Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Criminology
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration
2023 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Criminology
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Group 5 Criminal Law and Criminal Administration
2023 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 13 August 2026.
Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.
Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.
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The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.
The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2023 examination.
The law in these answers is stated as at August 2026, and four points date most textbooks on this subject. Section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act survived a split verdict in Centre for Public Interest Litigation v. Union of India, 2026 INSC 55, in January 2026 and stands referred to a larger Bench, so it remains in force. The four to ten year punishment in section 13(2) was raised not by the 2018 amendment but by the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013 on 16 January 2014. Union of India v. Ganpati Dealcom was recalled on 18 October 2024 and is not citable. And the Maharashtra Lokayukta Act, 2022, which covers the Chief Minister, had assent and was still not in force at the time of writing.
The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2023 examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2023 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 7 questions answered
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
Paper Subject Code 26917, printer's form 40313, footed Page 1 of 2 with its Marathi on Page 2 of 2, sat 04/12/2023. Attempt any FOUR questions, all questions carry equal marks
any four of seven · 100 Marks
Answer
For full marks, cover: explain the theory by showing it at work rather than by listing what it contains, because a list is the very thing the theory is criticised for. Begin with the problem it was invented to solve; set out the method its authors actually used, which is the case history and the matched comparison; work a concrete example through the method; then give the classification of factors as the output of the method rather than as its statement; and close with the criticism and with what Indian law does with the theory.
Between 1876 and about 1920 criminology proposed and lost a series of single causes. Lombroso's atavistic born criminal, from L'uomo delinquente, 1876, was tested by Charles Goring in The English Convict, 1913, who compared some three thousand convicts with control groups and found no anthropological criminal type once age and social class were controlled. Henry Goddard's claim that feeble mindedness caused crime did not survive the mass intelligence testing of army recruits. Bonger's economic determinism could not account for offending among the prosperous. Psychoanalytic explanations were unfalsifiable.
The multiple factor approach is the response to that record: it holds that crime results from a combination of conditions which differs from case to case, and that no single condition is either necessary or sufficient. Its ancestor is Enrico Ferri's division of the causes of crime into anthropological, physical and social, and its own claim is narrower and more empirical than any of the theories it replaced.
William Healy invented the working method in The Individual Delinquent, 1915. Directing a clinic attached to the juvenile court in Chicago, he took, for each child, a full physical examination, a psychological assessment, a developmental history, an account of the family and its circumstances, the school record, the associates and the immediate situation of the offence. He then asked what, in this child, had produced this conduct. His conclusion was that the answer differed from child to child and that in almost every case several conditions had contributed.
Cyril Burt applied the method at scale in The Young Delinquent, 1925. Comparing delinquent and non delinquent London schoolchildren, he identified about one hundred and seventy distinct contributory conditions and found that in the average case a considerable number were present together. His formulation, that delinquency is the product of a multiplicity of converging influences, is the classic statement.
Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck added the control in Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency, 1950. They matched five hundred delinquent boys with five hundred non delinquents on age, ethnic origin, measured intelligence and residence in underprivileged neighbourhoods, and compared the two groups across physical, temperamental, psychological and social measures. The matching is what makes the study still worth citing: it answers in advance the objection that the delinquents differed simply because they were poorer, since both groups were poor.
Take a nineteen year old charged with housebreaking in a Mumbai chawl, and apply Healy's schedule. The physical examination is unremarkable. The psychological assessment shows normal intelligence and marked impulsivity. The developmental history shows the father imprisoned when the boy was six and the mother working two shifts, so supervision has been absent since. The school record shows failure and dropout after the seventh standard. The associates are three boys already known to the police. The immediate situation is unemployment, easy access to cheap liquor and a locality where the police are regarded as an adversary.
The point of the exercise is what it does and does not license. It does not permit the conclusion that impulsivity caused the offence, or that poverty did, or that the peer group did. It permits the conclusion that this offence was produced by this combination, and it identifies which elements of the combination could be altered: supervision, schooling and the peer group can be reached, and temperament cannot.
That is the entire practical content of the theory, and it is why the method survived long after the theory was discredited as an explanation.
Biological and constitutional. Age, since offending peaks in late adolescence; sex; physique; health; a modest heritable component in antisocial conduct shown by twin and adoption studies; low autonomic reactivity.
Psychological. Intelligence, whose association with recorded delinquency is weak and largely explained by school failure and differential detection; temperament, in Eysenck's extraversion, neuroticism and psychoticism; impulsivity and low self control; early attachment failure, from Bowlby's forty four juvenile thieves in 1944; personality disorder and psychopathy; and mental illness, which contributes far less than public opinion assumes.
Familial. Supervision, discipline, conflict, neglect, parental criminality, family size and early separation, which the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development found among the strongest childhood predictors of adult conviction.
