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LLM Foundation Course Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges 2025-26 - Group V Question Paper with Solutions

Mumbai University Solved Question Papers

Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges

Previous Year Question Paper with Solution

LLM · Foundation Course

2025-26 - Group V Examination

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Mumbai

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First published on munotes.in on 12 August 2026.

Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.

Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.

Passages from this volume may be quoted, in print, online or by an AI system, with credit: name munotes.in and link to this volume's page. The volume may not be reproduced as a whole. Full terms at munotes.in/content-license.

munotes.in is an independent study resource for students of the University of Mumbai. It is not affiliated with the University of Mumbai, and is not endorsed by it.

The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.

The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2025-26 - Group V examination.

The answers in this volume state the law as it stands today, not as it stood when the paper was set, and in this subject the difference is large. Five changes alter answers here. Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal, 8 November 2024, overruled Azeez Basha on the minority status of an institution incorporated by statute. State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, 1 August 2024, permitted sub-classification within the Scheduled Castes. The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, 2023 replaced the appointment committee directed in Anoop Baranwal. The Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023 came into force on 16 April 2026 and is not yet operative. And the advisory opinion of 20 November 2025 held that no timeline may be set for assent to a Bill. Where a provision has since been replaced, the answer gives the position then and now, and says which is which.

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The Paper as Set

The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2025-26 - Group V examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.

Duration 3 hours  ·  Total marks 100  ·  7 questions answered

How to use this volume

Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.

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SECTION I

Attempt ANY FOUR questions, all questions carry equal marks, cite relevant case laws wherever required

any four of seven · 100 Marks

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1)Critically examine the scope and definition of 'State' under Article 12 of the Indian Constitution. Has the judicial interpretation expanded or diluted its ambit? Explain.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the text of Article 12 and why it is inclusive; the four named limbs; the long march of "other authorities", with each leading case given its facts, its issue and its ratio rather than a bare citation; the retreat in Zee Telefilms and Federal Bank; whether the judiciary is State; and the honest answer to the question asked, which is that the ambit has been expanded in doctrine and narrowed in fact by privatisation, with Article 226 and Kaushal Kishor filling part of the gap.

1. The provision, and why its drafting decides everything

Article 12 provides that in Part III, unless the context otherwise requires, "the State" includes the Government and Parliament of India, the Government and the Legislature of each of the States, all local authorities, and other authorities within the territory of India or under the control of the Government of India.

Three features of that drafting control the whole subject.

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First, it says "includes", not "means". A definition introduced by "means" is exhaustive; one introduced by "includes" is extensive, adding to the ordinary meaning of the word without displacing it. Every widening the courts have achieved rests on that single word, and the Court has said so repeatedly.

Second, it is a definition for Part III alone, and by express extension for Part IV, since Article 36 provides that in Part IV "the State" has the same meaning as in Part III unless the context otherwise requires. So a body may be State for the purpose of a fundamental right and not for any other purpose in law, and the converse is equally true: a body may be a "public authority" under the Right to Information Act, 2005 or an "instrumentality" for some statutory purpose and still not be State under Article 12.

Third, the closing words are disjunctive: "within the territory of India OR under the control of the Government of India". So a body situated within India is covered even if the Government of India does not control it (a State authority, for instance), and a body outside India is covered if it is under the control of the Government of India. The second limb is what brings, for example, an Indian mission abroad within Part III.

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Why the definition matters at all. Part III is, in its ordinary working, a set of vertical guarantees held by the citizen against the State. Article 13(2) provides that the State shall not make any law taking away or abridging the rights conferred by Part III, and any law made in contravention is void to the extent of the contravention. Article 32 gives the remedy, and the right to move the Supreme Court under it is itself a fundamental right. So the question whether a body is State decides whether the citizen has any constitutional remedy against it at all. Article 12 is the doorway to the whole of Part III, and every argument about its width is really an argument about how much of national life is subject to the discipline of the fundamental rights.

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2. The four named limbs

"The Government and Parliament of India" and "the Government and the Legislature of each of the States" cover the executive and legislative organs at both levels. The executive limb extends to the President and the Governors, to the Council of Ministers, and to every department, officer and agent acting for them, because the executive power of the Union and of a State is vested in the President and the Governor by Articles 53 and 154 and is exercised through officers subordinate to them. It follows that an administrative circular, an executive instruction and a departmental decision are all acts of the State, even though none of them is "law" for the purposes of Article 13, a distinction settled in Bijoe Emmanuel v. State of Kerala (1986) 3 SCC 615, where the circular of the Director of Public Instruction was struck down although it was not a statutory rule.

