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LLM Foundation Course Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges 2016 Question Paper with Solutions

Mumbai University Solved Question Papers

Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges

Previous Year Question Paper with Solution

LLM · Foundation Course

2016 Examination

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Mumbai

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First published on munotes.in on 12 August 2026.

Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.

Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.

Passages from this volume may be quoted, in print, online or by an AI system, with credit: name munotes.in and link to this volume's page. The volume may not be reproduced as a whole. Full terms at munotes.in/content-license.

munotes.in is an independent study resource for students of the University of Mumbai. It is not affiliated with the University of Mumbai, and is not endorsed by it.

The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.

The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2016 examination.

The answers in this volume state the law as it stands today, not as it stood when the paper was set, and in this subject the difference is large. Five changes alter answers here. Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal, 8 November 2024, overruled Azeez Basha on the minority status of an institution incorporated by statute. State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, 1 August 2024, permitted sub-classification within the Scheduled Castes. The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, 2023 replaced the appointment committee directed in Anoop Baranwal. The Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023 came into force on 16 April 2026 and is not yet operative. And the advisory opinion of 20 November 2025 held that no timeline may be set for assent to a Bill. Where a provision has since been replaced, the answer gives the position then and now, and says which is which.

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The Paper as Set

The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2016 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.

Duration 3 hours  ·  Total marks 100  ·  7 questions answered

How to use this volume

Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.

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SECTION I

Answer any four questions, all questions carry equal marks

any four of seven · 100 Marks

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1)Explain tests to determine whether a body is an agency or instrumentality of the Government under Art. 12 of the Constitution. Discuss with the help of judicial pronouncements. -[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the text of Article 12 and where the phrase "agency or instrumentality" comes from; the R.D. Shetty indicia and the Ajay Hasia restatement, set out as a list; the Pradeep Kumar Biswas consolidation, which is the test today; the negative cases that show what the tests exclude; and the two doctrines that now supplement Article 12.

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Where the phrase comes from. Article 12 includes within "the State", for the purposes of Part III, the Government and Parliament of India, the Governments and Legislatures of the States, all local authorities and other authorities within the territory of India or under the control of the Government of India. The words "agency or instrumentality" appear nowhere in the Article. They come from Sukhdev Singh v. Bhagatram Sardar Singh Raghuvanshi (1975) 1 SCC 421, where Mathew J., concurring, held that a public corporation is an agency or instrumentality of the State, and that the State cannot escape its constitutional obligations by the device of creating a corporation. The whole body of testing that follows is an attempt to give that idea a workable content.

The tests were first listed in Ramana Dayaram Shetty v. International Airport Authority of India (1979) 3 SCC 489. Bhagwati J. set out five indicia:

  1. the entire share capital of the body is held by government;
  2. the body enjoys financial assistance from the State meeting almost the whole of its expenditure;
  3. the body enjoys a monopoly status conferred or protected by the State;
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  1. there is deep and pervasive State control; and
  2. the functions of the body are of public importance and closely related to governmental functions.

To these he added a sixth, taken from Sukhdev Singh: whether a department of government has been transferred to the body.

Ajay Hasia v. Khalid Mujib Sehravardi (1981) 1 SCC 722 restated those tests and added the point that matters most. The Court held that the tests apply irrespective of the legal character of the body, so a society registered under the Societies Registration Act, 1860 running a regional engineering college was held to be State. The formulation to quote is that the enquiry is not how the juristic person is born but why it has been brought into existence, and that a corporation may be an instrumentality of the State whether it is created by statute or under a statute. The Court also warned that the tests are not conclusive but illustrative, and must be used cumulatively.

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They were applied in the following decade to a government company in Som Prakash Rekhi v. Union of India (1981) 1 SCC 449, to the Indian Council of Agricultural Research in P.K. Ramachandra Iyer v. Union of India (1984) 2 SCC 141, and to a State-aided institution in Tekraj Vasandi v. Union of India (1988) 1 SCC 236, where the Institute of Constitutional and Parliamentary Studies was held not to be State, showing that the tests do exclude.

The consolidation, and the test as it stands today, is Pradeep Kumar Biswas v. Indian Institute of Chemical Biology (2002) 5 SCC 111, a bench of seven which overruled Sabhajit Tewary v. Union of India (1975) 1 SCC 485 and held the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research to be State. The Court restated the enquiry in a single composite question:

Is the body financially, functionally and administratively dominated by, or under the control of, the Government; is that control particular to the body; and is it pervasive?

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Three riders were added and each is examinable. Control that is merely regulatory, whether under statute or otherwise, will not make a body State. The tests in Ajay Hasia are not a rigid formula but indicia to be applied cumulatively. And the enquiry is one of substance, so form, funding label and nomenclature do not decide it.

The negative cases show the boundary and must be given. In Zee Telefilms Ltd. v. Union of India (2005) 4 SCC 649 the Board of Control for Cricket in India was held not to be State: not created by statute, no government shareholding, no financial assistance, no State-conferred monopoly, no pervasive control, notwithstanding that it enjoys a monopoly in fact and selects the national team. In Federal Bank Ltd. v. Sagar Thomas (2003) 10 SCC 733 a private bank was held not to be State despite detailed Reserve Bank regulation, on the same ground: regulation is not control. And in K.K. Saksena v. International Commission on Irrigation and Drainage (2015) 4 SCC 670 the Court held that a body may be amenable to Article 226 for the discharge of a public duty without being State for Article 12.

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Two supplements to the tests, because Article 12 alone no longer covers the field. First, the public function doctrine: Andi Mukta Sadguru Trust v. V.R. Rudani (1989) 2 SCC 691 holds that mandamus lies under Article 226 against any person or body performing a public duty, whatever its constitutional character, and Zee Telefilms preserved that remedy expressly. Second, horizontality: Kaushal Kishor v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023) 4 SCC 1 held by 4:1 that the rights under Articles 19 and 21 are enforceable against non-State actors, which reduces the practical importance of the Article 12 enquiry for two of the most litigated rights in Part III. Both post-date this paper and both are essential to a current answer.

