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LLM Foundation Course Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges 2019 Question Paper with Solutions

Mumbai University Solved Question Papers

Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges

Previous Year Question Paper with Solution

LLM · Foundation Course

2019 Examination

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Mumbai

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First published on munotes.in on 12 August 2026.

Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.

Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.

Passages from this volume may be quoted, in print, online or by an AI system, with credit: name munotes.in and link to this volume's page. The volume may not be reproduced as a whole. Full terms at munotes.in/content-license.

munotes.in is an independent study resource for students of the University of Mumbai. It is not affiliated with the University of Mumbai, and is not endorsed by it.

The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.

The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2019 examination.

The answers in this volume state the law as it stands today, not as it stood when the paper was set, and in this subject the difference is large. Five changes alter answers here. Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal, 8 November 2024, overruled Azeez Basha on the minority status of an institution incorporated by statute. State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, 1 August 2024, permitted sub-classification within the Scheduled Castes. The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, 2023 replaced the appointment committee directed in Anoop Baranwal. The Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023 came into force on 16 April 2026 and is not yet operative. And the advisory opinion of 20 November 2025 held that no timeline may be set for assent to a Bill. Where a provision has since been replaced, the answer gives the position then and now, and says which is which.

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The Paper as Set

The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2019 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.

Duration 3 hours  ·  Total marks 100  ·  14 questions answered

How to use this volume

Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.

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SECTION I

Q.P. Code 29510. Attempt any four questions, all questions carry equal marks

any four of seven · 100 Marks

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1.Discuss the rights of minorities to establish and administer educational institutions. Cite leading case laws.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: Article 30(1) and how it differs from Article 29; who is a minority and by what unit; what "establish and administer" means and how the 2024 Aligarh Muslim University decision changed it; the regulation line from Kerala Education Bill to T.M.A. Pai and P.A. Inamdar; and the two provisions that now cut across the right.

The right. Article 30(1): all minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. Article 30(1A), inserted by the Forty-fourth Amendment, requires that compensation on compulsory acquisition of such an institution's property must not restrict or abrogate the right. Article 30(2): the State shall not, in granting aid, discriminate against an institution on the ground that it is under minority management.

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Distinguish Article 29. Article 29(1) protects the right of any section of citizens with a distinct language, script or culture to conserve it, and is not confined to minorities. Article 29(2) forbids denial of admission to a State or State-aided institution on grounds only of religion, race, caste or language, and is an individual right of the citizen. Article 30(1) is a community right, confined to minorities, and is a right against the State.

Who is a minority. The Constitution supplies no definition and the determining unit is the State, not the country. D.A.V. College, Bhatinda v. State of Punjab (1971) 2 SCC 269 held Hindus in Punjab to be a religious minority for this purpose; T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) 8 SCC 481, by eleven judges, confirmed the State as the unit, since States were reorganised on linguistic lines. Numerical inferiority is the test; social or economic backwardness is not required.

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"Establish and administer" is conjunctive, and the law changed in 2024. S. Azeez Basha v. Union of India (AIR 1968 SC 662) held that the words go together, that a community which has not established an institution cannot claim to administer it, and that Aligarh Muslim University, brought into existence by an Act of 1920, was not established by the Muslim minority. That was overruled in Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal, decided 8 November 2024 by seven judges, 4:3: incorporation by statute does not by itself destroy minority character, the enquiry is who brought the institution into existence, and it is unnecessary to show that administration vests in the minority, because the right to administer is a consequence of establishment.

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The regulation line. In re Kerala Education Bill, 1957 (AIR 1958 SC 956): the right is not absolute and reasonable regulation for standards of teaching, qualification of teachers and conditions of service is permissible; aid may be conditioned but not on terms requiring surrender of the right. Rev. Sidhajbhai Sabhai v. State of Bombay (AIR 1963 SC 540): a compulsory reservation of eighty per cent of seats for government nominees struck down. State of Kerala v. Very Rev. Mother Provincial (1970) 2 SCC 417: no takeover of management. Ahmedabad St. Xavier's College Society v. State of Gujarat (1974) 1 SCC 717, nine judges: choice of teachers, disciplinary control and medium protected, subject to regulation for excellence. T.M.A. Pai Foundation (2002): establishing an institution is an occupation under Article 19(1)(g); unaided minority institutions have the widest autonomy in admission and fees; no capitation and no profiteering, though a reasonable surplus is permitted. Islamic Academy of Education v. State of Karnataka (2003) 6 SCC 697: fee and admission committees. P.A. Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra (2005) 6 SCC 537: the State cannot impose its own reservation quota on unaided institutions, minority or otherwise.

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The two provisions that cut across the right. Parliament reversed Inamdar by the Ninety-third Amendment, 2005, inserting Article 15(5), which permits reservation in private unaided institutions but excepts minority institutions; upheld in Ashoka Kumar Thakur v. Union of India (2008) 6 SCC 1 and Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) 8 SCC 1. And Pramati held that the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 does not apply to minority institutions at all, aided or unaided, because Article 21A cannot abrogate Article 30(1); Society for Unaided Private Schools of Rajasthan v. Union of India (2012) 6 SCC 102 had upheld section 12(1)(c) against non-minority unaided schools.

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Conclusion. Article 30 rests on a plain constitutional judgment: a community's language and culture will not survive unless it can educate its own, and a majoritarian legislature cannot be relied on to secure that. The case law has settled a workable balance, regulation for excellence yes, takeover no, profiteering no, a State-imposed quota on an unaided institution no. What has moved in the last decade is the reach of the right rather than its content: Pramati placed minority schools outside the right to education legislation, which puts a growing part of the school system outside its principal equalising provision, and the 2024 Aligarh Muslim University decision reopened minority status for every institution incorporated by statute. Those two developments are where this branch of law is now going.

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2.Explain about doctrine of Ultravires as one of the grounds of judicial review with the help of case law.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: what ultra vires means and its two forms; how it operates in constitutional law on legislation, with the doctrines that go with it; how it operates in administrative law on delegated legislation and on administrative action; the modern grounds of review after G.C.H.Q. as adopted in India; and the limits of the doctrine.

The doctrine. Ultra vires means "beyond the powers". Every authority in a constitutional system, legislature, executive or subordinate body, has only the powers conferred on it, and an act beyond those powers is void. It is the oldest and most basic ground of judicial review, and in India it operates at three levels: on legislation, tested against the Constitution; on delegated legislation, tested against the parent Act and the Constitution; and on administrative action, tested against the statute conferring the power.

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Its two forms. Substantive ultra vires, where the content of the act is outside the power conferred. Procedural ultra vires, where the power exists but the prescribed procedure has not been followed, for example a failure to consult, to publish or to lay the rule before the legislature where the statute requires it. Raza Buland Sugar Co. v. Municipal Board, Rampur (AIR 1965 SC 895) supplies the test for when non-compliance is fatal, which is whether the requirement is mandatory or directory, judged by the object of the statute and the consequences of non-compliance.

Level one, legislation tested against the Constitution. A law is ultra vires if the legislature lacked competence under Article 246 and the Seventh Schedule, or if it offends Part III by force of Article 13, or if it breaks any other constitutional limitation. Four allied doctrines belong here and each should be named with a case.

Pith and substance: if a law is in substance within the enacting legislature's list, an incidental encroachment on another list does not invalidate it. State of Bombay v. F.N. Balsara (AIR 1951 SC 318); Prafulla Kumar Mukherjee v. Bank of Commerce, Khulna (AIR 1947 PC 60).

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Colourable legislation: what cannot be done directly cannot be done indirectly; the doctrine relates to the competence of the legislature and not to its motive. K.C. Gajapati Narayan Deo v. State of Orissa (AIR 1953 SC 375).

Repugnancy: under Article 254, a State law on a Concurrent List subject repugnant to a Union law is void to the extent of the repugnancy, unless it was reserved for and received the President's assent under Article 254(2). M. Karunanidhi v. Union of India (1979) 3 SCC 431.

Severability: under Article 13, only the offending part is void if it can be separated from the rest without altering the character of the statute. R.M.D. Chamarbaugwalla v. Union of India (AIR 1957 SC 628).

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Level two, delegated legislation. A rule, regulation or notification is ultra vires if it goes beyond the rule-making power in the parent Act, if it is inconsistent with the Act or with any other law, if it offends the Constitution, or if the parent Act itself amounts to an abdication of the essential legislative function. In re Delhi Laws Act, 1912 (AIR 1951 SC 332) is the foundational authority: the legislature may delegate but may not delegate its essential legislative function, which is the laying down of policy and its enactment as a binding rule of conduct. Applications: Hamdard Dawakhana v. Union of India (AIR 1960 SC 554), where a power to add to a list of diseases without any guiding policy was struck down; Gwalior Rayon Silk Mfg. Co. v. Assistant Commissioner of Sales Tax (1974) 4 SCC 98 on the standards test; State of Tamil Nadu v. K. Sabanayagam (1998) 1 SCC 318 on conditional legislation; and Indian Express Newspapers v. Union of India (1985) 1 SCC 641, which held that subordinate legislation may be challenged on the additional ground of manifest arbitrariness and unreasonableness, unlike a statute at that time.

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Level three, administrative action. Here ultra vires has expanded into a family of grounds, and the modern classification comes from Lord Diplock in Council of Civil Service Unions v. Minister for the Civil Service [1985] AC 374, adopted in India, most explicitly in Tata Cellular v. Union of India (1994) 6 SCC 651: illegality, irrationality and procedural impropriety, with proportionality as a developing fourth.

Within illegality sit the classical heads: acting without jurisdiction; excess of jurisdiction; abuse of discretion, including acting on irrelevant considerations or ignoring relevant ones, acting for an improper purpose, acting mala fide, acting under dictation, and fettering discretion by a self-imposed rule, for which the standing Indian authority is Government of Mysore v. J.V. Bhat and the English British Oxygen Co. v. Minister of Technology [1971] AC 610. Irrationality is Wednesbury unreasonableness, Associated Provincial Picture Houses v. Wednesbury Corporation [1948] 1 KB 223, adopted in India. Procedural impropriety covers breach of natural justice, audi alteram partem and the rule against bias, brought into the constitutional mainstream by Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978) 1 SCC 248 and A.K. Kraipak v. Union of India (1969) 2 SCC 262, which erased the old distinction between administrative and quasi-judicial functions for this purpose.

