame it that way rather than as a claim about every notice ever given.

Four reasons, and each is sourced in the book.

One, the design intends difficulty. C. Ravichandran Iyer v. Justice A.M. Bhattacharjee, (1995) 5 SCC 457: "The founding fathers of the Constitution advisedly adopted cumbersome process of impeachment as a mode to remove a Judge from office for only proved misbehaviour or incapacity which implies that impeachment process is not available for minor abrasive behaviour of a Judge. It reinforces that independence to the Judge is of paramount importance to sustain, strengthen and elongate rule of law." The Court adds that Parliament "sparingly resorts to the mechanism" as an extreme measure, and that in all common law jurisdictions removal by impeachment is the accepted norm for serious acts of judicial misconduct, designed to do as little damage as possible to judicial independence.

munotes.in952

Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document

Two, the vote is the proof. Section 6(3), chapter 1600: a Committee's finding of guilt is a recommendation, and only adoption by each House on the special majorities makes the misbehaviour deemed proved. Ramaswami is what that costs.

Three, resignation abates everything. Soumitra Sen. The office is the target, and the Judge controls the office.

Four, the threshold and the arithmetic are severe. A hundred members of the House of the People or fifty of the Council of States must sign, chapter 1570; and then a majority of the total membership AND two thirds of those present and voting, in EACH House, in the SAME session. As Tulzapurkar J. put it in a passage the Constitution Bench reproduced in K. Veeraswami v. Union of India, (1991) 3 SCC 655, "One hundred Members of the Lok Sabha or fifty Members of the Rajya Sabha alone can initiate any action on such allegations."

And the consequence the Court itself drew from all this, in the same passage: there is a need for "proper machinery possessing legal sanction ... for enabling a proper inquiry against an alleged errant Judge less cumbersome than the near impeachment process contemplated by Art. 124(4) and (5)." That machinery is chapter 1670.

A worked example

An examiner asks for "appropriate examples of Judicial Inquiries."

Give the two senses first, chapter 1560: an inquiry INTO a judge and an inquiry BY a judge.

For the first sense, give the four above, each in three lines: what triggered it, how far it got, how it ended.

Rank them by what each teaches. Ramaswami for the whole machine and the three decisions; Soumitra Sen for the in-house procedure feeding the constitutional one, and for abatement on resignation; Dinakaran for bias and promptness; the 2014 complaint for the limits of a High Court Chief Justice's authority.

For the second sense, chapters 1730 to 1750 supply commissions of inquiry headed by judges, and chapter 1750 the magisterial inquiry into a custodial death.

And close with the assessment, not the list. The examiner's word is "in detail", and detail means dates, documents, holdings and an honest statement of what the record does not show.

munotes.in953

Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document

What beginners get wrong

Naming judges the record does not name. In the 2014 matter the Court itself withheld both names, and gave its reasons.

Saying a resignation is an acquittal. It is an abatement: the proceedings are dropped, and no finding is ever adopted.

Saying the Committee removed or cleared anyone. In none of these four did a Committee's finding decide anything by itself.

Treating the in-house procedure and the constitutional procedure as alternatives. Soumitra Sen shows them in sequence: the in-house inquiry, then advice to resign, then, on refusal, the recommendation to initiate removal.

Offering a count of notices of motion. Unless you hold the record, do not; say what you can document.

Quick revision

Ramaswami: 108 members, Ninth Lok Sabha, 27 February 1991 and 12 March 1991; Sawant, Desai, Chinnappa Reddy; three Supreme Court decisions; motion failed, no address, not removed.

Soumitra Sen: work withdrawn by the High Court Chief Justice, 25 November 2006; CJI's probe from 1 July 2007; three Judge in-house Committee of Shah, Patnaik and Lodha; report 1 February 2008 finding misappropriation of a Receiver's funds and a false explanation to the court; advice to resign, Collegium hearing 16 March 2008, refusal 26 March 2008; CJI's letter to the Prime Minister 4 August 2008 under art 217(1) with art 124(4); proceedings initiated and dropped as abated on his resignation during the deliberations.

Dinakaran: fifty members of the Council of States; Committee notified 15 January 2010; charges framed; bias objection reasonable but belated; petition dismissed, jurist replaced by request; no later document in this tree, so no outcome stated.

The 2014 complaint: Addl. D&SJ 'X' and Justice 'A', names withheld by the Court; the High Court Chief Justice exceeded stage one by constituting a two Judge Committee; the Judge divested of administrative and supervisory control over witnesses; the process to be reinitiated by the Chief Justice of India.

Why none succeeded: the process is advisedly cumbersome and sparingly resorted to; section 6(3) makes the vote the proof; resignation abates; and the thresholds and majorities are severe.

Test yourself

1. Work the Soumitra Sen matter in full. It is the best documented judicial accountability matter in this book, because the Chief Justice of India's letter of 4 August 2008 to the Prime Minister, reproduced verbatim in the 2015 Supreme Court judgment, sets out every step. Newspaper reports appeared about the judge's conduct as a Receiver; the Chief Justice of the Calcutta High Court withdrew judicial work from him and wrote on 25 November 2006 to the then Chief Justice of India. His successor sought a comprehensive report on 1 July 2007, met the judge on 12 July, received his report on 20 August and a final response on 28 September 2007.

munotes.in954

Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document

Feeling that a deeper probe was required, he constituted a three member Committee under the in-house procedure, of Justice A.P. Shah, Justice A.K. Patnaik and Justice R.M. Lodha, which heard the judge in person and reported on 1 February 2008 that he had lacked honest intention from 1993, had mixed a Receiver's money with his own and converted it to his use, had misappropriated the sale proceeds at least temporarily, had given a false explanation to the court about the account from which a sum was drawn, and had brought disrepute to the high judicial office; and that the misconduct was so serious as to call for removal proceedings. The report was sent to him and he was advised to resign or take voluntary retirement; a Collegium of the Chief Justice and the two seniormost judges heard him on 16 March 2008 and reiterated the advice; he refused on 26 March 2008. The Chief Justice of India then wrote recommending that proceedings under article 217(1) read with article 124(4) be initiated. Proceedings were initiated and were dropped as having abated on his resignation during the deliberations in Parliament.

2. Why does a resignation end the proceedings? Because the object of the machinery is removal from an office. Article 124(4) empowers the President to remove a judge from his office by an order passed after an address by both Houses, and a judge who has ceased to hold the office cannot be removed from it. The corollary of the rule that removal is the only way in which the fixed tenure of a judge may be curtailed is that the judge himself may end that tenure at any moment by resigning, and thereby end the inquiry. That is why the operative step of the in-house procedure is advice to resign or to seek voluntary retirement rather than any sanction, and why in the Soumitra Sen matter the proceedings, once begun, were dropped as abated.

3. Why has no removal motion in this record produced an address to the President? Four reasons. First, the design intends difficulty: the Court has said that the founding fathers advisedly adopted a cumbersome process, available only for proved misbehaviour or incapacity and not for minor abrasive behaviour, precisely because the independence of the judge is of paramount importance, and that Parliament resorts to it sparingly as an extreme measure. Second, section 6(3) makes the adoption of the motion by each House, and not the Committee's finding, the event that deems the misbehaviour proved, so a judicial finding of guilt decides nothing by itself, which is what the Ramaswami proceedings demonstrated. Third, a resignation abates everything, as in the Soumitra Sen matter. Fourth, the thresholds are severe: a hundred members of the House of the People or fifty of the Council of States must sign, and then a majority of the total membership and two thirds of those present and voting must be secured in each House in the same session.

munotes.in955

Every Removal Attempt This Book Can Document

4. Why does this chapter not name the judge in the 2014 Madhya Pradesh matter? Because the Supreme Court did not. It recorded that the allegations were expressly disputed and would be affirmed or repudiated only after due process, that the sensitivity of the matter made it inappropriate to disclose the identity of either side, and that the petitioner's dignity and the judge's reputation deserved the same protection; it therefore referred to them as Additional District and Sessions Judge 'X' and Justice 'A'. This book holds judgments and bare Acts and nothing else, so where a court has withheld a name the book has no other source for it and does not supply one. The same limit governs the rest of the chapter: matters that left no judicial record this tree holds are not named and not dated, and the chapter says so rather than reciting a list it cannot support.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in956

Chapter -One

Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

Between conduct too trivial to remove a judge for and conduct grave enough to remove him for lies everything that actually happens, and the Supreme Court filled that space with self-regulation by the judiciary rather than pressure from the Bar.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in C. Ravichandran Iyer v. Justice A.M. Bhattacharjee, (1995) 5 SCC 457, the Supreme Court held that article 121 by necessary implication forbids any forum other than a removal motion to discuss the conduct of a judge in the discharge of his duties, so that a Bar Council or a group of advocates may not pass a resolution on it; that the yawning gap between proved misbehaviour and bad conduct inconsistent with the high office can be filled by self-regulation through an in-house procedure; and that the Bar's course is to place specific and authentic material before the judge in camera or before the Chief Justice of the High Court, and, where the complaint is against the Chief Justice, directly before the Chief Justice of India, and then to suspend all further action and await the response.

The problem, stated by the Court

Begin with the gap, because everything follows from it.

Chapter 1550 established that a judge may be removed only for proved misbehaviour or incapacity. Chapter 1660 showed how hard that is.

So what happens to a judge whose conduct is not fit for the office but is not grave enough to remove him for? The Court's own statement of the problem:

"A misbehaviour which is not a good behaviour may be improper conduct not befitting to the standard expected of a Judge. Threat of impeachment process itself may swerve a Judge to fall prey to misconduct but it serves disgrace to use impeachment process for minor offences or abrasive conduct on the part of a Judge. The bad behaviour of one Judge has a rippling effect on the reputation of the judiciary as a whole. When the edifice of judiciary is built heavily on public confidence and respect, the damage by an obstinate Judge would rip apart the entire judicial structure built in the Constitution."

And then the questions, which are the syllabus topic in the Court's own words:

"When the Judge cannot be removed by impeachment process for such conduct but generates widespread feeling of dissatisfaction among the general public, the question would be who would stamp out the rot and judge the Judge or who would impress upon the Judge either to desist from repetition or to demit the office in grace? Who would be the appropriate authority? Who would be the principal mover in that behalf? The hiatus between bad behaviour and impeachable misbehaviour needs to be filled in to stem erosion of public confidence in the efficacy of judicial process."

munotes.in957

Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure

Note the phrase "demit the office in grace." It is the whole of the in-house procedure in four words, and chapter 1660's Soumitra Sen matter is it in operation.

The facts

On 1 March 1995 the Bombay Bar Association passed a resolution, by a majority of 185 out of 207 permanent members, demanding the resignation of Justice A.M. Bhattacharjee, then Chief Justice of the Bombay High Court.

A writ petition was filed in the Supreme Court to restrain the Bar Council of Maharashtra and Goa, the Bombay Bar Association and the Advocates' Association of Western India from coercing him to resign, and, in the alternative, for a direction that the allegations be investigated by the Central Bureau of Investigation and, if found true, that the Speaker of the House of the People be directed to initiate action for removal.

The case is therefore not about a judge at all. It is about what the BAR may do about a judge, and the answer is the reason the in-house procedure exists.

The Bar's own defence, recorded by the Court, is worth stating because it is honest. Mr Nariman submitted that "the recent impeachment proceedings against Justice V. Ramaswami and its fall-out do indicate that the process of impeachment is cumbersome and the result uncertain"; that unless corrective steps are taken against judges whose conduct the Bar perceives as detrimental, people would lose faith in the efficacy of judicial process; that the Bar, being the collective voice of the court concerned, owes a duty to maintain the independence of the judiciary; and that the Bar was not aware of any other procedure than the one under article 124(4) and the Act. That last sentence is the case for creating one.

First holding: the Bar may not pass such a resolution

The Court took article 121 as its starting point. It prohibits discussion in Parliament of the conduct of a Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties except upon a motion for an address for removal. Chapter 1720 works the article.

Then the step that decides the case:

"By necessary implication, no other forum or fora or platform is available for discussion of the conduct of a Judge in the discharge of his duties as a Judge of the Supreme Court or the High Court, much less a Bar Council or group of practising advocates. They are prohibited to discuss the conduct of a Judge in the discharge of his duties or to pass any resolution in that behalf."

munotes.in958

Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure

Follow the reasoning, because it is a striking use of an article that on its face binds only Parliament. If the Constitution forbids the sovereign legislature to discuss a judge's conduct except on a removal motion, then a fortiori no lesser body may. The greater prohibition carries the smaller.

And the Court reinforced it from two other directions.

From the Advocates Act 1961: section 6(1) and the provisions on misconduct enjoin a Bar Council to maintain high moral, ethical and professional standards among advocates, and "their power under the Act ends thereat and extends no further."

From the law of contempt: section 2(c) of the Contempt of Courts Act 1971 defines criminal contempt to include what scandalises or tends to scandalise a court, and the Court cited Brahma Prakash Sharma v. State of Uttar Pradesh, AIR 1954 SC 10, where a Bar Association's resolutions that certain judicial officers were incompetent were treated as contempt: an attack on a Judge is a wrong done to the public if it tends to create apprehension about his integrity, ability or fairness, deter litigants from relying on the court, or embarrass the Judge in his duties. But criticism of a judge's conduct, even if strongly worded, is not contempt if it is fair, temperate, made in good faith and not directed to his personal character or impartiality.

And the reason of policy, which is the sentence to memorise:

"The threat of action on vague grounds of dissatisfaction would create a dragnet that would inevitably sweep into its grasp the maverick, the dissenter, the innovator, the reformer, in one word the unpopular. Insidious attempts pave way for removing the inconvenient."

Second holding: what the Bar may do instead

The Court did not leave the Bar without a course, and the course has three steps.

One. The Bar Association must first gather specific, authentic and acceptable material showing conduct that would make a reasonable person doubt the honesty, integrity or impartiality of the Judge, or that lowers the dignity of the office, but is not necessarily impeachable misbehaviour. That is misbehaviour not warranting removal, and identifying it is the Bar's first duty.

Two. "In all fairness to the Judge, the responsible office bearers should meet him in camera after securing interview and apprise the Judge of the information they had with them. If there is truth in it, there is every possibility that the Judge would mend himself."

Three. Or, to avoid embarrassing him, the office bearers may approach the Chief Justice of that High Court, apprise him of the situation with the material, and impress upon him to deal with it appropriately; and then await his response for a reasonable period.

munotes.in959

Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure

And where the complaint is against the Chief Justice of the High Court himself, the Bar goes DIRECTLY to the Chief Justice of India, who acts in the same way, the Bar again awaiting the response for a reasonable period.

Third holding: the Chief Justice of India, and the procedure

The Court began with a concession that makes the rest necessary:

"It is true that this Court has neither administrative control over the High Court nor power on the judicial side to enquire into the misbehaviour of a Chief Justice or Judge of a High Court."

So where does the authority come from? From position, not from power. "When the Bar of the High Court concerned reasonably and honestly doubts the conduct of the Chief Justice of that court, necessarily the only authority under the Constitution that could be tapped is the Chief Justice of India, who in common parlance is known as the head of the judiciary of the country."

And the principle: "impeachment is meant to be a drastic remedy and needs to be used in serious cases. But there must exist some other means to ensure that Judges do not abuse the trust the society has in them. It seems to us that self-regulation by the judiciary is the only method which can be tried and adopted."

The Court supported the choice from comparative material rather than from Indian precedent, which tells you how new it was. The International Bar Association's minimum standards adopted at New Delhi in October 1982, whose paragraph 31 says "the head of the Court may legitimately have supervisory powers to control judges on administrative matters." Chief Judge Irving R. Kaufman's warning that a new disciplinary scheme would turn a minor annoyance into a constant threat of official action, that even an unvindicated Judge "might taint him with a devastating stigma", and that "Peer pressure is a potent tool. It should not be underestimated because it is neither exposed to public view nor enshrined in law." And Chief Judge Harry T. Edwards's view that "the ideal of judicial independence is not compromised when judges are monitored and are regulated by their own peers", self-regulation bridging the hiatus between bad behaviour and impeachable conduct, and raising no constitutional dilemma so long as the removal power remains with the legislature.

The procedure the Court then laid down, and this is the operative passage:

Where the complaint relates to a Judge of the High Court, the Chief Justice of that High Court, "after verification, and if necessary, after confidential enquiry from his independent source", satisfies himself about the truth of the imputation, and consults the Chief Justice of India where deemed necessary, placing all the information before him.

munotes.in960

Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure

Once the Chief Justice of India is seized of the matter, "the Bar should suspend all further actions", so that whatever he does "must not only be just but must also appear to be just to all concerned, i.e., it must not even appear to have been taken under pressure from any quarter."

The Chief Justice of India, after satisfying himself about the correctness and truth, "may tender such advice either directly or may initiate such action, as is deemed necessary or warranted"; "if circumstances permit, it may be salutary to take the Judge into confidence before initiating action"; and "on the decision being taken by the Chief Justice of India, the matter should rest at that."

And the Court's own summary:

"It would thus be seen that yawning gap between proved misbehaviour and bad conduct in consistent with the high office on the part of a non cooperating Judge/Chief Justice of a High Court could be disciplined by self-regulation through inhouse procedure. This inhouse procedure would fill in the constitutional gap and would yield salutary effect."

Note the disposal, and the candour of it. The Chief Justice had already demitted office, so the Court said it had stated the position "so that it would form a precedent for future", and disposed of the petition. It added that recourse to this procedure was not taken in the case at hand, "may be, because of absence of legal sanction to such a procedure." Chapter 1690 is what that absence still costs.

And the sequel, from the 2015 judgment: the seeds of the in-house procedure were sown in this decision, action has since been taken under a procedure approved by the Full Court of the Supreme Court, and removal proceedings have actually been initiated on its basis, so that the procedure "is firmly in place" and its adoption "is now a reality." Chapter 1680 sets it out step by step.

A worked example

A Bar Association believes a Judge of the High Court is habitually rude, decides cases without hearing counsel out, and keeps judgments reserved for years.

Is that impeachable? Almost certainly not. It is misbehaviour not warranting removal: conduct not befitting the standard expected of a Judge but far from proved misbehaviour.

May the Association pass a resolution asking him to resign? No. Article 121 forbids discussion of a judge's conduct in the discharge of his duties except on a removal motion, and by necessary implication no other forum is available, "much less a Bar Council or group of practising advocates."

May it write to the press? Worse. Depending on the terms it risks scandalising the court under section 2(c). But fair, temperate criticism made in good faith, not directed at his personal character or impartiality, is not contempt.

munotes.in961

Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure

What should it do? Gather specific, authentic and acceptable material; then either meet him in camera through responsible office bearers and put the material to him, or approach the Chief Justice of the High Court with it; and await the response for a reasonable period.

The complaint is against the Chief Justice of the High Court himself. Then directly to the Chief Justice of India, who acts in the same way.

The Chief Justice of India takes the matter up. What must the Bar do? Suspend all further action, so that his decision does not even appear to have been taken under pressure from any quarter.

He advises the Judge and the Judge mends his conduct. What next? Nothing. "On the decision being taken by the Chief Justice of India, the matter should rest at that."

And if the Judge refuses to change and the material discloses serious misconduct? Then chapter 1660's Soumitra Sen sequence: an in-house Committee, a report, advice to resign or seek voluntary retirement, and, on refusal, a recommendation to the Prime Minister that proceedings under article 217(1) with article 124(4) be initiated.

What beginners get wrong

Thinking article 121 binds only Parliament. On this decision it binds every forum by necessary implication, the Bar included.

Thinking a Bar Association may demand a resignation. It may not pass any resolution on a judge's conduct in the discharge of his duties.

Thinking all criticism of a judge is contempt. Fair, temperate, good faith criticism not aimed at personal character or impartiality is not.

Thinking the Chief Justice of India has disciplinary power. He has neither administrative control over a High Court nor power on the judicial side to inquire; the procedure rests on position and peer pressure.

Thinking the in-house procedure replaces removal. It fills the gap below it, and feeds into it when the misconduct is serious.

Quick revision

C. Ravichandran Iyer v. Justice A.M. Bhattacharjee, (1995) 5 SCC 457. Facts: the Bombay Bar Association's resolution of 1 March 1995, carried 185 of 207 permanent members, demanding the Chief Justice's resignation; a petition to restrain the Bar bodies from coercing him.

The gap: "the hiatus between bad behaviour and impeachable misbehaviour"; it is "disgrace to use impeachment process for minor offences or abrasive conduct"; the question is who will "impress upon the Judge either to desist from repetition or to demit the office in grace."