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Conclusion. The tests for agency or instrumentality began as a list of six indicia in R.D. Shetty, were made independent of legal form in Ajay Hasia, and were consolidated by seven judges in Pradeep Kumar Biswas into a single question of financial, functional and administrative domination, particular to the body and pervasive. The direction of the development was steadily outward until 2002 and has been flat since, because Zee Telefilms held that power and monopoly are not substitutes for control. That is a defensible line, but it was drawn for an economy in which the State owned the commanding heights, and as the State withdraws the tests catch fewer bodies each year while the public character of what those bodies do is unchanged. The courts' answer has not been to loosen the tests but to build beside them, through the public function jurisdiction under Article 226 and the horizontal reach of Articles 19 and 21.

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2)"The claim of equality before the law is in substantial sense the most fundamental of the rights of a man. It occupies the first place in most written Constitutions. Comment with case laws. -[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the two limbs of Article 14 and their different sources; why the claim in the quotation is defensible, which is the structural argument that equality is presupposed by every other right; the classification test; the arbitrariness doctrine; the relationship with Articles 15, 16, 17 and 21; and a qualification, because equality is not in fact absolute.

The provision. Article 14: the State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India. The first phrase is Dicey's, drawn from the English common law, and is negative: no person is above the law, and all are equally subject to the ordinary law administered by the ordinary courts. The second is drawn from the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution and is positive: it requires equal treatment in equal circumstances, and therefore permits, indeed requires, unequal treatment of unequals.

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Why the claim in the quotation is defensible. Three reasons should be given. First, textually: Article 14 opens Part III's substantive guarantees and is the only one expressed in favour of "any person", so it protects citizens and foreigners, natural and juristic persons alike. Second, structurally: every other right presupposes it. A right to free speech that could be given to some and withheld from others would not be a right at all; a right to life administered selectively would be a licence. That is why Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978) 1 SCC 248 held that Articles 14, 19 and 21 are not watertight compartments and that a law depriving a person of personal liberty must satisfy all three, the golden triangle. Third, doctrinally: equality is part of the basic structure, so it cannot be amended away; Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain 1975 Supp SCC 1 struck down clause (4) of Article 329A partly on that ground, and M. Nagaraj v. Union of India (2006) 8 SCC 212 confirmed that the equality code embodies a basic feature.

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The classification test, which is how Article 14 was first applied. Because equal protection permits classification, the courts had to distinguish classification from discrimination. State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali Sarkar (AIR 1952 SC 75) struck down a provision allowing any case to be sent to a special court with a truncated procedure, because it supplied no principle of selection. Budhan Choudhry v. State of Bihar (AIR 1955 SC 191) gave the two conditions every answer must state: the classification must rest on an intelligible differentia distinguishing those grouped from those left out, and that differentia must bear a rational nexus to the object of the statute. Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar (AIR 1958 SC 538) added the working presumptions: constitutionality is presumed, the burden is on the challenger, the legislature may recognise degrees of harm and may proceed one step at a time.

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The arbitrariness doctrine, which is how it is applied now. E.P. Royappa v. State of Tamil Nadu (1974) 4 SCC 3: equality is a dynamic concept and cannot be confined to traditional limits, and equality and arbitrariness are sworn enemies. Maneka Gandhi (1978) applied it to procedure. Ajay Hasia (1981) applied it to State instrumentalities. Ramana Dayaram Shetty v. International Airport Authority of India (1979) 3 SCC 489 applied it to the award of government contracts. The doctrine's fullest statement is Shayara Bano v. Union of India (2017) 9 SCC 1, where manifest arbitrariness was held to be a ground on which even a legislative provision may be struck down, and instantaneous triple talaq fell. Natural Resources Allocation, In re, Special Reference No. 1 of 2012 (2012) 10 SCC 1 applied Article 14 to the allocation of scarce public resources.

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The equality code as a whole. Article 14 is general; Articles 15, 16, 17 and 18 are its specific applications. Article 15 forbids discrimination on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, and clause (2) binds private persons in access to shops, hotels, wells and places of public resort. Article 16 applies the guarantee to public employment. Article 17 abolishes untouchability absolutely, subject to no exception, and is the most radical provision in the code. Article 18 abolishes titles. In State of Kerala v. N.M. Thomas (1976) 2 SCC 310 the Court held that Article 16(4) is a facet of Article 16(1) and not an exception to it, which is the doctrinal move that makes reservation part of equality rather than a departure from it, and Indra Sawhney v. Union of India 1992 Supp (3) SCC 217 adopted it.

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The modern equality cases show the doctrine at its widest. Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (2018) 10 SCC 1 read Articles 14, 15 and 21 together to read down section 377 of the Penal Code so far as it criminalised consensual acts between adults, holding that Article 15's phrase "on grounds only of sex" covers sexual orientation. Joseph Shine v. Union of India (2018) 2 SCC 189 struck down section 497 as resting on the subordination of a wife. Anuj Garg v. Hotel Association of India (2008) 3 SCC 1 held that a classification on the ground of sex attracts stricter scrutiny and that protective legislation which protects by excluding is self-defeating.

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Now the qualification, which is what "comment" invites. The claim in the quotation is true as a statement about the structure of rights and overstated as a statement about their enforcement. Three points. One, Article 14 forbids denial of equal protection, which is a negative obligation; it does not by itself require the State to supply the conditions of equal citizenship, and the provisions that do, Articles 38, 39 and 46, are unenforceable directive principles. Two, the presumption of constitutionality and the wide latitude given in matters of economic and fiscal classification, R.K. Garg v. Union of India (1981) 4 SCC 675, mean that a great deal of unequal treatment survives Article 14 scrutiny. Three, uncodified personal law is not "law in force" for Article 13 on State of Bombay v. Narasu Appa Mali (AIR 1952 Bom 84), a decision doubted but never overruled, so the equality guarantee reaches personal law only indirectly, which is why Shayara Bano proceeded on the arbitrariness of a practice rather than on the invalidity of a system.