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Proportionality as a distinct ground was recognised in Om Kumar v. Union of India (2001) 2 SCC 386 for fundamental rights cases, and given a four-part structure in Modern Dental College v. State of Madhya Pradesh (2016) 7 SCC 353 and Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2017) 10 SCC 1: legitimate aim, suitability, necessity in the sense that no less restrictive alternative exists, and a fair balance.

The limits of the doctrine. Judicial review on this ground goes to the legality of the decision and not to its merits: Tata Cellular says in terms that the court reviews the decision-making process and does not sit in appeal on the decision. The presumption of constitutionality applies to a statute, and the burden is on the challenger. Economic and fiscal policy attracts the widest latitude, R.K. Garg v. Union of India (1981) 4 SCC 675 and BALCO Employees' Union v. Union of India (2002) 2 SCC 333. And the power of judicial review is itself part of the basic structure, so it cannot be excluded by statute or by amendment: L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997) 3 SCC 261 held that the jurisdiction of the High Courts under Article 226 and of the Supreme Court under Article 32 cannot be ousted, and that tribunal decisions remain subject to review by a Division Bench of the High Court.

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Conclusion. Ultra vires is the ground on which the whole of judicial review rests, because it follows from the simple proposition that a body created by law has only the powers the law gives it. In Indian constitutional law it does three different jobs: it polices legislative competence under Article 246, with pith and substance, colourability, repugnancy and severability as its working tools; it polices delegated legislation against the parent Act and against the abdication principle of In re Delhi Laws Act; and it polices administrative action through the G.C.H.Q. grounds adopted in Tata Cellular. The doctrine's expansion into unreasonableness and proportionality has moved it a long way from its original meaning, and the discipline that keeps it within bounds is the distinction Tata Cellular insists on, between reviewing how a decision was made and reviewing what was decided.

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3.Explain fully, the principle of 'Federalism' embodied in the constitution of India and relationship of trust and faith between center and states.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: why the Constitution says "Union of States"; the federal and unitary features; the three distributions; the case law to Bommai; and the trust half, which is Article 263, the GST Council and the Governor, ending with the advisory opinion of 20 November 2025.

Article 1(1): India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States. Dr Ambedkar explained the choice: the Union is not the result of an agreement between the States, and the States have no right to secede. The federation is created by the Constitution, not by a compact between pre-existing sovereigns.

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Federal features. A written and supreme Constitution; the distribution of legislative power by Article 246 and the Seventh Schedule; a rigid amending procedure for federal matters, since the proviso to Article 368(2) requires ratification by not less than half the State legislatures for an amendment touching the Seventh Schedule, the representation of States in Parliament, the executive or legislative power of the Union or the States, or Article 368 itself; an independent judiciary with the Supreme Court's exclusive original jurisdiction over federal disputes under Article 131; and a Council of States under Article 80.

Unitary features. Article 3, allowing Parliament to redraw a State after merely ascertaining its views, which do not bind, with Article 4 declaring such a law not to be a constitutional amendment; Articles 249, 250, 252 and 253, allowing Parliament to legislate on State subjects, the last to implement a treaty; Articles 200 and 201 on reservation of Bills; Articles 256, 257 and 365 on directions; Article 356 on President's rule; single citizenship; a single integrated judiciary; All India Services under Article 312; and residuary power with the Union under Article 248 and entry 97 of List I.

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Three distributions. Legislative, under Article 246 with the doctrines of pith and substance, colourable legislation and repugnancy under Article 254. Administrative, under Articles 256 to 263. Financial, under Articles 268 to 281, with grants-in-aid under Article 275 and the Finance Commission under Article 280; and, since the One Hundred and First Amendment, 2016, Article 246A giving Parliament and the State legislatures concurrent power over goods and services tax, Article 269A on inter-State supply and Article 279A establishing the GST Council, whose decisions require a three-fourths majority with the Union holding one-third of the weight.

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The case law. State of West Bengal v. Union of India (AIR 1963 SC 1241): the States are not sovereign and Indian federalism is a matter of degree. S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) 3 SCC 1: federalism is basic structure; a Proclamation under Article 356 is justiciable; the President's satisfaction must rest on relevant material; the floor of the House and not the Governor's opinion is the test of majority; and dissolution before parliamentary approval is impermissible and can be undone. Kuldip Nayar v. Union of India (2006) 7 SCC 1: quasi-federal. Government of NCT of Delhi v. Union of India (2018) 8 SCC 501 and (2023) 9 SCC 1: collaborative federalism, the Lieutenant Governor bound by ministerial advice save on police, public order and land, a position Parliament altered by statute in 2023. Union of India v. Mohit Minerals (2022) 10 SCC 700: the GST Council's recommendations are not binding, being the product of a collaborative dialogue.

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Now the trust half. The machinery is thin and largely permissive. Article 263 allows the President to establish an Inter-State Council; recommended by the Sarkaria Commission in 1988, it was constituted only in 1990 and rarely meets, despite the Punchhi Commission's recommendation in 2010 that it meet three times a year. The Zonal Councils are statutory, under the States Reorganisation Act, 1956. Article 261 requires full faith and credit to public acts and records. Article 262 removes inter-State water disputes from the courts, though State of Karnataka v. State of Tamil Nadu (2018) 4 SCC 1 held that an appeal under Article 136 lies notwithstanding section 11 of the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act, 1956.

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Where trust has broken down is the Governor. Appointed under Article 155 and holding office during pleasure under Article 156, the Governor exercises discretion under Articles 163 and 200 in States often governed by another party. On government formation the law is in Bommai and Rameshwar Prasad v. Union of India (2006) 2 SCC 1. On assent, in State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor of Tamil Nadu, decided 8 April 2025, a two-judge bench held the withholding of assent to ten Bills illegal, prescribed timelines and declared the Bills deemed assented; the President then referred fourteen questions under Article 143(1), and on 20 November 2025 the Supreme Court held that no rigid timelines may be judicially prescribed under Articles 200 and 201, that deemed assent is alien to the Constitution, and that these decisions are not ordinarily justiciable, while holding that a Governor may not sit on a Bill indefinitely and that limited review lies for unexplained delay.

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Conclusion. Indian federalism is federal in structure and unitary in emergency, which is why Bommai preferred to describe it in its own terms. The distribution of powers, the Seventh Schedule and the Article 368 proviso are genuine guarantees, and since Bommai federalism is part of the basic structure and beyond amendment. The relationship of trust and faith, by contrast, rests on institutions the Constitution merely permits: an Inter-State Council that rarely meets, a Finance Commission whose recommendations do not bind, and a Governor who owes his office to the Union. The GST Council shows what a properly constituted joint forum can do; the Presidential Reference of November 2025 shows what happens when trust fails and the parties reach for the Court instead.

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4.Comment critically on the "policy of privatization' which affects the principle of affirmative action, mentioned in the constitution of India for bringing equality in the society?[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the constitutional link between affirmative action and State control; the arithmetical effect on employment with BALCO; the education sequence, which is the constitutional answer already given; the second-order effects; and the doctrinal question raised by N.M. Thomas.

The link. Article 16(1) guarantees equality of opportunity in employment under the State; Articles 16(4), 16(4A) and 16(6) enable reservation there; Article 15(4) enables special provision in education. Whether a body is the State is decided by Article 12, and since Pradeep Kumar Biswas v. Indian Institute of Chemical Biology (2002) 5 SCC 111 the test is financial, functional and administrative domination or control by the Government, particular to the body and pervasive, with merely regulatory control insufficient. Every criterion is a criterion of ownership. So the programme's reach is a function of how much the State owns, and it falls automatically as the State withdraws.

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Employment. Since the New Industrial Policy of 24 July 1991 the State has disinvested undertakings, contracted out services and left whole sectors. A disinvested undertaking ceases to satisfy the test on the day the shares are sold, and its posts leave the reservation roster. BALCO Employees' Union v. Union of India (2002) 2 SCC 333 upheld exactly such a sale, treating disinvestment as economic policy not ordinarily justiciable and holding that the employees had no right to be heard because a change of ownership affected no right of theirs. The constitutional consequence, which the Court did not deny, is that Articles 14 and 16 governed those workers on one day and not the next. Reservation percentages have risen for thirty years while the base has shrunk, and there is no constitutional provision for reservation in private employment.

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Education, where the State did legislate, and the sequence is the whole argument. Unni Krishnan, J.P. v. State of Andhra Pradesh (1993) 1 SCC 645 held there is no fundamental right to carry on education as a trade and imposed a free-and-payment-seats scheme. T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) 8 SCC 481 overruled that scheme, holding that establishing an educational institution is an occupation under Article 19(1)(g) and that unaided institutions have autonomy in admission and fees. P.A. Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra (2005) 6 SCC 537 held that the State cannot impose its own reservation policy on unaided institutions. Parliament reversed that within months by the Ninety-third Amendment, 2005, inserting Article 15(5) to permit reservation in private unaided institutions, minority institutions excepted; upheld for aided institutions in Ashoka Kumar Thakur v. Union of India (2008) 6 SCC 1 and for unaided ones in Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) 8 SCC 1. At school level the same instinct produced section 12(1)(c) of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, upheld in Society for Unaided Private Schools of Rajasthan v. Union of India (2012) 6 SCC 102 and held inapplicable to minority schools in Pramati.

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That sequence is the answer to the question. Affirmative action had to be re-legislated into the private sector by constitutional amendment, because privatisation had taken the sector out of its reach. It is direct evidence that the policy affects the programme, and equally that the effect can be remedied where the political will exists.

Three second-order effects. The minority exemption from Article 15(5) and from the Right to Education Act creates an incentive to seek minority status, sharpened by Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal (8 November 2024). Outsourcing within government converts reserved posts into contract positions held by an employer who is not State, bypassing the roster without abolishing a post. And the growth of private higher education means the reserved seat secures access to the tier the State still funds rather than the tier that now confers the greatest advantage.

