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LLM Group 1 Constitutional and Administrative Law Comparative Constitutional Law 2025-26 - Set 2 Question Paper with Solutions

Mumbai University Solved Question Papers

Comparative Constitutional Law

Previous Year Question Paper with Solution

LLM · Group 1 Constitutional and Administrative Law

2025-26 - Set 2 Examination

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First published on munotes.in on 12 August 2026.

Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.

Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.

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The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.

The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2025-26 - Set 2 examination.

The answers in this volume state the law as it stands today, not as it stood when the paper was set, and in a comparative subject that means four jurisdictions at once. Five changes alter answers here. Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard, 29 June 2023, ended race conscious university admissions in the United States. State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, 1 August 2024, permitted sub-classification within the Scheduled Castes. Mineral Area Development Authority v. Steel Authority of India, 25 July 2024, overruled India Cement on the States' power to tax mineral rights. The Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act came into force on 16 April 2026 and is still not operative. And the advisory opinion of 20 November 2025 held that no timeline may be judicially prescribed for assent to a Bill. Where an answer relies on any of these it gives the date.

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Contents

The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2025-26 - Set 2 examination, in the order it was set.

MarksPage

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The Paper as Set

The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2025-26 - Set 2 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.

Duration 3 hours  ·  Total marks 100  ·  7 questions answered

How to use this volume

Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.

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SECTION I

Attempt any four questions, all questions carry equal marks, cite relevant case laws wherever necessary

any four of seven · 100 Marks

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1.How does the classification of constitutions influence the development and operation of constitutionalism in contemporary constitutional democracies? Critically analyse.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the standard classifications with their bases, briefly, because they are only the first third of the question; then the argument the question actually asks for, which is how each classification bears on whether power is in fact limited; and a critical section that shows where the classifications break down, since the question says critically analyse.

Define the two terms before joining them. Classification of constitutions is the traditional taxonomy by which constitutions are sorted according to their form, their method of amendment, their distribution of power and their form of executive. Constitutionalism is the doctrine that governmental power must be limited by law and exercised through defined procedures, so that, in Charles Howard McIlwain's formulation, it is a legal limitation on government and the antithesis of arbitrary rule. The question asks whether the taxonomy tells us anything useful about the substance, and the honest answer is that it tells us something and much less than it appears to.

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The classifications, with their bases

Written and unwritten, on the basis of form. A written constitution is contained in one or a few documents deliberately enacted at a moment in time, as in India, the United States and Switzerland. An unwritten constitution has never been reduced to a single instrument and is found in statutes, decided cases, conventions and authoritative works, as in the United Kingdom and, until 1993, Israel. The distinction is one of degree: much of the British constitution is in writing, in Magna Carta 1215, the Bill of Rights 1689, the Parliament Acts 1911 and 1949, the Human Rights Act 1998 and the Constitutional Reform Act 2005, and much of the Indian constitution is unwritten, since the collegium, the office of the Leader of the Opposition in the appointment of the Central Vigilance Commissioner and the practice of the Speaker resigning from the party are nowhere in the text.

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Rigid and flexible, on the basis of the amending procedure. Lord Bryce's distinction is between a constitution amendable only by a special procedure and one amendable by the ordinary legislative process. The United Kingdom is the type of the flexible constitution, since the Union with Scotland Act 1707 and the Human Rights Act 1998 may in law be repealed by a simple majority. The United States is the type of the rigid, with two thirds of both Houses and three quarters of the States. India is both at once, since Article 368 prescribes a special majority and State ratification for the entrenched list, while Articles 4 and 169 permit a simple majority to alter the boundaries of States and to abolish a Legislative Council.

Federal and unitary, on the basis of the distribution of power. In a federal constitution two levels of government derive their authority from the constitution itself and neither can abolish the other; in a unitary constitution all authority is central and any subordinate body exists at the centre's pleasure. India is the difficult case, described in State of West Bengal v Union of India, AIR 1963 SC 1241, as not federal in the classical sense, and yet held in S.R. Bommai v Union of India, (1994) 3 SCC 1, to have federalism as a basic feature. The usual description is quasi federal, following K.C. Wheare, or federal in structure with a unitary bias.