Holding 1: article 121 means that "by necessary implication, no other forum or fora or platform is available for discussion of the conduct of a Judge"; a Bar Council's power under the Advocates Act to police advocates ends there; a resolution may amount to scandalising the court under s.2(c), though fair, temperate, good faith criticism is not contempt; and a dragnet of vague dissatisfaction would sweep up "the maverick, the dissenter, the innovator, the reformer, in one word the unpopular."

munotes.in962

Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure

Holding 2: the Bar must gather specific, authentic and acceptable material, then meet the Judge in camera or approach the Chief Justice of the High Court, and await the response for a reasonable period; against a Chief Justice, go directly to the Chief Justice of India.

Holding 3: self-regulation by the judiciary is the only method; the High Court Chief Justice verifies, if necessary by confidential enquiry from his independent source, and consults the Chief Justice of India; the Bar then suspends all action; the Chief Justice of India may tender advice or initiate action, may take the Judge into confidence, and "the matter should rest at that."

Test yourself

1. What is the gap the in-house procedure fills? The gap between conduct grave enough to justify removal and conduct that falls below the standard expected of a judge but cannot support a removal motion. The Court said that a misbehaviour which is not good behaviour may be improper conduct not befitting the standard expected of a judge, that it is a disgrace to use the impeachment process for minor offences or abrasive conduct, and that the bad behaviour of one judge has a rippling effect on the reputation of the judiciary as a whole. It framed the questions directly: who is to stamp out the rot and judge the judge, who is to impress upon him to desist or to demit the office in grace, and who is the appropriate authority and principal mover. That hiatus between bad behaviour and impeachable misbehaviour, it held, needs to be filled to stem the erosion of public confidence, and the answer is self-regulation by the judiciary through an in-house procedure, which fills the constitutional gap.

2. May a Bar Association pass a resolution calling on a judge to resign? No. Article 121 prohibits discussion in Parliament of the conduct of a judge of the Supreme Court or a High Court in the discharge of his duties except upon a motion for an address for his removal, and the Court held that by necessary implication no other forum, platform or body is available for such discussion, much less a Bar Council or a group of practising advocates, who are prohibited from discussing such conduct or passing any resolution about it. The powers of a Bar Council under the Advocates Act extend to maintaining standards among advocates and no further. A resolution may also amount to scandalising the court within section 2(c) of the Contempt of Courts Act 1971, since an attack on a judge is a wrong done to the public if it creates apprehension about his integrity, ability or fairness, though fair and temperate criticism made in good faith and not directed at his personal character or impartiality is not contempt. The Court's reason of policy was that a threat of action on vague grounds of dissatisfaction would create a dragnet sweeping in the maverick, the dissenter, the innovator and the reformer, in one word the unpopular, insidious attempts paving the way for removing the inconvenient.

munotes.in963

Misbehaviour Short of Removal: the In-House Procedure

3. What course is open to the Bar instead? First, to gather specific, authentic and acceptable material showing conduct that would make a reasonable person doubt the honesty, integrity or impartiality of the judge, or that lowers the dignity of the office, without necessarily being impeachable misbehaviour. Second, in fairness to the judge, for responsible office bearers to secure an interview and meet him in camera and apprise him of the information, since if there is truth in it there is every possibility that he would mend himself. Third, or to avoid embarrassing him, to approach the Chief Justice of that High Court, place the material before him and impress upon him to deal with the matter appropriately, and then await his response for a reasonable period. Where the allegations are against the Chief Justice of the High Court, the Bar should bring them directly to the Chief Justice of India and await his response in the same way.

4. What is the position of the Chief Justice of India in this scheme? It rests on position rather than on power. The Court expressly accepted that it has neither administrative control over a High Court nor any power on the judicial side to inquire into the misbehaviour of a Chief Justice or judge of a High Court, but held that where the Bar reasonably and honestly doubts the conduct of a Chief Justice the only authority under the Constitution that can be tapped is the Chief Justice of India as head of the judiciary. The Chief Justice of the High Court verifies the complaint, if necessary by confidential enquiry from his own independent source, and consults the Chief Justice of India where necessary, placing all the information before him. Once the Chief Justice of India is seized of the matter the Bar must suspend all further action, so that whatever he does is not only just but appears just and does not even appear to have been taken under pressure. He may then tender advice directly or initiate such action as is warranted, may where circumstances permit take the judge into confidence first, and once he has decided, the matter rests there. The Court supported this from comparative material rather than Indian precedent, including the International Bar Association's 1982 New Delhi standards and the writings of two American Chief Judges on peer pressure and judicial self-regulation, and disposed of the petition by stating the position as a precedent for the future, the Chief Justice concerned having already demitted office.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in964

Chapter -Two

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

A complaint against a High Court judge runs through two stages, the first belonging to the Chief Justice of the High Court and going no further than whether a deeper probe is needed, and the second belonging to the Chief Justice of India and conducted by two Chief Justices and a Judge from outside that High Court.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Additional District and Sessions Judge 'X' v. Registrar General, High Court of Madhya Pradesh, (2015) 4 SCC 91, the Supreme Court restated the in-house procedure for a sitting Judge of a High Court as seven steps in two stages, held that the role of the Chief Justice of the High Court is limited to the first three, and set aside proceedings in which he had constituted a two Judge Committee of colleagues and begun a deeper probe, that being the work of the three member Committee constituted by the Chief Justice of India in the second stage.

Where the procedure comes from

Chapter 1670 ends with the Court asking for self-regulation and noting that the procedure had no legal sanction. This is what was done about it.

In furtherance of the directions in C. Ravichandran Iyer, the Supreme Court constituted a committee of three of its own Judges, Justices S.C. Agrawal, A.S. Anand and S.P. Bharucha, and the two seniormost Chief Justices of High Courts, Justices P.S. Misra and D.P. Mohapatra, of the Andhra Pradesh and Allahabad High Courts, to lay down the in-house procedure for remedial action against judges who "by their acts of omission or commission, do not follow the accepted values of judicial life", including the ideals in the Restatement of Values of Judicial Life.

The committee reported on 31 October 1997, and the report was adopted with amendments in a Full Court Meeting of the Supreme Court of India on 15 December 1999.

Read those two dates and take the point. The in-house procedure is not a statute, not a rule made under any Act, and not a constitutional provision. It is a report of five judges adopted by the Full Court, and its whole force is the authority of the office that administers it. Chapter 1690 is the price of that.

There are THREE sets of procedure in the report: one for Judges of High Courts, one for Chief Justices of High Courts, and one for Judges of the Supreme Court. The 2015 judgment sets out only the first, because that was the case before it, and so does this chapter. Say which one you are reproducing.

munotes.in965

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

The adopted text, in outline

The adopted procedure is written in EIGHT numbered clauses. A complaint against a high court judge may reach the Chief Justice of the High Court, the Chief Justice of India, or the President of India, complaints to the President being generally forwarded to the Chief Justice of India.

(1) Complaint to the High Court Chief Justice. He examines it. If frivolous, or directly related to the merits of a substantive decision in a judicial matter, or not involving any serious complaint of misconduct or impropriety, he files it and informs the Chief Justice of India. If it is serious, he asks for the response of the Judge, and then either files it and informs the Chief Justice of India, or, if the allegations need a deeper probe, forwards to the Chief Justice of India the complaint, the response and his own comments.

Note the second exclusion, because students miss it. A complaint directly related to the merits of a substantive decision in a judicial matter is filed at once. The in-house procedure is not an appeal, and a litigant unhappy with a judgment has no business in it.

(2) Complaint to the Chief Justice of India, or forwarded by the President. He applies the same three filters, and files it if it fails them. Otherwise he sends it to the Chief Justice of the High Court for comments, who asks for the Judge's response and returns the complaint with the response and his comments.

(3) The three member Committee. If the Chief Justice of India is of opinion that a deeper probe is required, he constitutes a three member Committee of two Chief Justices of High Courts other than the High Court to which the Judge belongs, and one High Court Judge, to hold an inquiry. "The inquiry shall be in the nature of a fact finding inquiry wherein the Judge concerned would be entitled to appear and have his say. But it would not be a formal judicial inquiry involving the examination and cross-examination of witnesses and representation by lawyers."

That sentence is the difference between this and the Judges (Inquiry) Act. Chapter 1590's Committee has the powers of a civil court, takes evidence on oath, and must let the Judge cross-examine. This one does none of that.

(4) Procedure. The Committee devises its own procedure consistent with the principles of natural justice.

(5) The report, which may conclude that (a) there is no substance; (b) there is sufficient substance and the misconduct disclosed is so serious that it calls for initiation of proceedings for removal; or (c) there is substance but the misconduct is not of such a serious nature. A copy of the report is furnished to the Judge by the Committee.

munotes.in966

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

(6) On conclusion (a), the complaint is filed by the Chief Justice of India.

(7) On conclusion (b), the Chief Justice of India adopts this course: the Judge "should be advised to resign his office or seek voluntary retirement"; and if he expresses unwillingness, the Chief Justice of the High Court is advised not to allocate any judicial work to him, and the President and the Prime Minister are intimated that this has been done, with the reason and a copy of the report enclosed.

(8) On conclusion (c), the Chief Justice of India calls the Judge and advises him accordingly, and may also direct that the report be placed on record.

The seven steps of the in-house procedure

The 2015 judgment restates the same thing as seven steps, and this is the form to reproduce in an answer.

Step one. A complaint may be received against a sitting Judge of a High Court by the Chief Justice of that High Court, by the Chief Justice of India, or by the President of India, in which last case it is forwarded to the Chief Justice of India. Whoever receives it examines the contents himself, and if frivolous, files it.

Step two. If the recipient feels the complaint contains serious allegations involving misconduct or impropriety which require a further probe, then: the High Court Chief Justice shall seek a response from the Judge, and nothing more; and the Chief Justice of India shall forward the complaint to the High Court Chief Justice, who shall then seek a response from the Judge, and nothing more.

The words "and nothing more" are the holding of the whole case.

Step three. The High Court Chief Justice considers the veracity of the allegations in the light of the Judge's response, reaching one of two inferences: that the allegations are frivolous, in which case he forwards his opinion to the Chief Justice of India; or that the complaint requires a deeper probe, in which case he forwards to the Chief Justice of India the complaint, the Judge's response and his own consideration.

Steps one to three are STAGE ONE, and they belong to the Chief Justice of the High Court. Steps four to seven are STAGE TWO, and they belong to the Chief Justice of India.

Step four. The Chief Justice of India examines the allegations, the response and the High Court Chief Justice's consideration; and if he concurs that a deeper probe is required, constitutes the three member Committee of two Chief Justices of High Courts other than the Judge's own, and one High Court Judge.

munotes.in967

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

Step five. The Committee conducts an inquiry by devising its own procedure consistent with the rules of natural justice, records its conclusions and furnishes its report to the Chief Justice of India, concluding either that there is no substance, or that there is sufficient substance, in which case it must further opine whether the misconduct is so serious as to require initiation of removal proceedings or not. On no substance, the Chief Justice of India files the complaint; otherwise the report is also furnished by the Committee to the Judge.

Step six. If the misconduct is not serious enough for removal, the Chief Justice of India advises the Judge and may direct that the report be placed on record. If it is serious enough: (i) the Judge is advised to resign or seek voluntary retirement; and (ii) if he does not accept the advice, the Chief Justice of India requires the Chief Justice of his High Court not to allocate any judicial work to him.

Step seven. If the Judge does not abide by that advice, the Chief Justice of India intimates the President of India and the Prime Minister of India of the findings of the three member Committee warranting initiation of proceedings for removal.

And then chapter 1660's Soumitra Sen letter is step seven happening, which is why that matter is worth learning alongside these steps.

What the Court decided on the facts

The Chief Justice of the High Court, on receiving the complaint forwarded to him, constituted a TWO Judge Committee of colleagues from the same High Court and had it hold an inquiry recording the statements of witnesses.

Held: he had exceeded his authority, and the proceedings were SET ASIDE.

"The role of the Chief Justice of the High Court, being limited to the first stage of the investigative process, during which the only determination is, whether a prima facie case is made out requiring a deeper probe; the Chief Justice of the High Court had exceeded the authority vested in him."

The Court then listed what the departure cost, and each item is a reason the procedure is designed as it is.

The first stage "contemplates the implied exclusion of colleague Judges, from the same High Court", and he consciously involved them.

He embarked on "not a prima facie determination, but a holistic consideration of the allegations."

He "usurped the investigative process, assigned to the three-member Committee."

And the reason the second stage is composed as it is: an inquiry by two sitting Chief Justices of High Courts and one Judge of a High Court would have "a wholly different impact. Not only would the concerned parties feel reassured, that justice would be done, even the public at large would be confident, that the outcome would be fair and without any prejudices."

munotes.in968

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

The Court also addressed the complainant's separate objection without deciding it as the ground of the case, recording that all the persons through whom she had to prove her allegations were under the Judge's administrative superintendence and control, and that even those who would support him were, so that neither side's witnesses could be expected to speak freely and without fear. Its direction followed from that: the Chief Justice of the High Court was directed to divest the Judge of the administrative and supervisory control over those witnesses, so that the investigative process should be fair and just.

And its reason for dealing with a point it need not have decided is worth quoting for any procedure question: an investigation leads to consequences either way, the Judge suffering if found remiss and the complainant suffering if he is exculpated, since it would then be assumed she had levelled unfounded allegations; so the procedure must be absolutely fair to all.

Finally, the Chief Justice of the High Court, "having assumed a firm position, in respect of certain facts contained in the complaint", ought not to be associated with the procedure in that case, and the Chief Justice of India may reinitiate the process, vesting the High Court Chief Justice's role in the Chief Justice of some other High Court or assuming it himself.

A worked example

The President forwards to the Chief Justice of India a complaint that a Judge of a High Court took a bribe.

Step one. The Chief Justice of India examines it himself. Not frivolous, so it proceeds.

Step two. He forwards it to the Chief Justice of that High Court, who seeks the Judge's response, and nothing more.

Step three. On the response, the High Court Chief Justice thinks a deeper probe is needed and forwards the complaint, the response and his consideration to the Chief Justice of India.

The High Court Chief Justice also, being conscientious, records the statements of the Registrar and two colleagues. Beyond his authority. Stage one is a prima facie determination, colleague Judges of the same High Court are impliedly excluded, and the proceedings are liable to be set aside.

Step four. The Chief Justice of India concurs and constitutes a Committee of two Chief Justices of other High Courts and one High Court Judge.

May that Committee let the complainant's counsel cross-examine the Judge? No. It is a fact finding inquiry in which the Judge may appear and have his say, and expressly "not a formal judicial inquiry involving the examination and cross-examination of witnesses and representation by lawyers."

munotes.in969

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

Step five. It reports sufficient substance, and opines that the misconduct is so serious as to require removal proceedings. A copy goes to the Judge.

Step six. The Chief Justice of India advises him to resign or seek voluntary retirement. He refuses. The Chief Justice of India requires the High Court Chief Justice not to allocate him any judicial work.

Step seven. The Chief Justice of India intimates the President and the Prime Minister of the Committee's findings warranting removal proceedings.

And then? Then it is out of the judiciary's hands entirely: a hundred members of the House of the People or fifty of the Council of States must sign a motion, chapter 1570, and the machine of chapters 1580 to 1600 begins.

The Judge complains that no judicial work has been allocated to him though nobody has removed him. He is right that it is not a punishment known to law, and chapter 1710 shows the same measure being taken again. The answer of the procedure is that allocation of work is the Chief Justice's administrative function, and that the alternative is a judge under a finding of serious misconduct continuing to decide cases.

What beginners get wrong

Calling it statutory. It is a committee report adopted by the Full Court on 15 December 1999, with no legal sanction.

Using one procedure for everybody. There are three, for High Court Judges, High Court Chief Justices and Supreme Court Judges; the seven steps are the first.

Letting the High Court Chief Justice inquire. His role ends at step three; his only determination is whether a deeper probe is required.

Putting colleagues on the Committee. Two Chief Justices of OTHER High Courts and one High Court Judge, colleagues being impliedly excluded even at stage one.

Treating the Committee as a court. No examination and cross-examination of witnesses and no representation by lawyers.

Forgetting that the report goes to the Judge. Under clause (5)(ii) and step five, the Committee furnishes him a copy. Chapter 1690 shows who does not get one.

Quick revision

Origin: a committee of Agrawal, Anand and Bharucha JJ. with Chief Justices P.S. Misra and D.P. Mohapatra; report 31 October 1997; adopted with amendments by the Full Court on 15 December 1999; three sets of procedure, of which the seven steps are the one for High Court Judges.

Stage one, steps one to three, the HIGH COURT CHIEF JUSTICE: receive and examine, file if frivolous or if directly related to the merits of a judicial decision or not serious; seek the Judge's response and NOTHING MORE; then either report it frivolous to the Chief Justice of India or forward complaint, response and his consideration.

munotes.in970

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

Stage two, steps four to seven, the CHIEF JUSTICE OF INDIA: concur and constitute a three member Committee of two Chief Justices of other High Courts and one High Court Judge; a fact finding inquiry, own procedure, natural justice, no cross-examination and no lawyers; report of no substance, substance and serious, or substance but not serious, a copy to the Judge; on not serious, advice and the report placed on record; on serious, advice to resign or retire, and on refusal no judicial work allocated; then intimation to the President and the Prime Minister.

Holding: a two Judge Committee of colleagues constituted by the High Court Chief Justice is beyond the in-house procedure; the proceedings were set aside; the Judge was divested of administrative and supervisory control over the witnesses; and the Chief Justice of India was to reinitiate the process through another High Court's Chief Justice or himself.

Test yourself

1. Set out the seven steps of the in-house procedure for a sitting Judge of a High Court. Step one: a complaint may be received by the Chief Justice of that High Court, by the Chief Justice of India, or by the President of India, whose complaints are forwarded to the Chief Justice of India; whoever receives it examines the contents himself and files it if frivolous. Step two: if the recipient feels the complaint contains serious allegations involving misconduct or impropriety requiring a further probe, the Chief Justice of the High Court shall seek a response from the judge and nothing more, and where the Chief Justice of India is the recipient he forwards the complaint to the Chief Justice of the High Court, who then seeks the response and nothing more. Step three: the Chief Justice of the High Court considers the veracity of the allegations in the light of the response and either concludes that they are frivolous, forwarding his opinion to the Chief Justice of India, or that a deeper probe is required, forwarding the complaint, the response and his own consideration.

Step four: the Chief Justice of India examines all of it and, if he concurs that a deeper probe is required, constitutes a three member Committee of two Chief Justices of High Courts other than the judge's own and one High Court Judge. Step five: that Committee holds an inquiry by devising its own procedure consistent with natural justice, records its conclusions and reports to the Chief Justice of India, either that there is no substance, in which case the complaint is filed, or that there is sufficient substance, in which case it must further opine whether the misconduct is so serious as to require removal proceedings, and the report is furnished to the judge. Step six: if not serious enough, the Chief Justice of India advises the judge and may direct the report be placed on record; if serious enough, the judge is advised to resign or seek voluntary retirement, and on refusal the Chief Justice of India requires the Chief Justice of his High Court not to allocate him any judicial work. Step seven: on his not abiding by that advice, the Chief Justice of India intimates the President and the Prime Minister of the findings warranting initiation of removal proceedings.

munotes.in971

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

2. What was decided in the 2015 case, and why? That the Chief Justice of the High Court had exceeded his authority and that the proceedings he had adopted must be set aside. His role is limited to the first three steps, that is to the first stage, in which the only determination is whether a prima facie case is made out requiring a deeper probe. Instead he constituted a two Judge Committee of colleagues from his own High Court and had it record the statements of witnesses, which is a holistic consideration and not a prima facie determination, and belongs to steps four to seven. In doing so he involved colleague judges whom the first stage impliedly excludes, and usurped the investigative process assigned to the three member Committee. The Court explained that an inquiry by two sitting Chief Justices of other High Courts and one High Court Judge has a wholly different impact, reassuring the parties and giving the public confidence that the outcome would be fair and free of prejudice. It further directed that the judge be divested of administrative and supervisory control over the witnesses, since all of them, on both sides, were under his superintendence and could not be expected to speak freely; held that the Chief Justice of the High Court, having assumed a firm position on facts in the complaint, should not be associated with the matter; and left the Chief Justice of India to reinitiate the process through the Chief Justice of another High Court or himself.