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The doctrinal question. In State of Kerala v. N.M. Thomas (1976) 2 SCC 310 the Court held that Article 16(4) is a facet of Article 16(1) and not an exception to it, a holding adopted in Indra Sawhney v. Union of India 1992 Supp (3) SCC 217. If affirmative action is part of the equality guarantee and not a concession, the State's obligation is to secure substantive equality, and it is arguable that it cannot discharge that obligation by handing the field to actors who are not bound by it. Against that stand Article 19(1)(g) and the reasoning of T.M.A. Pai, and the fact that Inamdar had to be reversed by amendment rather than by interpretation shows how the Court reads the balance.

Balance the criticism. Two points must be conceded. Liberalisation has expanded private employment far faster than the public sector could have, so the absolute number of jobs available to everyone, including the beneficiaries of reservation, has grown; and the Court's refusal in BALCO to review economic policy is consistent with its refusal to review policy generally, and is not special hostility to affirmative action.

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Conclusion. The policy of privatisation affects the principle of affirmative action in a way that is structural rather than incidental: the principle is defined by Articles 15 and 16 to operate on the State, the State is defined by Article 12 in terms of ownership and control, and privatisation reduces both. The effect therefore requires no decision to reduce anybody's rights and is invisible in any statute. Indian constitutional law has answered not by widening Article 12, which Zee Telefilms Ltd. v. Union of India (2005) 4 SCC 649 declined to do, but by attaching public obligations to private providers through Article 15(5) and section 12(1)(c). That answer has been upheld and works, and it has exactly two gaps: it covers education and not employment, and it exempts minority institutions. Those two gaps are the whole of the current debate.

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5.Discuss in detail about "President's rule" and his legislative powers.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: Article 356 and its three consequences; the parliamentary approval and duration rules after the Forty-fourth Amendment; the grounds on which it has been used and the Sarkaria and Punchhi recommendations; S.R. Bommai and Rameshwar Prasad in detail; then the second half of the question, which is legislative power during President's rule under Article 357, and the President's ordinary legislative powers under Articles 123, 213 (for a Governor) and 240.

Article 356 is headed "Provisions in case of failure of constitutional machinery in States". If the President, on receipt of a report from the Governor of a State or otherwise, is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, he may by Proclamation:

  1. assume to himself all or any of the functions of the Government of the State and all or any of the powers vested in or exercisable by the Governor or any body or authority in the State other than the Legislature of the State;
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  1. declare that the powers of the Legislature of the State shall be exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament; and
  2. make such incidental and consequential provisions as appear necessary, including suspending in whole or in part the operation of any provision of the Constitution relating to any body or authority in the State.

Article 356(3) and the Forty-fourth Amendment. Every Proclamation must be laid before each House and ceases to operate at the expiry of two months unless approved by resolutions of both Houses. Once approved it continues for six months from the date of issue, and may be extended by further resolutions for six months at a time, subject to a maximum of three years. The Forty-fourth Amendment, 1978 added the crucial condition in Article 356(5): beyond one year a Proclamation may be continued only if a Proclamation of Emergency is in operation in the whole or part of the State and the Election Commission certifies that the difficulties of holding a general election to the State Assembly make the extension necessary. The Thirty-eighth Amendment had made the President's satisfaction final and non-justiciable by inserting clause (5); the Forty-fourth Amendment deleted that provision, which is what made Bommai possible.

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The proviso to Article 356(1) preserves the Constitution's own limit: the President may not assume any of the powers vested in or exercisable by a High Court, or suspend any provision relating to High Courts.

How it has been used, and the correctives. Article 356 was invoked more than a hundred times before 1994, frequently on grounds the framers never contemplated: internal party dissension, maladministration, corruption allegations, the defeat of the ruling party at a general election to the Lok Sabha, and financial instability. The Sarkaria Commission (1988) recommended that it be used very sparingly and as a last resort, that the Governor's report be a speaking document, that all possibilities of forming an alternative government be explored, and that the Assembly not be dissolved until Parliament has approved. The Punchhi Commission (2010) added a recommendation for "localised emergency" so that a whole State need not be brought under central rule for a local breakdown.

S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) 3 SCC 1 is the leading authority and must be given in propositions. A nine-judge bench held:

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  1. the Proclamation is justiciable, and the Court may examine whether it was issued on relevant material and whether the satisfaction was reached mala fide or on wholly extraneous grounds, though it will not go into the sufficiency or adequacy of the material;
  2. the floor of the House is the only test of a government's majority, and the Governor's subjective assessment is not;
  3. the power under Article 356(1)(c) does not extend to dissolving the Assembly before both Houses of Parliament have approved the Proclamation; until then it may only be kept in suspended animation;
  4. if the Court finds the Proclamation invalid it may restore the dismissed government and the dissolved Assembly, and the fact that fresh elections have been held is not an absolute bar;
  5. secularism is part of the basic structure, so a State government acting against it may be dismissed, which is how the dismissals following 6 December 1992 were upheld; and
  6. the Union's power under Article 356 is an exceptional power, to be used only where the constitutional machinery has genuinely failed.
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Rameshwar Prasad v. Union of India (2006) 2 SCC 1 applied Bommai to strike down the dissolution of the Bihar Assembly, holding that dissolution on the ground of apprehended horse-trading, reported by the Governor without any objective material, was unconstitutional, though the Court declined to restore the Assembly because elections had been notified. Nabam Rebia v. Deputy Speaker (2016) 8 SCC 1 restored the Arunachal Pradesh government and confined the Governor's discretion under Article 163.

Now the second half of the question, on legislative powers during President's rule. This is Article 357, and it is the provision candidates almost always omit.

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Where a Proclamation declares that the powers of the State legislature are exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament, Article 357(1) provides that Parliament may confer on the President the power of the State legislature to make laws, and may authorise the President to delegate that power to any other authority; that Parliament, the President or that other authority may make laws conferring powers and imposing duties on the Union or its officers; and that the President may, when the House of the People is not in session, authorise expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of the State pending sanction by Parliament. Article 357(2) provides that a law made in this way continues in force after the Proclamation ceases, until altered, repealed or amended by a competent legislature.

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The President's ordinary legislative powers should be given briefly to complete the answer. Article 123: the President may promulgate an Ordinance when both Houses are not in session and he is satisfied that circumstances exist which render immediate action necessary; it has the same force as an Act, must be laid before both Houses and ceases to operate six weeks from the reassembly of Parliament. Article 213 gives the same power to a Governor. Article 240 gives the President power to make regulations for certain Union territories, with the force of an Act of Parliament. The abuse of the ordinance power by re-promulgation was condemned in D.C. Wadhwa v. State of Bihar (1987) 1 SCC 378, where a State had re-promulgated ordinances for years, and Krishna Kumar Singh v. State of Bihar (2017) 3 SCC 1, a seven-judge bench, held that re-promulgation is a fraud on the Constitution, that the satisfaction of the President or Governor is justiciable on the ground of mala fides, and that an ordinance does not create enduring rights once it lapses, except where the rights have become irreversible.

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Conclusion. Article 356 was intended, in Dr Ambedkar's phrase in the Constituent Assembly, to remain a dead letter and to be used as a last resort, and for four decades it was used as an instrument of ordinary politics. Two things changed that: the Forty-fourth Amendment, which deleted the finality clause and made continuance beyond a year conditional, and S.R. Bommai, which made the Proclamation justiciable and the floor of the House the only test of majority. Since 1994 its use has fallen sharply, which is the strongest available evidence that judicial review can discipline a political power. The legislative side of the provision, Article 357, is less discussed and equally important: it allows Parliament to hand the legislative power of a State to the President and permits him to delegate it further, and laws so made survive the end of the Proclamation until a competent legislature alters them, which is a substantial and lasting displacement of a State's own legislative authority.

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6.Write short notes on any TWO:[25]

  • (a) Inter-state dispute
  • (b) Separation of power in Indian Constitution.
  • (c) Right to strike
  • (d) Political reservation to women is a part of 'Grass Root Democracy'.

Answer

For full marks, cover: two notes at about twelve marks each. All four are written out below.

(a) Inter-state dispute

Three kinds of dispute, three constitutional routes.

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Legal disputes go to the Supreme Court under Article 131, which gives it exclusive original jurisdiction in any dispute between the Government of India and one or more States, or between two or more States, if and in so far as the dispute involves any question, whether of law or fact, on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. The proviso excludes disputes arising out of a pre-Constitution treaty or agreement still in operation. It is not a forum for political grievance: State of Bihar v. Union of India (1970) 1 SCC 67 held that a suit against a public sector undertaking is not a suit against the Union, and the scope of the jurisdiction was referred to a larger bench in State of Jharkhand v. State of Bihar (2015) 2 SCC 396. The Maharashtra and Karnataka boundary dispute over Belgaum has been pending on the original side since 2004, which shows the jurisdiction's practical limits.

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Water disputes are taken out of the courts by Article 262. Clause (1) permits Parliament to provide by law for the adjudication of any dispute with respect to the use, distribution or control of the waters of an inter-State river or river valley; clause (2) permits Parliament to bar the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and every other court. Parliament did both in the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act, 1956, whose section 11 contains the bar, and tribunals have been constituted for the Krishna, Godavari, Narmada, Ravi and Beas, Cauvery, Vansadhara and Mahadayi. The bar is not absolute: State of Karnataka v. State of Tamil Nadu (2018) 4 SCC 1, the Cauvery decision of 16 February 2018, held that an appeal under Article 136 lies against a tribunal award notwithstanding section 11, because a constitutional power cannot be taken away by an ordinary statute, and the Court then varied the allocation. The Inter-State River Water Disputes (Amendment) Bill, 2019, proposing a single standing tribunal with benches and a Dispute Resolution Committee, remains pending.

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Why water disputes take so long, which is what an examiner wants: no binding time limit; a fresh tribunal constituted for each dispute; delay in notifying an award in the Official Gazette, which is what makes it binding under section 6; the absence of authenticated basin-wide hydrological data; and the political impossibility of a State government appearing to concede water.