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Conclusion. The quotation is right in substance. Equality is the most fundamental of rights because it is presupposed by all the others, and Indian constitutional law has treated it accordingly, moving from the classification test to the arbitrariness doctrine, reading Articles 14, 19 and 21 as a golden triangle after Maneka Gandhi, and placing the equality code in the basic structure. Its "first place in most written Constitutions" reflects that logic. But equality before the law is a guarantee against the State's own arbitrariness, and in a society where inequality is produced by private power, custom and inherited disadvantage, the guarantee is necessary and not sufficient. That is exactly why the Constitution does not stop at Article 14, and adds Article 17's absolute abolition of untouchability, the enabling clauses in Articles 15 and 16, and the whole of Part IV.

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3)Explain changing dimension of freedom of speech and expression, with the help of judicial pronouncements. -[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: Article 19(1)(a) and 19(2) with the two amendments that shaped the clause; then the "changing dimension" in three waves, the print era, the broadcast era and the internet era, each with its cases; and the fourth wave now beginning, which is automated moderation and synthetic media.

The provision and its two amendments. Article 19(1)(a) guarantees to all citizens freedom of speech and expression; Article 19(2) permits reasonable restrictions in the interests of eight matters and no others. The First Amendment, 1951 added public order, friendly relations with foreign States and incitement to an offence, and inserted the word "reasonable"; it was enacted because Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras (AIR 1950 SC 124) and Brij Bhushan v. State of Delhi (AIR 1950 SC 129) had struck down a circulation ban and pre-censorship for want of a public order ground. The Sixteenth Amendment, 1963 added the sovereignty and integrity of India. In Kaushal Kishor v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023) 4 SCC 1 the Court confirmed that the list is exhaustive.

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First dimension: the print era, and the freedom of the press. The Constitution contains no separate guarantee for the press, deliberately, and the Court supplied its content from Article 19(1)(a). Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. v. Union of India (AIR 1962 SC 305) struck down a price-page schedule: the State cannot do indirectly, by controlling the volume of a newspaper, what it may not do directly. Bennett Coleman & Co. v. Union of India (1972) 2 SCC 788 struck down newsprint quotas and held that freedom of the press includes both circulation and content, and that a restriction on the quantity of newsprint is a restriction on speech. Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) v. Union of India (1985) 1 SCC 641 examined customs duty on newsprint and held that while the press is not immune from general taxation, taxation which imperils it is open to challenge.

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Second dimension: the right expands beyond speaking. State of Uttar Pradesh v. Raj Narain (1975) 4 SCC 428 and S.P. Gupta v. Union of India 1981 Supp SCC 87 established the right to know, later the constitutional basis of the Right to Information Act, 2005 and of the voter's right to a candidate's antecedents in Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms (2002) 5 SCC 294. Bijoe Emmanuel v. State of Kerala (1986) 3 SCC 615 recognised the right to remain silent. Tata Press Ltd. v. Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Ltd. (1995) 5 SCC 139 brought commercial speech within the Article, on the ground that the public has an interest in receiving commercial information. Union of India v. Naveen Jindal (2004) 2 SCC 510 held flying the national flag to be expression.

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Third dimension: broadcasting and the medium. Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting v. Cricket Association of Bengal (1995) 2 SCC 161 held that airwaves are public property, that a government monopoly over broadcasting cannot stand, and that the right to impart and receive information through any medium is part of Article 19(1)(a); the judgment produced the Prasar Bharati Act and private broadcasting. Film remains the one medium where pre-censorship is permitted: K.A. Abbas v. Union of India (1970) 2 SCC 780 upheld classification under the Cinematograph Act, 1952 on the ground that the motion picture's appeal to emotion justifies a distinct regime, though S. Rangarajan v. P. Jagjivan Ram (1989) 2 SCC 574 held that the State cannot plead inability to maintain law and order as a reason to suppress a certified film, since the commitment to freedom demands that it cannot be surrendered to the heckler's veto.

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Fourth dimension: the internet, which is where the syllabus phrase "new challenges" points. Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) 5 SCC 1, decided in March of the year before this paper was set, is the leading case: section 66A of the Information Technology Act, 2000 was struck down for vagueness and overbreadth, since terms such as "grossly offensive" and "menacing character" have no ascertainable standard; section 69A on blocking was upheld as narrowly drawn with reasons and a hearing; and section 79(3)(b) was read down so that an intermediary loses safe harbour only on a court order or a government notification. The Court restated the crucial line: discussion and advocacy are protected and only incitement may be restricted. Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020) 3 SCC 637 held that speech and trade through the internet are protected under Articles 19(1)(a) and 19(1)(g), that an indefinite suspension is impermissible, that suspension orders must be published and are reviewable, and that proportionality applies. Kaushal Kishor (2023) held Articles 19 and 21 enforceable against non-State actors, which matters when the censor is a private platform.

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The wave now beginning, and naming it is what dates an answer as current. Three problems have no settled answer. Intermediary regulation: the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 impose traceability of the first originator and a three-tier grievance mechanism over digital news, and are under challenge; Rule 3(1)(b)(v), which set up a government Fact Check Unit, was struck down by the Bombay High Court in Kunal Kamra v. Union of India on 20 September 2024 as violating Articles 14 and 19(1)(a). Automated moderation: content is now ranked and removed by algorithm, so the decision restricting speech is made by no identifiable person and is difficult to test against Article 19(2), which assumes a law and a decision-maker. Synthetic media: generative systems can fabricate a person's own words and likeness, so the wrong is not a false statement about a speaker but a false statement as the speaker, which the existing grounds in Article 19(2) and the law of defamation address only awkwardly.