Educational and economic. School failure and dropout; poverty and, more precisely, relative deprivation; unemployment; indebtedness.
Social and cultural. The delinquent peer group; neighbourhood disorganisation; urbanisation and migration; mass media; conduct norms and subculture; and in India caste, communal division, dowry and land and boundary disputes.
Situational. Opportunity and guardianship; alcohol and drugs; weapons; provocation; the behaviour of the victim.
Sutherland rejected the approach outright and his objection is the strongest one. A theory must state a general proposition satisfying the tests of generality and internal consistency; a list of one hundred and seventy conditions accommodates every observation after the event and forbids none in advance. Albert Cohen sharpened it: the approach confuses multiple causation, which nobody disputes, with a plurality of theories, which is a refusal to theorise. Two further defects follow: it assigns no weights, so it cannot rank its own variables for policy; and it cannot separate a cause from a marker of who gets caught.
The partial answer is its successor. Developmental criminology replaced the list with the risk factor paradigm, which measures conditions prospectively in a birth cohort, counts them and relates the count to later offending. That supplies the ranking the older approach lacked and demonstrates that risks combine more than additively, which is the one proposition the multiple factor writers asserted and could not prove.
Indian law uses the method wherever a court must decide about a person rather than explain a population.
In sentencing generally, Mohd. Giasuddin v. State of Andhra Pradesh, (1977) 3 SCC 287, decided on 6 May 1977, is the statement of principle. A man convicted under section 420 of the Indian Penal Code for cheating unemployed young men with false promises of work had been sentenced to three years' rigorous imprisonment. Krishna Iyer J. held that the pre sentence hearing carries a penological significance of far reaching importance, that the court must weigh the offender's antecedents, age, circumstances and prospects of reform and not the offence alone, and that punishment should be therapeutic rather than merely retributive; the sentence was reduced to eighteen months with directions for rehabilitation.
In probation, section 4 of the Probation of Offenders Act, 1958 requires the court to have regard to the circumstances of the case and the character of the offender and to consider the probation officer's report, which is Healy's schedule in statutory form, and section 6 forbids imprisoning an offender under twenty one for most offences without recorded reasons after considering it.
In juvenile justice, section 15 of the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015 requires a preliminary assessment of a child of sixteen to eighteen charged with a heinous offence, covering mental and physical capacity, the ability to understand consequences and the circumstances of the offence, with expert assistance.
And in capital sentencing, Bachan Singh v. State of Punjab, (1980) 2 SCC 684, required the weighing of aggravating and mitigating circumstances relating both to the crime and to the criminal, and Manoj v. State of Madhya Pradesh, (2023) 2 SCC 353, directed that psychiatric, psychological, social history and jail conduct reports be gathered and placed before the court before a sentence of death is passed. That is the Gluecks' method ordered into Indian practice.
A complete explanation should name what criminology did instead, because the multiple factor approach was not so much refuted as superseded.
Sutherland's differential association, in nine propositions in the 1947 edition of his Principles of Criminology, holds that criminal behaviour is learned in interaction within intimate personal groups, that what is learned includes techniques and the direction of motives and rationalisations, and that a person becomes delinquent because of an excess of definitions favourable to violation of law over definitions unfavourable to it, associations varying in frequency, duration, priority and intensity. It is a single mechanism through which many of the listed factors operate.
Merton's strain theory, from Social Structure and Anomie, 1938, holds that a society prescribing a common goal of material success while distributing legitimate means unequally generates pressure, with five adaptations: conformity, innovation, which is the criminal one, ritualism, retreatism and rebellion.
Hirschi's control theory, from Causes of Delinquency, 1969, reverses the question and asks why people do not offend, answering by the strength of the social bond, whose elements are attachment, commitment, involvement and belief; and Gottfredson and Hirschi's A General Theory of Crime, 1990, reduces it further to low self control formed by ineffective early parenting.
Each of these is a theory in Sutherland's sense, stating one proposition general enough to cover its field and specific enough to be wrong. That is what the multiple factor approach could never do, and it is why the approach survives as a method of assessment and not as an explanation.
Conclusion. The multiple factor theory is best explained as a method rather than as a doctrine. Healy's case history, Burt's enumeration and the Gluecks' matched comparison were designed to answer a question about an individual, and the question they answer is which conditions combined in this case and which of them can be altered. As an explanation of crime it fails, because a list assigns no weights, states no mechanism and can be refuted by nothing, which is what Sutherland and Cohen said and what the risk factor paradigm has since partly repaired. As a method it is what Indian sentencing law requires at every point where a person is to be assessed, from the probation officer's report to the mitigation material without which, after Manoj, a court may not pass a sentence of death.
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