Political and administrative disputes go to the Inter-State Council under Article 263, which the President may establish to enquire into and advise upon disputes, to investigate subjects of common interest and to make recommendations for better coordination. Recommended by the Sarkaria Commission in 1988, it was constituted only in 1990. The Zonal Councils under the States Reorganisation Act, 1956 are statutory. Article 261 requires full faith and credit to public acts and records; Articles 301 to 307 guarantee freedom of trade, commerce and intercourse, re-read by nine judges in Jindal Stainless Ltd. v. State of Haryana (2017) 12 SCC 1.

(b) Separation of power in Indian Constitution

India does not adopt a strict separation of powers, and saying so first is the answer's foundation. There is no provision corresponding to Articles I, II and III of the United States Constitution. What the Constitution has is a functional separation with extensive checks.

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Where it appears. Article 50, a directive principle, requires the State to take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services. Articles 121 and 211 bar discussion of a judge's conduct in the legislature. Articles 122 and 212 bar courts from enquiring into the validity of proceedings in Parliament and the State legislatures on the ground of irregularity of procedure. Article 361 gives the President and Governors immunity from court proceedings. Article 53 vests the executive power of the Union in the President and Article 154 the executive power of a State in the Governor. Articles 74 and 163 require a Council of Ministers to aid and advise.

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Where it is deliberately breached. The executive sits in the legislature: Articles 75(5) and 164(4) require a Minister to be a member of the House within six months. The legislature exercises judicial functions in removal proceedings under Articles 61, 124(4) and 217, and through its power to punish for contempt of itself. The executive exercises legislative functions through ordinances under Articles 123 and 213 and through delegated legislation. The judiciary exercises legislative functions through rule-making under Articles 145 and 227 and, in practice, through directions such as those in Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997) 6 SCC 241; and it exercises administrative functions in appointments to the subordinate judiciary under Article 235.

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The case law. Ram Jawaya Kapur v. State of Punjab (AIR 1955 SC 549): the Indian Constitution does not recognise a rigid separation, but the functions of the different parts have been sufficiently differentiated and no organ can assume functions essentially belonging to another. Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225: separation of powers is part of the basic structure. Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain 1975 Supp SCC 1: clause (4) of Article 329A, which declared the Prime Minister's election valid and beyond challenge, was struck down as an exercise of judicial power by the legislature, the clearest application of the doctrine in Indian law. I.R. Coelho v. State of Tamil Nadu (2007) 2 SCC 1: laws in the Ninth Schedule inserted after 24 April 1973 are open to challenge on basic structure grounds. Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v. Union of India (2016) 5 SCC 1: primacy of the judiciary in appointments is basic structure. And on judicial restraint, Divisional Manager, Aravali Golf Club v. Chander Hass (2008) 1 SCC 683 warned against encroachment on the executive and legislative domain and described judicial restraint as a component of judicial independence.

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The limit on the legislature's power to overrule a judgment is worth a line: a legislature may remove the basis of a judgment by amending the law retrospectively, but it may not simply declare a judgment invalid, which would be an exercise of judicial power. Madan Mohan Pathak v. Union of India (1978) 2 SCC 50; Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, In re 1993 Supp (1) SCC 96.

(c) Right to strike

There is no fundamental right to strike in India, and that is the whole answer stated in a sentence; the marks come from showing where it does and does not exist.

Not under Article 19(1)(c). In All India Bank Employees' Association v. National Industrial Tribunal (AIR 1962 SC 171) the Court held that the right to form associations under Article 19(1)(c) does not carry with it a guaranteed right to achieve the objects for which the association was formed, and therefore no fundamental right to strike or even to collective bargaining. The union's activity may be regulated by law under Article 19(4).

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Not under Article 19(1)(a). Expression is protected, but a strike is conduct rather than speech, and Kameshwar Prasad v. State of Bihar (AIR 1962 SC 1166) drew that line while striking down a rule prohibiting demonstrations by government servants, which the Court held could be a form of expression, and upholding the prohibition of strikes.

A statutory right, and a qualified one. The Industrial Disputes Act, 1947 (now the Industrial Relations Code, 2020, in force from 21 November 2025) recognises a right to strike subject to conditions: notice, the prohibition during conciliation and adjudication proceedings, and an absolute prohibition in public utility services without the prescribed notice. Under the 2020 Code the notice requirement, formerly confined to public utilities, is extended to every industrial establishment by section 62, and section 2(zk) now treats concerted casual leave by fifty per cent or more of the workers as a strike, both of which narrow the right considerably.

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Government servants. T.K. Rangarajan v. Government of Tamil Nadu (2003) 6 SCC 581 held in the plainest terms that government employees have no fundamental, statutory, moral or equitable right to strike, and upheld the mass dismissal of striking employees, though it directed reinstatement on terms. The Tamil Nadu Government Servants' Conduct Rules and their counterparts elsewhere forbid participation in a strike.

Lawyers. Ex-Capt. Harish Uppal v. Union of India (2003) 2 SCC 45 held that lawyers have no right to strike or to give a call for boycott of courts, that a lawyer who abstains is liable to be proceeded against for professional misconduct, and that at most a one-day token protest may be permitted in the rarest case; reaffirmed in Common Cause v. Union of India (2005) and in later contempt proceedings.

Doctors and essential services. The Essential Services Maintenance Act, 1968 and State counterparts permit the prohibition of strikes in notified services, and the courts have consistently upheld their application where life and health are at stake.

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The comparative point is worth a sentence: the International Labour Organisation treats the right to strike as inherent in freedom of association under Conventions 87 and 98, neither of which India has ratified, so no argument from treaty obligation is available.

(d) Political reservation to women is a part of 'Grass Root Democracy'

True of local government since 1993 and true of Parliament only since April 2026, and still not operative there.

At the local level. The Seventy-third and Seventy-fourth Amendments, 1992, in force 24 April 1993 and 1 June 1993, inserted Parts IX and IXA. Article 243D(1): seats reserved for Scheduled Castes and Tribes in proportion to population. 243D(2): one-third of those reserved for women of those groups. 243D(3): not less than one-third of all directly elected seats reserved for women, by rotation. 243D(4): the same one-third for the offices of chairperson. Articles 243T(3) and (4) do the same for municipalities. The supporting machinery is the Gram Sabha (243A), a five-year term with elections before expiry or within six months of dissolution (243E), the twenty-nine subjects of the Eleventh Schedule (243G), the State Finance Commission (243I) and the State Election Commission (243K).

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The cases. Kishansing Tomar v. Municipal Corporation of the City of Ahmedabad (2006) 8 SCC 352: elections must be held before the term expires and neither funds nor preparedness excuses delay. K. Krishna Murthy v. Union of India (2010) 7 SCC 202: reservation in local bodies upheld, with backward class reservation on a distinct footing requiring empirical enquiry, formalised as the triple test in Vikas Kishanrao Gawali v. State of Maharashtra (2021) 6 SCC 73. Rajbala v. State of Haryana (2016) 1 SCC 463: educational and other qualifications for candidates upheld, widely criticised.

Assessment. More than twenty States have raised the reservation to one-half, and above 1.4 million women hold elected local office. Against that: rotation prevents an incumbent from seeking re-election in the same seat; the sarpanch pati phenomenon is widely documented; and devolution under Article 243G is discretionary, so the seat often carries little power.

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At the national level. The Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023 inserts Articles 330A and 332A reserving one-third of the seats in the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies, but Article 334A makes it operative only after a delimitation on the first census taken after commencement, and it lapses fifteen years after commencement. The Act was brought into force on 16 April 2026, and the Constitution (One Hundred and Thirty First Amendment) Bill, 2026, introduced to enable an earlier delimitation, was defeated in the Lok Sabha for want of the special majority.

Conclusion. The four notes share one theme, which is the gap between a constitutional provision and its practical working. Article 262 removed water disputes from the courts and produced tribunals that take decades. Separation of powers is basic structure and is breached by design in a dozen places. The right to strike exists in statute, is denied to government servants and to lawyers, and has been narrowed further by the Industrial Relations Code, 2020. And political reservation for women has been a self-executing guarantee at the panchayat level for thirty years and, at the national level, an enacted amendment that is in force and still cannot be applied.

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7.Explain the conflict between the "Judiciary" and "Legislation". Which are the Constitutional organs of the Government? State recent examples and cases if any.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the three organs and their constitutional locations, which the question asks for expressly; why the conflict is structural rather than personal; the four historic battlegrounds, being amendment, property, appointments and privileges; the rules that govern a legislative response to a judgment; and recent examples, of which there are several in the last three years.

The organs, since the question asks. The legislature: Parliament under Articles 79 to 122, and the State legislatures under Articles 168 to 212. The executive: the President and the Council of Ministers under Articles 52 to 78, the Governor and the State Council of Ministers under Articles 153 to 167. The judiciary: the Supreme Court under Articles 124 to 147, the High Courts under Articles 214 to 232, and the subordinate courts under Articles 233 to 237. India does not adopt a rigid separation of powers, as Ram Jawaya Kapur v. State of Punjab (AIR 1955 SC 549) held, but separation of powers is part of the basic structure on Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225.

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Why conflict is structural. Article 13 voids any law inconsistent with Part III; Articles 32 and 226 give the remedy; Article 246 with the Seventh Schedule limits competence. So a court must sometimes tell a legislature that what it enacted is void. Equally, Article 368 gives Parliament power to amend the Constitution, and Parliament has repeatedly used it to reverse a judgment. The conflict is therefore built into the design, and the constitutional question is not how to avoid it but what the limits are on each side.