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Two matters that remain unresolved and should be stated as open. Sedition: section 124A of the Penal Code was kept in abeyance by the Supreme Court in S.G. Vombatkere v. Union of India on 11 May 2022, and the Penal Code was replaced on 1 July 2024 by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, whose section 152 is the successor offence with an Explanation saving lawful expression of disapprobation. Hate speech: there is still no statutory definition, the Law Commission's 267th Report (2017) having proposed one that was not enacted, and Amish Devgan v. Union of India (2021) 1 SCC 1 supplies only a framework.

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Conclusion. The dimension of Article 19(1)(a) has changed three times without a word of the Article changing, and each change followed the same method: the Court asked what the freedom is for, and held that the medium does not alter the right. That is how newsprint quotas, broadcasting monopolies and internet shutdowns each came to be treated as restrictions on speech. What is genuinely new is not the medium but the censor: for seventy years the question was whether the State could suppress a publisher, and it is now whether the State may compel a private intermediary to suppress a user, and whether a right framed against the State reaches the platform at all. Shreya Singhal supplied the method, insisting that any restriction fit one of the eight grounds and be narrowly drawn, and Kaushal Kishor began to supply the answer by making Article 19 horizontal. Whether that method survives automated moderation is the next chapter.

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4)"Right to education is concomitant to the fundamental rights enshrined under Part - III of the Constitution". Explain and discuss. -[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the source of the quotation, which is Mohini Jain; how the proposition was corrected within a year by Unni Krishnan; the Eighty-sixth Amendment; the Right to Education Act, 2009; who the Act binds after Society for Unaided Private Schools and Pramati; and a discussion of what the right does not reach.

The quotation is from Mohini Jain v. State of Karnataka (1992) 3 SCC 666. Kuldip Singh J. held that although the right to education is not stated in Part III in terms, it is concomitant to the fundamental rights enshrined there: the dignity of the individual promised by the Preamble cannot be assured unless accompanied by the right to education; Articles 21, 38, 39(a), 39(f), 41 and 45 make it obligatory on the State to provide education at all levels; and charging a capitation fee in consideration of admission is arbitrary and violates Article 14. That is the proposition the question asks about.

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It was corrected the next year, and stating the correction is the single most important thing in this answer. In Unni Krishnan, J.P. v. State of Andhra Pradesh (1993) 1 SCC 645 a five-judge bench held: the right to education does flow from Article 21, because the right to live with dignity cannot be assured without education; but it is not unlimited, and reading Articles 21, 41 and 45 together, the fundamental right is to free education up to the age of fourteen, beyond which the obligation is subject to the limits of the State's economic capacity and development, exactly as Article 41 says. The Court also devised a scheme of free and payment seats in professional colleges, which was found unworkable and overruled in T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) 8 SCC 481.

The Eighty-sixth Amendment, 2002 wrote the judgment into the text, in three limbs. New Article 21A: the State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six to fourteen years in such manner as the State may by law determine. Article 45 substituted: the State shall endeavour to provide early childhood care and education for all children until they complete the age of six, so that band remains a directive principle. New Article 51A(k): a fundamental duty of a parent or guardian to provide opportunities for education to a child between six and fourteen.

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The enabling statute is the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, in force 1 April 2010. The provisions worth naming: section 3, the right to free and compulsory elementary education in a neighbourhood school; section 4, admission of an out-of-school child to an age-appropriate class with special training; section 12(1)(c), the obligation on unaided schools to admit at least twenty-five per cent of the entry class from weaker sections and disadvantaged groups against State reimbursement; section 13, no capitation fee and no screening procedure, which enacts Mohini Jain's holding; section 14, no denial for want of age proof; section 16, no holding back or expulsion until elementary education is completed, amended in 2019 to permit regular examination with re-examination and detention in classes 5 and 8; section 17, no physical punishment or mental harassment; section 21, School Management Committees; section 23, teacher qualifications; and the Schedule on pupil-teacher ratio, working days and instructional hours.

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Two cases decide whom the Act binds. Society for Unaided Private Schools of Rajasthan v. Union of India (2012) 6 SCC 102 upheld the Act and section 12(1)(c) as applying to government, aided and unaided non-minority schools, holding the twenty-five per cent obligation a reasonable restriction on Article 19(1)(g), since Article 21A places the obligation on the State to provide, and the State may discharge it through private schools with reimbursement. Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) 8 SCC 1 held the Act inapplicable to all minority institutions, aided or unaided, because Article 21A cannot be given effect in a way that abrogates Article 30(1), and upheld the Eighty-sixth and Ninety-third Amendments as not violating the basic structure.

The right has content beyond a seat. Avinash Mehrotra v. Union of India (2009) 6 SCC 398, after the Kumbakonam school fire, held that the right includes education in a safe school and issued binding safety directions. Environmental and Consumer Protection Foundation v. Delhi Administration (2012) 13 SCC 690 directed the provision of toilets, drinking water and teaching staff. State of Tamil Nadu v. K. Shyam Sunder (2011) 8 SCC 737 held the right to be to education of reasonable quality, not merely to enrolment.

Now discuss, because the question says "explain and discuss".

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Is the proposition in the quotation still correct? Formally, it has been superseded: after 2002 the right to education is not merely concomitant to the fundamental rights, it is one, in Article 21A, for the six to fourteen band. Outside that band the Mohini Jain and Unni Krishnan reasoning still does the work, which is why the argument for a right to higher and professional education continues to be framed through Article 21 and Article 19(1)(g) rather than Article 21A.