3. How does the three member Committee differ from a Committee under the Judges (Inquiry) Act? Fundamentally, and the difference should be stated whenever both appear in an answer. The statutory Committee is constituted by the Speaker or the Chairman under section 3(2) of two judges and a distinguished jurist; it frames definite charges, communicates them with the grounds, gives the judge a right to cross-examine witnesses, to adduce evidence and to be heard, and has the powers of a civil court under section 5. The in-house Committee is constituted by the Chief Justice of India of two Chief Justices of other High Courts and one High Court Judge; it devises its own procedure consistent with natural justice; and the adopted text says in terms that the inquiry is in the nature of a fact finding inquiry in which the judge may appear and have his say, but is not a formal judicial inquiry involving the examination and cross-examination of witnesses or representation by lawyers. The statutory Committee's report goes to the presiding officer and is laid before Parliament; the in-house Committee's report goes to the Chief Justice of India and to the judge.

munotes.in972

The In-House Procedure Restated as Steps

4. Why does the procedure exclude judges of the judge's own High Court? Because the object of the whole design is that the investigation should be, and should appear to be, independent of the person investigated and of those under his influence. The 2015 judgment records that the first stage contemplates the implied exclusion of colleague judges from the same High Court, and that a Committee of two sitting Chief Justices of other High Courts and one High Court Judge has a wholly different impact, reassuring the parties and the public alike. The complainant's own objection illustrated the risk: she argued that a two Judge Committee of the judge's colleagues might endeavour to exculpate him, and that every witness on either side was under his administrative superintendence and control and so could not speak freely. The Court noted that an investigation has consequences whichever way it goes, the judge suffering if found remiss and the complainant suffering the assumption of having made unfounded allegations if he is exculpated, so the process must be absolutely fair to all.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in973

Chapter -Three

The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

The report of an in-house inquiry is made to the Chief Justice of India for his own information, it is wholly confidential, preliminary and not final, and no court will order it released, because the power under which it was obtained is moral and not legal.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in Indira Jaising v. Registrar General, Supreme Court of India, (2003) 5 SCC 494, a Senior Advocate sought publication of the report of an in-house Committee of two Chief Justices and a Judge of different High Courts into allegations against sitting Judges of the High Court of Karnataka, and an independent investigation; the Supreme Court declined both, holding that the in-house inquiry is for the information and satisfaction of the Chief Justice of India, that the report is wholly confidential, purely preliminary, ad hoc and not final, that publicity would do more harm than good to the institution, and that the only source of the Chief Justice of India's power to hold such an inquiry is moral or ethical and not any law, so that its exercise cannot be made the subject matter of a writ petition to disclose the report.

The Court's own statement of the problem

Read this passage before anything else, because a court has rarely been so candid about the limits of its own machinery.

On the Code of Conduct adopted at the Chief Justices' Conference of December 1999, of sixteen clauses with a declaration of assets, alongside which the in-house procedure was suggested:

"However, sanction for these guidelines is absent. In our constitutional scheme it is not possible to vest the Chief Justice of India with any control over the puisne Judges with regard to conduct either personal or judicial. In case of breach of any rule of the Code of Conduct, the Chief Justice can choose not to post cases before a particular Judge against whom there are acceptable allegations. It is possible to criticise that decision on the ground that no enquiry was held and the Judge concerned had no opportunity to offer his explanation particularly when the Chief Justice is not vested with any power to decide about the conduct of a Judge. There is no adequate method or machinery to enforce the Code of Conduct."

Take the four admissions one by one, because each is examinable.

The guidelines have no sanction.

The Chief Justice of India has no control over a puisne Judge's conduct, personal or judicial.

The only practical step, not posting cases before the Judge, is open to the criticism that it punishes without an inquiry or an explanation.

And there is no adequate machinery to enforce the Code at all.

munotes.in974

The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report

Then the reason the in-house procedure exists, in a single word:

"No other disciplinary inquiry is envisaged or contemplated either under the Constitution or under the Act. On account of this lacuna In-House procedure has been adopted for inquiry to be made by the peers of Judges for report to the Hon'ble the Chief Justice of India."

"Lacuna." Chapter 1670's hiatus; chapter 1680's seven steps; and here the Court naming the whole thing for what it is.

And the reason no ordinary disciplinary law can fill it: "since Judges of the superior Courts occupy very high positions, disciplinary proceedings which exist in the case of all other employees cannot be thought of."

The facts and the prayers

A Senior Advocate of the Supreme Court petitioned under article 32 in public interest for two things.

One, publication of the inquiry report made by a Committee of two Chief Justices and a Judge of different High Courts, chapter 1680's stage two composition, into allegations of the involvement of sitting Judges of the High Court of Karnataka in certain incidents.

Two, a direction to a professional and independent investigating agency with expertise to conduct a thorough investigation and report to the Court.

First holding: the report is confidential, and why

"What the Chief Justice of India has done is only to get information from peer Judges of those who are accused and the report made to the Chief Justice of India is wholly confidential. The said report is only for the purpose of satisfaction of the Chief Justice of India that such a report has been made. It is purely preliminary in nature, ad hoc and not final."

So the confidentiality of the in-house report follows from what the report IS, not from any privilege claimed for it. It is not a finding, not a judgment and not a decision; it is material gathered so that one office holder can decide whether to do anything. Chapter 1680's steps five and six say the same: on no substance the complaint is filed; on substance, the Chief Justice advises, or advises resignation, or intimates the President and the Prime Minister.

"If the Chief Justice of India is satisfied that no further action is called for in the matter, the proceeding is closed. If any further action is to be taken as indicated in the In-House procedure itself, the Chief Justice of India may take such further steps as he deems fit."

Second, the reason of institutional consequence, and it is the sentence students most often misquote:

"A report made on such inquiry if given publicity will only lead to more harm than good to the institution as Judges would prefer to face inquiry leading to impeachment."

munotes.in975

The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report

Follow the argument. The in-house inquiry has no compulsion behind it; a Judge cooperates because it is less damaging than the alternative. If the report were published, that calculation reverses: a Judge would rather insist on the statutory inquiry, where he has charges, cross-examination and evidence on oath, and where nothing happens without a hundred signatures and two special majorities. Publish the report and the mechanism that actually works stops working.

Third, the jurisdictional answer, which is the real ratio:

"In the hierarchy of the courts, the Supreme Court does not have any disciplinary control over the High Court Judges, much less the Chief Justice of India has any disciplinary control over any of the Judges. That position in law is very clear. Thus, the only source or authority by which the Chief Justice of India can exercise this power of inquiry is moral or ethical and not in exercise of powers under any law. Exercise of such power of the Chief Justice of India based on moral authority cannot be made subject matter of a writ petition to disclose a report made to him."

That is a complete answer and a complete confession in the same breath. A writ lies to compel the performance of a legal duty. The Chief Justice of India held the inquiry under no law, so there is no legal duty to enforce and nothing for a writ to bite on. The in-house inquiry report is not published because the power that produced it is not a legal power at all.

Second holding: the right to information is not absolute

The petitioner relied on the line of decisions on the citizen's right to know: S.P. Gupta, Raj Narain, People's Union for Civil Liberties and the Cricket Association of Bengal case, and on the Freedom of Information Act 2002.

The Court accepted the premise and denied the conclusion. "It is no doubt true that in a democratic framework free flow of information to the citizens is necessary for proper functioning particularly in matters which form part of public record. The decisions relied upon by the learned counsel of the petitioner do not also say that right to information is absolute. There are several areas where such information need not be furnished." And the Act of 2002 "does not say in absolute terms that information gathered at any level in any manner for any purpose shall be disclosed to the public."

SOURCING NOTE, and a candidate should carry it. This decision is of 9 May 2003 and the statute it discusses is the Freedom of Information Act 2002. This book holds the Right to Information Act 2005 but no decision applying it to an in-house inquiry report, so it states the 2003 position and asserts nothing about what the position is under the later Act. Say so in an answer rather than guessing; the examiner is testing this case.

munotes.in976

The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report

Third holding: the Ramaswami precedent does not help

The petitioner pointed to the 1990 episode, chapter 1650, where the Chief Justice of India made a statement to the Bar and the report of his three Judge Committee was made public.

The Court distinguished it on three grounds.

The Chief Justice there "unilaterally withdrew work" from the Judge; "That was his own decision", and the statement was made perhaps to tell the public what he was doing.

The report was made public because, "having withdrawn the work but when it became necessary to reassign the work pursuant to the report of three Judges, he felt appropriate that the said Report should be made public."

And the decisive point: "in either of these incidents Justice V. Ramaswami had not participated on the ground that the only manner in which he could be proceeded against is as provided under Article 124 of the Constitution."

So the one precedent for publication is a case where the Judge REFUSED TO TAKE PART. Publication and cooperation do not go together, which is the same proposition as the "more harm than good" sentence, arrived at from the other end.

Fourth holding: no independent investigation either

The claim for a direction to a professional and independent investigating agency was refused, "because appropriate course for the petitioner would be to approach the concerned authorities as enumerated in Article 217 of the Constitution."

And the criminal route was left open in terms: "If the petitioner can substantiate that any criminal offence has been committed by any of the Judges mentioned in the course of the petition, appropriate complaint can be lodged before a competent authority for taking action by complying with requirements of law." Note the closing words: "by complying with requirements of law." That is chapter 1700.

And the general position the Court stated: where the parties have material, "the only course open to the parties concerned if they have material is to invoke the provisions of Article 124 or Article 217 of the Constitution, as the case may be."

The criticism, stated fairly

An answer that only reports the holding is worth half marks. The examiner wants the argument on both sides.

Against the decision. The in-house procedure exists because removal is unworkable, chapter 1670. If its report is never seen, then a complaint of judicial misconduct is investigated in private, decided in private by one person, and closed in private, with no reasons, no appeal and no account to anybody. The very lacuna the Court identified is filled by a mechanism that is less accountable than the one it substitutes for. And the Court's own admission that not posting cases before a Judge is open to criticism because no enquiry was held applies with more force where an inquiry was held and its result is withheld from everyone including, at that time, the public that complained.

munotes.in977

The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report

For the decision. The report is preliminary, ad hoc and not final; publishing untested material about a named Judge would damage a reputation that the process has not adjudicated, which is exactly what the 2015 judgment protected by anonymising both sides, chapter 1660. The Judge has no charges, no cross-examination and no lawyer at this stage, chapter 1680, so publication would expose him to consequences without the safeguards. The alternative is not a better inquiry but no inquiry, because Judges would elect the statutory route. And the Chief Justice of India is not concealing a decision he had power to make; he had no power at all, only moral authority.

The honest conclusion, and it is the one to write. The confidentiality is defensible as a matter of law and unsatisfactory as a matter of accountability, and both propositions are in the judgment itself. The answer is not to publish the report but to give the mechanism a legal foundation, which is what every reform proposal in chapter 1720 has attempted.

A worked example

A journalist learns that an in-house Committee has reported on a sitting High Court Judge and petitions for the report.

Will a court order it released? No. It is "wholly confidential", made for the satisfaction of the Chief Justice of India, and "purely preliminary in nature, ad hoc and not final."

On what ground exactly? That the Chief Justice of India held the inquiry under no law: the source of the power is moral or ethical, and its exercise cannot be made the subject matter of a writ petition to disclose the report.

Can the journalist rely on the right to know? The right is real but not absolute; "there are several areas where such information need not be furnished."

But the Ramaswami report was published. Distinguished: the Chief Justice withdrew work unilaterally, published the report because it had become necessary to reassign work, and the Judge had not participated in either exercise on the footing that article 124 was the only route.

Can the journalist get the CBI ordered in? No. The course is to approach the authorities enumerated in article 217; and if a criminal offence can be substantiated, to lodge a complaint before a competent authority, complying with the requirements of law.

munotes.in978

The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report

Does it follow that nothing at all can happen to the Judge? No, and do not say so. Chapter 1680's steps six and seven remain: advice to resign, withdrawal of judicial work, and intimation to the President and the Prime Minister. What is withheld is the document, not the consequence.

What beginners get wrong

Saying the report is privileged. The Court did not rest on privilege; it rested on what the report is and on the absence of any legal power behind it.

Saying the right to information was rejected. It was accepted as a principle and held not absolute.

Applying the Right to Information Act 2005 to this case. The decision is of 2003 and discusses the Freedom of Information Act 2002; this book holds no decision applying the later Act to such a report and asserts nothing further.

Citing the Ramaswami publication as authority for publishing. The Court distinguished it, chiefly because the Judge had not participated.

Thinking confidentiality means impunity. The consequences under steps six and seven survive; only the document is withheld.

Quick revision

Indira Jaising v. Registrar General, Supreme Court of India, (2003) 5 SCC 494. Prayers: publication of an in-house Committee's report on allegations against sitting Judges of the High Court of Karnataka, and an independent investigation. Both refused.

The candour: the December 1999 Code of Conduct of sixteen clauses with declaration of assets has no sanction; the Chief Justice of India has no control over a puisne Judge's conduct; not posting cases is criticisable because no enquiry was held; "there is no adequate method or machinery to enforce the Code of Conduct"; and "on account of this lacuna" the in-house procedure was adopted.

The report: "wholly confidential", for the Chief Justice of India's information and satisfaction, "purely preliminary in nature, ad hoc and not final"; publicity "will only lead to more harm than good to the institution as Judges would prefer to face inquiry leading to impeachment."

The ratio: the Supreme Court has no disciplinary control over High Court Judges and the Chief Justice of India none over any Judge; "the only source or authority ... is moral or ethical and not in exercise of powers under any law", and such an exercise cannot be made the subject matter of a writ petition to disclose the report.

Right to information: not absolute; the Freedom of Information Act 2002 is not in absolute terms. The book asserts nothing about the 2005 Act.

Ramaswami distinguished: work withdrawn unilaterally, publication made necessary by reassignment of work, and the Judge did not participate.

munotes.in979

The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report

The alternatives left open: article 124 or article 217, and a criminal complaint before a competent authority complying with the requirements of law.

Test yourself

1. Why will a court not order an in-house inquiry report to be published? Because of what the report is and of the power under which it was obtained. In Indira Jaising v. Registrar General, Supreme Court of India, (2003) 5 SCC 494, the Court held that what the Chief Justice of India does is to get information from peers of the accused judges, that the report made to him is wholly confidential, that it exists only for his information and satisfaction, and that it is purely preliminary in nature, ad hoc and not final; if he is satisfied that no further action is called for the proceeding is closed, and if further action is called for he may take such steps as the in-house procedure indicates. It added that publicity would lead to more harm than good to the institution, because judges would prefer to face an inquiry leading to impeachment instead. The decisive ground, however, is jurisdictional: the Supreme Court has no disciplinary control over High Court judges and the Chief Justice of India has none over any judge, so the only source of his authority to hold such an inquiry is moral or ethical and not any law, and the exercise of a power resting on moral authority cannot be made the subject matter of a writ petition to disclose the report.

2. What did the Court concede about the enforcement of judicial standards? A great deal, and the concessions are the most quotable part of the judgment. It said that sanction for the guidelines settled at the Chief Justices' Conference of December 1999, comprising sixteen clauses of a Code of Conduct together with the declaration of assets, is absent; that in our constitutional scheme it is not possible to vest the Chief Justice of India with any control over puisne judges in respect of conduct, personal or judicial; that on a breach of the Code the Chief Justice can only choose not to post cases before the judge concerned, a decision open to criticism because no enquiry is held and the judge has no opportunity to explain, particularly as the Chief Justice has no power to decide about a judge's conduct; and that there is no adequate method or machinery to enforce the Code of Conduct at all. It also said that no disciplinary inquiry other than that under the Constitution and the Judges (Inquiry) Act is envisaged or contemplated, and that it was on account of that lacuna that the in-house procedure was adopted, ordinary disciplinary proceedings being unthinkable for judges of the superior courts.

munotes.in980

The Confidentiality of an In-House Inquiry Report

3. How was the publication of the report in the Ramaswami matter distinguished? On three grounds. First, the Chief Justice of India in that case unilaterally withdrew judicial work from the judge; that was his own decision, and the statement he made to the Bar was perhaps to tell the public what he was doing. Second, having withdrawn the work, when it became necessary to reassign it pursuant to the report of the three judges, he thought it appropriate that the report should be made public; the publication was therefore incidental to a decision about work rather than an account rendered of an inquiry. Third and decisively, in neither of those exercises had the judge participated, his stand being that the only manner in which he could be proceeded against was that provided by article 124. The precedent for publication is therefore a case in which the judge had refused to take part, which is the same point as the Court's observation that publicity would drive judges to insist on the statutory inquiry.

4. State the case for and against the confidentiality of these reports. Against it: the in-house procedure exists precisely because removal is unworkable, and if its report is never seen then a complaint of judicial misconduct is investigated in private, decided in private by a single office holder and closed in private, with no reasons, no appeal and no account to anybody, so that the lacuna the Court identified is filled by a mechanism less accountable than the one it substitutes for. The Court's own admission that declining to post cases before a judge is criticisable because no enquiry was held applies with greater force where an inquiry was held and its result withheld.

For it: the report is preliminary, ad hoc and not final; the judge at that stage has no charges, no cross-examination and no representation by lawyers, so publication would visit consequences on him without the safeguards, which is why the Court in a later case anonymised both the complainant and the judge; and the practical alternative is not a better inquiry but none at all, since judges would elect the statutory route. The Chief Justice of India is not withholding a decision he had power to make, because he had no power, only moral authority. The fair conclusion is that the rule is defensible in law and unsatisfactory in accountability, and that the remedy lies not in publishing the report but in giving the mechanism a legal foundation.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in981

Chapter -Four

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

A judge of a superior court is a public servant and may be prosecuted for corruption, the President sanctions because the President is the only authority who can remove him, and no first information report may be registered against him without consulting the Chief Justice of India.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in K. Veeraswami v. Union of India, (1991) 3 SCC 655, a Constitution Bench held by a majority that a Judge of a High Court or of the Supreme Court, including a Chief Justice, is a public servant within the Prevention of Corruption Act; that for the purposes of section 6(1)(c) of the Act of 1947, now section 19(1)(c) of the Act of 1988, the President of India is the authority competent to give previous sanction for his prosecution; and it directed that no criminal case shall be registered under section 154 of the Code of Criminal Procedure against a Judge of a High Court, a Chief Justice of a High Court or a Judge of the Supreme Court unless the Chief Justice of India is consulted, that due regard must be given to his opinion, that if he is of opinion that it is not a fit case the case shall not be registered, that if the allegations are against the Chief Justice of India himself the Government shall consult other Judges of the Supreme Court, and that there shall be similar consultation at the stage of sanction.

Why this chapter exists

Chapters 1650 to 1690 have shown two mechanisms. Removal, which has produced no address to the President in anything this book documents; and the in-house procedure, whose strongest sanction is advice to resign and whose report nobody sees.

So a student is entitled to ask: is a judge of the Supreme Court or a High Court simply beyond the ordinary criminal law?

The answer is no, and this is the chapter that says so. But the safeguards attached to that answer are as important as the answer, and they are the reason the route is used rarely.

First: a judge is a public servant

Under the Act of 1947, which is the Act Veeraswami was decided on, section 2 defined "public servant" by reference to section 21 of the Indian Penal Code, whose "Third" description is:

"Every Judge including any person empowered by law to discharge, whether by himself or as a member of any body of persons any adjudicatory functions."

The Court's conclusion: "Thus, the definition of a public servant is very wide enough to include Judges of the Supreme Court as well as Judges of the High Court."

Under the Act of 1988 the point is easier still, because the Act carries its own definition and does not borrow one. Section 2(c) provides that "public servant" means, among ten descriptions:

munotes.in982

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

"(iv) any Judge, including any person empowered by law to discharge, whether by himself or as a member of any body of persons, any adjudicatory functions."

Note two things about that clause.

It is not confined to a judge of a court. It reaches any person empowered by law to discharge adjudicatory functions, alone or as a member of a body, which is why chapter 460's tribunals and chapter 1140's inquiry authorities are within it.

And the neighbouring clauses show the width of the section. Section 2(c)(v) covers any person authorised by a court of justice to perform any duty in connection with the administration of justice, including a liquidator, receiver or commissioner; section 2(c)(vi) covers any arbitrator or other person to whom any cause or matter has been referred for decision or report by a court of justice or by a competent public authority. Clause (v) is exactly the capacity in which the judge in chapter 1660's Soumitra Sen matter had held the money: a Receiver appointed by the court.