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Parliamentary and presidential, on the basis of the executive. In the first the executive is drawn from and answerable to the legislature; in the second it is separately elected for a fixed term. Switzerland fits neither, since its Federal Council of seven is elected by the Federal Assembly under Article 175 but cannot be dismissed by it.

Two further classifications belong in a complete answer. Evolved and enacted, which distinguishes a constitution that grew, as the British did, from one made at a founding moment, as the American, Indian and Swiss were; and, following Sartori, real, nominal and facade, which classifies by whether the constitution is actually observed. The last of these is the only classification that is directly about constitutionalism, and it is the one traditional textbooks omit.

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How the classification bears on constitutionalism

Writtenness supplies the standard against which power is measured, and that is its whole contribution. Constitutionalism requires an ascertainable limit; a written constitution states one and makes judicial review technically possible, which is precisely Marshall CJ's reasoning in Marbury v Madison, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137 (1803): either the Constitution is superior and unchangeable by ordinary means, or it is on a level with ordinary legislation, and if the former, an Act repugnant to it is not law. Article 13(2) of the Indian Constitution writes that conclusion into the text.

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Rigidity determines whether the limit can be removed by the body it limits, and this is the sharpest link between classification and constitutionalism. A flexible constitution gives the legislature power to amend away any restraint on itself, which is why British constitutionalism has always depended on convention and political culture rather than on entrenchment. A rigid constitution protects the restraint, but only if rigidity is real: India's Constitution has been amended more than a hundred times, which is why the Supreme Court had to supply the missing entrenchment in Kesavananda Bharati v State of Kerala, (1973) 4 SCC 225, holding by seven to six that Article 368 confers no power to destroy the basic structure. The Indian experience is the strongest evidence available that a rigid classification does not by itself deliver constitutionalism.

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Federalism supplies a vertical division that operates even when the horizontal one fails. Where a single party controls the centre, the courts and the legislature, a federal structure leaves States as independent centres of authority and litigants. Bommai is the illustration: the misuse of Article 356 to dismiss State governments was the principal Indian technique for hollowing out federalism, and the Court's answer was to make the Proclamation justiciable, to require a floor test rather than the Governor's satisfaction, and to forbid dissolution of the Assembly before both Houses of Parliament approve. Mineral Area Development Authority v Steel Authority of India, 25 July 2024, nine judges, eight to one, did the same work in the fiscal field, holding royalty not to be a tax and restoring to the States the power to tax mineral rights under Entries 49 and 50 of List II, overruling India Cement Ltd v State of Tamil Nadu, (1990) 1 SCC 12.

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The parliamentary and presidential classification determines the kind of accountability available, not the amount. The parliamentary executive is continuously answerable and instantly removable, but it controls the legislature's agenda and, where the majority is large, the legislature's scrutiny is nominal. The presidential executive cannot be removed but faces a legislature it does not control, which is why divided government produces stalemate rather than accountability. In neither system does the classification tell you whether power is in fact limited.

The critical analysis

The classifications are descriptive and constitutionalism is evaluative, and confusing the two is the standard error. Every classification in the list can be satisfied by a State in which power is unlimited. A written constitution can be a facade, as the Soviet Constitution of 1936 was while the purges proceeded. A rigid constitution can be rendered flexible by capturing the body that amends it. A federal constitution can be centralised in practice by the control of finance and of appointments. A parliamentary constitution can be turned into an elective dictatorship, which is Lord Hailsham's phrase from 1976 for a British government with a secure majority.

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The second criticism is that the categories have collapsed into each other in practice. The written and unwritten distinction has been overtaken by the recognition of constitutional statutes, which Laws LJ identified in Thoburn v Sunderland City Council, [2002] EWHC 195 (Admin), as immune from implied repeal, so that Britain now has a hierarchy of statutes without a written constitution. The rigid and flexible distinction is undermined by the Indian experience of frequent amendment under a rigid procedure and by the Swiss experience of frequent amendment under a still more demanding one, since Article 140 requires a compulsory referendum with the double majority of Article 142 and yet Article 139 lets a hundred thousand voters initiate the change directly.

