Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Criminology
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration
2016 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Criminology
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration
2016 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 13 August 2026.
Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.
Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.
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The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.
The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2016 examination.
The law in these answers is stated as at August 2026, and four points date most textbooks on this subject. Section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act survived a split verdict in Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, 2026 INSC 55, in January 2026 and stands referred to a larger Bench, so it remains in force. The four to ten year punishment in section 13(2) was raised not by the 2018 amendment but by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013 on 16 January 2014. Union of India v. Ganpati Dealcom was recalled on 18 October 2024 and is not citable. And the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act, 2022, which covers the Chief Minister, had assent and was still not in force at the time of writing.
The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2016 examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2016 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 7 questions answered
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
QP Code 60983, Set-III, BB-Con. 563-16. Attempt any four questions, all questions carry equal marks
any four of seven · 100 Marks
Answer
For full marks, cover: the question divides itself. The first sentence needs a compact statement of what the theory is and why it arose, and no more, because the words "at length" put the marks in the second sentence. Then give the psychological factors as a worked set, each with its author and its evidence, and the social factors likewise, with Indian material in the social half. Close on how the two interact, since the theory's whole claim is that they do not act separately, and add the Indian cases in which a court has actually weighed a psychological factor.
The multiple factor theory holds that crime results from a combination of factors that differs from offender to offender, and that no single factor is either necessary or sufficient. It arose because the single factor explanations of the nineteenth century each failed under testing: Lombroso's atavism was refuted by Goring's controlled study of convicts in 1913, economic determinism could not account for offending among the prosperous, and the claim that feeble mindedness caused crime collapsed when intelligence testing showed similar distributions outside prisons.
Its principal exponents were empiricists rather than theorists. William Healy's The Individual Delinquent, 1915, built the method of the full case history. Cyril Burt's The Young Delinquent, 1925, identified some one hundred and seventy conditions bearing on delinquency, none of them acting alone. Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck's Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency, 1950, compared five hundred delinquents with five hundred matched non delinquents across physical, temperamental, psychological and social measures.
The theory's structure matters for what follows. It sorts causes into groups and insists that the groups interact. The two groups the question asks about, the psychological and the social, are the two on which the modern evidence is strongest, and each is worth taking in turn.
Intelligence was the first psychological factor advanced and the first discarded. Henry Goddard's studies of institutionalised delinquents around 1914 claimed that a very high proportion were feeble minded, and the claim was influential enough to drive sterilisation laws abroad. It did not survive the mass intelligence testing of army recruits in the First World War, which found comparable distributions in the general population. The modern position is that measured intelligence has a weak association with recorded delinquency, most of which is explained by school failure and by differential detection, since the less able offender is more often caught.
Personality and temperament are on stronger ground, and Hans Eysenck gave the leading theory. In Crime and Personality, 1964, he argued that criminality is associated with high extraversion, high neuroticism and high psychoticism, and, crucially, that the mechanism is conditioning: conscience is a set of conditioned responses built in childhood, extraverts condition poorly because of low cortical arousal, and a person who conditions poorly acquires a weaker conscience from the same upbringing. The theory is testable, which is its merit, and the evidence for the psychoticism dimension is better than for the other two.
Psychoanalytic explanations locate crime in the structure of the personality. Freud's account makes the criminal either a person whose superego failed to develop, so that impulses are not restrained, or, in the more interesting version, a person whose superego is excessively severe and who offends in order to be punished and relieve unconscious guilt. August Aichhorn's Wayward Youth, 1925, developed the idea of latent delinquency in children whose emotional development was arrested. The explanations are rich and clinically useful and largely unfalsifiable, which is why criminology has retained the vocabulary and abandoned the theory.
Maternal deprivation is the most durable of the developmental claims. John Bowlby's study of forty four juvenile thieves, published in 1944, found that a substantial proportion had suffered prolonged separation from the mother in the first five years, and that a subgroup showed what he called the affectionless character. Later work has qualified the claim considerably, replacing separation with disrupted and inconsistent care as the operative variable, but the core finding, that early attachment failure predicts later antisocial conduct, has held up in the longitudinal studies.
Psychopathy is the factor with the strongest predictive record and the worst reputation. Hervey Cleckley's The Mask of Sanity, 1941, described a personality marked by superficial charm, absence of remorse or shame, pathological egocentricity, poor judgment and failure to learn from experience. Robert Hare's checklist turned that description into a measurable instrument, and scores on it predict violent reoffending better than most other variables. Two cautions belong in the answer: psychopathy is rare, and the great majority of offenders are not psychopaths.
Learning and frustration supply the mechanisms. The frustration and aggression hypothesis, from Dollard and his colleagues in 1939, holds that aggression follows the blocking of goal directed activity, which links psychological factors to social ones such as unemployment. Albert Bandura's experiments from 1961, in which children who watched an adult attack an inflatable doll reproduced the aggression, established that violent behaviour is learned by observation and imitation, which is the psychological foundation of every argument about the influence of mass media.
Moral development and cognition close the group. Lawrence Kohlberg's stages describe moral reasoning developing from obedience through convention to principle, and delinquent samples cluster at the lower stages. Modern cognitive work replaces this with deficits in impulse control, in the ability to weigh future consequences and in the reading of hostile intent into neutral conduct, all of which are measurable and, importantly, treatable, which is what cognitive behavioural programmes in prisons attempt.
Mental illness deserves a separate paragraph because the public overestimates it. Serious mental illness explains a small fraction of crime, and the mentally ill are more often victims than offenders. Its legal significance is nevertheless considerable, and Indian law confines it narrowly. Section 22 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 exempts a person who, by reason of unsoundness of mind, is incapable of knowing the nature of the act or that it is wrong or contrary to law, which is the McNaughten test in Indian dress.