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"All local authorities" takes its meaning from section 3(31) of the General Clauses Act, 1897, which defines a local authority as a municipal committee, district board, body of port commissioners or other authority legally entitled to, or entrusted by the Government with, the control or management of a municipal or local fund. On that footing municipal corporations, panchayats, improvement trusts, port trusts and cantonment boards are State, and so are the bodies that administer a local fund under statutory authority. The leading application is Mohammad Yasin v. Town Area Committee (AIR 1952 SC 115), where a fee imposed by a town area committee was struck down as violating Article 19(1)(g), the Court proceeding on the footing that the committee was State.

"Other authorities" is the residual limb, and it is where seventy years of litigation has taken place.

3. "Other authorities": the cases, each with its facts and its ratio

(a) University of Madras v. Shantha Bai (AIR 1954 Mad 67): the narrow start.

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Facts. The University of Madras issued a direction that women could be admitted to affiliated colleges only if the college obtained the special sanction of the Syndicate and complied with conditions as to accommodation and amenities. Shantha Bai, refused admission, alleged a breach of Articles 15 and 29(2).

Issue. Is a university an "other authority" within Article 12?

Held. The Madras High Court applied the rule of ejusdem generis, reasoning that "other authorities" takes its colour from the preceding words, which name governmental and legislative organs, and must therefore be confined to bodies exercising governmental or sovereign functions. A university, performing no sovereign function, was outside Article 12.

Why it is wrong, and how it fell. The rule of ejusdem generis applies only where the specific words preceding the general expression form a distinct genus or category. The words in Article 12 do not: the Government, Parliament, a State legislature and a local authority have nothing in common except that all exercise some public power. The reasoning was doubted in Ujjam Bai v. State of Uttar Pradesh (AIR 1962 SC 1621) and rejected in the next case.

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(b) Rajasthan State Electricity Board v. Mohan Lal (AIR 1967 SC 1857): the statutory test.

Facts. Employees of the erstwhile Jaipur State transferred to the Rajasthan State Electricity Board, a body constituted under the Electricity (Supply) Act, 1948, complained that the Board had denied them promotion in violation of Articles 14 and 16.

Issue. Is a statutory corporation carrying on commercial activity an "other authority"?

Held. Yes. Bhargava J., for the majority, held that "other authorities" includes every authority created by the Constitution or by a statute on which powers are conferred by law; that the rule of ejusdem generis has no application because the preceding words share no common genus; and that it is immaterial that the body also carries on a commercial activity, since a body may perform commercial functions and still exercise statutory powers of a governmental character. Shah J., concurring, put it differently and importantly: the test is whether the body has been invested with power to make rules or regulations having the force of law, or with authority to issue binding directions the disobedience of which is punishable.

Ratio. Statutory creation plus the conferment of legal powers makes a body State, whatever its commercial character.

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(c) Sukhdev Singh v. Bhagatram Sardar Singh Raghuvanshi (1975) 1 SCC 421: instrumentality is born.

Facts. Employees of the Oil and Natural Gas Commission, the Life Insurance Corporation and the Industrial Finance Corporation were removed in breach of the regulations governing their service. In an ordinary master-and-servant relationship a wrongful dismissal sounds only in damages; the employees claimed reinstatement, which requires that the employment carry a statutory status.

Issue. Do the regulations of a statutory corporation have the force of law, and are these corporations State?

Held. By a majority, yes on both counts. The regulations were made under statutory authority, bound the corporation as well as the employee and therefore had the force of law, so a dismissal in breach of them was void and reinstatement followed.

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The reasoning that mattered most came in Mathew J.'s concurring opinion, which supplied the idea on which the next thirty years were built. The State's functions have expanded far beyond the traditional police functions; it acts through corporations because the corporate form is administratively convenient; a public corporation is therefore an agency or instrumentality of the State; and the State cannot be permitted to escape its constitutional obligations by the simple expedient of clothing itself in a corporate form. He added the criterion of the public function: where a corporation is an instrument of State policy, performing a function the State itself would otherwise perform, it must be subject to the same constitutional limitations as the State.

(d) Ramana Dayaram Shetty v. International Airport Authority of India (1979) 3 SCC 489: the tests, and the parallel rule on State largesse.

Facts. The International Airport Authority invited tenders for a restaurant and snack bar at Bombay airport, restricting eligibility to persons who were "registered second class hoteliers having at least five years' experience". It then accepted a tender from a party which did not satisfy that condition at all. Shetty, whose tender had been rejected, challenged the acceptance.