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Battleground one: the amending power. Shankari Prasad v. Union of India (AIR 1951 SC 458) and Sajjan Singh v. State of Rajasthan (AIR 1965 SC 845) held that Article 368 permits amendment of fundamental rights. I.C. Golak Nath v. State of Punjab (AIR 1967 SC 1643) held that it does not. Parliament answered with the Twenty-fourth Amendment. Kesavananda Bharati (1973) overruled Golak Nath and upheld the Twenty-fourth Amendment, while holding that Parliament may not damage or destroy the basic structure. Parliament answered again with the Forty-second Amendment, whose section 55 declared that there shall be no limitation on the constituent power and that no amendment shall be called in question in any court; that was struck down in Minerva Mills Ltd. v. Union of India (1980) 3 SCC 625, together with the widening of Article 31C. Waman Rao v. Union of India (1981) 2 SCC 362 and I.R. Coelho v. State of Tamil Nadu (2007) 2 SCC 1 fixed 24 April 1973 as the date from which Ninth Schedule entries are open to basic structure review.

Battleground two: property and land reform, which produced the First, Fourth, Seventeenth, Twenty-fifth and Thirty-fourth Amendments and the Ninth Schedule, and ended with the Forty-fourth Amendment, 1978 removing the right to property from Part III and inserting Article 300A.

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Battleground three: appointments, the four Judges Cases and the striking down of the Ninety-ninth Amendment and the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act, 2014 in Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v. Union of India (2016) 5 SCC 1.

Battleground four: privileges. In re Keshav Singh (AIR 1965 SC 745), the Presidential Reference, held that a State legislature could not punish a Judge for entertaining a petition, and that the privileges under Article 194 are subject to the fundamental rights and to the High Court's power under Article 226. Articles 122 and 212 bar a court from questioning proceedings on the ground of irregularity of procedure, but not on the ground of illegality or unconstitutionality: Raja Ram Pal v. Speaker, Lok Sabha (2007) 3 SCC 184 held expulsion of members to be justiciable on that footing.

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The rules governing a legislative response to a judgment, which is the doctrinal core of the question. A legislature may validate a law by retrospectively removing the basis on which it was struck down, and it may not simply declare a judgment invalid or direct a court to decide differently, because that would be an exercise of judicial power. Madan Mohan Pathak v. Union of India (1978) 2 SCC 50; Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, In re 1993 Supp (1) SCC 96; State of Tamil Nadu v. State of Kerala (2014) 12 SCC 696, which struck down the Kerala Irrigation and Water Conservation (Amendment) Act, 2006 as an attempt by a State legislature to nullify a judgment.

Recent examples, which the question asks for expressly.

One, section 33B of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, enacted to undo Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms (2002) 5 SCC 294 on candidate disclosure, and struck down in PUCL v. Union of India (2003) 4 SCC 399.

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Two, the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act, 2018, passed to reverse the directions in Subhash Kashinath Mahajan v. State of Maharashtra (2018) 6 SCC 454, which had required preliminary enquiry and approval before arrest; the amendment was upheld in Prathvi Raj Chauhan v. Union of India (2020) 4 SCC 727, and the Court had in any event recalled its own directions on review.

Three, tribunals. The most sustained recent conflict. After R. Gandhi v. Union of India (2010) 11 SCC 1, Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2014) 10 SCC 1, Rojer Mathew v. South Indian Bank (2020) 6 SCC 1 and Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2021) 7 SCC 369, Parliament enacted the Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021 re-enacting provisions the Court had already invalidated. In Madras Bar Association v. Union of India, decided 19 November 2025 and reported as 2025 INSC 1330, the Court struck down the core of that Act so far as it governed appointment, tenure and conditions of service, and directed the establishment of a National Tribunals Commission within four months. This is the clearest current illustration of the conflict the question asks about.

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Four, the Governor's assent. In State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor of Tamil Nadu, decided 8 April 2025, a two-judge bench prescribed timelines under Articles 200 and 201 and declared ten Bills deemed assented. The President then made a Reference under Article 143(1), and on 20 November 2025 the Supreme Court held that courts may not prescribe timelines, that deemed assent is alien to the Constitution, and that decisions under those Articles are not ordinarily justiciable, while holding that a Governor may not sit on a Bill indefinitely. This example is unusual and worth stating carefully: the conflict was resolved not by amendment but by the executive invoking the Court's own advisory jurisdiction against an earlier decision of the Court.

Five, the Delhi services dispute. After Government of NCT of Delhi v. Union of India (2023) 9 SCC 1 held that the elected government controls services other than police, public order and land, Parliament enacted the Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi (Amendment) Act, 2023, and the challenge to it is pending.

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Conclusion. The conflict between the judiciary and the legislature is not a defect in the Indian Constitution but a consequence of two provisions it deliberately contains: Article 13 with Articles 32 and 226, which oblige a court to invalidate a law inconsistent with Part III, and Article 368, which permits Parliament to amend the Constitution itself. The line the Court has drawn is precise and has held for fifty years: Parliament may amend, may validate retrospectively and may remove the basis of a judgment, and it may not destroy the basic structure or exercise judicial power by declaring a decision invalid. What the recent examples show is that the conflict has moved from the amending power, where it was fought from 1951 to 1980, to the ordinary legislative power, where Parliament re-enacts provisions the Court has struck down and the Court strikes them down again, of which the tribunals litigation between 2010 and November 2025 is the leading instance.

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SECTION II

Paper 81954. Attempt any four questions, all questions carry equal marks

any four of seven · 100 Marks

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1.Write short notes -[25]

  • (a) Fundamental Duties under Article 51.
  • (b) Right to Education under Article 21 A. Explain TMA Pai Foundation case.

Answer

For full marks, cover: both notes, since the paper prints no choice, at roughly twelve or thirteen marks each. Note that the paper's reference to "Article 51" is a misprint for Article 51A, and say so in one line before answering.

(a) Fundamental Duties under Article 51A

The paper writes Article 51. Article 51 is a directive principle requiring the State to promote international peace and security, to maintain just and honourable relations between nations, to foster respect for international law and treaty obligations, and to encourage the settlement of international disputes by arbitration. The fundamental duties are in Article 51A, and that is what the question means.

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Origin. Part IVA, containing Article 51A, was inserted by the Forty-second Amendment, 1976 on the recommendation of the Swaran Singh Committee (1976), which had proposed eight duties and a penalty for non-compliance; Parliament enacted ten and no penalty. An eleventh, clause (k), was added by the Eighty-sixth Amendment, 2002, obliging a parent or guardian to provide opportunities for education to a child between six and fourteen. India borrowed the idea from the Constitution of the erstwhile Soviet Union; Japan and a few other constitutions have analogues.

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The eleven duties, in substance. To abide by the Constitution and respect its ideals and institutions, the National Flag and the National Anthem; to cherish and follow the noble ideals of the freedom struggle; to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India; to defend the country and render national service when called upon; to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood transcending religious, linguistic, regional or sectional diversities and to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women; to value and preserve the rich heritage of the composite culture; to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wild life and to have compassion for living creatures; to develop the scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform; to safeguard public property and to abjure violence; to strive towards excellence in all spheres; and, since 2002, the parental duty regarding education.

Are they enforceable? Not directly. Part IVA carries no sanction, and the duties are addressed to the citizen, not to the State, so no writ lies to enforce them against a citizen. But three qualifications matter.

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First, they are an aid to interpretation. In AIIMS Students' Union v. AIIMS (2002) 1 SCC 428 the Court said that fundamental duties, though not enforceable by a writ, may be used to interpret ambiguous statutes and are of equal importance with fundamental rights. In Mohan Kumar Singhania v. Union of India 1992 Supp (1) SCC 594 a government training programme was upheld by reference to Article 51A(j).

Second, they can support the reasonableness of a restriction. A law giving effect to a fundamental duty is more readily held to be a reasonable restriction under Articles 19(2) to (6). Rangnath Mishra v. Union of India (2003) 7 SCC 133, where the Court directed the Union to consider operationalising the duties along the lines of the Justice Verma Committee Report (1999), which had identified the legal provisions already enforcing several of them.

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Third, some duties have become enforceable through other doctrines. Article 51A(g), on the environment, has been read with Article 21 in the M.C. Mehta line and in Rural Litigation and Entitlement Kendra v. State of Uttar Pradesh (1985) 2 SCC 431; Article 51A(e), on practices derogatory to the dignity of women, was relied on in Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997) 6 SCC 241; and Article 51A(a), on respect for the National Anthem, was the background to Shyam Narayan Chouksey v. Union of India (2018) 2 SCC 574, in which the Court first directed and then made optional the playing of the anthem in cinemas, and to Bijoe Emmanuel v. State of Kerala (1986) 3 SCC 615, which held that standing respectfully without singing is no offence.

(b) Right to Education under Article 21A, and the T.M.A. Pai Foundation case

Article 21A, inserted by the Eighty-sixth Amendment, 2002: the State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six to fourteen years in such manner as the State may, by law, determine. The amendment has three limbs: Article 21A; the substitution of Article 45 so that it now directs early childhood care and education up to the age of six; and Article 51A(k), the parental duty.

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The judicial background. Mohini Jain v. State of Karnataka (1992) 3 SCC 666 held the right to education to be concomitant to the fundamental rights and capitation fees to be arbitrary. Unni Krishnan, J.P. v. State of Andhra Pradesh (1993) 1 SCC 645 confined it: the right flows from Article 21 but is a fundamental right only up to fourteen, beyond which it is subject to the State's economic capacity under Article 41. The Eighty-sixth Amendment enacted that holding.

The statute is the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, in force 1 April 2010: section 3, free and compulsory elementary education in a neighbourhood school; section 4, age-appropriate admission with special training; section 12(1)(c), at least twenty-five per cent of the entry class in unaided schools from weaker sections and disadvantaged groups against reimbursement; section 13, no capitation fee and no screening; section 16, no holding back or expulsion, amended in 2019 to permit examination and detention in classes 5 and 8; and the Schedule on pupil-teacher ratio and infrastructure. Society for Unaided Private Schools of Rajasthan v. Union of India (2012) 6 SCC 102 upheld the Act against non-minority unaided schools, and Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) 8 SCC 1 held it inapplicable to all minority institutions.