In Surendra Mishra v. State of Jharkhand, (2011) 11 SCC 495, the Supreme Court drew the distinction that decides these cases. The accused had a history of psychiatric treatment and killed a man in public. The Court held that every person of unsound mind is not exempted: what the section requires is legal insanity and not medical insanity, the material time is the moment of the act, and the burden under section 105 of the Evidence Act lies on the accused, though only to the standard of preponderance of probabilities. On the facts, the conduct before and after the killing showed knowledge of its nature, and the conviction stood.
In Devidas Loka Rathod v. State of Maharashtra, (2018) 7 SCC 718, the same test produced the opposite result. The accused, who had a documented history of schizophrenia and had been receiving treatment, killed a child. The Court held that where the accused establishes a background of mental illness the prosecution cannot simply rely on the presumption of sanity, that the entire conduct and the medical history must be considered, and it extended him the benefit of section 84 of the Indian Penal Code. The pair of cases shows a court doing exactly what the multiple factor approach demands: weighing a psychological factor against the facts of the individual case.
In Accused X v. State of Maharashtra, (2019) 7 SCC 1, decided on 12 April 2019, the factor was weighed at the sentencing stage. The appellant had been sentenced to death for the rape and murder of two young girls and had spent some seventeen years on death row, during which he developed severe mental illness. The Court held that post conviction severe mental illness is a mitigating factor which can bar execution, since executing a person who cannot comprehend the punishment serves no penological purpose and offends Article 21, laid down that the burden lies on the convict to prove it by a multi disciplinary assessment, and commuted the sentence to imprisonment for the remainder of natural life.
The family is the first and the most consistently supported social factor. What matters is less the intact structure than the quality of what happens inside it: parental criminality, harsh or erratic discipline, neglect, conflict and the absence of supervision. The Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development, which followed a cohort of London boys from 1961 across decades under David Farrington, found convicted fathers, poor parental supervision and large family size among the strongest childhood predictors of later conviction.
The peer group is the mechanism by which most delinquency is actually transmitted. Sutherland's differential association, in the nine propositions of the 1947 edition of his Principles of Criminology, holds that criminal behaviour is learned in interaction within intimate personal groups, and that a person offends because of an excess of definitions favourable to violation of law over definitions unfavourable to it. The great majority of juvenile offences in every recorded society are committed in company, which is the plainest support the proposition has.
The neighbourhood carries an effect independent of the people in it. Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay's Chicago studies of the 1930s found delinquency rates stable in particular zones of the city across decades in which the resident populations changed completely. Their conclusion, social disorganisation, is that the transmission of delinquency belongs to the area, through weak informal control and the presence of established criminal opportunity, and not to the ethnicity of whoever currently lives there.
Economic condition operates through relative deprivation rather than absolute poverty. Robert Merton's Social Structure and Anomie, 1938, is the essential citation: a society which holds out a common goal of material success while distributing the legitimate means to reach it unequally produces strain, to which the possible adaptations are conformity, innovation, which is the criminal adaptation, ritualism, retreatism and rebellion. This explains why crime rises with prosperity and inequality together, which absolute poverty cannot explain.
Urbanisation, migration and anomie belong together. Movement to the city dissolves the informal control of the village without replacing it, produces populations of young men living without families, and concentrates them in settlements with no public services and no policing worth the name. Mumbai is the standing Indian illustration, and every commission that has looked at organised crime in the city has begun with its settlements.
Education operates in two directions. School attachment protects, and school failure and dropout are among the strongest correlates of delinquency. But the educational system is also a site of offending in its own right, from capitation to organised examination fraud, which is dealt with elsewhere in this paper.
Alcohol and drugs are the most immediate situational factor in Indian violence. Consumption precedes a large proportion of assaults and domestic violence, and the mechanism is well understood: disinhibition, the impairment of risk assessment, and, for dependent users of expensive drugs, acquisitive crime to fund the habit.
Four social factors are specific to India and must be given, because a Western list does not fit. Caste, which structures both offending and victimisation and which the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 exists to address. Communal division, which converts individual grievance into mass violence and which the Srikrishna Commission on the Bombay riots of 1992 and 1993 documented in detail. Land and boundary disputes, which are behind a great share of rural homicide. And dowry, which produces a category of homicide and cruelty that the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita continues to treat separately.
The theory's real claim is interaction and not addition, and this is where most answers stop too soon. Low impulse control by itself produces an impatient adult; low impulse control in a household with no supervision, a delinquent peer group and easy access to liquor produces an offender. The Cambridge and Glueck data both show that risk factors multiply rather than sum: boys with several factors offended at rates far above the sum of the rates for each factor alone.
The direction of causation is also mixed, and honesty requires saying so. Parental criminality is partly a social transmission and partly a shared temperament. School failure may be a cause of delinquency and a consequence of the same impulsivity that produces it. Criminology's inability to disentangle these is precisely Sutherland's objection to the multiple factor approach: it lists correlates without stating a mechanism.
Conclusion. The multiple factor theory answers the question "what is associated with crime" very well and the question "why" hardly at all. On the psychological side the durable findings are early attachment failure, poor impulse control and the small but powerful contribution of psychopathy, with mental illness playing a far smaller causal role than public opinion assumes and a much larger legal one, as Surendra Mishra, Devidas Loka Rathod and Accused X show. On the social side the durable findings are family supervision, the delinquent peer group, the disorganised neighbourhood and relative deprivation, to which Indian conditions add caste, communal division, land disputes and dowry. The two sets are not alternatives: they multiply, and the practical value of the theory is that Indian sentencing law, in the probation report and in the mitigation material a capital trial must now gather, requires a court to look at both.
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