And "public duty" in section 2(b) means "a duty in the discharge of which the State, the public or the community at large has an interest", which a judicial duty plainly is.

The immunity that survives. Section 77 of the Indian Penal Code protects a Judge in respect of any act done when acting judicially in the exercise of any power which is, or which in good faith he believes to be, given to him by law. So a judge is answerable for taking a bribe and is not answerable for a wrong decision, which is the same line chapter 1680 drew when it excluded complaints directly related to the merits of a substantive decision in a judicial matter.

The offence charged in Veeraswami was under section 5(1)(e) of the 1947 Act: possession, by the public servant or by any person on his behalf, at any time during the period of his office, "for which the public servant cannot satisfactorily account, of pecuniary resources or property disproportionate to his known sources of income." As the Court noted, mere possession of disproportionate assets which cannot be satisfactorily accounted for became an offence by itself, and "known sources of income" means sources known to the prosecution, the first part of the provision casting a burden on the prosecution and the second on the accused. That offence is now section 13(1)(b) of the Act of 1988, and this book does not restate its ingredients from the 1947 wording.

munotes.in983

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

And the Court was clear that a judge is a constitutional functionary, appointed by warrant under the President's hand and seal after consultation, "totally independent of the control and influence of the executive" because article 124 and article 217 allow removal only in the manner of clauses (4) and (5) of article 124. That independence is what the safeguards below are built to protect, and it is also what supplies the answer on sanction.

Note the dissent, and name it. Verma J. dissented, holding the Act inapplicable to judges of the superior courts. The majority's view is the law; an answer that reports a unanimous decision is wrong.

Second: sanction to prosecute a judge

Section 19(1) of the Act of 1988 provides that no court shall take cognizance of an offence punishable under sections 7, 11, 13 and 15 alleged to have been committed by a public servant except with previous sanction, and identifies the sanctioning authority in three clauses:

(a) for a person employed in connection with the affairs of the Union and not removable from his office save by or with the sanction of the Central Government, that Government;

(b) the same for a person employed in connection with the affairs of a State, that State Government;

(c) "in the case of any other person, of the authority competent to remove him from his office."

Clause (c) is the one that decides the question, and the reasoning is short. A judge of a superior court is not removable by the Central Government or by a State Government at all. He is removable only by an order of the President under article 124(4), chapter 1550. So the "authority competent to remove him from his office" is the President, and the President sanctions.

The Court's holding, on the corresponding clause (c) of section 6(1) of the 1947 Act: "we hold that for the purpose of clause (c) of Section 6(1) of the Act the President of India is the authority competent to give previous sanction for the prosecution of a Judge of the Supreme Court and of the High Court."

Two further points on section 19, from the text. The requirement is expressed "save as otherwise provided in the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013", chapter 700; and the Government or competent authority shall endeavour to convey the decision within three months of receiving the proposal, extendable by one month where legal consultation is required and reasons are recorded in writing.

And a proviso added in 2018 that matters for a private complainant. A person other than a police officer or an officer of an investigation agency or other law enforcement authority cannot even request sanction unless he has filed a complaint in a competent court about the offences and the court has not dismissed it under section 203 of the Code and has directed him to obtain sanction; and on such a request the authority shall not accord sanction without giving the public servant an opportunity of being heard.

munotes.in984

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

Third: the Chief Justice of India must be consulted

This is the direction that the syllabus label is really about, and it should be given in the Court's own words.

"We therefore, direct that no criminal case shall be registered under Section 154, Cr. P. C. against Judge of the High Court, Chief Justice of High Court or Judge of the Supreme Court unless the Chief Justice of India is consulted in the matter. Due regard must be given by the Government to the opinion expressed by the Chief Justice. If the Chief Justice is of opinion that it is not a fit case for proceeding under the Act, the case shall not be registered. If the Chief Justice of India himself is the person against whom the allegations of criminal misconduct are received the Government shall consult any other Judge or Judges of the Supreme Court. There shall be similar consultation at the stage of examining the question of granting sanction for prosecution and it shall be necessary and appropriate that the question of sanction be guided by and in accordance with the advice of the Chief Justice of India."

Read the four limbs separately, because they are not of equal strength.

Registration: no first information report at all without consultation, and if the Chief Justice of India says it is not a fit case, "the case shall not be registered." That is a veto, not an opinion.

Weight: "due regard must be given by the Government to the opinion expressed."

Where the Chief Justice of India is the accused: the Government shall consult any other Judge or Judges of the Supreme Court.

Sanction: similar consultation, and "it shall be necessary and appropriate that the question of sanction be guided by and in accordance with the advice of the Chief Justice of India."

And the reason, which is the sentence to quote in any question on the independence of the judiciary: the directions "would allay the apprehension of all concerned that the Act is likely to be misused by the Executive for collateral purpose."

Why the Chief Justice of India and nobody else? The Court gave two grounds. First, that he is already "a participatory functionary" in judicial office: appointments under articles 124(2) and 217(1), transfers under article 222, and a question as to the age of a High Court Judge decided by the President after consultation with him under article 217(3). Second, that "the Chief Justice being the head of the judiciary is primarily concerned with the integrity and impartiality of the judiciary", so it is "necessary that the Chief Justice of India is not kept out of the picture of any criminal case contemplated against a Judge."

munotes.in985

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

Notice how different this power is from chapter 1690's. There the Chief Justice of India acts on moral authority and a court will not review it. Here he holds a judicially created legal condition on the registration of a criminal case, and a case registered without consulting him is registered in breach of a direction of the Supreme Court.

The statutory overlay of 2018, stated and no further

Section 17A was inserted into the Act of 1988 in 2018 and did not exist when Veeraswami was decided. State the text and stop.

"No police officer shall conduct any enquiry or inquiry or investigation into any offence alleged to have been committed by a public servant under this Act, where the alleged offence is relatable to any recommendation made or decision taken by such public servant in discharge of his official functions or duties, without the previous approval" of the Central Government, the State Government, or, in clause (c), "in the case of any other person, of the authority competent to remove him from his office, at the time when the offence was alleged to have been committed."

Two features worth noting from the text alone. The approval is required before an enquiry, inquiry or investigation, which is earlier than section 19's sanction, which bites at cognizance; and clause (c) uses the same formula as section 19(1)(c), "the authority competent to remove him from his office." The proviso excepts cases involving arrest of a person on the spot on a charge of accepting or attempting to accept an undue advantage, and the second proviso requires the decision within three months, extendable by one month for reasons recorded in writing.

This book holds no decision applying section 17A to a Judge of a superior court, and therefore asserts nothing about how it interacts with the Veeraswami directions. A candidate should do the same: set out the section, note that the section 17A approval and the section 19 sanction are different requirements at different stages, and say that the Veeraswami direction on consulting the Chief Justice of India is a direction of the Supreme Court and not a provision of the Act.

A worked example

An investigating agency receives a complaint that a sitting Judge of a High Court accepted money to decide a case.

munotes.in986

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

Is the Act available at all? Yes. He is a public servant under section 2(c)(iv), "any Judge, including any person empowered by law to discharge ... any adjudicatory functions."

May the agency register a first information report at once? No. "No criminal case shall be registered under Section 154, Cr. P. C. ... unless the Chief Justice of India is consulted."

The Chief Justice of India says it is not a fit case. Then "the case shall not be registered."

He says it should proceed, and the investigation is completed. Who sanctions? The President, because a judge is removable only by an order of the President under article 124(4), and section 19(1)(c) points to "the authority competent to remove him from his office."

Must the Chief Justice of India be consulted again? Yes. There must be similar consultation at the sanction stage, and the question of sanction is to be guided by and in accordance with his advice.

The allegation is against the Chief Justice of India himself. The Government shall consult any other Judge or Judges of the Supreme Court.

The complaint is instead that he decided a case wrongly and in bad faith, with no allegation of money. Then section 77 of the Indian Penal Code stands in the way of treating a judicial act as an offence, and chapter 1680's filter applies too: a complaint directly related to the merits of a substantive decision in a judicial matter is filed at once.

A private citizen wants to prosecute him and applies to the President for sanction. Under the proviso to section 19(1), a person other than a police or investigation officer cannot even make the request unless he has filed a complaint in a competent court which has not been dismissed under section 203 and which has directed him to obtain sanction; and the authority must hear the public servant before according it.

And if he is convicted? He is still not removed. Conviction is not an address of both Houses. But chapter 1670's judgment records that a judicial finding of guilt of a grave crime is misconduct, and chapter 1680's steps six and seven remain available, as does a motion under article 124(4).

What beginners get wrong

Saying a judge cannot be prosecuted. He can; the decision was by a Constitution Bench and only the safeguards are special.

Saying the decision was unanimous. Verma J. dissented.

Saying the Government or the High Court sanctions. The President, because he is the authority competent to remove under section 19(1)(c).

Treating the consultation as a formality. If the Chief Justice of India says it is not a fit case, the case shall not be registered.

munotes.in987

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

Confusing section 17A approval with section 19 sanction. Approval precedes the enquiry; sanction precedes cognizance.

Thinking conviction removes a judge. Only an address of both Houses and an order of the President can.

Quick revision

K. Veeraswami v. Union of India, (1991) 3 SCC 655, Constitution Bench, majority, Verma J. dissenting.

Public servant: s.2(c)(iv) of the 1988 Act, "any Judge, including any person empowered by law to discharge ... any adjudicatory functions"; under the 1947 Act by way of IPC s.21 "Third"; s.2(b) "public duty"; s.2(c)(v) a receiver or commissioner appointed by a court; IPC s.77 protects a judicial act done in good faith.

Sanction: s.19(1) for offences under ss.7, 11, 13 and 15; clause (c) points to "the authority competent to remove him from his office", which for a superior court judge is the PRESIDENT, under art 124(4); three months to decide, extendable by one; the 2018 proviso bars a private request without a complaint not dismissed under s.203 and a court's direction, and requires a hearing.

Consultation: no case registered under s.154 CrPC against a High Court Judge, a High Court Chief Justice or a Supreme Court Judge without consulting the Chief Justice of India; due regard to his opinion; if he says it is not a fit case, it shall not be registered; if he is the accused, other Judges of the Supreme Court; similar consultation at sanction, guided by and in accordance with his advice. Reason: to allay the apprehension that the Act "is likely to be misused by the Executive for collateral purpose."

s.17A (2018): previous approval before any enquiry, inquiry or investigation where the offence is relatable to a recommendation made or decision taken in the discharge of official functions, from the authority competent to remove; this book asserts nothing about its application to a judge.

Test yourself

1. Is a judge of a superior court a public servant, and may he be prosecuted for corruption? Yes on both counts. In K. Veeraswami v. Union of India, (1991) 3 SCC 655, a Constitution Bench held by a majority, Verma J. dissenting, that a judge of a High Court or of the Supreme Court, including a Chief Justice, is a public servant within the Prevention of Corruption Act and may be prosecuted under it. Under the Act of 1947 the definition was borrowed from section 21 of the Indian Penal Code, whose third description covers every judge and every person empowered by law to discharge adjudicatory functions, and the Court held the definition wide enough to include judges of the superior courts. Under the Act of 1988 the point is plainer, because section 2(c)(iv) itself defines a public servant to include any judge and any person empowered by law to discharge adjudicatory functions, whether by himself or as a member of any body of persons. What remains protected is the judicial act itself: section 77 of the Indian Penal Code shields a judge for anything done when acting judicially in the exercise of a power which is, or which in good faith he believes to be, given to him by law.

munotes.in988

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

2. Who grants sanction, and why? The President of India. Section 19(1) of the Act of 1988 forbids a court to take cognizance of an offence under sections 7, 11, 13 and 15 without previous sanction, and identifies the sanctioning authority as the Central Government for a person employed in connection with the affairs of the Union who is not removable save by or with its sanction, the State Government in the corresponding case, and, in clause (c), in the case of any other person, the authority competent to remove him from his office. A judge of a superior court is removable neither by the Union nor by a State but only by an order of the President under article 124(4) following an address of both Houses, so the authority competent to remove him is the President, and the President therefore sanctions. That is what the Court held on the identically worded clause (c) of section 6(1) of the Act of 1947.

3. State the directions about consulting the Chief Justice of India. The Court directed that no criminal case shall be registered under section 154 of the Code of Criminal Procedure against a judge of a High Court, a Chief Justice of a High Court or a judge of the Supreme Court unless the Chief Justice of India is consulted in the matter; that due regard must be given by the Government to the opinion he expresses; that if he is of opinion that it is not a fit case for proceeding under the Act, the case shall not be registered; that if the Chief Justice of India himself is the person against whom allegations of criminal misconduct are received, the Government shall consult any other judge or judges of the Supreme Court; and that there shall be similar consultation at the stage of examining the question of granting sanction, the question of sanction being guided by and in accordance with his advice. The purpose stated was to allay the apprehension that the Act is likely to be misused by the executive for a collateral purpose. The Court justified the choice of the Chief Justice of India on the ground that he is already a participatory functionary in appointments under articles 124(2) and 217(1), in transfers under article 222 and in a question of a judge's age under article 217(3), and that as head of the judiciary he is primarily concerned with its integrity and impartiality, so that he should not be kept out of the picture of any criminal case contemplated against a judge.

munotes.in989

A Judge as a Public Servant: Prosecution for Corruption

4. How does this route compare with removal and with the in-house procedure? It is the only one of the three that can produce a coercive result against an unwilling judge. Removal requires a hundred or fifty signatures, an inquiry, a report and two special majorities in one session, and has produced no address to the President in anything this book documents. The in-house procedure produces at most advice to resign, the withdrawal of judicial work and an intimation to the President and the Prime Minister, and its report is confidential. Prosecution under the Prevention of Corruption Act produces a trial in an ordinary criminal court and can end in conviction. But it is hedged: no first information report without the concurrence of the Chief Justice of India, whose opinion that it is not a fit case is conclusive against registration; sanction by the President, guided by the Chief Justice of India's advice; and, since 2018, a separate requirement of previous approval under section 17A before any enquiry or investigation into an offence relatable to a recommendation made or decision taken in the discharge of official functions, on which this book asserts nothing further. And even a conviction does not remove the judge, since only an address of both Houses and an order of the President can do that, though a judicial finding of guilt of a grave crime is misconduct and the other routes then remain open.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in990

Chapter -Five

Contempt as the Last Resort

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

When removal is impracticable, the in-house procedure has no compulsion behind it and the criminal law needs consultation and sanction, what is left is the contempt jurisdiction, and in 2017 a seven Judge Bench used it against a sitting Judge of a High Court.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in In re: Hon'ble Shri Justice C.S. Karnan, Suo Motu Contempt Petition (C) No. 1 of 2017, a Bench of seven Judges headed by the Chief Justice of India issued notice on 8 February 2017 with a direction that the Judge forthwith refrain from handling any judicial or administrative work and return all files to the Registrar General; by its order of 1 May 2017 restrained every Court, Tribunal, Commission and Authority from taking cognizance of any order passed by him after that date and directed his medical examination; and by its order of 9 May 2017 held that he had committed contempt of the judiciary of the gravest nature, convicted him, sentenced him to imprisonment for six months, directed that as a consequence he shall not perform any administrative or judicial functions, and ordered that no further statements made by him be published.

Why the jurisdiction was reached for

Set the case in the sequence of this module, because that is what makes it intelligible.

Removal, chapters 1550 to 1660: a hundred or fifty signatures, an inquiry, a report, and two special majorities in one session. Slow, and on this book's record it has never ended in an address.

The in-house procedure, chapters 1670 to 1690: advice, withdrawal of judicial work, and an intimation to the President and the Prime Minister. Every step of it depends on the Judge's cooperation or on the Chief Justice's administrative control, and neither reaches a Judge who will not cooperate and who keeps issuing orders.

Prosecution, chapter 1700: available, but requiring consultation with the Chief Justice of India before registration and the President's sanction before cognizance, and answering a corruption allegation rather than a refusal to obey.

What was left was the power of the Supreme Court as a court of record under article 129 to punish for contempt of itself, exercised by seven Judges sitting together.

The facts, as the two orders record them

Notice issued on 8 February 2017, with a direction that the Judge "would forthwith refrain from handling any judicial or administrative work, as may have been assigned to him, in furtherance of the office held by him", and that he "immediately return all judicial and administrative files in his possession to the Registrar General of the High Court."

Stop there, because that is the withdrawal of judicial work from a judge, done for the second time in this module and in a different way. Chapters 1650 and 1660 record the same measure being taken by the Chief Justice of India administratively, and chapter 1690 records the Court's own acknowledgement that such a step is open to criticism because no enquiry was held. Here it is done by a court, on notice, in a proceeding in which the Judge could be heard.

munotes.in991

Contempt as the Last Resort

The order of 1 May 2017 records what followed. "Ever since the initiation of these proceedings, he has been expressing further disrespect to this Court, he has also been making press statements with abject impunity. However, after the last order dated 31.3.2017, he is stated to have issued orders (purported to be judicial) against the members of this Bench, as also, another Hon'ble Judge of this Court. Those orders have been received in the Registry of this Court, and are part of the present compilation."

The Court's response was to neutralise those orders rather than to set them aside: "In order to ensure, that no Court, Tribunal, Commission or Authority takes cognizance of the orders passed by Shri Justice C.S. Karnan, we hereby refrain all Courts, Tribunals, Commissions or Authorities, from taking cognizance of any orders passed by Shri Justice C.S. Karnan, after the initiation of the proceeding by us on 8.2.2017."

Note the technique. The orders are not declared void; every forum in the country is forbidden to act on them. That is a direction to courts and tribunals generally, and only the Supreme Court could give it.

Then the humane step, which students almost always omit and which an examiner notices. "The tenor of the press briefings, as also, the purported judicial orders passed by Shri Justice C.S. Karnan, prima facie suggest, that he may not be in a fit medical condition, to defend himself, in the present proceedings. We therefore consider it appropriate, to require him to be medically examined, before proceeding further."

The Court directed the Director Health Services, Government of West Bengal, to constitute a Board of Doctors from Pavlov Government Hospital, Kolkata, to examine him on 4 May 2017 and report by 8 May 2017, the Director General of Police, West Bengal, constituting a team of police personnel to assist the Board. It permitted him to respond to the notice by 8 May 2017, failing which "it shall be presumed, that he has nothing to say in the matter", and allowed the Supreme Court Bar Association, through its President and Vice President, to intervene and assist on the merits.

Two propositions of fair procedure are visible in that paragraph. Fitness to defend is a question a court asks itself before proceeding, and the Court asked it. And the consequence of silence was stated in advance, which is how a presumption of no defence is made fair.

munotes.in992

Contempt as the Last Resort

The order of 9 May 2017

After hearing counsel for the State of West Bengal on the medical examination, the Additional Solicitor General, counsel for the Registrar General of the Madras High Court and the President of the Supreme Court Bar Association:

"On merits, we are of the considered view, that Sri Justice C.S. Karnan, has committed contempt of the judiciary. His actions constitute contempt of this Court, and of the judiciary of the gravest nature. Having found him guilty of committing contempt, we convict him accordingly. We are satisfied to punish him by sentencing him to imprisonment for six months. As a consequence, the contemnor shall not perform any administrative or judicial functions."

The sentence was to be "executed forthwith, by the Director General of Police, West Bengal, or through a team constituted by him."

And a direction on publication: "Since the incident of contempt includes public statements and publication of orders made by the contemnor, which were highlighted by the electronic and print media, we are of the view, that no further statements made by him should be published hereafter."

The order says "Detailed order to follow." This book does not hold that detailed order and therefore states no reasoning beyond what these two orders record. Say the same in an answer: the operative order is what you have, and it is enough to state the holding, the sentence and the consequential directions.

What the episode shows about the gaps

One. The contempt jurisdiction can reach a sitting Judge, and removal is not the only coercive power in the system. The Judge was convicted and sentenced by a court, not advised by a Chief Justice.

Two. And yet he remained a Judge. Conviction and imprisonment do not vacate the office. Chapter 1550: the tenure of a Judge of a High Court can be curtailed only by removal under article 124(4) read with article 218, or by resignation, or by the expiry of the term. So the Supreme Court could imprison him and could not remove him, and the order therefore had to say separately that "as a consequence, the contemnor shall not perform any administrative or judicial functions."