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The third criticism is that the classifications say nothing about the two features that most determine whether power is limited today. The first is the independence of the appointing process for judges and for electoral authorities. The National Judicial Appointments Commission was struck down in Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v Union of India, (2015) 5 SCC 1, by four to one because two non judicial members could veto any recommendation; Anoop Baranwal v Union of India, decided on 2 March 2023, directed that Election Commissioners be appointed by a committee of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and the Chief Justice of India until Parliament legislated, and Parliament then legislated within nine months to replace the Chief Justice with a Union Cabinet Minister, a change whose constitutionality remains undecided. Neither event is visible on any traditional classification. The second is the override, of which section 33 of the Canadian Charter is the clearest instance: a formally rigid, written, federal, rights protecting constitution that permits a legislature to suspend the rights for five renewable years, and whose limits were argued before the Supreme Court of Canada in the challenge to Quebec's Bill 21 from 23 to 26 March 2026.

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What survives the criticism is real and should be stated. Classification remains useful in three ways. It identifies where to look for the limit, in a document, in convention or in a referendum requirement. It predicts the mode of constitutional change, so that a rigid system will change through judicial reinterpretation, as the United States has since 1992, while a flexible one changes by statute. And it identifies who the constitutional actors are, which determines whom a reform proposal must persuade: three quarters of the American States, half the Indian States, a majority of Swiss cantons, or a simple majority in a single British chamber.

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Three cases that test the classifications

Kesavananda Bharati v State of Kerala, (1973) 4 SCC 225. Swami Kesavananda Bharati, head of the Edneer Mutt in Kasaragod, challenged the Kerala Land Reforms (Amendment) Act, 1969, under Article 26, and the case grew to take in the Twenty Fourth, Twenty Fifth and Twenty Ninth Amendments. Thirteen judges sat for sixty eight days and held by seven to six that Article 368 reaches every provision including Part III, overruling I.C. Golaknath v State of Punjab, AIR 1967 SC 1643, but that a power to amend is not a power to abrogate, so no amendment may damage or destroy the basic structure. The case is the answer to this question in miniature: India is classified as rigid because of Article 368, and what actually restrains amendment is a doctrine Article 368 does not contain, so the classification describes the form of the restraint and not its strength.

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Thoburn v Sunderland City Council, [2002] EWHC 195 (Admin). Steven Thoburn, a greengrocer in Sunderland, sold produce by the pound on scales calibrated only in imperial units, contrary to regulations made to implement European measurement directives, and argued that the European Communities Act 1972 had been impliedly repealed by the later Weights and Measures Act 1985. Laws LJ held that it had not, because there exists a class of constitutional statutes, including Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights 1689, the Acts of Union, the Reform Acts, the Human Rights Act 1998 and the Scotland Act 1998, which are not subject to implied repeal and can be repealed only by express words. A prosecution about bananas therefore produced a hierarchy of statutes inside a constitution the traditional scheme classifies as unwritten and flexible, which is the clearest evidence that the categories have blurred.

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S.R. Bommai v Union of India, (1994) 3 SCC 1. S.R. Bommai's government in Karnataka was dismissed under Article 356 in 1989 on the Governor's report that nineteen legislators had withdrawn support, without any floor test; the dismissals of three governments after the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992 were heard with the appeal. Nine judges held that federalism and secularism are basic features, that a Proclamation is justiciable and may be struck for mala fides or wholly extraneous grounds, that the only test of a majority is a floor test, and that the Assembly may not be dissolved before both Houses of Parliament approve. It shows a written, rigid, federal constitution whose federal character was being hollowed out by repeated use of a valid constitutional power, and restored not by the text but by a court, which is precisely the gap between classification and constitutionalism this question is about.

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Conclusion. Classification influences constitutionalism by determining the location of the limit, the difficulty of removing it and the identity of those who must consent to its removal, and to that extent the taxonomy is a working tool rather than an antiquarian exercise. It does not determine whether power is actually limited, because every category can house an unlimited government, and the categories themselves have blurred, with constitutional statutes in an unwritten system, simple majority amendments in a rigid one and an express legislative override in a written bill of rights. The critical conclusion is therefore that classification tells us the design of the restraint and nothing about its strength, and that the questions which now decide constitutionalism, the independence of appointments and the reviewability of the amending power, are questions the traditional classifications were never framed to ask.

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