Four limits worth stating. Age: the guarantee ends at fourteen, precisely where secondary education and the labour market begin, and the zero to six band was deliberately left in Article 45; the National Education Policy 2020 recommends extending the guarantee to three to eighteen, which would require a further amendment. Quality: the Act regulates inputs, buildings, ratios and qualifications, and says almost nothing about learning outcomes. Reach: after Pramati, minority institutions are outside the Act entirely, so the principal equalising provision does not touch a large and growing part of the school system. Enforcement: Article 21A says "in such manner as the State may, by law, determine", which makes the content of the right depend on the statute, unlike Articles 19 and 21.

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Conclusion. The quotation states the position as it was between 1992 and 2002, and it was the reasoning that produced the change. Education moved from an unenforceable directive in Article 45, to a right read into Article 21 in Mohini Jain and confined in Unni Krishnan, to an express fundamental right in Article 21A, to a detailed statutory code in 2009. That is the most complete example in Indian constitutional law of a directive principle becoming a fundamental right, and it is the strongest evidence for the Minerva Mills proposition that Parts III and IV are complementary. What the sequence has not achieved is a right to an education of a stated standard: Article 21A guarantees eight years of schooling of a prescribed shape, and the constitutional argument of the next decade will be about attainment rather than enrolment.

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5)Discuss the rights of minorities to establish and administer educational institutions. Cite leading case laws. -[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: Article 30(1) and its relationship with Article 29; who is a minority and by what unit; what "establish and administer" means and the change made by the 2024 Aligarh Muslim University decision; the regulation line from Kerala Education Bill to T.M.A. Pai and P.A. Inamdar; and the two provisions that now cut across the right, Article 15(5) and section 12(1)(c) of the Right to Education Act.

The right. Article 30(1): all minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. Article 30(1A), inserted by the Forty-fourth Amendment, requires that compensation on compulsory acquisition of such an institution's property must not restrict or abrogate the right. Article 30(2): the State shall not, in granting aid, discriminate against any educational institution on the ground that it is under minority management.

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Distinguish Article 29. Article 29(1) protects the right of any section of citizens with a distinct language, script or culture to conserve it, and is not confined to minorities. Article 29(2) forbids denial of admission to a State or State-aided institution on grounds only of religion, race, caste or language, and is an individual right of the citizen. Article 30(1) is a community right and is confined to minorities. The two overlap but are not the same, and running them together is a common fault.

Who is a minority, and by what unit? The Constitution supplies no definition. The determining unit is the State, not the country. D.A.V. College, Bhatinda v. State of Punjab (1971) 2 SCC 269 held Hindus in Punjab to be a religious minority for this purpose, and T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) 8 SCC 481, by eleven judges, held that since States were reorganised on linguistic lines, the unit for both religious and linguistic minorities is the State. Numerical inferiority alone is the criterion; there is no requirement that the community be socially or economically backward. The National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 notifies minorities at the national level, and the challenge to that scheme in Ashwini Kumar Upadhyay v. Union of India remains pending.

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"Establish and administer" is conjunctive, and the law on it changed in 2024. In S. Azeez Basha v. Union of India (AIR 1968 SC 662) the Court held that the two words go together, that a community which has not established an institution cannot claim to administer it, and that Aligarh Muslim University, being brought into existence by an Act of 1920, was not established by the Muslim minority. That holding was overruled in Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal, decided 8 November 2024 by a seven-judge bench, 4:3. The majority held that incorporation by statute does not by itself destroy minority character; the enquiry is who brought the institution into existence, whose effort and funds founded it and for whose benefit; and that it is unnecessary to show that administration vests in the minority, because the right to administer is a consequence of establishment rather than proof of it. Whether Aligarh Muslim University is on the facts a minority institution was remitted to a regular bench.

The right to administer is not a right to maladminister, and the regulation cases are a single line:

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  • In re Kerala Education Bill, 1957 (AIR 1958 SC 956): the right is not absolute; regulations prescribing standards of teaching, qualifications of teachers and conditions of service are permissible in the interest of the institution itself; aid may be conditioned but not on terms requiring surrender of the Article 30 right.
  • Rev. Sidhajbhai Sabhai v. State of Bombay (AIR 1963 SC 540): a regulation must be reasonable and directed to making the institution an effective vehicle of minority education; compulsory reservation of eighty per cent of seats for government nominees was struck down.
  • State of Kerala v. Very Rev. Mother Provincial (1970) 2 SCC 417: the State may not appoint the governing body or take over management.
  • Ahmedabad St. Xavier's College Society v. State of Gujarat (1974) 1 SCC 717, nine judges: the right protects choice of teachers, disciplinary control and the medium of instruction, subject to reasonable regulation for excellence; affiliation conditions are permissible if they do not destroy the minority character.
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  • T.M.A. Pai Foundation (2002), eleven judges: establishing an institution is an occupation under Article 19(1)(g); unaided minority institutions have the widest autonomy in admission and fees; no capitation fee and no profiteering, but a reasonable surplus for development is permissible; the State may prescribe qualifications and a rational, transparent admission procedure.
  • Islamic Academy of Education v. State of Karnataka (2003) 6 SCC 697: fee and admission committees created to police that line.
  • P.A. Inamdar v. State of Maharashtra (2005) 6 SCC 537: the State cannot impose its own reservation quota on unaided institutions, minority or otherwise.
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Two provisions now cut across the right. Parliament reversed Inamdar by the Ninety-third Amendment, 2005, inserting Article 15(5) to permit special provision for backward classes and Scheduled Castes and Tribes in educational institutions including private unaided ones, minority institutions expressly excepted; upheld for aided institutions in Ashoka Kumar Thakur v. Union of India (2008) 6 SCC 1 and for unaided ones in Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) 8 SCC 1. And Pramati held that the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 does not apply to minority institutions at all, aided or unaided, because Article 21A cannot be given effect so as to abrogate Article 30(1); Society for Unaided Private Schools of Rajasthan v. Union of India (2012) 6 SCC 102 had upheld section 12(1)(c) against non-minority unaided schools.