Three. The two measures of last resort in the whole module are the same measure. Withdrawal of judicial work appears in chapter 1650 as the Chief Justice of India's advice, in chapter 1680 as step six(ii) of the in-house procedure, and here twice, once on notice and once as a consequence of conviction. A system whose ultimate sanction against a judge is to stop giving him cases has an accountability problem, and this chapter is the proof of it.

munotes.in993

Contempt as the Last Resort

Four. The proceeding needed seven Judges. That is not a rule; it is a statement about legitimacy. A single Bench convicting a High Court Judge would have invited the charge that the Supreme Court was disciplining a judge it had no power to discipline, chapter 1690's own admission. Seven Judges, the intervention of the Supreme Court Bar Association and the presence of the law officers were the answer to that charge.

Five, and state it fairly, because a good answer states the objection. The Supreme Court has no disciplinary control over a High Court Judge, chapter 1690. Contempt is not discipline, and the Court took care to found the conviction on contempt of this Court and of the judiciary, not on unfitness for office. But the practical effect, a Judge stripped of all judicial and administrative functions by an order of another court, is close enough to discipline that the distinction is worth arguing, and an examiner will want it argued rather than assumed.

A worked example

A sitting Judge of a High Court publicly accuses named Judges of the Supreme Court of crimes and passes purported judicial orders against them.

Can he be removed for it? In principle yes, since chapter 1550's misbehaviour is not confined to conduct in court; in practice it requires a hundred signatures, an inquiry, a report and two special majorities in one session.

Can the Chief Justice of India stop him? Only through the in-house procedure, whose strongest step is advice to resign and a request that no judicial work be allocated, both of which depend on cooperation and on the High Court Chief Justice's administrative action.

Can the Supreme Court act at once? Yes, in contempt, and it did: notice, a direction to refrain forthwith from all judicial and administrative work, and a direction to return all files.

He keeps passing orders. What can be done about them? All Courts, Tribunals, Commissions and Authorities are restrained from taking cognizance of any orders passed by him after the proceedings began.

He behaves in a way that suggests he may be unwell. The Court must satisfy itself that he is in a fit condition to defend himself before proceeding, and it directed a Board of Doctors to examine him and report.

He files no response. Having been told in advance, it shall be presumed that he has nothing to say in the matter.

He is convicted and sentenced. Is he still a Judge? Yes. Nothing in the contempt jurisdiction vacates a constitutional office; that is why the order adds that "as a consequence, the contemnor shall not perform any administrative or judicial functions."

munotes.in994

Contempt as the Last Resort

The press wants to keep reporting his statements. Because the contempt itself included public statements and the publication of orders, the Court ordered that no further statements made by him should be published.

What beginners get wrong

Saying the Supreme Court removed him. It convicted and sentenced him. Only an address of both Houses and an order of the President can remove.

Saying the conviction vacated the office. It did not, which is exactly why the separate direction about performing no functions was necessary.

Ignoring the medical examination. It is the fair procedure half of the case and shows the Court asking whether he could defend himself before proceeding.

Treating the restraint on other forums as a setting aside of his orders. They were not set aside; every forum was forbidden to take cognizance of them.

Reciting reasoning from the detailed order. This book does not hold it and states none.

Quick revision

In re: Hon'ble Shri Justice C.S. Karnan, Suo Motu Contempt Petition (C) No. 1 of 2017, Bench of seven Judges headed by the Chief Justice of India.

8 February 2017: notice; the Judge to forthwith refrain from any judicial or administrative work and return all files to the Registrar General.

1 May 2017: further disrespect and press statements with abject impunity; purported judicial orders against members of the Bench and another Judge of the Supreme Court; all Courts, Tribunals, Commissions and Authorities restrained from taking cognizance of any order passed by him after 8 February 2017; medical examination by a Board from Pavlov Government Hospital, Kolkata, constituted by the Director Health Services, West Bengal, assisted by a police team constituted by the Director General of Police, report by 8 May; response by 8 May or it will be presumed he has nothing to say; the Supreme Court Bar Association permitted to intervene.

9 May 2017: contempt of this Court and of the judiciary of the gravest nature; convicted; six months' imprisonment; "as a consequence, the contemnor shall not perform any administrative or judicial functions"; sentence executed forthwith by the Director General of Police, West Bengal; no further statements by him to be published. "Detailed order to follow", which this book does not hold.

The lesson: contempt reaches a sitting Judge where nothing else does, and still cannot remove him; and the system's ultimate sanction remains the withdrawal of judicial work.

Test yourself

1. What was decided, and by whom? A Bench of seven Judges of the Supreme Court headed by the Chief Justice of India, in suo motu contempt proceedings against a sitting Judge of a High Court. On 8 February 2017 it issued notice and directed that he forthwith refrain from handling any judicial or administrative work assigned to him and immediately return all judicial and administrative files to the Registrar General of the High Court. On 1 May 2017, recording that he had continued to express disrespect to the Court, had made press statements with abject impunity and had issued orders purporting to be judicial against members of the Bench and another Judge of the Supreme Court, it restrained all Courts, Tribunals, Commissions and Authorities from taking cognizance of any order passed by him after 8 February 2017, and directed his medical examination. On 9 May 2017 it held that he had committed contempt of the Court and of the judiciary of the gravest nature, convicted him, sentenced him to imprisonment for six months to be executed forthwith by the Director General of Police, West Bengal, directed that as a consequence he shall perform no administrative or judicial functions, and ordered that no further statements made by him be published. The order recorded that a detailed order would follow, which this book does not hold and from which it therefore states no reasoning.

munotes.in995

Contempt as the Last Resort

2. Why was a medical examination directed? Because the Court considered that it could not proceed against a person who might be unable to defend himself. It recorded that the tenor of the press briefings and of the purported judicial orders prima facie suggested that he might not be in a fit medical condition to defend himself in the proceedings, and therefore thought it appropriate to require him to be medically examined before proceeding further. It directed the Director Health Services, Government of West Bengal, to constitute a Board of Doctors from Pavlov Government Hospital, Kolkata, to examine him on 4 May 2017 and to report by 8 May 2017, and directed the Director General of Police, West Bengal, to constitute a team of police personnel to assist the Board. In the same order it permitted him to file a response to the notice by 8 May, stating in advance that if he did not do so it would be presumed that he had nothing to say, and allowed the Supreme Court Bar Association to intervene and assist on the merits. Both features go to the fairness of the proceeding: fitness to defend is a question a court must ask itself, and a presumption of no defence is fair only if its consequence is announced beforehand.

3. Did the conviction remove him from office? No, and the point is central. The tenure of a Judge of a High Court can be curtailed only by removal under article 124(4) read with article 218, that is on an address of both Houses on the special majorities followed by an order of the President, or by resignation, or by the expiry of the term. Nothing in the contempt jurisdiction vacates a constitutional office. That is precisely why the order of 9 May 2017, after convicting and sentencing him, had to add separately that as a consequence the contemnor shall not perform any administrative or judicial functions. The Supreme Court could imprison a sitting Judge of a High Court and could not remove him.

munotes.in996

Contempt as the Last Resort

4. What does the episode show about the accountability of judges? Three things. That the contempt jurisdiction can reach a sitting judge where nothing else can, so that removal is not the only coercive power in the system and a court, rather than a Chief Justice tendering advice, can act. That the reach nonetheless stops short of the office, since conviction and imprisonment leave the judge a judge. And that the ultimate sanction in every branch of this module turns out to be the same measure, the withdrawal of judicial work: it appears as the Chief Justice of India's advice in 1990, as step six of the in-house procedure, and here twice, once as an interim direction on notice and once as a consequence of conviction. A system whose final sanction against a judge is to stop giving him cases has an accountability problem. The fair objection on the other side is that the Supreme Court has no disciplinary control over a High Court judge, and the Court was careful to found the conviction on contempt of itself and of the judiciary rather than on unfitness for office; but the practical effect of stripping a judge of all functions is close enough to discipline that the distinction should be argued rather than assumed.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in997

Chapter -Six

Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

Parliament may not discuss a judge's conduct except on a removal motion, a State Legislature may not discuss it at all, and the effect of the pair is that outside the machinery of chapters 1550 to 1600 there is no legislative forum in India in which a judge's conduct may be debated.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: article 121 provides that no discussion shall take place in Parliament with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties except upon a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge as thereinafter provided; article 211 provides that no discussion shall take place in the Legislature of a State with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties, and contains no exception at all.

The two texts

Article 121, "Restriction on discussion in Parliament":

"No discussion shall take place in Parliament with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties except upon a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge as hereinafter provided."

Article 211, "Restriction on discussion in the Legislature":

"No discussion shall take place in the Legislature of a State with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties."

Put them side by side and the difference leaps out: article 211 HAS NO EXCEPTION.

And the reason is structural, not accidental. A State Legislature has no part whatever in the removal of a judge. Chapter 1550: a Judge of a High Court is removed under article 124(4) read with article 218, on an address of both Houses of Parliament, and no State Legislature votes at any stage. So there is no occasion on which a State Legislature could properly discuss a judge's conduct, and the article therefore admits of none.

Note also what both articles protect, and it is narrower than students assume. The words are "in the discharge of his duties." A judge's conduct outside his duties is not within the bar at all, which is worth remembering when you read chapter 1650's allegations about expenses incurred in furnishing a residence and chapter 1660's about money held as a Receiver.

And what both articles protect is wide in another direction. Both cover any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court, so a State Legislature may not discuss a Judge of its own State's High Court, and Parliament may not discuss one either, except on a removal motion.

munotes.in998

Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge

What the articles do in practice

One. They lift only for the removal motion, and only after proof.

Chapter 1610's holding, from Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699: "Prior proof of misconduct in accordance with the law made under Article 124(5) is a condition precedent for the lifting of the bar under Article 121 against discussing the conduct of a Judge in the Parliament."

Follow the sequence that produces. No discussion is permitted until the motion is admitted and the machinery of the Act has run; the Committee's proceedings are not a discussion in Parliament at all, chapter 1610; and only when the report comes back under section 4(3) may the House debate the Judge's conduct. Article 121 is therefore what makes the two stage design necessary as well as what the two stage design explains.

Two. By necessary implication they close every other forum.

Chapter 1670's holding, from C. Ravichandran Iyer v. Justice A.M. Bhattacharjee, (1995) 5 SCC 457: "By necessary implication, no other forum or fora or platform is available for discussion of the conduct of a Judge in the discharge of his duties as a Judge of the Supreme Court or the High Court, much less a Bar Council or group of practising advocates. They are prohibited to discuss the conduct of a Judge in the discharge of his duties or to pass any resolution in that behalf."

That is the most consequential thing article 121 does, and it is not in the text. The article by its terms binds Parliament. The Court reasoned that if the sovereign legislature is forbidden, then a fortiori every lesser body is. Combine article 121 with article 211 and the position is that the two Houses may discuss a judge's conduct only on a removal motion, a State Legislature never, and everybody else never.

Three. They are the reason chapters 1670 to 1690 exist. If no forum may discuss a judge's conduct and removal is what chapter 1660 shows it to be, then the only place a complaint can go is inside the judiciary, which is the in-house procedure; and the only sanction available there is advice, because a Chief Justice has no disciplinary control.

The accountability debate, on what this book can prove

SOURCING. This tree holds judgments and bare Acts and nothing else, and the case bank declares in terms that no summary site and no commentary was used for anything in this book. So this section states the reform argument from the judgments and the constitutional text it holds, and names no Bill and no committee report whose text it does not have.

munotes.in999

Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge

One. The judges themselves asked for machinery, and the demand is old.

In K. Veeraswami v. Union of India, (1991) 3 SCC 655, the Court reproduced Tulzapurkar J.'s statement that the test of suitability should not be invoked "at least until such time as proper machinery possessing legal sanction is provided for enabling a proper inquiry against an alleged errant Judge less cumbersome than the near impeachment process contemplated by Art. 124(4) and (5) of the Constitution", and, in the same passage, that "As the law now stands it is not open to any single individual, whether it is the President or the Chief Justice of India or anybody else to take cognizance of any allegations of misbehaviour or of incapacity of a Judge and to take any legal action on their basis under the Judges (Inquiry) Act. One hundred Members of the Lok Sabha or fifty Members of the Rajya Sabha alone can initiate any action on such allegations."

Two. A concrete institutional proposal, reproduced in the same judgment. Recommendation 117 of the report there set out: "The Chief Justice of India in consultation with the Chief Justices of the High Courts should arrange for a thorough inquiry into the incidence of corruption, among the judiciary, and evolve, in consultation with the Central and State Governments, proper measures to prevent and eliminate it. Perhaps the setting up of vigilance organisations under the direct control of the Chief Justice of every High Court coordinated by a Central Vigilance Officer under the Chief Justice of India may prove to be an appropriate method."

Note the shape of that proposal, because it is a real answer to the module's question. It keeps the machinery inside the judiciary, which meets chapter 1690's objection that no executive body can be given control over judges; and it gives that machinery a standing institutional form rather than an ad hoc committee, which meets the objection that the in-house procedure has no sanction. This book does not assert whether any such organisation was set up; the recommendation is stated as a recommendation.

Three. What was actually attempted, and what happened to it. The Constitution (Ninety-ninth Amendment) Act 2014 inserted articles 124A, 124B and 124C with effect from 13 April 2015.

Article 124A created a national judicial appointments commission consisting of the Chief Justice of India as Chairperson ex officio; two other senior Judges of the Supreme Court next to the Chief Justice, ex officio; the Union Minister in charge of Law and Justice, ex officio; and two eminent persons nominated by a committee of the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice of India and the Leader of Opposition in the House of the People, or where there is none, the Leader of the single largest Opposition Party; with a proviso that one of the eminent persons shall be nominated from among persons belonging to the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, Minorities or Women, and a further proviso that an eminent person is nominated for three years and is not eligible for renomination. Clause (2) provided that no act or proceeding of the Commission shall be questioned or invalidated merely on the ground of any vacancy or defect in its constitution.

munotes.in1000

Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge

Article 124B made it the Commission's duty to recommend persons for appointment as Chief Justice of India, Judges of the Supreme Court, Chief Justices of High Courts and other Judges of High Courts; to recommend transfers of Chief Justices and other Judges of High Courts; and "to ensure that the person recommended is of ability and integrity."

Article 124C empowered Parliament by law to regulate the procedure for appointment and to empower the Commission to lay down by regulations the procedure for the discharge of its functions, the manner of selection and such other matters as it considers necessary.

And the footnote in the bare Constitution itself records the end of it: the amendment "has been struck down by the Supreme Court in the case of Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association and another Vs Union of India in its judgment dated 16-10-2015, AIR 2016 SC 117."

This book has NOT read that judgment and states no reasoning from it. What can be said from the text and the footnote alone, and it is enough for an answer:

The attempt was made at the point of APPOINTMENT, not at the point of removal or discipline. The Ninety-ninth Amendment did not touch article 124(4), article 124(5), the Judges (Inquiry) Act or the in-house procedure at all. So even if it had survived, the accountability gap this module is about would have been exactly where it was; the only clause bearing on integrity was article 124B(c), and that operates on a candidate, not on a sitting Judge.

And the striking down settled that a constitutional amendment touching the composition of the appointing body is justiciable, which is a proposition about the amending power and not about accountability.

Four. The gap as the Court itself last stated it. Chapter 1690, from Indira Jaising v. Registrar General, Supreme Court of India, (2003) 5 SCC 494: sanction for the guidelines "is absent"; "in our constitutional scheme it is not possible to vest the Chief Justice of India with any control over the puisne Judges with regard to conduct either personal or judicial"; and, in the sentence that states the whole problem, "there is no adequate method or machinery to enforce the Code of Conduct."

munotes.in1001

Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge

The argument for and against reform

An examiner asking about judicial accountability wants both sides. Here they are, each anchored in something above.

For giving the machinery legal sanction. A mechanism that cannot compel a judge to attend, cannot examine witnesses on oath, produces a report nobody sees and ends in advice is not accountability; it is a request. Tulzapurkar J. asked for "proper machinery possessing legal sanction" in a passage a Constitution Bench thought worth reproducing, and the position has not changed since. Removal is "cumbersome and the result uncertain", chapter 1670. And the only initiators are a hundred or fifty members of Parliament, so a complaint by a litigant, a lawyer or a subordinate judge has no route to the constitutional machinery at all.

Against, or at least in caution. Every proposal must survive chapter 1690's objection that the Constitution does not permit control over a judge's conduct to be vested anywhere, and chapter 1670's warning that a dragnet of vague dissatisfaction "would inevitably sweep into its grasp the maverick, the dissenter, the innovator, the reformer, in one word the unpopular." Chapter 1550's whole point is that the difficulty of removal is a feature: the security of tenure exists to secure independence, and machinery that makes a judge easy to investigate makes him easy to pressure. The founding fathers "advisedly adopted cumbersome process."

The honest middle, and it is the answer to write. The objection is to who holds the power, not to whether it should exist. The Santhanam recommendation above shows the shape a reform can take: institutional, standing, and inside the judiciary, with the removal power left where the Constitution puts it. That is the in-house procedure with a legal foundation, which is what chapter 1690's "lacuna" has been asking for since 1995.

A worked example

A member of a State Legislative Assembly moves a resolution deploring a High Court Judge's conduct in a case.

Is it in order? No. Article 211 forbids any discussion in the Legislature of a State with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties, and it has no exception.

Suppose the Assembly says it is not discussing the Judge but the case. The test is whether the discussion is "with respect to the conduct of any Judge ... in the discharge of his duties", and a resolution deploring how he decided is exactly that.

munotes.in1002

Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge

The same resolution is moved in the House of the People. Also barred, unless it is upon a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge as hereinafter provided, and chapter 1610 adds that the bar lifts only when misconduct has been proved under the law made under article 124(5).

A Bar Association passes it instead. Barred too, by necessary implication, chapter 1670.

A member alleges that the Judge, before appointment, misapplied trust money as an advocate. That is not conduct "in the discharge of his duties" as a Judge, so neither article on its terms forbids the discussion. But it does not follow that it may be discussed freely: chapter 1670's reasoning about implied exclusion and the law of contempt still apply, and the proper course remains the one chapter 1690 states, article 124 or article 217, or a complaint before a competent authority.

Could the Ninety-ninth Amendment have fixed any of this? No. It dealt with appointment and transfer; it did not touch article 124(4), article 124(5), the Judges (Inquiry) Act or the in-house procedure, and it was struck down on 16 October 2015.

What beginners get wrong

Saying article 211 has the same exception as article 121. It has none, because a State Legislature has no part in removal.

Forgetting the words "in the discharge of his duties." Conduct outside a judge's duties is outside the articles.

Thinking article 121 binds only Parliament. On Ravichandran Iyer it closes every forum by necessary implication.

Thinking the bar lifts as soon as a motion is tabled. Prior proof under the law made under article 124(5) is a condition precedent to lifting it.

Saying the Ninety-ninth Amendment was about accountability. It was about appointment and transfer, and its only integrity clause, article 124B(c), operates on a candidate.

Quoting the reasoning of the judgment that struck it down. This book has not read it and states none.

Quick revision

Article 121: "No discussion shall take place in Parliament with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties except upon a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge as hereinafter provided."

Article 211: the same words for the Legislature of a State, with NO exception, because a State Legislature has no part in removal.

Effect: the bar lifts only on a removal motion and only after prior proof under the law made under article 124(5); and "by necessary implication, no other forum or fora or platform is available", a Bar Council least of all.

munotes.in1003

Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge

Reform, on what this book holds: Tulzapurkar J.'s call for "proper machinery possessing legal sanction ... less cumbersome than the near impeachment process", and his reminder that only a hundred or fifty members can initiate; recommendation 117's vigilance organisations under each High Court Chief Justice coordinated by a Central Vigilance Officer under the Chief Justice of India; and Indira Jaising's "there is no adequate method or machinery to enforce the Code of Conduct."

The Ninety-ninth Amendment 2014, in force 13 April 2015, inserted arts 124A to 124C: a national judicial appointments commission of the Chief Justice of India as Chairperson, two senior Judges, the Union Law Minister and two eminent persons nominated by the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice of India and the Leader of Opposition, one from SC, ST, OBC, Minorities or Women, for three years without renomination; duties to recommend appointments and transfers and "to ensure that the person recommended is of ability and integrity"; struck down on 16 October 2015. It concerned APPOINTMENT and left the removal machinery untouched.

Test yourself

1. Compare articles 121 and 211. Article 121 provides that no discussion shall take place in Parliament with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties, except upon a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge as thereinafter provided. Article 211 provides the same for the Legislature of a State but contains no exception at all. The difference is structural: a State Legislature has no part in the removal of a judge, which under article 124(4), read for a High Court judge with article 218, requires an address of both Houses of Parliament, so there is no occasion on which a State Legislature could properly discuss a judge's conduct. Both articles are confined to conduct in the discharge of his duties, so conduct outside those duties is not within the bar; and both extend to any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court, so that a State Legislature may not discuss even a judge of its own State's High Court.