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Issue. First, is the Authority State? Second, may a State instrumentality depart from the standard it has itself prescribed for the award of a contract?

Held. On the first question, yes. Bhagwati J. set out the indicia of an instrumentality, and it is worth listing them because they became the standard:

  1. the entire share capital of the body is held by government;
  2. the body enjoys financial assistance from the State meeting almost the whole of its expenditure;
  3. the body enjoys a monopoly status conferred or protected by the State;
  4. there is deep and pervasive State control over it;
  5. the functions of the body are of public importance and closely related to governmental functions; and
  6. a department of government has been transferred to the body.
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On the second question, and this is the half of the case that is often forgotten, the Court held that the State and its instrumentalities cannot act arbitrarily in the matter of largesse. Where the State prescribes a standard for the award of a contract, it is bound by it and may not depart from it in an individual case, because Article 14 forbids arbitrariness in every State action, contractual or otherwise. That holding was the foundation of the whole modern law of government contracts.

(e) Ajay Hasia v. Khalid Mujib Sehravardi (1981) 1 SCC 722: form ceases to matter.

Facts. Admission to the Regional Engineering College, Srinagar, was challenged on the ground that the oral interview carried a disproportionate one-third of the total marks and had been conducted arbitrarily. The College was run not by a statutory corporation but by a society registered under the Jammu and Kashmir Registration of Societies Act, 1898, corresponding to the Societies Registration Act, 1860.

Issue. Can a registered society, a creature of contract between its members rather than of statute, be State?

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Held. Yes, and the reasoning is the passage every answer should quote: the enquiry is not how the juristic person is born but why it has been brought into existence. A corporation may be an instrumentality of the State whether it is created by a statute or under a statute; the concept of instrumentality does not depend on the mode of creation. The Court consolidated the R.D. Shetty indicia into a five-point formulation and applied them to hold the society to be State, and then held that allocating one-third of the marks to an oral interview was arbitrary and violated Article 14.

Two warnings the Court itself added, and candidates habitually ignore them. The tests are not conclusive but illustrative, and they must be applied cumulatively rather than as a checklist on which a body scores points.

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(f) The intermediate applications. Som Prakash Rekhi v. Union of India (1981) 1 SCC 449 applied the tests to a government company under the Companies Act, Bharat Petroleum, holding it State because the whole shareholding, the transferred undertaking and the pervasive control were present. P.K. Ramachandra Iyer v. Union of India (1984) 2 SCC 141 applied them to the Indian Council of Agricultural Research. Tekraj Vasandi v. Union of India (1988) 1 SCC 236 shows the tests excluding as well as including: the Institute of Constitutional and Parliamentary Studies, a registered society doing research, was held not to be State because government funding was partial, control was not pervasive and its work was not a governmental function. Chander Mohan Khanna v. NCERT (1991) 4 SCC 578 held the National Council of Educational Research and Training not to be State on the facts, its funding being largely from its own sales and its autonomy substantial.

(g) Pradeep Kumar Biswas v. Indian Institute of Chemical Biology (2002) 5 SCC 111: the settled test.

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Facts. Employees of a laboratory of the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research were terminated and moved the High Court. The obstacle was Sabhajit Tewary v. Union of India (1975) 1 SCC 485, a decision of five judges given on the very day as Sukhdev Singh, which had held CSIR not to be State in a three-paragraph judgment that gave no reasons at all.

Issue. Is CSIR State, and does Sabhajit Tewary survive?

Held. By a bench of seven judges, 5:2, CSIR is State and Sabhajit Tewary is overruled. The majority restated the whole enquiry as a single composite question:

Is the body financially, functionally and administratively dominated by, or under the control of, the Government? Is that control particular to the body and is it pervasive?

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Three riders, each examinable. One, control which is merely regulatory, whether under statute or otherwise, will not make a body State: every insurer, bank, airline and telecom operator is heavily regulated and none is thereby a limb of the State. Two, the Ajay Hasia indicia are not a rigid formula; they are indicia to be applied cumulatively. Three, the enquiry is one of substance and not of form, so the label attached to a body, its mode of incorporation and the nomenclature of its funding do not decide it.

On the facts the Court found that CSIR was formed by a government resolution, that its funding came almost entirely from the government, that the Prime Minister was its ex officio President, that the Government could review and reverse its decisions and could dissolve it and take its assets, and that its objects were of national importance and governmental in character.

4. Where the widening stopped

(a) Zee Telefilms Ltd. v. Union of India (2005) 4 SCC 649.

Facts. The Board of Control for Cricket in India terminated Zee's television rights contract. Zee moved the Supreme Court under Article 32, which required it to establish that the Board is State.