On the medium of instruction, State of Karnataka v. Associated Management of Primary and Secondary Schools (2014) 9 SCC 485 held that a State may prescribe the mother tongue as the medium in its own and aided schools but cannot impose it on unaided ones, the choice being part of Article 19(1)(a) for the parent and Article 30(1) for a minority institution.

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Conclusion. Article 30 exists on a simple constitutional judgment: a minority's language, script and culture will not survive unless it can educate its own children, and a majoritarian legislature cannot be relied on to secure that. The case law has settled the balance between that autonomy and the State's legitimate interest in standards, and the settlement is workable: regulation for excellence yes, takeover of management no, profiteering no, a State-imposed quota on an unaided institution no. What has shifted in the last decade is the reach of the right rather than its content. Pramati placed minority schools outside the right to education legislation, which puts a large and growing part of the school system outside its principal equalising provision and creates an incentive to claim minority status; and the 2024 Aligarh Muslim University decision, by overruling Azeez Basha, has reopened the status of every institution incorporated by statute. Those two developments, and not the regulation cases, are where this branch of law is now moving.

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6)Explain provisions regarding appointment of judges of higher judiciary under the Constitution with the help of leading case laws. -[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the constitutional text on appointment and its silences; the four Judges Cases in order with the holding of each; the National Judicial Appointments Commission and why it was struck down; the collegium as it now works, with the Memorandum of Procedure problem; and the criticisms and reform proposals.

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The text is short, and its silences are the whole subject. Article 124(2): every Judge of the Supreme Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal after consultation with such of the Judges of the Supreme Court and of the High Courts as the President may deem necessary, and in the case of appointment of a Judge other than the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of India shall always be consulted. Article 124(3) prescribes the qualifications: a citizen who has been a Judge of a High Court for five years, or an advocate of a High Court for ten, or is in the President's opinion a distinguished jurist. Article 217(1): a Judge of a High Court is appointed by the President after consultation with the Chief Justice of India, the Governor of the State, and, for a Judge other than the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of that High Court. Article 217(2) prescribes the qualifications; Article 222 provides for transfer; Article 224 for additional and acting Judges; and Article 231 for a common High Court for two or more States.

The Constitution says nothing about who initiates a name, what criteria apply, or what happens if the consultees disagree. Every controversy since 1973 has been about those three silences.

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First Judges Case: S.P. Gupta v. Union of India 1981 Supp SCC 87. Seven judges held that "consultation" does not mean concurrence; the opinion of the Chief Justice of India has no primacy; the President is not bound by it; and the ultimate power of appointment rests with the executive. The case is equally famous for expanding locus standi and legitimising public interest litigation.

Second Judges Case: Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v. Union of India (1993) 4 SCC 441. Nine judges overruled S.P. Gupta. The holding: in the matter of appointment the opinion of the Chief Justice of India, formed after consultation with his senior colleagues, has primacy; the process is an integrated participatory consultative process in which the executive's role is limited to raising objections that must be considered; and if the Chief Justice reiterates a recommendation unanimously after considering the objections, the appointment should be made. The collegium was created here, and the Court's justification was that independence of the judiciary is part of the basic structure and cannot be secured if the executive has the final word.

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Third Judges Case: Special Reference No. 1 of 1998 (1998) 7 SCC 739. On a Presidential reference the Court clarified the mechanics: the Chief Justice must consult a collegium of the four senior-most Judges of the Supreme Court for an appointment to that Court, and the two senior-most for High Court appointments and transfers; the opinions must be in writing; and a recommendation made without such consultation is not binding on the government.

Fourth Judges Case: Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v. Union of India (2016) 5 SCC 1, decided 16 October 2015. The Ninety-ninth Constitutional Amendment and the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act, 2014 were struck down 4:1. The Commission was to consist of the Chief Justice of India, the two next senior Judges, the Union Minister of Law and Justice and two eminent persons chosen by a committee of the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice and the Leader of the Opposition, with a power in any two members to veto a recommendation. The majority held that this destroyed the primacy of the judiciary in appointments, which is part of the basic structure, since the Law Minister together with one eminent person could block any name. Chelameswar J. dissented, holding the collegium opaque and unaccountable and the amendment a legitimate exercise of constituent power; his criticism is quoted in almost every subsequent discussion.

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How the collegium works now. For the Supreme Court, the Chief Justice of India and the four senior-most Judges; for a High Court, the Chief Justice of that Court with two senior-most Judges recommending, and the Supreme Court collegium of three approving; the government may return a name once with objections, and a unanimous reiteration is binding in principle. Two practical points must be made. One, the government's practice of not notifying a reiterated name, without formally rejecting it, has become the effective instrument of executive influence, since the Constitution prescribes no time limit; the Court has repeatedly taken note of it. Two, the Memorandum of Procedure the Court directed to be revised in the remedial hearing after the NJAC judgment has still not been agreed between the collegium and the Union more than a decade later, so the criteria and the timelines the judgment contemplated do not exist.

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Criticism and reform. The standing objections to the collegium are opacity, since reasons are not published though resolutions have been since 2017; the absence of stated criteria; the risk of self-selection and the absence of any lay element; and delay. The standing objection to any executive-led alternative is Kesavananda and the NJAC holding. Proposals in circulation include a permanent secretariat for the collegium with published criteria, a statutory Judicial Appointments Commission with a judicial majority, and mandatory publication of reasons; none has been enacted. The Law Commission's 214th Report (2008) recommended reconsidering the Second and Third Judges Cases, and the 230th Report (2009) addressed transparency.