2. What is the effect of article 121 beyond Parliament? By necessary implication it closes every other forum. In C. Ravichandran Iyer v. Justice A.M. Bhattacharjee, (1995) 5 SCC 457, the Court held that since article 121 prohibits Parliament from discussing a judge's conduct in the discharge of his duties except on a removal motion, no other forum, platform or body is available for such discussion, much less a Bar Council or a group of practising advocates, who are prohibited from discussing such conduct or passing any resolution about it. The reasoning is a fortiori: if the sovereign legislature is forbidden, every lesser body is. Read with article 211 the position is that the two Houses may discuss a judge's conduct only on a removal motion, a State Legislature never, and everybody else never. That is also the reason the in-house procedure had to be created, since a complaint about a judge has nowhere else to go.

munotes.in1004

Articles 121 and 211: the Bar on Discussing a Judge

3. When does the bar under article 121 lift? Not when a motion is tabled, but when misconduct has been proved. In Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, the Court held that prior proof of misconduct in accordance with the law made under article 124(5) is a condition precedent for lifting the bar under article 121 against discussing the conduct of a judge in Parliament, and that article 124(4) really becomes meaningful only with a law made under article 124(5), without which the scheme remains inchoate. The proceedings of the Inquiry Committee are not proceedings in Parliament at all, so nothing said there engages article 121; the House may debate the judge's conduct only when the report has been laid under section 4(3) and the motion is taken up under section 6(2).

4. What does this book say about reform of judicial accountability, and on what basis? It says what its own sources allow and no more, holding judgments and bare Acts only. Three things are established from them. First, that judges have asked for machinery for decades: a passage reproduced in K. Veeraswami records the view that the test of suitability should not be invoked until proper machinery possessing legal sanction is provided for a proper inquiry against an alleged errant judge, less cumbersome than the near impeachment process, and that as the law stands nobody, not the President nor the Chief Justice of India nor anyone else, may take cognizance of allegations against a judge, only a hundred members of the House of the People or fifty of the Council of States being able to initiate action. Second, that a concrete institutional shape was proposed in the report reproduced in that judgment, namely vigilance organisations under the direct control of the Chief Justice of every High Court, coordinated by a Central Vigilance Officer under the Chief Justice of India, a design that keeps the machinery inside the judiciary while giving it standing form.

Third, that the one constitutional attempt made was the Ninety-ninth Amendment of 2014, in force from 13 April 2015, which inserted articles 124A to 124C creating a national judicial appointments commission of the Chief Justice of India as Chairperson, two senior judges of the Supreme Court, the Union Law Minister and two eminent persons nominated by a committee of the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice of India and the Leader of Opposition, and which was struck down by the Supreme Court on 16 October 2015 as the bare Constitution itself footnotes. That amendment concerned appointment and transfer, not removal or discipline; it left article 124(4), article 124(5), the Judges (Inquiry) Act and the in-house procedure entirely untouched, its only integrity provision operating on a candidate rather than a sitting judge. The book has not read the judgment striking it down and states no reasoning from it. Against all of this stands the caution the Court itself has expressed: the Constitution does not permit control over a judge's conduct to be vested anywhere, and a dragnet of vague dissatisfaction would sweep in the maverick, the dissenter, the innovator and the reformer.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in1005

Chapter -Seven

Inquiry BY a Judge: the Judicial Commission of Inquiry

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

The Commissions of Inquiry Act says nothing about who a Commission is, and the practice of putting a judge at its head is convention, not law, but that convention is the whole of the institution's credit.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: section 3(2) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act 1952 provides only that the Commission may consist of one or more members appointed by the appropriate Government and that where it consists of more than one member one of them may be appointed as Chairman, and the Act prescribes no qualification whatever; the practice of appointing a serving or retired Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court rests on convention, and in State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122, the fact that the Commissioner appointed was a retired Judge of the Supreme Court was treated by the Court as an indication that the appointment had not been prompted by malice.

The two senses, joined

Chapter 1560 set out the two things "judicial inquiry" can mean, and MU's question asks for both.

Sense one, an inquiry INTO a judge, worked in chapters 1550 to 1720.

Sense two, an inquiry BY a judge, which is the Commission of Inquiry of chapters 350 to 550 with a judge at its head.

They have almost nothing in common except the word, and an answer must not run them together. The first is about removing a judge; the second is about using one.

What the Act says about who a Commission is: nothing

Section 3(1) empowers the appropriate Government, if it is of opinion that it is necessary so to do, and obliges it if a resolution in that behalf is passed by each House of Parliament or the Legislature of the State, to appoint by notification a Commission "for the purpose of making an inquiry into any definite matter of public importance and performing such functions and within such time as may be specified in the notification."

Section 3(2) is the whole of the law on composition:

"The Commission may consist of one or more members appointed by the appropriate Government, and where the Commission consists of more than one member, one of them may be appointed as the Chairman thereof."

That is all. Chapter 400 made the point and it bears repeating here: no qualification, no disqualification, no number, no tenure, no removal. Compare section 3(2) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act, chapter 1580, which prescribes exactly three members and exactly who they must be. The contrast is the chapter.

So a judge on a Commission of Inquiry is there because the Government chose him, and for no other reason. There is no such thing in law as a "judicial commission of inquiry"; there is a Commission of Inquiry whose member happens to hold or to have held judicial office.

munotes.in1006

Inquiry BY a Judge: the Judicial Commission of Inquiry

The two sourced examples

One: a SITTING Judge, chairing a mixed Commission.

In Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, the notification appointed a Commission "consisting of the following persons, namely: Shri Justice S. R. Tendolkar, Judge of the High Court at Bombay, Chairman; Shri N. R. Modi of Messrs A. F. Ferguson & Co., Chartered Accountants, Member; Shri S. C. Chaudhuri, Commissioner of Income-tax, Member."

Study that composition, because it is the model. The inquiry was into the administration of nine companies and firms, so the Government put a sitting High Court Judge in the chair and gave him a chartered accountant and a Commissioner of Income-tax as members. The judge supplies procedure, fairness and standing; the members supply the expertise the subject matter needs.

And note that section 5B lets the same thing be done without making the experts members, by appointing assessors with special knowledge to assist and advise, chapter 400. The choice between an expert member and an expert assessor is a choice about who signs the report.

Two: a RETIRED Judge, sitting alone, and his identity used as an answer to a charge of mala fides.

In State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122, a former Prime Minister of the State challenged the Commission appointed to inquire into the wealth acquired by him and his family while in office as a mala fide device. Among the answers the Court found forceful:

"It was also pointed out that the Commissioner appointed was a retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India. All this, it was said, would indicate that the action had not been prompted by malice. We cannot say that these contentions of the appellants have no force."

Take the point exactly. The Court did not hold that a judge cannot be misused. It held that appointing a retired Judge of the Supreme Court is a fact that tells against a charge of malice, because a Government bent on persecution would not hand the inquiry to a person it could not direct.

That is the practical value of the convention put into a single holding: a sitting or retired judge heading a commission is the Government's answer, in advance, to the accusation that the inquiry is a political device.

Why a judge, and what the judge brings

One, the powers the Act confers are judicial in form and a judge is trained to use them. Section 4 gives the Commission the powers of a civil court, chapter 410; sections 8B and 8C give a person whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected the right to be heard and to cross-examine, chapter 440. A Commission that mishandles section 8B produces a report that is worthless, and handling it is a judge's daily work.

munotes.in1007

Inquiry BY a Judge: the Judicial Commission of Inquiry

Two, the office supplies credibility that the Act cannot. Chapter 480: the report is recommendatory and binds nobody proprio vigore; chapter 510: what happens to it is for the Government. So the only power a Commission has is the power of its findings to persuade, and whose signature is at the bottom is therefore not a detail; it is the mechanism.

Three, independence from the Government that appointed it. A serving judge cannot be removed by the Government, chapter 1550; a retired judge of the Supreme Court is barred by article 124(7) from pleading or acting in any court and has no career to protect. Both are, in different ways, beyond the appointing Government's reach.

Four, and state it because it is the honest half. A judge brings no expertise in the subject matter at all. A Commission into an air crash, a bank failure or an epidemic needs engineers, accountants and doctors. Which is why sections 3(2) and 5B exist, and why the Dalmia composition is worth memorising.

What the judge does NOT bring

He does not make the Commission a court. Chapter 470, and Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain: a body that inquires and reports without giving a definitive judgment is not a court, whoever presides. A judge presiding does not upgrade the body; the body downgrades the function he performs.

He does not make the report binding. Chapter 480. The Government may accept it, reject it, sit on it, or publish it with an action taken memorandum, chapter 510.

He does not make the findings usable as evidence in a criminal case. Chapter 520, and T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181, where prosecutions launched on the strength of a Commission's findings ran into exactly that difficulty.

And he does not protect the notification from challenge. P.V. Jagannath Rao v. State of Orissa and State of Karnataka v. Union of India are both challenges to notifications, chapter 500, and the identity of the Commissioner did not answer them; in Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad it was one fact among several going to mala fides, not a bar to the challenge.

A worked example

A State proposes to inquire into a stampede at a religious gathering in which forty people died.

Must it appoint a judge? No. Section 3(2) requires nothing; the Government may appoint one or more members and may name a Chairman.

munotes.in1008

Inquiry BY a Judge: the Judicial Commission of Inquiry

Should it? On the convention, yes, and for the reason in Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad: the credibility of the report is the only thing the Commission produces, and a judge as the head of a commission of inquiry is what makes it credible.

Serving or retired? Chapter 1740 is that argument in full; both are used, Tendolkar J. was serving and the Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad Commissioner was retired.

The inquiry needs crowd engineering and structural evidence. How? Either as members under section 3(2), on the Dalmia model of a judge in the chair with expert members, or as assessors under section 5B with special knowledge, appointed to assist and advise without signing.

The Ministers say the inquiry is a device to damage them politically. The appointment of a retired Judge of the Supreme Court is, on Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, a fact indicating that the action was not prompted by malice, though it does not by itself dispose of a challenge.

The report names three officers. Were they entitled to be heard? Yes, under section 8B, and to cross-examine under section 8C, chapter 440. That is the safeguard a judge exists to administer.

The State wants to prosecute on the report. Chapter 520: the report is not evidence of the facts it finds, and a prosecution must be built on investigation and admissible evidence.

Parliament passes a resolution asking the Union to inquire into the same stampede. Under section 3(1) the appropriate Government shall appoint on such a resolution, but proviso (b) bars the Central Government from appointing another Commission into the same matter while the State's Commission is functioning, unless the Central Government is of opinion that the scope should be extended to two or more States. Chapter 390.

What beginners get wrong

Calling it a "judicial commission of inquiry" as though it were a legal category. It is a Commission of Inquiry with a judge on it; the Act knows no such category.

Thinking the Act requires a judge. Section 3(2) requires nothing.

Thinking a judge makes the body a court. It does not; Brajnandan Sinha, chapter 470.

Thinking a judge makes the report binding. It does not; chapter 480.

Thinking the judge supplies the expertise. He supplies procedure and credit; members under section 3(2) or assessors under section 5B supply expertise.

Quick revision

Composition: s.3(2), "The Commission may consist of one or more members appointed by the appropriate Government, and where the Commission consists of more than one member, one of them may be appointed as the Chairman thereof." No qualification of any kind. Contrast s.3(2) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act, which prescribes three named categories.

munotes.in1009

Inquiry BY a Judge: the Judicial Commission of Inquiry

Sitting judge model: Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, AIR 1958 SC 538, Tendolkar J., Judge of the High Court at Bombay, Chairman, with a chartered accountant and a Commissioner of Income-tax as members.

Retired judge model: State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122; "the Commissioner appointed was a retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India", a fact the Court accepted as having force against a charge of mala fides.

What the judge brings: fluency with the powers of a civil court under s.4 and with ss.8B and 8C; credibility, which is all a recommendatory report has; and independence from the appointing Government.

What he does not bring: subject matter expertise, supplied by members or by assessors under s.5B; court status; binding force; admissible evidence; immunity for the notification.

Test yourself

1. Does the Commissions of Inquiry Act require a judge to head a Commission? No. Section 3(2) provides only that the Commission may consist of one or more members appointed by the appropriate Government, and that where it consists of more than one member one of them may be appointed as Chairman. The Act prescribes no qualification, disqualification, number, tenure, salary or removal, so everything about composition follows from the notification under section 3(1), which must specify the matter of public importance, the functions and the time. The contrast with the Judges (Inquiry) Act is instructive: section 3(2) of that Act prescribes a Committee of exactly three, namely a Judge of the Supreme Court or a Chief Justice of a High Court, a Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist. The practice of appointing a serving or retired judge to a Commission of Inquiry is therefore convention and not law.

2. Why is a judge appointed, and what does his presence achieve? Three things. He is fluent in the powers the Act confers, which are judicial in form: section 4 gives the Commission the powers of a civil court, and sections 8B and 8C give a person whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected the right to be heard and to cross-examine, provisions whose mishandling makes a report worthless. He supplies credibility, which matters more here than anywhere else, because the report binds nobody of its own force and its only power is to persuade, so the signature at the bottom is the mechanism rather than a detail. And he is independent of the Government that appointed him, a serving judge being unremovable by it and a retired judge of the Supreme Court being barred by article 124(7) from pleading or acting in any court and having no career to protect. In State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, AIR 1967 SC 122, the Court accepted that the appointment of a retired Judge of the Supreme Court as Commissioner was a fact indicating that the action had not been prompted by malice.

munotes.in1010

Inquiry BY a Judge: the Judicial Commission of Inquiry

3. How is the expertise a subject matter needs supplied? Not by the judge, who brings none. It is supplied either by making the experts members of the Commission under section 3(2), or by appointing them as assessors under section 5B, which empowers the Commission to appoint persons having special knowledge of a matter connected with the inquiry to assist and advise it. The classic illustration of the first is the notification in Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar, which appointed a Commission consisting of Justice S.R. Tendolkar, Judge of the High Court at Bombay, as Chairman, with a chartered accountant from a firm of accountants and a Commissioner of Income-tax as members, for an inquiry into the administration of nine companies and firms. The choice between an expert member and an expert assessor is a choice about who signs the report.

4. What does a judge's presence not achieve? It does not make the Commission a court: a body that inquires and reports without giving a definitive judgment is not a court whoever presides, as Brajnandan Sinha v. Jyoti Narain establishes. It does not make the report binding, since the report is recommendatory and has no force proprio vigore, and what becomes of it is for the Government. It does not make the findings evidence in a criminal case, a difficulty that arose when prosecutions were launched on the strength of a Commission's findings in T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181. And it does not immunise the notification from challenge, as the challenges in P.V. Jagannath Rao v. State of Orissa and State of Karnataka v. Union of India show; in Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad the Commissioner's identity was one fact among several bearing on mala fides, not a bar to the challenge itself.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in1011

Chapter -Eight

Should a Serving Judge Head a Commission of Inquiry

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

The Constitution expressly provides for a serving judge to undertake other functions at the President's request and to be paid as though he were on the bench, and the objections to his doing so are all about what happens to his findings afterwards.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: paragraph 11(b)(i) of Part D of the Second Schedule defines "actual service" to include time spent by a Judge on duty as a Judge or in the performance of such other functions as he may at the request of the President undertake to discharge, so that a serving Judge who undertakes an inquiry remains on actual service for the purposes of paragraph 9; section 3(2) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act imposes no qualification, so the choice between a serving and a retired Judge is the appointing Government's; and while a serving Judge lends the inquiry the standing of an office the Government cannot touch, his findings may be accepted or rejected by that Government, which is the substance of the objection to a serving judge conducting an inquiry.

The provision that makes it possible

Begin here, because most answers to this question never mention it and it settles half the debate.

Paragraph 9(1) of Part D of the Second Schedule provides that Judges of the Supreme Court shall be paid salary "in respect of time spent on actual service."

And paragraph 11 defines the term:

Paragraph 11 provides that in that Part, unless the context otherwise requires, the expression "Chief Justice" includes an acting Chief Justice and a "Judge" includes an ad hoc Judge; and that "actual service" includes, by clause (b):

(i) "time spent by a Judge on duty as a Judge or in the performance of such other functions as he may at the request of the President undertake to discharge";

(ii) "vacations, excluding any time during which the Judge is absent on leave"; and

(iii) "joining time on transfer from a High Court to the Supreme Court or from one High Court to another."

Read sub-clause (i) again. "On duty as a Judge OR in the performance of such other functions as he may at the request of the President undertake to discharge."

So the Constitution itself contemplates a serving judge doing something that is not judging, at the request of the President, and treats the time as actual service. That is the constitutional foundation of every serving judge who has ever chaired a Commission of Inquiry, and it means the question should a sitting judge head a commission cannot be answered by saying the Constitution forbids it. It does not; it provides for it.

Three features of the provision are worth noticing, and each cuts a different way.

munotes.in1012

Should a Serving Judge Head a Commission of Inquiry

"At the request of the President." Formally the President; in substance, chapter 1290's rule, the Union Government. So the judge undertakes the work at the request of the executive.

"May ... undertake." It is voluntary. No judge can be directed onto an inquiry; he consents or he does not.

And the machinery is administrative, which chapter 1620 showed to be a real vulnerability. In Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, the Union simply did not notify that the service of the two sitting judges on the Inquiry Committee would be treated as "actual service" within paragraph 11(B)(i) of Part D, and the Committee could not function until the Supreme Court declared the law. The 1991 judgment letters it 11(B)(i) and the print letters it 11(b)(i); it is the same provision.

The case for a serving judge

One, Parliament itself has decided the question in the closest analogous statute. Section 3(2) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968, chapter 1580, requires the Committee to consist of a Judge of the Supreme Court or the Chief Justice of India, a Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist. Two of the three must be SERVING judges, by statute, for the gravest inquiry the Constitution knows. If a serving judge may inquire into another judge's removal, the objection cannot be one of principle.

Two, it has been done and not doubted. Chapter 1730: the Commission in Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar was chaired by "Shri Justice S. R. Tendolkar, Judge of the High Court at Bombay", and the challenge to the notification, which went to the Act's validity and to article 14, did not turn on his being a serving judge.

Three, a serving judge is the least removable person the Government can appoint. He cannot be removed except by the machinery of chapters 1550 to 1600, which chapter 1660 shows to be practically unusable. A retired judge is beyond reach in a different way, but a serving judge is beyond reach in the strongest way the Constitution provides.

Four, the standing is at its highest while the office is held. Chapter 1730: a recommendatory report has no power except to persuade, and the credit of a sitting Judge of a High Court or the Supreme Court is the largest credit available.

Five, the pay question does not arise. Because of paragraph 11(b)(i) he stays on actual service and draws his salary under paragraph 9; there is no fee, no contract and no arrangement with the Government about money. That is a real safeguard and it is worth stating: the Government cannot pay him more, and it cannot pay him less.

munotes.in1013

Should a Serving Judge Head a Commission of Inquiry

The objection to a serving judge conducting an inquiry

One, and it is the strongest: the Government may reject his findings.

Chapter 480: the report has no force proprio vigore. Chapter 510: what happens to it is for the Government, which may accept, reject, act, or do nothing.

So a sitting Judge of the Supreme Court may spend three years on an inquiry and have his findings publicly repudiated by the Ministry that asked for them. A retired judge in that position suffers as an individual. A sitting judge suffers as a judge, and the Court he sits on suffers with him. That is a cost to judicial standing which the judiciary did not choose and cannot control.

Two, the judge is not judging. Chapter 540 takes up delay and cost, and a Commission into a large matter runs for years. A judge on a Commission is a judge whose court is not sitting, and in a system with the arrears this book's chapter 540 describes, that is a real price paid by litigants who have nothing to do with the inquiry.

Three, later litigation. The subject matter of a Commission very often produces litigation, and T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181, chapter 520, is an example of prosecutions built on a Commission's findings. A serving judge who has already recorded findings on those facts is disqualified from any case arising out of them, on the real likelihood test of chapter 1640, and depending on the subject that can disable him across a whole field.

