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LLM Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration Criminology Apr 2025 - ATKT Question Paper with Solutions

Mumbai University Solved Question Papers

Criminology

Previous Year Question Paper with Solution

LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration

Apr 2025 - ATKT Examination

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Mumbai

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First published on munotes.in on 1 November 2026.

This edition revised 2 November 2026.

Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.

Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.

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The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.

The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the Apr 2025 - ATKT examination.

The law in these answers is stated as at August 2026, and four points date most textbooks on this subject. Section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act survived a split verdict in Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, 2026 INSC 55, in January 2026 and stands referred to a larger Bench, so it remains in force. The four to ten year punishment in section 13(2) was raised not by the 2018 amendment but by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013 on 16 January 2014. Union of India v. Ganpati Dealcom was recalled on 18 October 2024 and is not citable. And the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act, 2022, which covers the Chief Minister, had assent and was still not in force at the time of writing.

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The Paper as Set

The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the Apr 2025 - ATKT examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.

Duration 3 hours  ·  Total marks 100  ·  7 questions answered

How to use this volume

Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.

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1)Critically evaluate the claim that criminology qualifies as a science in terms of its methodology, objectivity, and theoretical framework.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the three tests the question names, in its order, each answered on the evidence rather than by assertion. Define criminology and say what a science requires. Then methodology, objectivity and theoretical framework, each with what criminology has and what it lacks. End with a reasoned verdict: a science of the kind economics and epidemiology are, not of the kind chemistry is.

What criminology is, and what "science" asks of it

Criminology is the study of crime as a social phenomenon. In Sutherland and Cressey's classic formulation, it covers the making of laws, the breaking of laws and society's reaction to the breaking of laws. Each of the three processes can be studied empirically.

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A body of knowledge is a science when four things are true of it. It has a defined subject matter. It uses a systematic method that others can repeat. Its propositions can be tested and shown to be false. And its theories accumulate, the better replacing the worse. The question takes three of these, method, objectivity and theory, and asks whether criminology meets them.

Methodology

On method, criminology's claim is strong. It counts, compares and tests, and it has done so for almost two centuries.

Its methods form a recognisable scientific toolkit. Adolphe Quetelet used official statistics in the 1830s to show that crime rates were regular across years and regions. The survey and the victimisation survey measure crime the police never record. The matched comparison compares offenders with similar non-offenders: Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck's Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency, 1950, compared five hundred delinquents with five hundred matched non-delinquents. The cohort study follows a group from birth into adulthood. And the evaluated experiment tests whether a programme actually reduces offending.

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Its methods have refuted its own early claims, which is the strongest evidence of a science. Cesare Lombroso claimed in 1876 that criminals were a distinct physical type. Charles Goring tested the claim in The English Convict, 1913, measuring about three thousand convicts against controls, and found no such type. A discipline whose method can defeat its founder's theory is working as a science.

The limit is that controlled experiment is rarely possible. A criminologist cannot assign children to poverty or to good parents at random. Much of the evidence is therefore correlational, and correlation does not prove cause. Criminology shares this limit with economics and epidemiology.

Objectivity

Objectivity is where the claim is weakest, for two reasons.

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First, the subject matter is defined by the legislature, not by nature. A chemist's element is the same everywhere; a criminologist's crime changes when the law changes. Adultery ceased to be an offence when the Supreme Court struck down section 497 of the Indian Penal Code in Joseph Shine v. Union of India, (2019) 3 SCC 39. Consensual sexual conduct between adults of the same sex ceased to be criminal with Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India, (2018) 10 SCC 1. Conduct that was crime on one day was not crime on the next, with no change in behaviour.

Second, the data are produced by the system being studied. Official statistics record what the police registered, not what happened. When the Supreme Court made registration of a first information report mandatory in Lalita Kumari v. Government of Uttar Pradesh, (2014) 2 SCC 1, for information disclosing a cognizable offence, recorded crime could rise without any rise in crime. A criminologist who reads such a rise as more offending is measuring police practice.

Objectivity is also threatened by values. Choosing what to study, and what to call harm, involves judgment. Radical criminologists have argued that the definitions of crime reflect the interests of those who write them. That is why white collar crime was neglected until Edwin Sutherland named it in 1939.