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Conclusion. The Constitution provides for appointment by the President after consultation, and says nothing about primacy, criteria or deadlock. Into that silence the Court has read, in three steps between 1993 and 1998, a system of judicial primacy exercised through a collegium that appears nowhere in the text, and in 2015 it held that Parliament may not replace that system with one giving the executive a veto, because judicial primacy in appointments is part of the basic structure. That is a coherent constitutional position and it is also an uncomfortable one, because the system defended as essential to independence is itself unwritten, unreasoned and slow. The reform that would answer both objections without surrendering primacy is a Memorandum of Procedure with published criteria and time limits, and its absence a decade after it was directed is the strongest criticism available of the present arrangement.

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7)Write short notes on any TWO -[25]

  • (a) Federalism
  • (b) Empowerment of women
  • (c) Secularism
  • (d) Formation of new States

Answer

For full marks, cover: two notes at roughly twelve marks each. All four are written out below.

(a) Federalism

Article 1(1) calls India a "Union of States", and Dr Ambedkar explained the word in the Constituent Assembly: the Union is not the result of an agreement between the States, and the States have no right to secede. The federation is created by the Constitution, not by a compact.

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Federal features: a written and supreme Constitution; distribution of legislative power by Article 246 and the Seventh Schedule into Union, State and Concurrent Lists; a rigid amending procedure for federal provisions, the proviso to Article 368(2) requiring ratification by not less than half the State legislatures for any amendment touching the Seventh Schedule, the representation of States in Parliament, the executive or legislative power of the Union or the States, or Article 368 itself; an independent judiciary with the Supreme Court's exclusive original jurisdiction over federal disputes under Article 131; and a Council of States under Article 80.

Unitary features: Article 3, allowing Parliament to redraw a State's boundaries after merely ascertaining its views, which are not binding, with Article 4 declaring that such a law is not a constitutional amendment; Articles 249, 250, 252 and 253, allowing Parliament to legislate on State subjects; Articles 200 and 201 on reservation of Bills; Articles 256, 257 and 365 on directions to States; Article 356 on President's rule; single citizenship; a single integrated judiciary; All India Services under Article 312; and residuary power with the Union under Article 248 and entry 97 of List I.

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The leading cases. State of West Bengal v. Union of India (AIR 1963 SC 1241): the States are not sovereign and Indian federalism is a matter of degree. S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) 3 SCC 1: federalism is part of the basic structure, a Proclamation under Article 356 is justiciable, and the floor of the House is the test of majority. Kuldip Nayar v. Union of India (2006) 7 SCC 1: the model is quasi-federal. Government of NCT of Delhi v. Union of India (2018) 8 SCC 501 and (2023) 9 SCC 1: collaborative federalism. Union of India v. Mohit Minerals (2022) 10 SCC 700: the recommendations of the GST Council under Article 279A are not binding, both legislatures having simultaneous power under Article 246A.

The current strain is the Governor's office. In State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor of Tamil Nadu, decided 8 April 2025, a two-judge bench prescribed timelines for assent and declared ten Bills deemed assented. On a Presidential Reference the Supreme Court held on 20 November 2025 that courts cannot prescribe timelines under Articles 200 and 201, that deemed assent is alien to the Constitution, and that these decisions are not ordinarily justiciable, while holding that a Governor may not sit on a Bill indefinitely and that limited review lies for unexplained delay.

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(b) Empowerment of women

The constitutional scheme has four elements. Equality: Articles 14, 15(1) and 16(1) and (2), the last two naming sex as a forbidden ground. Protective discrimination: Article 15(3) permits any special provision for women and children, and is the warrant for maternity legislation, for women's reservation in local bodies and for preference in employment, upheld in Government of Andhra Pradesh v. P.B. Vijayakumar (1995) 4 SCC 520. Directive principles: Article 39(a) and (d) on the right to an adequate means of livelihood and equal pay for equal work, Article 39(e) on health and strength of workers, Article 42 on maternity relief and Article 51A(e), a fundamental duty to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women. Political representation: Articles 243D(3) and 243T(3), one-third of seats and chairperson offices in panchayats and municipalities, in force since 1993.

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The cases that did the work. Air India v. Nergesh Meerza (1981) 4 SCC 335 struck down termination of an air hostess's service on first pregnancy. Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997) 6 SCC 241 held sexual harassment at the workplace to violate Articles 14, 15, 19(1)(g) and 21 and laid down guidelines drawn from the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, replaced by the Act of 2013. Anuj Garg v. Hotel Association of India (2008) 3 SCC 1 applied stricter scrutiny to sex classifications and held that protection by exclusion is self-defeating. Githa Hariharan v. Reserve Bank of India (1999) 2 SCC 228 read "after him" in the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act as "in the absence of". Shayara Bano v. Union of India (2017) 9 SCC 1 struck down instantaneous triple talaq. Joseph Shine v. Union of India (2018) 2 SCC 189 struck down the adultery offence. Secretary, Ministry of Defence v. Babita Puniya (2020) 7 SCC 469 secured permanent commission for women officers in the Army. Vineeta Sharma v. Rakesh Sharma (2020) 9 SCC 1 held a daughter's coparcenary right under the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005 to be by birth and independent of the father surviving to 9 September 2005. X v. Principal Secretary, Health and Family Welfare Department, NCT of Delhi (2023) 9 SCC 433 held reproductive autonomy part of Article 21 and struck down the marital distinction in the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Rules.

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And the most recent development. The Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023 reserves one-third of the seats in the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies for women. It was brought into force on 16 April 2026, but Article 334A makes the reservation operative only after a delimitation on the first census taken after commencement, and the Constitution (One Hundred and Thirty First Amendment) Bill, 2026, introduced to enable that step, was defeated in the Lok Sabha for want of the special majority.

The limits. Uncodified personal law is not "law in force" for Article 13 on State of Bombay v. Narasu Appa Mali (AIR 1952 Bom 84), a decision doubted but not overruled, so the equality guarantee reaches personal law only indirectly. Article 44 and the uniform civil code remain a directive principle. And Part III binds the State, so discrimination in private employment is met by statute and not by the Constitution, at least until Kaushal Kishor (2023) is worked out.