Four, and this is the constitutional objection proper: the appointment is entirely in the Government's gift. Chapter 400 and chapter 1730: section 3(2) prescribes nothing, so the Government chooses which judge. Compare every other appointment this book has studied: the Lokpal has a Selection Committee, chapter 110; the Central Vigilance Commissioner has a Committee, chapter 640; even the Judges (Inquiry) Act Committee is constituted by the Speaker or the Chairman, chapter 1580, and not by a Minister. For a Commission of Inquiry into the Government's own conduct, the Government picks the judge, unaided and unconstrained.

Five, the argument that follows from four, and it should be put carefully because it is easy to put unfairly. Where such appointments are in the executive's gift and are sought after, the appearance arises that a judge may be chosen for how he is expected to find. This book asserts nothing about any judge and no such allegation is made. The point is the structural one chapter 1670 made in a different context: a system should not depend on the good faith of the person who benefits from the choice.

munotes.in1014

Should a Serving Judge Head a Commission of Inquiry

Six, an honest limit on the debate. This book holds judgments and bare Acts and no record of practice, so it does not state how many Commissions have been headed by serving as against retired judges, and it does not assert that a convention against serving judges has settled. What it can prove is that both have been used, that the Constitution provides for the serving judge, and that the arguments above are the arguments.

Where the balance lies

The considerations point in a consistent direction once they are sorted by WHOSE reputation is at stake.

Where the inquiry is into a matter in which the Government has no stake of its own, a disaster, an accident, a failure of a system, the objections are weak: the findings are unlikely to be repudiated, later litigation is manageable, and the standing of a serving judge is worth a great deal.

Where the inquiry is into the conduct of the Government that appointed the Commission, chapter 1730's Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad situation, the objections bite hardest, precisely because the Government both chooses the judge and decides what to do with his report. A retired judge answers the second objection: his findings can be rejected without a sitting judge being rejected with them.

And the middle course the Act already provides. Section 5B lets expertise be added as assessors, and section 3(2) lets a Commission be more than one member, so a retired judge can be given the standing he needs by the composition of the Commission rather than by the office of its chairman. Chapter 1730's Dalmia notification is that idea in its original form.

A worked example

A Government proposes to appoint a Commission into the collapse of a bridge built under a contract awarded by the same Government, and wants a serving Judge of the High Court to head it.

Is there a constitutional obstacle? No. Paragraph 11(b)(i) of Part D treats time spent "in the performance of such other functions as he may at the request of the President undertake to discharge" as actual service, and section 3(2) of the Act prescribes no qualification.

Can the judge be directed to take it? No. The words are "as he may ... undertake"; it is voluntary.

What must the Government do administratively? Notify that his service on the Commission is actual service, without which he cannot function, as chapter 1620's episode shows.

Does he get paid extra? No. He remains on actual service and draws his salary under paragraph 9. That absence of any money arrangement with the Government is a safeguard worth naming.

munotes.in1015

Should a Serving Judge Head a Commission of Inquiry

What is the objection? That the inquiry is into the appointing Government's own contract; that the same Government chose him with no statutory constraint; and that it may then reject his findings, so that a sitting judge is publicly repudiated by the executive.

What is the safer course? A retired Judge, with the standing supplied by the composition rather than by the office: members under section 3(2) or assessors under section 5B with engineering and contract expertise.

And if the matter were the removal of a judge instead? Then there is no choice at all: section 3(2) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act requires a Judge of the Supreme Court or the Chief Justice of India and a Chief Justice of a High Court, both serving, with a distinguished jurist.

What beginners get wrong

Saying the Constitution is silent. Paragraph 11(b)(i) of Part D provides for it in terms.

Saying a judge can be assigned to an inquiry. He may undertake it; it is voluntary.

Saying a serving judge is paid by the Government for the work. He stays on actual service and draws his ordinary salary.

Saying the objection is to a judge inquiring. It is to a serving judge, and the real complaint is that the executive chooses him and then judges his report.

Saying practice has settled against serving judges. This book holds no record of practice and asserts none.

Quick revision

The enabling provision: Second Schedule, Part D, para 11(b)(i), "actual service" includes "time spent by a Judge on duty as a Judge or in the performance of such other functions as he may at the request of the President undertake to discharge"; salary under para 9 follows. Cited in the 1991 judgment as para 11(B)(i).

For: the Judges (Inquiry) Act s.3(2) itself requires two serving judges for the gravest inquiry there is; Tendolkar J. was a serving Judge of the Bombay High Court and the point was not taken; a serving judge is the least removable person available; his standing is at its highest; and there is no money arrangement with the Government.

Against: the Government may reject the findings, and a sitting judge is repudiated as a judge; his court is not sitting meanwhile; he is disqualified from later litigation on the same facts, chapter 1640; and, decisively, s.3(2) of the 1952 Act constrains nothing, so the Government picks the judge and then judges his report.

The balance: weakest objection where the Government has no stake; strongest where the inquiry is into its own conduct; and the middle course is a retired judge with the standing supplied by composition, under s.3(2) or s.5B.

munotes.in1016

Should a Serving Judge Head a Commission of Inquiry

Test yourself

1. Does the Constitution permit a serving judge to head a Commission of Inquiry? Yes, and it provides for it expressly. Paragraph 9(1) of Part D of the Second Schedule provides that Judges of the Supreme Court are paid salary in respect of time spent on actual service, and paragraph 11(b) defines actual service to include, by sub-clause (i), time spent by a Judge on duty as a Judge or in the performance of such other functions as he may at the request of the President undertake to discharge. The Constitution therefore contemplates a serving judge performing functions that are not judging, at the request of the President, and treats the time as actual service so that his salary continues unaffected. Three features of the provision matter: the request is formally the President's and so in substance the Union Government's; the words are that he may undertake the function, so it is voluntary and no judge can be directed onto an inquiry; and the notification treating the service as actual service is an administrative act, whose withholding by the Union halted the Inquiry Committee in Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India, (1991) 4 SCC 699, until the Supreme Court declared the law.

2. State the case for appointing a serving judge. Five points. First, Parliament has already decided the question in the closest analogous statute: section 3(2) of the Judges (Inquiry) Act 1968 requires the Committee to consist of a Judge of the Supreme Court or the Chief Justice of India, a Chief Justice of a High Court, and a distinguished jurist, so two of the three must be serving judges, and that for the gravest inquiry the Constitution knows. Second, it has been done and not doubted: the Commission in Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar was chaired by a serving Judge of the High Court at Bombay, and the challenge to the notification did not turn on that fact. Third, a serving judge is the least removable person the Government can appoint, removal requiring the machinery that chapter 1660 shows to be practically unusable. Fourth, the standing of the office is at its highest while it is held, and standing is all that a recommendatory report has. Fifth, no question of remuneration arises, because he remains on actual service and draws his ordinary salary, so the Government can neither pay him more nor pay him less.

3. State the objection to a serving judge conducting an inquiry. The strongest objection is what happens to the findings. A Commission's report has no force of its own and what becomes of it is for the Government, which may accept, reject, act or do nothing; so a sitting judge may spend years on an inquiry and have his conclusions publicly repudiated by the very Ministry that asked for them, and where a retired judge would suffer as an individual a sitting judge suffers as a judge, taking his court's standing with him. Three further objections follow. A judge on a Commission is a judge whose court is not sitting, which is a cost borne by litigants with no connection to the inquiry. He becomes disqualified, on the real likelihood test, from any later litigation arising out of the same facts, and Commissions frequently produce such litigation. And, structurally, section 3(2) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act constrains the choice not at all, so where the inquiry is into the Government's own conduct that Government both picks the judge and decides what to do with his report, which is a dependence on good faith that no other appointment in this book tolerates.

munotes.in1017

Should a Serving Judge Head a Commission of Inquiry

4. Where does the balance lie? It depends on whose conduct is being inquired into. Where the Government has no stake of its own, as in an accident or a systemic failure, the objections are weak: the findings are unlikely to be repudiated, later litigation is manageable, and the standing of a serving judge is worth a great deal. Where the inquiry is into the conduct of the Government that appointed the Commission, the objections bite hardest, because the same Government chooses the judge and then judges his report. In that case a retired judge answers the most serious objection, since his findings can be rejected without a sitting judge being rejected with them, and the Act already supplies the means of making up any loss of standing or expertise: section 3(2) permits a Commission of more than one member, and section 5B permits assessors with special knowledge to assist and advise. It should be added that this book holds judgments and bare Acts and no record of practice, so it does not state how often serving as against retired judges have been appointed and does not assert that a convention has settled either way.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in1018

Chapter -Nine

Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

When a person dies at the hands of the police, the inquiry is not by a Commission and not by a judge of a superior court but by a magistrate, under a procedure the Supreme Court has laid down in sixteen requirements binding as law declared under article 141.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: in People's Union for Civil Liberties v. State of Maharashtra, (2014) 10 SCC 635, the Supreme Court issued sixteen requirements as the standard procedure for a thorough, effective and independent investigation of police encounters causing death, including that a magisterial inquiry under section 176 of the Code must invariably be held in all cases of death occurring in the course of police firing and a report sent to the Judicial Magistrate having jurisdiction under section 190, and directed that they be strictly observed in all cases of death and grievous injury in police encounters, treating them as law declared under article 141.

Why this belongs in a chapter on judicial inquiries

Every inquiry so far in this module has been extraordinary. A Committee under the Judges (Inquiry) Act sits perhaps once in a decade. A Commission of Inquiry is appointed for a matter of public importance and reports years later.

An inquiry into a custodial death is the opposite: it is routine, it is compulsory, and it happens in a magistrate's court. It is the form of judicial inquiry a lawyer is far more likely to meet than any other, and it is the form in which the idea of this whole paper, a control on maladministration, does its most urgent work: the administration has killed someone, and somebody who is not the administration must find out how.

And note what makes it judicial. Not the seniority of the person inquiring, but that an officer exercising judicial power, independent of the police, inquires into what the police did.

The facts, and the route to the Supreme Court

Writ petitions in the Bombay High Court sought particulars of persons killed in police encounters in Maharashtra; the registration of offences under section 302 of the Penal Code against officers prima facie responsible; a report from the Coroner of Mumbai; an inquiry into all encounters in the State; the constitution of the State Human Rights Commission under the Protection of Human Rights Act 1993; and guidelines governing the planning and carrying out of encounters for the protection of life and liberty under article 21 read with article 14.

The High Court framed guidelines, and the matter came up on appeal, with the High Court's guidelines, the petitioner's suggestions and the National Human Rights Commission's own guidelines all before the Court, together with affidavits of the Union, the States and the Union Territories, whose views the Court records were not uniform.

munotes.in1019

Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter

The constitutional starting point is stated in one line. Article 21 confers a right that cannot be violated except according to procedure established by law, and it includes the right to live with human dignity; and "in spite of Constitutional and statutory provisions aimed at safeguarding the personal liberty and life of a citizen, the cases of death in police encounters continue to occur."

And the Court recorded the language earlier decisions had used, including that an encounter must be "inquired into and investigated closely" whether it was genuine or fake, and, in another case, the warning that policemen would not be excused for committing murder in the name of "encounter" on the pretext that they were carrying out the orders of their superior officers or politicians, the Court there saying that the "encounter" philosophy is a criminal philosophy.

The sixteen requirements

Learn them in five groups; nobody remembers sixteen numbered items in a row.

Group one, before anything happens: the record. (1) Any intelligence or tip-off about criminal movements relating to a grave offence shall be reduced into writing, preferably into the case diary or in electronic form, without needing to reveal the suspect or the location; and if received by a higher authority, noted in some form.

That single requirement is the pivot of the whole scheme, and the reason should be said in an answer: it makes it impossible to invent the tip-off afterwards.

Group two, the moment of death: an FIR and an independent investigator. (2) If an encounter follows and death occurs from the use of a firearm by the police party, an FIR shall be registered and forwarded to the court under section 157 of the Code without delay, following the procedure in section 158. (3) An independent investigation shall be conducted by the CID or by a police team of another police station, under the supervision of a senior officer at least a level above the head of the police party engaged in the encounter.

And that investigation must at a minimum: identify the victim and take colour photographs; recover and preserve evidentiary material including blood-stained earth, hair, fibres and threads; identify scene witnesses with full names, addresses and telephone numbers and take their statements, including the statements of the police personnel involved; determine the cause, manner, location and time of death, with a rough sketch of the topography and, if possible, photographs or video of the scene, and any pattern or practice that may have brought about the death; ensure that intact fingerprints of the deceased are sent for chemical analysis and that other fingerprints are located, developed, lifted and analysed; have the post-mortem conducted by two doctors in the District Hospital, one of them so far as possible the head of that hospital, videographed and preserved; take and preserve weapons, projectiles, bullets and cartridge cases, with gunshot residue and trace metal detection tests where applicable; and find whether the death was natural, accidental, suicide or homicide.

munotes.in1020

Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter

Group three, and this is the judicial inquiry itself. (4) "A Magisterial inquiry under Section 176 of the Code must invariably be held in all cases of death which occur in the course of police firing and a report thereof must be sent to Judicial Magistrate having jurisdiction under Section 190 of the Code."

Note the three words that carry it. "Must invariably be held." Not on a complaint, not at the State's discretion, in all cases. That is what makes it a compulsory judicial inquiry, and it is the answer to any question about the inquiry into a custodial death or the inquiry into an encounter killing.

Group four, the human rights machinery and the family. (5) The involvement of the National Human Rights Commission is not necessary unless there is serious doubt about independent and impartial investigation, but information of the incident must be sent without any delay to it or to the State Human Rights Commission. (6) An injured victim must get medical aid and his statement must be recorded by the Magistrate or Medical Officer with a certificate of fitness. (9) The next of kin must be informed at the earliest. (12) Compensation to dependants is to be given under the scheme in section 357-A of the Code.

Requirement (5) is often misstated. The Commission is not the inquiring body; it is informed, and it comes in only if there is serious doubt about the independence of the investigation.

Group five, the consequences and the safety valve. (7) No delay in sending the FIR, diary entries, panchnamas and sketch to the court. (8) The report to go to the competent court under section 173 and the trial to be concluded expeditiously. (10) Six monthly statements of all deaths in police firing to be sent by Directors General of Police to the National Human Rights Commission by 15 January and 15 July, in a prescribed format that includes the findings of the magisterial inquiry, in particular the names and designations of officials found responsible and whether the use of force was justified and the action lawful. (11) Where the evidence shows an offence under the Penal Code, disciplinary action must be promptly initiated and the officer placed under suspension. (13) The officers must surrender their weapons for forensic and ballistic analysis, subject to the rights under article 20. (14) The officer's own family must be informed and offered a lawyer or counselling if needed. (15) No out-of-turn promotion or instant gallantry reward soon after the occurrence, such rewards being given only when gallantry is established beyond doubt.

munotes.in1021

Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter

(16) is the safety valve and the most important of the sixteen for a practitioner. "If the family of the victim finds that the above procedure has not been followed or there exists a pattern of abuse or lack of independent investigation or impartiality by any of the functionaries as above mentioned, it may make a complaint to the Sessions Judge having territorial jurisdiction over the place of incident." On such a complaint the Sessions Judge shall look into the merits and address the grievances raised.

So there are TWO judicial officers in the scheme: a Magistrate who inquires, and a Sessions Judge who supervises the whole procedure on the family's complaint.

The status of the sixteen. The guidelines apply as far as possible to grievous injury cases as well, and the Court directed that the requirements "must be strictly observed in all cases of death and grievous injury in police encounters by treating them as law declared under Article 141 of the Constitution of India." Article 141 makes them binding on every court in India, which is why an answer should call them law and not guidance.

The standing body: the Police Complaints Authority

A second, institutional route sits alongside the case by case one, and it is judicial in the same sense.

In Prakash Singh v. Union of India, chapter 610, the Supreme Court directed that there be a Police Complaints Authority at the district level for complaints against officers up to the rank of Deputy Superintendent of Police, and another at the State level for officers of the rank of Superintendent of Police and above.

The composition is the point here. The district level Authority may be headed by a retired District Judge and the State level Authority by a retired Judge of the High Court or Supreme Court; the head of the State level Authority is chosen by the State Government out of a panel of names proposed by the Chief Justice, and the district level head likewise out of a panel proposed by the Chief Justice or a Judge of the High Court nominated by him.

Compare chapter 1740's complaint that the Government picks the judge unaided. Here the Court fixed the flaw: the Government still appoints, but only from a panel the Chief Justice proposes. That is the reform chapter 1740 argued for, in a direction already made.

munotes.in1022

Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter

And the jurisdiction. The State level Authority takes cognizance only of allegations of serious misconduct, "which would include incidents involving death, grievous hurt or rape in police custody"; the district level Authority may in addition inquire into extortion, land or house grabbing, or any incident involving serious abuse of authority.

And the sentence that separates this body from every other inquiry in this book: "The recommendations of the Complaints Authority, both at the district and State levels, for any action, departmental or criminal, against a delinquent police officer shall be binding on the concerned authority."

Read that against chapter 480, where a Commission's report binds nobody, and chapter 320, where an ombudsman recommends without power. Here the recommendation BINDS.

A worked example

A man is shot dead by a police party in an encounter after a tip-off.

What must exist from before the shooting? A written record of the tip-off, preferably in the case diary, without needing to name the suspect or the place.

What happens on the death? An FIR, forwarded to the court under section 157 without delay, and an independent investigation by the CID or another police station, supervised by an officer a level above the head of the party involved.

Who inquires judicially? A magisterial inquiry under section 176 must invariably be held, and its report sent to the Judicial Magistrate having jurisdiction under section 190.

Does the National Human Rights Commission conduct it? No. Its involvement is not necessary unless there is serious doubt about the independence of the investigation, though it must be informed of the incident without delay.

The post-mortem is done by one doctor at a private hospital and not recorded. Breach. It must be by two doctors in the District Hospital, one so far as possible its head, and videographed and preserved.

The officers are given gallantry awards a fortnight later. Breach of requirement (15).

The family believes the investigation is a whitewash. What can it do? Complain to the Sessions Judge having territorial jurisdiction over the place of the incident, who shall look into the merits and address the grievances.

The family also wants the officers dealt with departmentally. If the officers are of the rank of Superintendent of Police and above, the State level Police Complaints Authority, headed by a retired Judge of the High Court or Supreme Court chosen from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice, takes cognizance of serious misconduct including death in police custody, and its recommendations are binding.

Suppose the State appoints a Commission of Inquiry into the same shooting instead. It may, chapter 390; but chapter 520 and T.T. Antony v. State of Kerala, (2001) 6 SCC 181, show what such a report cannot do to the criminal process, and the sixteen requirements apply regardless, being law under article 141.

munotes.in1023

Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter

And if the man had survived with grievous injuries? The guidelines apply to grievous injury cases as far as possible, and his statement must be recorded by a Magistrate or Medical Officer with a certificate of fitness.

What beginners get wrong

Saying the National Human Rights Commission holds the inquiry. It is informed; it comes in only on serious doubt about independence.

Saying the sixteen requirements are guidelines. They are law declared under article 141 and must be strictly observed.

Forgetting the Sessions Judge. Requirement (16) gives the family a judicial remedy against the procedure itself.

Thinking the investigating police station investigates. It must be the CID or another police station, supervised a level above the party involved.

Quoting the Code from memory. This book does not hold the Code and cites every section as the judgment cites it; do the same.

Treating the Police Complaints Authority as advisory. Its recommendations for departmental or criminal action are binding on the concerned authority.

Quick revision

People's Union for Civil Liberties v. State of Maharashtra, (2014) 10 SCC 635, Lodha C.J. and Nariman J., 23 September 2014: sixteen requirements, law declared under article 141, for death and grievous injury in police encounters.

The record: the tip-off reduced to writing. The death: FIR under s.157, procedure of s.158; independent investigation by the CID or another police station under an officer a level above. The forensics: photographs, preserved trace evidence, scene witnesses including the police involved, fingerprints, post-mortem by two doctors in the District Hospital, videographed, weapons and residue tests, and a finding of natural, accidental, suicide or homicide.

The inquiry: "A Magisterial inquiry under Section 176 of the Code must invariably be held in all cases of death which occur in the course of police firing", report to the Judicial Magistrate under s.190.

The rest: NHRC informed, involved only on serious doubt; injured given medical aid and a statement before a Magistrate or Medical Officer with a fitness certificate; next of kin informed; report under s.173 and expeditious trial; six monthly statements to the NHRC by 15 January and 15 July; prompt disciplinary action and suspension; compensation under s.357-A; weapons surrendered subject to art 20; the officer's family informed; no out-of-turn promotion or instant gallantry reward; and a complaint to the Sessions Judge where the procedure is not followed.

munotes.in1024

Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter

Prakash Singh: Police Complaints Authorities, district level under a retired District Judge, State level under a retired Judge of the High Court or Supreme Court, chosen from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice; the State level takes serious misconduct including death, grievous hurt or rape in police custody; recommendations BINDING.