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T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) 8 SCC 481, which the question names, was decided by eleven judges on 31 October 2002 and answered eleven questions. Its holdings:

  1. Establishing and running an educational institution is an "occupation" within Article 19(1)(g), and it is not a business or trade for profit; a reasonable surplus for development is permitted but profiteering and capitation fees are not.
  2. The unit for determining a minority under Article 30, whether religious or linguistic, is the State, since States were reorganised on linguistic lines.
  3. Private unaided institutions have the maximum autonomy in administration, including the selection of students and the fixing of a fee, subject to a rational, fair and transparent procedure based on merit; the State may regulate to prevent maladministration and to secure standards.
  4. Aided institutions, whether minority or not, may be subjected to greater regulation as a condition of aid, including the sharing of seats, since the aid is voluntary.
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  1. The scheme framed in Unni Krishnan, of free and payment seats in professional colleges, was held unworkable and unconstitutional and was set aside; it had, the Court said, made private education economically unviable.
  2. Article 30(1) does not confer a higher right than Article 19(1)(g); it protects the minority character of the institution, and the right to administer does not include a right to maladminister.

Islamic Academy of Education v. State of Karnataka (2003) 6 SCC 697 then created fee and admission committees to police the line, and P.A. Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra (2005) 6 SCC 537 held that the State cannot impose its own reservation on unaided institutions; Parliament reversed Inamdar by the Ninety-third Amendment, 2005 inserting Article 15(5).

Why the two notes belong together. Article 21A places the obligation on the State to provide, and the State discharges a growing part of it through private schools, which is why section 12(1)(c) exists. T.M.A. Pai is the case that fixed how far the State may regulate those private providers, and it is therefore the constitutional foundation on which the delivery of Article 21A now rests.

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Conclusion. Fundamental duties are a statement of civic obligation with no sanction, and their real work is interpretive: they help sustain a restriction as reasonable and they support the reading of Article 21 that produced the environmental jurisprudence. Article 21A is the opposite case, a duty on the State made enforceable and given statutory content within seven years. Read together, the two notes show the Constitution's two techniques: exhortation where the addressee is the citizen, and enforceable command where it is the State.

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2.Explain 'Federalism' embodied in Constitution of India with cases.[25]

Answer

This question is question 3 of Q.P. Code 29510 in the same scan, differing only in that it does not ask about the trust between Centre and States. The full answer is there. The plan follows.

Article 1(1): a Union of States, created by the Constitution and not by a compact; no right of secession.

Federal features: a written supreme Constitution; distribution of legislative power by Article 246 and the Seventh Schedule; the proviso to Article 368(2), requiring ratification by half the States for amendments touching the Seventh Schedule, the representation of States in Parliament or the distribution of legislative power; an independent judiciary with the Supreme Court's exclusive original jurisdiction under Article 131; a Council of States under Article 80.

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Unitary features: Article 3 with Article 4, allowing Parliament to redraw a State by ordinary majority after merely ascertaining its views; Articles 249, 250, 252 and 253; Articles 200 and 201; Articles 256, 257 and 365; Article 356; single citizenship; a single integrated judiciary; All India Services under Article 312; and residuary power with the Union under Article 248.

Financial federalism: Articles 268 to 281, the Finance Commission under Article 280, and since the One Hundred and First Amendment, 2016 the concurrent taxing power under Article 246A and the GST Council under Article 279A.

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The cases, which the question asks for expressly. State of West Bengal v. Union of India (AIR 1963 SC 1241): the States are not sovereign; federalism is a matter of degree. State of Rajasthan v. Union of India (1977) 3 SCC 592: a strongly centralist reading. S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) 3 SCC 1: federalism is basic structure; Article 356 is justiciable; the floor of the House is the test of majority; no dissolution before parliamentary approval. Kuldip Nayar v. Union of India (2006) 7 SCC 1: quasi-federal. Government of NCT of Delhi v. Union of India (2018) 8 SCC 501 and (2023) 9 SCC 1: collaborative federalism. Union of India v. Mohit Minerals (2022) 10 SCC 700: GST Council recommendations are not binding. Jindal Stainless Ltd. v. State of Haryana (2017) 12 SCC 1: Articles 301 to 304 re-read and the compensatory tax doctrine abandoned.

The current strain, and it belongs in any 2026 answer: the Governor's assent. State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor of Tamil Nadu, 8 April 2025, prescribed timelines and declared ten Bills deemed assented; on a Presidential Reference the Supreme Court held on 20 November 2025 that no timelines may be judicially prescribed, that deemed assent is alien to the Constitution, and that such decisions are not ordinarily justiciable, while holding that a Governor may not sit on a Bill indefinitely.

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Conclusion. Federal in structure, unitary in emergency, and since Bommai federal in a sense the Constitution defines for itself, with federalism as an unamendable basic feature. What the text guarantees is the distribution of power; what it leaves to convention is the relationship, and it is the relationship that has been under strain.

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3.Discuss 371 A to I for North East States and changes in Article 370 for Jammu and Kashmir.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: what Part XXI is and why it exists; Articles 371A to 371I taken State by State with what each protects; then Article 370 as it was, the 2019 orders and the Reorganisation Act; and In Re: Article 370 (11 December 2023) with its holdings and what it left undecided.

Part XXI, Articles 369 to 392, is headed "Temporary, Transitional and Special Provisions". Article 371 and its lettered successors create asymmetric federalism: a single Union in which particular States hold particular protections, negotiated at accession or on the creation of the State, usually to protect land, customary law, tribal institutions or the balance between regions within a State. Asymmetry is not a departure from Indian federalism; it is a feature of it, and this Part is the proof.

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Article 371A, Nagaland, inserted by the Thirteenth Amendment, 1962 to give effect to the Sixteen Point Agreement. No Act of Parliament shall apply to Nagaland in respect of the religious or social practices of the Nagas, Naga customary law and procedure, the administration of civil and criminal justice involving decisions according to Naga customary law, or the ownership and transfer of land and its resources, unless the Legislative Assembly of Nagaland by resolution so decides. The Governor has special responsibility for law and order so long as internal disturbances continue, and a regional council for the Tuensang district is provided for.

Article 371B, Assam, inserted by the Twenty-second Amendment, 1969: the President may provide for a committee of the Assembly consisting of members elected from the tribal areas.

Article 371C, Manipur, inserted by the Twenty-seventh Amendment, 1971: a committee of the Assembly for the hill areas, with the Governor under a special responsibility and an annual report to the President.

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Article 371D and 371E, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, inserted by the Thirty-second Amendment, 1973: equitable opportunities in public employment and education for different parts of the State, local cadres, and an Administrative Tribunal. In P. Sambamurthy v. State of Andhra Pradesh (1987) 1 SCC 362 the proviso permitting the State to modify or annul the Tribunal's orders was struck down as violating the rule of law and judicial review. Article 371E provides for a central university in Andhra Pradesh.

Article 371F, Sikkim, inserted by the Thirty-sixth Amendment, 1975 on its admission as a State: continuation of existing laws, protection of the different sections of the population, a minimum Assembly strength of thirty, and a special responsibility of the Governor for peace and equitable arrangements.

Article 371G, Mizoram, inserted by the Fifty-third Amendment, 1986, in almost the same terms as 371A: no Act of Parliament in respect of Mizo religious or social practices, Mizo customary law and procedure, the administration of civil and criminal justice involving Mizo customary law, and the ownership and transfer of land applies unless the Assembly so resolves.

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Article 371H, Arunachal Pradesh, inserted by the Fifty-fifth Amendment, 1986: special responsibility of the Governor for law and order, with a minimum Assembly strength of thirty.

Article 371I, Goa, inserted by the Fifty-sixth Amendment, 1987: a minimum Assembly strength of thirty. Article 371J, inserted by the Ninety-eighth Amendment, 2012, provides for the Hyderabad-Karnataka region.

The common thread, worth stating before turning to Article 370: these provisions protect land, customary law and local institutions, and in Nagaland and Mizoram they do so by requiring the State's own consent before Parliament's law applies, which is a genuine restriction on parliamentary competence and is the closest Indian federalism comes to a treaty guarantee.

Now Article 370, and it must be given in three stages.

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Stage one, the provision as it stood. Headed "Temporary provisions with respect to the State of Jammu and Kashmir", Article 370 provided that Parliament's power to make laws for the State was limited to the matters in the Instrument of Accession, in consultation with the State Government, and that other Union List and Concurrent List matters could be extended only with the concurrence of the State Government. Article 370(3) provided that the President may by public notification declare that the Article shall cease to be operative or shall operate with exceptions, provided that the recommendation of the Constituent Assembly of the State shall be necessary before the President issues such a notification. That Constituent Assembly was dissolved in 1957 without recommending anything, and the argument for four decades was that Article 370 had thereby become permanent. Article 35A, inserted by the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order, 1954, protected State laws defining permanent residents and conferring special rights on them.

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Stage two, what was done in August 2019. With the State under President's rule and its Assembly dissolved, so that the powers of the State legislature were exercisable by Parliament under Article 356(1)(b), the President issued Constitutional Order 272 on 5 August 2019, applying the whole Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir and adding to Article 367 an interpretation clause under which the reference to the "Constituent Assembly" in the proviso to Article 370(3) was to be read as the Legislative Assembly, and the reference to the State Government as the Governor. Both Houses of Parliament then recommended, and Constitutional Order 273 of 6 August declared that Article 370 shall cease to be operative. Parliament simultaneously enacted the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, creating the Union territories of Jammu and Kashmir, with a legislature, and Ladakh, without one, with effect from 31 October 2019.