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(c) Secularism

Indian secularism is neither the American wall of separation nor French laicite. It is usually called principled distance or sarva dharma sama bhava: the State establishes no religion, treats no faith as official, and may intervene in religious affairs for social reform. The proof is textual. Article 25(1) guarantees freedom of conscience and the right to profess, practise and propagate religion, expressly subject to public order, morality, health and the other provisions of Part III. Article 25(2)(a) permits regulation of economic, financial, political or other secular activity associated with religious practice; Article 25(2)(b) permits laws for social welfare and reform and for throwing open Hindu religious institutions to all classes and sections of Hindus. Article 26 gives denominational rights; Article 27 forbids taxes for the promotion of a religion; Article 28 regulates religious instruction in State-funded institutions; Article 17 abolishes untouchability; Article 44 directs a uniform civil code.

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The word "secular" was inserted in the Preamble by the Forty-second Amendment, 1976, and the challenge to that insertion was dismissed in Dr. Balram Singh v. Union of India on 25 November 2024, the Court holding the amendment within Article 368 and the terms settled by long usage.

Secularism is basic structure. Named in Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225, and given operative force in S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994) 3 SCC 1, where the dismissal of four State governments under Article 356 after 6 December 1992 was upheld on the ground that a State government acting against secularism may be dismissed.

The judicial instrument is the essential religious practices doctrine, created in Commissioner, Hindu Religious Endowments, Madras v. Sri Lakshmindra Thirtha Swamiar of Sri Shirur Mutt (AIR 1954 SC 282) and narrowed in Durgah Committee, Ajmer v. Syed Hussain Ali (AIR 1961 SC 1402). It has been used to protect (Bijoe Emmanuel v. State of Kerala (1986) 3 SCC 615) and to reform (Shayara Bano (2017); Indian Young Lawyers Association v. State of Kerala (2019) 11 SCC 1, the Sabarimala case). Its own validity is before a nine-judge bench in Kantaru Rajeevaru v. Indian Young Lawyers Association (2020) 2 SCC 1, undecided.

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Religion and elections. Abhiram Singh v. C.D. Commachen (2017) 2 SCC 629 held by 4:3 that section 123(3) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 forbids an appeal on the ground of the religion, race, caste, community or language of the candidate, his agent, the voter or anyone, making any such appeal a corrupt practice.

The honest criticism. The Constitution does not require identical treatment of all religions; it forbids discrimination while permitting reform, and the reforming clause names Hindu institutions expressly. Article 30 gives minorities an educational autonomy the majority does not have, reinforced by Pramati (2014) and by Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal (8 November 2024). And there is still no statutory definition of hate speech, eight years after the Law Commission's 267th Report. Indian secularism is therefore best described as equal respect with unequal intervention.

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(d) Formation of new States

Article 3 empowers Parliament by law to form a new State by separation of territory from any State, by uniting two or more States or parts of States, or by uniting any territory to a part of any State; to increase or diminish the area of any State; and to alter the boundaries or the name of any State. The proviso requires only that the Bill be introduced on the recommendation of the President and that the President first refer it to the legislature of the State affected for its views within a specified period. Article 4 provides that such a law may make consequential amendments to the First and Fourth Schedules and shall not be deemed to be an amendment of the Constitution for the purposes of Article 368.

Three consequences. The State's views are not binding; there is no requirement of consent; and no special majority or State ratification is needed. No Indian State has a guaranteed territorial existence, which is the sharpest single difference between Indian federalism and the American or Australian models.

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The cases. Babulal Parate v. State of Bombay (AIR 1960 SC 51): one reference satisfies the proviso, Parliament may amend the Bill afterwards without a fresh reference, and the President is not bound by the views expressed. In re: Berubari Union (AIR 1960 SC 845): cession of Indian territory to a foreign State cannot be done under Article 3 and requires an amendment under Article 368, which produced the Ninth Amendment, 1960. Maganbhai Ishwarbhai Patel v. Union of India (1970) 3 SCC 400: the settlement of a boundary dispute, as distinct from cession, may be effected by executive action, the reasoning that later supported the Hundredth Amendment, 2015 implementing the Land Boundary Agreement with Bangladesh.

The history. The States Reorganisation Act, 1956 with the Seventh Amendment redrew the map on a broadly linguistic basis after the Fazl Ali Commission reported in 1955, itself a consequence of the agitation following the death of Potti Sriramulu and the creation of Andhra in 1953. Then Maharashtra and Gujarat (1960), Nagaland (1963), Haryana and Himachal Pradesh (1966 and 1971), the north-eastern States (1971 to 1987), Sikkim (1975, by the Thirty-sixth Amendment), Goa (1987), Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand (2000) and Telangana (2014).

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The most recent exercise. The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019 converted a State into two Union territories while it was under President's rule, so that the "views" of the State legislature were expressed by Parliament itself. In In Re: Article 370 of the Constitution, decided 11 December 2023, a Constitution Bench upheld the abrogation of Article 370 as a temporary provision, held that the President's power under Article 370(3) survived the dissolution of the State's Constituent Assembly, declined to decide the validity of converting a State into Union territories in view of the Solicitor General's statement that statehood would be restored, directed that statehood be restored at the earliest, and ordered elections to the Legislative Assembly by 30 September 2024, which were held.

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Conclusion. These four notes describe the same constitutional method from four directions. Federalism and the formation of new States show a Union that may redraw its own units by ordinary majority and is nonetheless bound by federalism as a basic feature. Secularism shows a State that must not establish a religion and may reform one. And the empowerment of women shows a guarantee delivered fastest where the Constitution made it mandatory, one-third of panchayat seats since 1993, and slowest where it left the matter to the political process, which is why the 106th Amendment took from 2023 to April 2026 to be brought into force and is still not operative.

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