Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Law and Social Transformation of India
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Foundation Course
2024 - Group III Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Law and Social Transformation of India
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Foundation Course
2024 - Group III Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 12 August 2026.
Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.
Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.
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The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.
The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2024 - Group III examination.
The answers in this volume state the law as it stands today, not as it stood when the paper was set, and in this subject that reaches almost every question. The Indian Penal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure and the Indian Evidence Act were replaced on 1 July 2024 by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita and the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, so where a question asks about a section of the old Code by number, the answer gives that section and its successor. Section 89 of the Code of Civil Procedure was substituted by the Mediation Act, 2023. The reservation of one third of the seats in the Lok Sabha and the State assemblies for women was notified into force on 16 April 2026 and operates after the next census and delimitation. And on 1 August 2024 seven judges held that a State may sub-classify within the Scheduled Castes.
The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2024 - Group III examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2024 - Group III examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 10 questions answered
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
Attempt any Four questions, all questions carry equal marks, cite relevant case laws
any four of seven · 100 Marks
Answer
How far legal institutions, policies, and judicial decisions have contributed to addressing societal inequalities, promoting social justice, and fostering progressive change in India? Explain.
For full marks, cover: Pound's theory in full, with the classification of interests and the jural postulates; the debate whether law leads or follows; then the three instruments the question names, institutions, policies and judicial decisions, each treated separately with names, statutes and cases; and a critical section that concedes where each has failed.
Roscoe Pound (1870 to 1964), the leading figure of American sociological jurisprudence, described the legal order as social engineering: an activity of building a structure of society which satisfies the maximum of human wants with the minimum of friction and waste. Law is instrumental and is judged by its results; it is one instrument of social control alongside religion, morality and education, and becomes the primary one in a modern differentiated society.
Its raw material is the interest, a claim or demand asserted in fact, which the legal order must recognise, define, secure and limit. Pound grouped interests in three classes. Individual interests: personality (physical integrity, freedom of will, honour, privacy, belief and opinion), domestic relations, and substance (property, contract, association, continuity of employment). Public interests: the State as a juristic person, and the State as guardian of social interests. Social interests: the general security, the security of social institutions, the general morals, the conservation of social resources, general progress, and the individual life.
Two working rules follow. Interests must be evaluated on the same plane, so an individual claim is restated in terms of the corresponding social interest before it is weighed, otherwise the label decides the outcome. And the evaluation is tested against the jural postulates of the civilisation of the time, the assumptions a society takes for granted.
Savigny and the historical school hold that law expresses the Volksgeist and can only record what a people already believe, so a transplanted law is inert. Bentham, Austin and Pound hold that law is a designed instrument. Maine described progressive societies as moving from status to contract, which is the direction Indian law has tried to accelerate.
India chose the instrumental view expressly. The Constitution of 1950 did not describe Indian society; it prescribed the society to be built, conferring universal adult franchise on a largely illiterate electorate and abolishing untouchability against the practice of centuries. Dr Ambedkar, on 25 November 1949, stated the engineering problem in one sentence: India was entering a life of contradictions, political equality alongside social and economic inequality, and the contradiction had to be removed or those who suffered it would blow up the structure of political democracy.
The question names institutions first, and they deserve to be named.
The constitutional courts under Articles 32 and 226. Article 32 is itself a fundamental right, which Ambedkar called the heart and soul of the Constitution, and after S.P. Gupta v. Union of India 1981 Supp SCC 87 relaxed locus standi, any public-spirited person could move for those who could not move themselves, and a letter could be treated as a petition. That single procedural change made the bonded labourer, the pavement dweller and the child worker visible to the legal system.
The rights commissions. The National Human Rights Commission under the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993, with State Commissions and the powers of a civil court, whose composition was widened by the 2019 amendment so that a Judge of the Supreme Court, and not only a former Chief Justice of India, may chair it and the term was reduced from five years to three. The National Commission for Women (1990 Act); the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (2005 Act), which also monitors the POCSO Act; the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and for Scheduled Tribes under Articles 338 and 338A; the National Commission for Backward Classes, given constitutional status as Article 338B by the 102nd Amendment in 2018; the National Commission for Minorities (1992 Act); and the Commissioner for Linguistic Minorities under Article 350B. Every one of them investigates and recommends and none can enforce, which is the standing weakness of the Indian commission model.
The legal services machinery under the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987, which gives content to Article 39A and runs Lok Adalats, whose awards are deemed decrees.
Panchayati Raj institutions under Parts IX and IXA, with one third of seats reserved for women and reservation for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in proportion to population, and, in Scheduled Areas, the Gram Sabha empowered by PESA, 1996.