Stage three, In Re: Article 370 of the Constitution, decided 11 December 2023 by a Constitution Bench. The holdings:

  1. Jammu and Kashmir retained no element of internal sovereignty after its accession and after the Yuvraj's Proclamation of 1949 applying the Indian Constitution; the State's own Constitution did not preserve sovereignty.
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  1. Article 370 was a temporary provision, both by its heading and its purpose, which was to serve an interim arrangement during the conflict.
  2. The power under Article 370(3) survived the dissolution of the State's Constituent Assembly in 1957; to hold otherwise would be to freeze the integration process, and the recommendation of that Assembly was a recommendation, not a condition binding the President forever.
  3. The route taken through Article 367 to reinterpret Article 370(3) was impermissible, since an interpretation clause cannot be used to amend the very provision being applied. The Court nonetheless held the exercise valid because the President could have acted under Article 370(3) directly, which he in substance did by Order 273.
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  1. On the Reorganisation Act, the Court declined to decide whether a State may be converted into Union territories, in view of the Solicitor General's statement that statehood would be restored, upheld the carving out of Ladakh under Article 3(a), directed that statehood be restored at the earliest, and ordered elections to the Legislative Assembly by 30 September 2024. Those elections were held.
  2. Kaul J., concurring, recommended an impartial Truth and Reconciliation Commission for the period from the 1980s.
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Assessment. Two criticisms are standard and should be stated. First, the exercise depended on the State being under President's rule, so that the concurrence required from the State Government was given by the Union's own appointee and the recommendation required from the State legislature came from Parliament acting in its place; the Court did not squarely decide whether Article 356 may be used to take irreversible constitutional steps on behalf of a State, holding only that the challenge to the Proclamation itself was not pressed. Second, by declining to decide the Union territory question the Court left open the most far-reaching issue in the case, whether Article 3 permits a State to be extinguished altogether. Against that, the judgment's central reasoning on the temporary character of Article 370 is textually strong, and the direction to restore statehood is the only judicial check the case produced.

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Conclusion. Articles 371A to 371I and Article 370 were two answers to the same problem, which is how a single Union accommodates regions with distinct histories, land systems and customary law. The lettered Articles remain in force and are the working model: they protect land, custom and local institutions, and in Nagaland and Mizoram they require the State's own consent before a parliamentary law applies. Article 370 was the other model, a negotiated autonomy resting on the concurrence of a State Government and the recommendation of a Constituent Assembly that ceased to exist in 1957, and it was ended in 2019 by an exercise the Supreme Court upheld in December 2023 while criticising the route taken through Article 367 and while directing that statehood be restored at the earliest. The contrast is the point: asymmetric federalism survives in India where it is written as a permanent special provision, and it did not survive where it was written as a temporary one.

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4.Discuss 'State'. Enlist - 'Who are States?'[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: Article 12 and why it is inclusive; then the "enlist" half literally, as a list of what has and has not been held to be State, with authority for each; the settled test; and the two doctrines that now supplement it.

The provision. In Part III, unless the context otherwise requires, "the State" includes the Government and Parliament of India, the Government and the Legislature of each of the States, all local authorities, and other authorities within the territory of India or under the control of the Government of India. Article 36 carries the same meaning into Part IV. The word "includes" makes the definition a floor and not a ceiling.

Why it matters. Article 13 voids any law inconsistent with Part III and Article 32 supplies the remedy, both against the State. Whether a body is State therefore decides whether a citizen has any constitutional remedy against it.

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The four named limbs. "Government and Parliament of India" and "Government and the Legislature of each of the States" cover the executive and legislative organs at both levels, including the President, the Governors, every department, and every officer acting for them. "Local authorities" is read with section 3(31) of the General Clauses Act, 1897 and covers a body legally entitled to, and entrusted by the government with, the control or management of a local fund: municipal committees, district boards, panchayats, port trusts, improvement trusts and, on Mohammad Yasin v. Town Area Committee (AIR 1952 SC 115) and Sri Ram Ram Narain v. State of Bombay, comparable bodies.

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"Other authorities" and the settled test. The narrow reading in University of Madras v. Shantha Bai (AIR 1954 Mad 67), which applied ejusdem generis, was rejected in Ujjam Bai v. State of Uttar Pradesh (AIR 1962 SC 1621) and Rajasthan State Electricity Board v. Mohan Lal (AIR 1967 SC 1857). The instrumentality doctrine came from Sukhdev Singh v. Bhagatram (1975) 1 SCC 421 (Mathew J.), was given tests in Ramana Dayaram Shetty v. International Airport Authority of India (1979) 3 SCC 489 and made form-neutral in Ajay Hasia v. Khalid Mujib Sehravardi (1981) 1 SCC 722. The test today is Pradeep Kumar Biswas v. Indian Institute of Chemical Biology (2002) 5 SCC 111, a bench of seven: the body must be financially, functionally and administratively dominated by, or under the control of, the Government; the control must be particular to the body and pervasive; and control which is merely regulatory does not suffice.

Now "enlist", which the question asks for. Held to be State:

  • statutory corporations: the Rajasthan State Electricity Board (Mohan Lal, 1967); ONGC, LIC and the Industrial Finance Corporation (Sukhdev Singh, 1975); the International Airport Authority (R.D. Shetty, 1979);
  • a registered society running a college (Ajay Hasia, 1981);
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  • a government company, Bharat Petroleum (Som Prakash Rekhi v. Union of India (1981) 1 SCC 449);
  • the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (P.K. Ramachandra Iyer v. Union of India (1984) 2 SCC 141);
  • the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (Pradeep Kumar Biswas, 2002, overruling Sabhajit Tewary);
  • a university established by statute (Chander Mohan Khanna v. NCERT (1991) 4 SCC 578 distinguishes, but the point is settled for statutory universities);
  • the Electricity Boards, Road Transport Corporations and Food Corporation of India, on the same reasoning; and
  • the judiciary in its administrative and rule-making capacity, though not in its judicial capacity (Naresh Shridhar Mirajkar v. State of Maharashtra, AIR 1967 SC 1; Rupa Ashok Hurra v. Ashok Hurra (2002) 4 SCC 388).

Held not to be State:

  • the Institute of Constitutional and Parliamentary Studies (Tekraj Vasandi v. Union of India (1988) 1 SCC 236);
  • the National Council of Educational Research and Training, on the facts (Chander Mohan Khanna v. NCERT (1991) 4 SCC 578);
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  • a private bank regulated by the Reserve Bank (Federal Bank Ltd. v. Sagar Thomas (2003) 10 SCC 733);
  • the Board of Control for Cricket in India (Zee Telefilms Ltd. v. Union of India (2005) 4 SCC 649), though a writ under Article 226 lies against it for a public duty;
  • the International Commission on Irrigation and Drainage (K.K. Saksena v. ICID (2015) 4 SCC 670); and
  • a co-operative society not otherwise controlled by government, on the ordinary application of the test.

The two supplements to Article 12. Public function: Andi Mukta Sadguru Trust v. V.R. Rudani (1989) 2 SCC 691 holds that mandamus lies under Article 226 against any person or body performing a public duty, whatever its constitutional character, and Zee Telefilms expressly preserved that remedy; K.K. Saksena supplies the limit, that the duty must be public and not merely owed to members of the public. Horizontality: Kaushal Kishor v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023) 4 SCC 1 held by 4:1 that the rights under Articles 19 and 21 are enforceable against non-State actors, joining Articles 15(2), 17, 20(2), 23, 24 and 29(2), which are horizontal on their own terms.

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Conclusion. "State" in Article 12 is defined inclusively and has been read by reference to control: after Pradeep Kumar Biswas, a body is State if the government dominates it financially, functionally and administratively, and not merely because it is powerful, monopolistic or performs an important public function. The list of what has and has not been held to be State follows that criterion exactly, and Zee Telefilms marks its outer edge. The difficulty is that the criterion is one of ownership at a time when the State owns less each year, so the definition is stable while the field it applies to shrinks. That is why the two supplements matter, and why the next generation of cases in this area will be about what a body does rather than what it is.

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5.Comment critically on 'Policy of Privatization' which affects the Principle of 'Affirmative action' for bringing Equality in the Society.[25]

Answer

This question is question 4 of Q.P. Code 29510 in the same scan, printed with different capitalisation, and the full answer is there. The plan follows.

The link. Article 16(1) protects equality of opportunity in employment under the State; Articles 15(4), 16(4), 16(4A) and 16(6) enable reservation; and "the State" is defined by Article 12, whose test after Pradeep Kumar Biswas v. Indian Institute of Chemical Biology (2002) 5 SCC 111 is financial, functional and administrative domination or control, with merely regulatory control insufficient. Every criterion is one of ownership, so the programme's reach falls automatically as the State withdraws.

Employment. A disinvested undertaking leaves the reservation roster the day the shares are sold. BALCO Employees' Union v. Union of India (2002) 2 SCC 333 upheld such a sale and denied the workers a hearing. There is no constitutional provision for reservation in private employment.

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Education, and the sequence is the argument. T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) 8 SCC 481: running an educational institution is an occupation under Article 19(1)(g), and unaided institutions have autonomy in admission and fees. P.A. Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra (2005) 6 SCC 537: the State cannot impose its reservation policy on them. Ninety-third Amendment, 2005, inserting Article 15(5) to permit reservation in private unaided institutions, minority institutions excepted; upheld in Ashoka Kumar Thakur v. Union of India (2008) 6 SCC 1 and Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) 8 SCC 1. At school level, section 12(1)(c) of the Right to Education Act, 2009, upheld in Society for Unaided Private Schools of Rajasthan v. Union of India (2012) 6 SCC 102 and inapplicable to minority schools after Pramati.

Three second-order effects. The minority exemption creates an incentive to seek minority status, sharpened by Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal (8 November 2024); outsourcing within government bypasses the roster without abolishing a post; and reserved seats increasingly secure access to the tier the State still funds rather than the tier that confers advantage.

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The doctrinal close. State of Kerala v. N.M. Thomas (1976) 2 SCC 310 held Article 16(4) to be a facet of equality and not an exception, so the State's obligation is to secure substantive equality; on that footing it is arguable that the obligation cannot be discharged by transferring the field to actors not bound by it. Against that stand Article 19(1)(g) and T.M.A. Pai.

Two concessions, since the instruction is to comment critically. Private employment has grown far faster than the public sector could have, so the absolute number of opportunities has risen; and the Court's refusal in BALCO to review economic policy is consistent with its general approach and not hostility to affirmative action.

Conclusion. The effect is structural and automatic, because the programme is defined to operate on the State and the State is defined by ownership. The constitutional response has been to attach public obligations to private providers by amendment and statute rather than to widen Article 12, which Zee Telefilms Ltd. v. Union of India (2005) 4 SCC 649 declined to do. That response covers education and not employment, and exempts minority institutions, which is the whole of the present debate.