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Yet criminology has tools to protect objectivity. It publishes its methods, so others can check them. It uses victimisation surveys and self-report studies to correct the bias of police records. It distinguishes the question "what is" from the question "what ought to be done". Objectivity in criminology is therefore an aim pursued by method, not a state already reached.

Theoretical framework

Criminology has theories, and they have developed by correcting one another. The classical school of Beccaria, in 1764, treated crime as a rational choice and prescribed certain and proportionate punishment. The positivist school of Lombroso looked for causes in the offender. The sociological theories looked to society: Shaw and McKay's social disorganisation, Merton's strain theory of 1938, Sutherland's differential association, labelling and control theory. Rational choice theory, from Cornish and Clarke in 1986, revived the classical premise in a bounded form.

The weakness is that no single theory explains crime. Each explains some offences and some offenders. That led to the multiple factor approach, which some critics say is a list rather than a theory. A mature science would have a framework that unites its findings.

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The strength is that the theories are testable and are tested. Deterrence theory predicts that certainty of punishment matters more than severity, and the evidence largely supports that. A framework whose claims are tested and revised is scientific even if it is not unified.

Where criminology meets the law, and why it matters

Courts rely on criminology as a science of the offender. In Manoj v. State of Madhya Pradesh, (2023) 2 SCC 353, the Supreme Court required the State to place before the sentencing court material on the accused's psychiatric and psychological state, social history and conduct in jail before a death sentence is considered. In Bachan Singh v. State of Punjab, (1980) 2 SCC 684, the Court required mitigating circumstances relating to the criminal to be weighed. Both treat criminological evidence as reliable enough to influence life and death.

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The Indian evidence base, and its gaps

Indian criminology depends heavily on official figures. The National Crime Records Bureau publishes annual statistics of recorded crime. These are counts of cases registered by the police, which is exactly the kind of data whose objectivity was questioned above. A rise in recorded offences against women, for instance, may reflect more reporting and more registration as much as more offending.

India has no regular national victimisation survey. Countries that run one can compare what victims say happened with what the police recorded. Without it, the dark figure of unreported crime in India can only be estimated. That is a gap in method, not a failure of the discipline, and it shows where the scientific claim is weakest in practice.

Courts have noticed the problem. In Lalita Kumari, the Supreme Court made registration mandatory partly because refusal to register distorted the record. A criminologist reading Indian data must therefore ask, for every trend, whether conduct changed or recording changed.

The three tests, side by side

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TestWhat criminology hasWhat it lacks
MethodologyStatistics, surveys, matched comparisons, cohort studies, evaluated programmes; self-correction (Goring against Lombroso)Controlled experiments are rarely possible; much evidence is correlational
ObjectivityPublished methods, victimisation and self-report surveys, a line between fact and policyA subject defined by the legislature; data produced by the police; value choices in what is studied
Theoretical frameworkClassical, positivist, sociological and rational choice theories, each tested and revisedNo unified theory; several theories explain only some crime
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What would strengthen the claim

Three things would make Indian criminology more scientific. First, a national victimisation survey, repeated at intervals, to measure crime independently of the police. Second, evaluation of programmes before they are expanded, so that policy rests on evidence of what works. Third, open access to anonymised court and police data, so that findings can be checked by others. Each of these is a matter of method, which confirms that criminology's scientific status depends on how it is practised.

Verdict

Criminology is a science in the sense in which economics and epidemiology are sciences. It has a systematic and repeatable method, testable propositions and theories that are revised by evidence. It is not a science in the sense of physics or chemistry. Its subject matter is defined by law, its data are shaped by the institutions that collect them, and it can rarely run controlled experiments. Its findings are reliable about rates and patterns, and only probabilistic about individuals.

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Conclusion. Judged by methodology, criminology qualifies: its methods are systematic, repeatable and capable of refuting its own claims, as Goring refuted Lombroso. Judged by objectivity, it qualifies only partly, because the legislature defines its subject and the police produce much of its data, as Joseph Shine, Navtej Singh Johar and Lalita Kumari show. Judged by theoretical framework, it qualifies with a qualification: its theories are tested and revised, but none is complete. The honest conclusion is that criminology is a social science, rigorous in method, careful about its data, and modest about prediction.

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