Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Law and Social Transformation of India
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Foundation Course
2015 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Law and Social Transformation of India
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Foundation Course
2015 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 12 August 2026.
Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.
Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.
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The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.
The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2015 examination.
The answers in this volume state the law as it stands today, not as it stood when the paper was set, and in this subject that reaches almost every question. The Indian Penal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure and the Indian Evidence Act were replaced on 1 July 2024 by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita and the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, so where a question asks about a section of the old Code by number, the answer gives that section and its successor. Section 89 of the Code of Civil Procedure was substituted by the Mediation Act, 2023. The reservation of one third of the seats in the Lok Sabha and the State assemblies for women was notified into force on 16 April 2026 and operates after the next census and delimitation. And on 1 August 2024 seven judges held that a State may sub-classify within the Scheduled Castes.
The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2015 examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2015 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 10 questions answered
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
Attempt any four questions, all questions carry equal marks
any four of seven · 100 Marks
Answer
For full marks, cover: Savigny and the historical school with the three stages; Maine's comparative account; the Indian evidence that law follows tradition, with the statutory provisions that make custom a source; the counter-evidence that law leads tradition; how the Constitution reconciles the two through a hierarchy; the practical qualification about evasion; and a conclusion that answers the quoted proposition.
Friedrich Carl von Savigny (1779 to 1861) wrote Of the Vocation of Our Age for Legislation and Jurisprudence (1814) against Thibaut's proposal to codify German law on the French model. His thesis is that law is not made but found: it grows with a people as its language does, expresses the Volksgeist or common consciousness, and cannot be transplanted from one society to another.
He described three stages. In the customary stage law lives in the popular consciousness and is practised without being written. In the juristic stage lawyers become its technical custodians and the law acquires a scientific form, which Savigny regarded as necessary but risky. In the legislative stage, which he treated as decay, law is made by a legislature and the connection with the people is lost. Georg Friedrich Puchta took the thesis to its extreme, treating the Volksgeist as the sole source of law.
Sir Henry Maine in Ancient Law (1861) traced a progression from themistes, isolated divinely inspired judgments; through custom, in the keeping of a privileged order; to codes, once writing made publication possible. He then distinguished static societies, which stop there, from progressive societies, which develop law further by legal fiction, equity and legislation. His most quoted proposition is that the movement of progressive societies has hitherto been a movement from status to contract, that is from obligations fixed by the group into which a person is born to obligations created by agreement. Maine's method, comparing Roman, Hindu and Irish law, makes him more useful for India than Savigny, whose theory assumed a single organic people.
Custom is a formal source of Indian law. Article 13(3)(a) of the Constitution includes custom and usage having the force of law within the definition of "law", which is a recognition of the proposition and, as will appear, also its limit.
Section 3(a) of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 gives custom the force of law where it has been continuously and uniformly observed for a long time, is certain and reasonable, is not opposed to public policy, and, in the case of a family custom, has not been discontinued by the family; and Section 29(2) expressly saves a right to obtain the dissolution of a marriage by custom. Muslim law applies usage subject to the Shariat Application Act, 1937. Tribal custom governs succession in Scheduled Areas.
The essentials of a valid custom are themselves an acknowledgement that tradition is a source: it must be ancient or immemorial, continuous, peaceable, certain, reasonable, obligatory rather than optional, and consistent with statute and public policy.
Codified statutes carry tradition inside them. The Hindu Marriage Act preserved the customary ceremonies as the test of a valid marriage, and in Bhaurao Shankar Lokhande v. State of Maharashtra AIR 1965 SC 1564 a prosecution for bigamy failed because the second marriage had not been solemnised with the ceremonies the custom required. The Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956 preserved the age-gap rule and the bar on adopting a second son of the same sex. The Indian Contract Act recognises usage of trade.
Personal law is tradition given legal effect, and its survival in a modern constitutional State, with different rules of marriage, divorce, guardianship and succession for different communities, is the strongest single illustration of the proposition.
Transplants took root. The Indian Penal Code, 1860, the Indian Contract Act, 1872 and the Indian Evidence Act, 1872 were drafted on English models for a society whose Volksgeist had nothing to do with them, and they governed for more than a century and a half; the Penal Code was replaced only by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 with effect from 1 July 2024. Savigny's strong claim, that imported law is inert, is refuted by the most important body of law India possessed.
The Constitution did the opposite of recording tradition. Article 17 abolished untouchability against the practice of centuries and made it an offence enforceable against private persons. The Hindu Code Bills abolished polygamy for Hindus, permitted divorce and gave the widow and daughter rights of inheritance, against strong orthodox opposition. Article 13(1) voids pre-Constitution law inconsistent with fundamental rights, and clause (3)(a) puts custom inside that discipline.
And the courts have struck down tradition. Shayara Bano v. Union of India (2017) 9 SCC 1 set aside instantaneous triple talaq, a practice of long usage. Madhu Kishwar v. State of Bihar (1996) 5 SCC 125 tested tribal custom on succession against Articles 14 and 15. Indian Young Lawyers Association v. State of Kerala (2018) 11 SCC 1 opened Sabarimala against a claimed tradition, the majority holding that exclusion founded on notions of impurity offends Articles 15 and 17.
Tradition supplies the material: custom and personal law remain sources, and a court will apply a custom that satisfies the tests above. The Constitution then decides which parts of that material may survive, through Article 13, Article 15, Article 17 and, most explicitly, Article 25(2)(b), which permits laws for social welfare and reform and for throwing open Hindu religious institutions from inside the guarantee of religious freedom.
One doctrinal complication must be stated. State of Bombay v. Narasu Appa Mali AIR 1952 Bom 84 held that uncodified personal law is not "law in force" under Article 13, so it cannot be tested against fundamental rights. That decision is the reason unequal personal law has survived seventy years of Part III; it has been doubted, by Nariman J in Shayara Bano and by Chandrachud J in Sabarimala, and has not been overruled.
A law with no purchase in the culture is evaded rather than obeyed. Dowry has spread since it was prohibited in 1961; child marriage persists despite the Act of 2006; land ceiling laws were defeated by benami transfers; manual scavenging is prohibited and continues. Vilhelm Aubert's studies of legislated change and the Indian record agree on the conditions of success: the rule must be precise, the beneficiary must be able to enforce it herself, a funded institution must deliver it, and no strong contrary norm inside the group must protect the prohibited conduct.
Conclusion. The proposition is true of the origins of law and false of its authority. Indian law is the product of tradition and culture in the sense that custom and personal law are formal sources and that codified statutes carry inherited content; it is not a product of tradition in the sense Savigny meant, because since 1950 the constitutional order has claimed the right to decide which traditions the law will support. The accurate formulation, and the one to end on, is that tradition supplies the material on which the legal order works, and the Constitution supplies the standard by which that material is kept or discarded in the light of what Pound would call the jural postulates of the society India has chosen to become.
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