Test yourself

1. What judicial inquiry must follow a death in police firing? A magisterial inquiry. In People's Union for Civil Liberties v. State of Maharashtra, (2014) 10 SCC 635, the Supreme Court's fourth requirement is that a magisterial inquiry under section 176 of the Code must invariably be held in all cases of death which occur in the course of police firing, and that a report of it must be sent to the Judicial Magistrate having jurisdiction under section 190. The words are mandatory and unqualified: the inquiry does not depend on a complaint, on the State's opinion or on any prior finding. Its findings feed into the six monthly statements that Directors General of Police must send to the National Human Rights Commission, which must disclose the names and designations of any officials found responsible for the death and whether the use of force was justified and the action lawful. The section numbers are the judgment's own, of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973; this book does not hold that Code and cites them as the judgment cites them.

2. Summarise the sixteen requirements. They fall into five groups. Before the event, the record: any intelligence or tip-off about a grave offence must be reduced to writing, preferably in the case diary, without needing to reveal the suspect or the location, which makes it impossible to invent a tip-off afterwards. At the death: an FIR must be registered and forwarded to the court under section 157 following the procedure in section 158, and an independent investigation conducted by the CID or a police team of another police station under an officer at least a level above the head of the party involved, covering identification of the victim, preservation of trace evidence, statements of scene witnesses including the police personnel involved, the cause, manner, location and time of death and any pattern that produced it, fingerprint analysis, a post-mortem by two doctors in the District Hospital which is videographed and preserved, preservation and testing of weapons and projectiles, and a finding whether the death was natural, accidental, suicide or homicide. Then the judicial inquiry: a magisterial inquiry under section 176 in every case, reported to the Judicial Magistrate under section 190.

Then the human rights machinery and the family: the National Human Rights Commission or the State Commission to be informed without delay though not to be involved unless there is serious doubt about independence, medical aid and a statement before a Magistrate or Medical Officer with a fitness certificate for an injured victim, the next of kin informed at the earliest, and compensation under the scheme in section 357-A. Finally the consequences and the safety valve: no delay in sending the FIR, diary entries, panchnamas and sketch to the court, a report under section 173 and an expeditious trial, six monthly statements to the Commission by 15 January and 15 July, prompt disciplinary action and suspension where the evidence shows an offence, surrender of weapons for forensic and ballistic analysis subject to article 20, information and counselling for the officer's own family, no out-of-turn promotion or instant gallantry reward soon after the occurrence, and a complaint to the Sessions Judge having territorial jurisdiction if the procedure has not been followed or there is a pattern of abuse or want of independence. The requirements apply as far as possible to grievous injury cases and were directed to be strictly observed as law declared under article 141.

munotes.in1025

Judicial Inquiry Into a Custodial Death or an Encounter

3. What is the role of the Police Complaints Authority? It is the standing institutional route, and it is judicial in composition. In Prakash Singh v. Union of India the Court directed a Police Complaints Authority at the district level for complaints against officers up to the rank of Deputy Superintendent of Police, and another at the State level for officers of the rank of Superintendent of Police and above. The district level Authority may be headed by a retired District Judge and the State level Authority by a retired Judge of the High Court or the Supreme Court; the head of the State level Authority is chosen by the State Government out of a panel of names proposed by the Chief Justice, and the district level head out of a panel proposed by the Chief Justice or a judge of the High Court nominated by him. The State level Authority takes cognizance only of allegations of serious misconduct, which the direction says would include incidents involving death, grievous hurt or rape in police custody, while the district level Authority may in addition inquire into extortion, land or house grabbing and any incident involving serious abuse of authority. Most importantly, the recommendations of both Authorities for any action, departmental or criminal, against a delinquent police officer are binding on the concerned authority, which distinguishes them from a Commission of Inquiry, whose report binds nobody, and from an ombudsman, who recommends without power.

4. Why is this called a judicial inquiry when no judge of a superior court is involved? Because what makes an inquiry judicial in this context is not the seniority of the person conducting it but that an officer exercising judicial power, independent of the body under investigation, is the one who inquires. The administration has taken a life, and the person who finds out how is a magistrate answerable to the judicial hierarchy and not to the police. The scheme in fact uses two judicial officers: the Magistrate who holds the inquiry under section 176 and reports under section 190, and the Sessions Judge to whom the victim's family may complain if the whole procedure has been disregarded, and who must then look into the merits and address the grievances. Alongside them stands the Police Complaints Authority headed by a retired judge chosen from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice. Compared with the rest of this module the contrast is striking: this is the only inquiry that is compulsory, that happens routinely, and whose outcome can bind.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in1026

Chapter

What Judicial Inquiries Are Worth: the Honest Assessment

Syllabus topic 8, "Judicial Inquiries"

In one line

Judged by whether they punish, judicial inquiries have achieved almost nothing; judged by whether they establish facts that would otherwise never be established and impose consequences short of punishment, they are the most productive control in this paper.

In the wording a student can write in an exam: the label covers two institutions, an inquiry into a judge and an inquiry by a judge, and both are open to the same criticism, that they end in a report which binds nobody and in consequences that fall short of the wrong they expose; the answer to the criticism is that the removal machinery has produced a body of constitutional law and a standing in-house procedure that has removed judges from judicial work and from office by resignation, that prosecution and contempt supply coercive routes that removal does not, and that a Commission of Inquiry and a magisterial inquiry produce the only authoritative account of the facts that the public and the courts will ever have.

The question the paper actually asks

MU's paper is titled "PUBLIC AUTHORITIES AND POWER HOLDERS : CONTROLS ON MAL ADMINISTRATION", and its eighth label is "Judicial Inquiries."

So the question is not "describe the Judges (Inquiry) Act." It is: are judicial inquiries a control on maladministration, and how good a one? Chapter 10 opened the book with the meaning of maladministration; this chapter closes it by testing the last of the eight institutions against that word.

And the answer must be given for both senses, chapters 1560 and 1730: the inquiry INTO a judge and the inquiry BY a judge.

What the removal machinery has achieved

Start with the concession, because a candidate who does not make it will not be believed.

On this book's record no removal motion has produced an address to the President. Chapter 1660 worked every matter the tree can document and none reached that point. The mechanism that the Constitution makes the ONLY way of curtailing a judge's tenure has, so far as this book can prove, never been carried through.

Now the case for the other side, in four parts.

One. It produced the law. Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability, M. Krishna Swami, Sarojini Ramaswami and Dinakaran together settled the two stage scheme, the statutory character of the first stage, the non-lapse of a motion, the Speaker's status as a statutory authority, the judge's right to the report from the Speaker, his right to be heard by the House, the timing of judicial review, and the application of the bias rule to the Committee. None of that existed before 1991, and all of it is now available to any judge who faces the machinery.

munotes.in1027

What Judicial Inquiries Are Worth: the Honest Assessment

Two. It works as a threat even when it does not work as a punishment. Chapter 1660's Soumitra Sen matter is the proof: the in-house Committee reported, the Chief Justice of India advised resignation, the advice was refused, the recommendation went to the Prime Minister, proceedings were initiated, and the proceedings were dropped as abated on his resignation. The office was vacated. That is the outcome the machinery exists to produce, reached without a single vote.

Three. The design's difficulty is deliberate and is a value in itself. Chapter 1660: the founding fathers "advisedly adopted cumbersome process", and Parliament "sparingly resorts" to it, because "independence to the Judge is of paramount importance to sustain, strengthen and elongate rule of law." A removal rate of zero is not automatically a failure; it is a failure only if judges deserving removal are being protected, and this book has no material on which to assert that.

Four. It is not the only coercive route, and the others do work. Chapter 1700: a judge is a public servant and can be prosecuted, with sanction by the President and consultation with the Chief Justice of India. Chapter 1710: a sitting Judge of a High Court was convicted of contempt and sentenced to six months. The system is not powerless; the power simply does not sit where the Constitution's headline provision puts it.

What the in-house procedure has achieved

It filled a gap that nothing else could reach. Chapter 1690's word for it is the Court's own: a "lacuna", there being "no adequate method or machinery to enforce the Code of Conduct."

And it has produced real consequences. Chapter 1650: judicial work withdrawn and a judge on leave, in 1990, before any statute was invoked. Chapter 1660: a full three judge inquiry, a report of misappropriation, advice to resign, a Collegium hearing, and finally the recommendation that took the matter to Parliament. Chapter 1680: a Supreme Court judgment setting aside a High Court Chief Justice's departure from the procedure and divesting a judge of administrative control over witnesses.

Against that, the criticism of judicial inquiries at their weakest point, and it is severe. Chapter 1690: the report is wholly confidential, preliminary, ad hoc and not final; the power behind it is moral or ethical and not any law, so no writ lies; the Chief Justice of India has no control over a puisne judge's conduct; and the guidelines have no sanction. A complaint is investigated in private, decided in private by one office holder, and closed in private.

The fair verdict. The in-house procedure is the only mechanism in this module that operates routinely, and it is the least accountable body in the entire book, less accountable than the Lokpal, the Central Vigilance Commission, the Comptroller and Auditor-General or a Commission of Inquiry, every one of which reports to somebody. Both things are true, and an answer that says only one of them is only half an answer.

munotes.in1028

What Judicial Inquiries Are Worth: the Honest Assessment

What an inquiry BY a judge has achieved

The standing criticism is chapter 480's and chapter 530's: a Commission's report has no force proprio vigore, the Government decides what to do with it, and Commissions are slow and expensive, chapter 540.

The answer is that the criticism measures the wrong thing.

One. A Commission produces the authoritative account of the facts, and nothing else does. A criminal trial answers whether a named accused is guilty of a charged offence; it does not answer how a system failed. A departmental inquiry answers to the department. Only a Commission has the powers of a civil court, a public sitting, a right in the affected person to be heard and cross-examine under sections 8B and 8C, and a published report.

Two. Its independence is bought with the identity of the person who signs it. Chapter 1730: in Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad the appointment of a retired Judge of the Supreme Court was itself treated as telling against a charge of mala fides. That is the institution's real currency, and it is not nothing.

Three. What is done with the findings is a question about the Government, not about the inquiry. Chapter 510. A report the Government buries is still a report that exists, is public, and can be used in argument by anyone, including in a legislature under chapter 1230's laying rules and before a court under chapter 520's limits.

Four, and this is the strongest evidence in the whole chapter: where an inquiry BY a judge has been given teeth, it bites. Chapter 1750: the sixteen requirements are law declared under article 141; a magisterial inquiry must invariably be held in every death in police firing; a family may complain to the Sessions Judge; and the Police Complaints Authority, headed by a retired judge chosen from a panel proposed by the Chief Justice, makes recommendations that are binding on the concerned authority. A judicial inquiry is toothless only where the law leaves it toothless.

The pattern across the whole paper

Put the eight labels together and one proposition holds across all of them.

The Ombudsman, chapter 320, recommends without power. A Commission of Inquiry, chapter 480, reports without binding. The Comptroller and Auditor-General, chapter 1470, audits and reports and cannot disallow. A legislative committee, chapter 940, finds and recommends. And the in-house procedure, chapter 1690, advises.

munotes.in1029

What Judicial Inquiries Are Worth: the Honest Assessment

Every control in this paper is a control by EXPOSURE, and the one thing they all lack is the power to compel a remedy. The three exceptions are worth naming because they prove the rule: the Lokpal's power to direct prosecution, chapter 155; the contempt jurisdiction, chapter 1710; and the Police Complaints Authority's binding recommendation, chapter 1750.

So the honest assessment of what judicial inquiries achieve is the honest assessment of the whole paper. They establish facts authoritatively, publicly and independently, and they leave the remedy to someone else. Whether that is worth anything depends entirely on whether the someone else can be made to act, which is what a legislature, a press and an electorate are for.

Three reforms the book's own material supports

These are not inventions; each is drawn from something already established in this book.

One, give the in-house procedure a legal foundation. Chapter 1720: Tulzapurkar J. asked for "proper machinery possessing legal sanction ... less cumbersome than the near impeachment process", and Ravichandran Iyer itself noted that recourse to the procedure had not been taken "may be, because of absence of legal sanction to such a procedure." A statute would not touch removal; it would make the inquiry compellable and the outcome reviewable.

Two, open the initiation of the constitutional machinery. Chapter 1720: as the law stands, "One hundred Members of the Lok Sabha or fifty Members of the Rajya Sabha alone can initiate any action." So a litigant, a lawyer or a subordinate judge with evidence has no route to it at all, and chapter 1650 shows a Chief Justice of India saying he had "no right or authority to inquire."

Three, take the choice of the inquiring judge out of the Government's hands. Chapter 1740's objection is that section 3(2) of the Commissions of Inquiry Act constrains nothing; chapter 1750 shows the answer already in existence, the panel proposed by the Chief Justice in Prakash Singh. The reform is to do for a Commission of Inquiry what the Court has already done for a Police Complaints Authority.

A worked example

An examiner asks: "What do you understand by Judicial Inquiries? Write in detail citing appropriate examples."

Open with the two senses, chapter 1560, and say that the paper's title makes the question one about controls on maladministration.

For sense one, give the machinery and then the examples. Article 124(4) and (5), the Judges (Inquiry) Act, the two stages, the special majorities; then Ramaswami, Soumitra Sen, Dinakaran and the 2014 Madhya Pradesh complaint, chapter 1660, each in three lines.

munotes.in1030

What Judicial Inquiries Are Worth: the Honest Assessment

Add the routes that are not removal: the in-house procedure's seven steps, chapter 1680; prosecution under the Prevention of Corruption Act, chapter 1700; and contempt, chapter 1710.

For sense two, give the Commissions of Inquiry Act and the composition point, chapters 1730 and 1740, with Tendolkar J. and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad; then the everyday inquiry, chapter 1750, with the sixteen requirements and the magisterial inquiry under section 176.

Close with the assessment, and make it an argument. No judge removed; a body of law made; an office vacated by resignation; a judge imprisoned for contempt; a procedure that operates but answers to nobody; and an inquiry into a death that is compulsory and whose supervisor is a Sessions Judge. Then say what would change it.

And keep the sourcing honest throughout, as chapters 1650, 1660 and 1720 do. An examiner marking an LL.M. script rewards a candidate who says what the record does not show far more than one who fills the gap with a number.

What beginners get wrong

Concluding that the system has failed. It has failed at removal; it has not failed at prosecution, at contempt, at resignation under advice, or at inquiry into a death.

Concluding that the system works. The mechanism that operates routinely is the one with no legal sanction and no publication.

Measuring a Commission by whether the Government acted. Its product is the authoritative account of the facts; what is done with it is a question about the Government.

Treating the two senses as one subject. They share a word and almost nothing else.

Offering reforms with no anchor. Each of the three above comes from a passage in a judgment this book has read.

Quick revision

The concession: on this book's record, no removal motion has produced an address to the President.

What it achieved anyway: a settled body of constitutional law on the two stages, lapse, the Speaker's status, the judge's rights and review; an office vacated by resignation in the Soumitra Sen matter; and a deliberate difficulty that protects independence.

The routes that do bite: prosecution with the President's sanction and the Chief Justice of India's consultation, chapter 1700; contempt, a conviction and six months, chapter 1710; and, in the second sense, article 141 requirements and a binding Police Complaints Authority, chapter 1750.

The criticism of judicial inquiries: the in-house report is confidential, preliminary and not final, rests on moral authority, and no writ lies; a Commission's report binds nobody; Commissions are slow and costly; and the machinery can be initiated only by a hundred or fifty members of Parliament.

munotes.in1031

What Judicial Inquiries Are Worth: the Honest Assessment

The pattern of the whole paper: every control here is a control by exposure, and the exceptions prove it, the Lokpal's direction to prosecute, the contempt jurisdiction, and the binding recommendation of a Police Complaints Authority.

Three anchored reforms: give the in-house procedure legal sanction; open the initiation of the constitutional machinery beyond a hundred or fifty members; and take the choice of the inquiring judge out of the Government's hands, on the panel model already directed in Prakash Singh.

Test yourself

1. Are judicial inquiries an effective control on maladministration? It depends on what is measured. Measured by punishment, the constitutional machinery has achieved nothing this book can document: no removal motion in its record has produced an address to the President. Measured by what else they produce, the assessment is very different. The removal proceedings generated the whole modern law of the subject, settling the two stage scheme, the statutory character of the first stage, the non-lapse of a motion on dissolution, the Speaker's status as a statutory authority, the judge's right to a copy of the report from the presiding officer, his right to be heard by the House before it votes, the timing of judicial review, and the application of the bias rule to the Committee. The machinery also works as a threat: in the Soumitra Sen matter the office was vacated by resignation and the proceedings abated, which is the outcome the machinery exists to produce, reached without a vote. And removal is not the only coercive route, since a judge is a public servant liable to prosecution with the President's sanction, and a sitting judge of a High Court has been convicted of contempt and sentenced to imprisonment. The difficulty of removal is also deliberate: the Court has said the founding fathers advisedly adopted a cumbersome process because the independence of the judge is of paramount importance, so a removal rate of zero is a failure only if judges deserving removal are being protected, which this book has no material to assert.

2. State the criticism of the in-house procedure and the answer to it. The criticism is that a mechanism created to answer for judicial conduct answers to nobody. Its report is wholly confidential, preliminary, ad hoc and not final; the power under which the inquiry is held is moral or ethical and not any law, so no writ lies to compel disclosure; the Chief Justice of India has no control over a puisne judge's conduct; and the guidelines have no sanction, there being, in the Court's own words, no adequate method or machinery to enforce the Code of Conduct. A complaint is therefore investigated in private, decided in private by a single office holder, and closed in private. The answer is that it is nevertheless the only mechanism in this field that operates routinely, and that it produces real consequences: judicial work withdrawn, a three judge inquiry with a reasoned report, advice to resign backed by a Collegium hearing, a recommendation that took one matter to Parliament, and a Supreme Court judgment setting aside a High Court Chief Justice's departure from the procedure. Both propositions are true together, and the remedy for the criticism is not to publish the report but to give the mechanism a legal foundation.

munotes.in1032

What Judicial Inquiries Are Worth: the Honest Assessment

3. What does a Commission of Inquiry achieve, given that its report binds nobody? It produces the authoritative account of the facts, which nothing else produces. A criminal trial answers whether a named accused is guilty of a charged offence and not how a system failed; a departmental inquiry answers to the department. Only a Commission combines the powers of a civil court, a public proceeding, a right in a person whose reputation is likely to be prejudicially affected to be heard and to cross-examine under sections 8B and 8C, and a published report. Its independence comes from the identity of the person who signs it, which is why the appointment of a retired Judge of the Supreme Court was itself treated as telling against a charge of mala fides in State of Jammu and Kashmir v. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. What is done with the findings is a question about the Government rather than about the inquiry, and a buried report still exists, is public, and can be used in argument. And where an inquiry by a judge has been given teeth it bites: the sixteen requirements for investigating an encounter death are law declared under article 141, a magisterial inquiry must invariably be held in every case of death in police firing, the victim's family may complain to the Sessions Judge, and the recommendations of a Police Complaints Authority headed by a retired judge are binding on the authority concerned.

4. What single proposition unites the eight labels of this paper? That every control in it is a control by exposure. The Ombudsman recommends without power; a Commission of Inquiry reports without binding; the Comptroller and Auditor-General audits and reports and cannot disallow a rupee; a legislative committee finds and recommends; the in-house procedure advises. Each establishes facts authoritatively, publicly and independently, and each leaves the remedy to someone else. The three exceptions prove the rule rather than contradicting it: the Lokpal may direct prosecution, the contempt jurisdiction can convict and imprison, and a Police Complaints Authority's recommendation for departmental or criminal action binds. Whether exposure is worth anything therefore depends on whether the person who must act can be made to act, which is the function of a legislature, of the press and of an electorate; and the reforms this book's own material supports are directed at exactly that gap, namely giving the in-house procedure legal sanction, opening the initiation of the removal machinery beyond a hundred or fifty members of Parliament, and taking the choice of the inquiring judge out of the appointing Government's hands on the panel model the Court has already directed for Police Complaints Authorities.

Contents This chapter on its own page

munotes.in1033

The rest of this subject

These notes are cut from the University's printed syllabus. Open the syllabus itself, or the past papers, for the same subject.

Report or request
Done!