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6.Discuss Rights of Minorities to establish educational Institutions in Article 29 and 30. Explain P. A. Inamdar Case.[25]

Answer

This is question 1 of Q.P. Code 29510 with an added direction to explain P.A. Inamdar, and the general answer is there. The plan, with the Inamdar half given in full because the question names it.

Articles 29 and 30, in outline. Article 29(1): any section of citizens with a distinct language, script or culture has the right to conserve it. Article 29(2): no citizen shall be denied admission to a State or State-aided institution on grounds only of religion, race, caste or language; an individual right. Article 30(1): all minorities, religious or linguistic, may establish and administer educational institutions of their choice; a community right. Article 30(1A) on compensation, Article 30(2) on non-discrimination in aid.

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Who is a minority: the unit is the State (D.A.V. College, Bhatinda v. State of Punjab (1971) 2 SCC 269; T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) 8 SCC 481). "Establish and administer" is conjunctive, and S. Azeez Basha v. Union of India (AIR 1968 SC 662) was overruled on that point in Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal, 8 November 2024, which held that incorporation by statute does not destroy minority character.

The regulation line: In re Kerala Education Bill (1958), Rev. Sidhajbhai Sabhai (1963), Very Rev. Mother Provincial (1970), Ahmedabad St. Xavier's College (1974), T.M.A. Pai (2002), Islamic Academy (2003).

Now P.A. Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra (2005) 6 SCC 537, which the question names. A bench of seven judges decided it on 12 August 2005, to settle the confusion left by Islamic Academy. Its holdings:

  1. Neither the policy of reservation nor any quota can be enforced by the State in private unaided educational institutions, whether minority or non-minority. To do so would amount to nationalising seats and would violate Article 19(1)(g) for non-minority institutions and Article 30(1) for minority ones.
  2. There is no fundamental right to a seat in an unaided institution; the institution's right to select is part of its autonomy under T.M.A. Pai.
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  1. Admission in unaided professional institutions must be by a fair, transparent and non-exploitative procedure based on merit, and the institution may adopt a common entrance test held by itself, by an association of institutions, or by the State, provided the criteria are announced in advance.
  2. Capitation fee and profiteering are prohibited; a reasonable surplus for development is permitted; the fee committees devised in Islamic Academy to fix fees were approved as a temporary regulatory measure until an appropriate mechanism was legislated.
  3. The regulatory measures approved in Islamic Academy were held to be not in conflict with T.M.A. Pai so far as they secured transparency and merit, but the two-committee scheme was not to be treated as a permanent substitute for legislation.
  4. The observation in T.M.A. Pai about a sprinkling of students from other communities in a minority institution was clarified: a minority institution may admit a reasonable number of non-minority students, and the State may fix the percentage in aided institutions, but the essential character must be preserved.
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And what happened to Inamdar. Parliament reversed holding (1) within months by the Ninety-third Amendment, 2005, inserting Article 15(5) to permit reservation in private educational institutions including unaided ones, minority institutions excepted. The amendment was upheld for aided institutions in Ashoka Kumar Thakur v. Union of India (2008) 6 SCC 1 and for unaided ones in Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) 8 SCC 1. So the case is now chiefly authority for propositions (2) to (6), and its central holding survives only in relation to minority institutions, which Article 15(5) exempts.

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Conclusion. Articles 29 and 30 protect two different things: identity, in the right of any section of citizens to conserve its language, script and culture and in the individual's right not to be excluded from a State-aided institution; and autonomy, in the minority's right to found and run its own institutions. P.A. Inamdar is the high-water mark of that autonomy, holding that the State may not impose a quota on an unaided institution at all, and it is also the clearest instance in this branch of law of Parliament reversing a judgment by amendment, since Article 15(5) was enacted within months and has been upheld twice. What survives of Inamdar is the requirement of a fair, transparent, merit-based admission procedure, the prohibition of capitation and profiteering, and its continuing protection of minority institutions, which Article 15(5) does not touch.

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7.Write short notes -[25]

  • (a) Election Commission and Article 324.
  • (b) Grass root Democracy, Panchayati Raj and Reservation to Women.

Answer

For full marks, cover: both notes, since the paper prints no choice, at roughly twelve or thirteen marks each.

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(a) Election Commission and Article 324

Article 324(1) vests in an Election Commission the superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all elections to Parliament, to the legislature of every State and to the offices of President and Vice-President. Article 324(2): the Commission consists of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of other Commissioners as the President may from time to time fix, appointed subject to any law made by Parliament. Article 324(3): the Chief Election Commissioner acts as chairman. Article 324(4): Regional Commissioners may be appointed before a general election. Article 324(5): conditions of service as Parliament may determine, with the Chief Election Commissioner removable only in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, his conditions of service not variable to his disadvantage after appointment, and an Election Commissioner removable only on the recommendation of the Chief Election Commissioner. Article 324(6): the President and the Governors shall make available the staff the Commission requires.

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The width of the power. Mohinder Singh Gill v. Chief Election Commissioner (1978) 1 SCC 405: Article 324 is a reservoir of power, and where the law is silent the Commission may act for a free and fair election, subject to natural justice. A.C. Jose v. Sivan Pillai (1984) 2 SCC 656: it cannot act contrary to a statute, and the use of voting machines without statutory authority was bad, which Parliament cured by section 61A in 1989. Kanhiya Lal Omar v. R.K. Trivedi (1985) 4 SCC 628: the Election Symbols Order, 1968 is within Article 324. Election Commission of India v. State of Tamil Nadu 1995 Supp (3) SCC 379: the Commission may requisition central forces. T.N. Seshan v. Union of India (1995) 4 SCC 611: the Commission is a multi-member body acting by majority and the Chief Election Commissioner is not superior to his colleagues.

Its three functions. Administrative, in rolls, schedule, symbols, registration of parties under section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 and enforcement of the Model Code. Advisory, under Articles 103(2) and 192(2), where the President or Governor decides a sitting member's disqualification according to the opinion of the Commission, which is binding. Quasi-judicial, in disputes over recognition and symbols, upheld in Sadiq Ali v. Election Commission of India (1972) 4 SCC 664.

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Appointment, the live issue. Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India (2023) 6 SCC 161, decided 2 March 2023, held unanimously that appointments must be by the President on the advice of a committee of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and the Chief Justice of India, until Parliament legislated, because free and fair elections are inseparable from democracy, which is a basic feature. The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023 replaced the Chief Justice with a Union Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister; the challenge to it is undecided.

Two structural weaknesses to name. The Commission's expenditure is voted, not charged on the Consolidated Fund, unlike that of the Comptroller and Auditor General; and it has no independent secretariat, its staff being largely on deputation.

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(b) Grass root Democracy, Panchayati Raj and Reservation to Women

Grass root democracy became a constitutional obligation with the Seventy-third and Seventy-fourth Amendments, 1992, in force 24 April 1993 and 1 June 1993, which inserted Part IX (Articles 243 to 243-O) with the Eleventh Schedule and Part IXA (Articles 243P to 243ZG) with the Twelfth Schedule. Before them local government was a State subject under entry 5 of List II and elected bodies were superseded for years at a time. Article 40, a directive principle, had asked for village panchayats as units of self-government since 1950, and the Balwant Rai Mehta (1957), Ashok Mehta (1978), G.V.K. Rao (1985) and L.M. Singhvi (1986) committees had each recommended action.

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The mandatory scheme. Gram Sabha of all registered voters (243A); three tiers, the intermediate optional below twenty lakh population (243B); direct election to all seats (243C); reservation (243D); a five-year term with elections before expiry or within six months of dissolution (243E); disqualifications with a minimum age of twenty-one (243F); powers as devolved by the State, including the twenty-nine Eleventh Schedule matters (243G); taxation as authorised (243H); a State Finance Commission every five years (243I); audit (243J); a State Election Commission whose Commissioner is removable only in the manner of a High Court Judge (243K); and a bar on judicial interference in delimitation and elections except by election petition (243-O). Part IXA adds the District Planning Committee (243ZD) and the Metropolitan Planning Committee (243ZE). The Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 extends Part IX to Fifth Schedule areas with the Gram Sabha given primacy over land alienation, minor minerals and minor forest produce.

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Reservation to women. Article 243D(3): not less than one-third of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every panchayat reserved for women, including the seats reserved for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe women under clause (2), allotted by rotation. Article 243D(4): not less than one-third of the offices of chairperson at every level. Articles 243T(3) and (4) for municipalities. Article 15(3) supplies the constitutional warrant, and K. Krishna Murthy v. Union of India (2010) 7 SCC 202 upheld the scheme.

Enforcement and limits. Kishansing Tomar v. Municipal Corporation of the City of Ahmedabad (2006) 8 SCC 352: elections must be held before the term expires; funds and unpreparedness are no excuse. Vikas Kishanrao Gawali v. State of Maharashtra (2021) 6 SCC 73: the triple test for backward class reservation in local bodies. Rajbala v. State of Haryana (2016) 1 SCC 463: educational qualifications upheld, and criticised. The standing criticisms are rotation, which prevents an incumbent from standing again in the same seat, the sarpanch pati phenomenon, and the fact that devolution under Article 243G is discretionary, so the reserved seat often carries little power.

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The national contrast. More than twenty States have raised local reservation to one-half; something above 1.4 million women hold elected local office. At the national level the Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023 reserves one-third of the seats in the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies, but Article 334A makes it operative only after a delimitation on the first census after commencement. It was brought into force on 16 April 2026, and the Constitution (One Hundred and Thirty First Amendment) Bill, 2026, which would have enabled an earlier delimitation, was defeated in the Lok Sabha.

Conclusion. Both notes describe institutions whose constitutional design has held and whose practical delivery depends on something the Constitution left open. The Election Commission has an enormous power under Article 324 and a manner of appointment the Supreme Court held inadequate in March 2023 and Parliament restored within the year. Panchayati raj has a mandatory guarantee of elections and reserved seats, which has been delivered, and a discretionary devolution of funds and functions, which has not. In each case the part the Constitution made self-executing works, and the part it left to the political process has not followed.

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