Specialised tribunals: the National Green Tribunal under the 2010 Act, family courts under the 1984 Act, and the Special Courts under the POCSO Act and the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
Reservation in education, employment and legislatures under Articles 15(4), 15(5), 15(6), 16(4), 16(4A), 330, 332, 243D and 243T.
Land reform: abolition of intermediaries, tenancy legislation and ceiling laws, protected by Articles 31A and 31B and the Ninth Schedule.
Rights-based welfare, which is the distinctively Indian policy instrument, converting directive principles into enforceable entitlements: the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005, which guarantees a hundred days of wage employment with an unemployment allowance if work is not provided; the National Food Security Act, 2013; the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 following Article 21A; the Right to Information Act, 2005, which changed the balance of information between citizen and State; and the Forest Rights Act, 2006, whose preamble admits a historical injustice.
Social security consolidation: the four labour codes, in force from 21 November 2025, of which the Code on Social Security, 2020 for the first time defines and covers gig and platform workers.
Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225 and Minerva Mills v. Union of India (1980) 3 SCC 625 placed the balance between Parts III and IV in the basic structure, so a directive principle became the interpretive key to a fundamental right rather than a pious hope.
Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978) 1 SCC 248 held that the procedure under Article 21 must be right, just and fair, and joined Articles 14, 19 and 21 into a golden triangle. From that came the right to livelihood (Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation (1985) 3 SCC 545, pavement dwellers, livelihood held part of the right to life), legal aid and speedy trial (Hussainara Khatoon (1980)), education (Unni Krishnan v. State of Andhra Pradesh (1993) 1 SCC 645, which produced Article 21A), a wholesome environment (Subhash Kumar v. State of Bihar (1991) 1 SCC 598) and privacy (K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2017) 10 SCC 1).
Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997) 6 SCC 241, arising from the gang rape of Bhanwari Devi in 1992, laid down binding guidelines against workplace sexual harassment which governed for sixteen years until the Act of 2013. M.C. Mehta v. State of Tamil Nadu (1996) 6 SCC 756 attacked child labour at Sivakasi with a rehabilitation fund of Rs 20,000 per child from the employer and Rs 5,000 from the government. Bandhua Mukti Morcha v. Union of India (1984) 3 SCC 161 enforced the Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 with commissioners and a reversed burden of proof.
Indra Sawhney v. Union of India 1992 Supp (3) SCC 217 built the architecture of reservation, and State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh (2024) INSC 562, seven judges on 1 August 2024, allowed States to sub-classify within the Scheduled Castes so that the benefit reaches the most backward, overruling E.V. Chinnaiah.
Shayara Bano (2017), Joseph Shine (2018) and Navtej Singh Johar (2018) removed legal support from three inherited hierarchies, and National Legal Services Authority v. Union of India (2014) 5 SCC 438 recognised transgender persons as a third gender with the right to self-identification, followed by the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019.
Institutions that cannot enforce produce reports, not remedies. Every commission listed above has the powers of a civil court for an inquiry and no power to compel a government to act. The Commissioner for Linguistic Minorities has recorded the same failures for decades.
Policies fail where the beneficiary cannot enforce them personally. Bonded labour was abolished in 1976 and enforced by the Court in 1984, and identification still depends on a district vigilance committee that in many districts does not meet. Land ceiling laws were defeated by benami transfers. The pattern is consistent: an entitlement that requires an official to act is weaker than a right the holder can sue on.
Symbolic legislation. Some statutes are passed to record disapproval rather than to be enforced. The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961 has coexisted with the spread of dowry into communities that never practised it, because both families are parties to the transaction and there is no complainant until the marriage fails.
Law can concentrate the benefit it distributes. Reservation without corresponding investment in school education transfers opportunity within the beneficiary group to those already able to use it, which is the reasoning behind both the creamy layer rule and the 2024 sub-classification judgment.
Delay is itself a denial. With more than five crore cases pending and 73.5 per cent of prisoners being undertrials, the institution that must deliver the transformation is the bottleneck.
And the criticism of the theory itself. Pound's inventory has no scale of values: it tells the engineer to balance and not how, so the jural postulates can encode the assumptions of the dominant class, which is the Marxist and realist objection, and Julius Stone called the scheme an inventory rather than a philosophy.
Conclusion. Pound's model describes India accurately with one correction: he assumed the engineer would be the legislature and the practising lawyer, and in India it has most often been the court, because the Constitution made rights justiciable while leaving the social programme in an unenforceable Part IV. Measured against the question, the three instruments have contributed unequally. Judicial decisions have done the most, because they created enforceable rights. Policies have done a great deal where they carried money and an institution the citizen meets, as with school education and employment guarantee. Institutions have done the least, because the Indian commission is designed to recommend. Law has demonstrably reduced legally sanctioned inequality, since no hierarchy now has a legal defence; it has been far less successful against inequality of fact, which requires administration, money and time rather than drafting.
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