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Held. By 3:2, the Board is not State. Applying Pradeep Kumar Biswas the majority found that the Board is not created by statute, that no share capital is held by government, that it receives no financial assistance, that its monopoly, though real, is a monopoly in fact and not one conferred or protected by the State, that there is no pervasive government control, and that no department was transferred to it.

The two arguments the Court rejected, and its answers, are the examinable part. It was argued that the Board selects the national team and so performs a public function, and that it enjoys de facto monopoly over the sport. The majority held that the discharge of a public duty is not the same as being an instrumentality; that if every body performing a function of public interest were State, the definition would have no boundary; and that the Board's monopoly arose from history and public acceptance, not from any State grant.

But the Court preserved the remedy. It held expressly that where the Board acts in the discharge of public duties, an aggrieved party is not without recourse: a writ under Article 226 lies, because that Article extends to "any other purpose" and reaches any person or body performing a public duty. Sinha J., dissenting, would have held the Board to be State on the footing that it performs a function the State would otherwise have to perform.

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(b) Federal Bank Ltd. v. Sagar Thomas (2003) 10 SCC 733. A private bank, licensed and closely regulated by the Reserve Bank of India under the Banking Regulation Act, 1949, was held not to be State. The Court's reasoning is the cleanest statement of the regulatory-control rider: regulation, however detailed, is the State performing its own function of supervision, and it does not convert the regulated body into a limb of the State.

(c) K.K. Saksena v. International Commission on Irrigation and Drainage (2015) 4 SCC 670 completed the picture from the other side, holding that a body may be amenable to Article 226 in respect of a public duty without being State for Article 12, and warning that the duty must be genuinely public and not merely a duty owed to members of the public under a contract.

5. Is the judiciary "State"?

In its rule-making and administrative capacity, yes: rules framed under Articles 145 and 227, and administrative decisions on appointments and service conditions, are State action and are open to challenge under Part III. Prem Chand Garg v. Excise Commissioner (AIR 1963 SC 996) struck down a rule of the Supreme Court requiring security for costs in an Article 32 petition, because it whittled down a fundamental right.

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In its judicial capacity, no. Naresh Shridhar Mirajkar v. State of Maharashtra (AIR 1967 SC 1), a bench of nine, held that a judicial order of a competent court cannot be said to violate a fundamental right, and that the remedy against it is appeal and not a petition under Article 32. Rupa Ashok Hurra v. Ashok Hurra (2002) 4 SCC 388 confirmed it and, while doing so, created the curative petition as a final remedy in exceptional cases where a gross miscarriage of justice has occurred.

6. Expanded or diluted? The question the paper actually asks

Expanded, in doctrine, and the direction of travel is unmistakable. From sovereign function (Shantha Bai, 1954), to statutory creation and legal powers (Rajasthan SEB, 1967), to instrumentality and agency (Sukhdev Singh, 1975), to six workable indicia (R.D. Shetty, 1979), to form-neutrality (Ajay Hasia, 1981), to a composite test of pervasive domination applied by seven judges (Pradeep Kumar Biswas, 2002). At each step a class of body previously outside Part III was brought within it.

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Alongside it the courts opened a second door, which is not Article 12 at all. Andi Mukta Sadguru Shree Muktajee Vandas Swami Suvarna Jayanti Mahotsav Smarak Trust v. V.R. Rudani (1989) 2 SCC 691 held that a writ of mandamus under Article 226 lies against any person or body performing a public duty, whatever its constitutional character, because the words "for any other purpose" in Article 226 are wider than Article 32. There a trust running an affiliated college was compelled to pay its teachers, the duty being public though the body was private.

And a third door has now been opened. In Kaushal Kishor v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023) 4 SCC 1, a bench of five held by 4:1 that the rights under Articles 19 and 21 are enforceable even against persons other than the State and its instrumentalities, joining Articles 15(2), 17, 20(2), 23, 24 and 29(2), which are horizontal on their own terms; and that the State owes a positive duty to protect a person's Article 21 rights even against a threat from a private actor. Nagarathna J. partly dissented, and the remedial framework remains undeveloped, but the direction is clear.

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Diluted, in fact, and this is the half most answers omit. The reach of Article 12 is a function of how much the State owns and controls, because every criterion in Pradeep Kumar Biswas is a criterion of ownership and control. Since the New Industrial Policy of 24 July 1991 the State has disinvested public sector undertakings, opened reserved sectors, contracted out services and withdrawn from whole industries.

The clearest proof is BALCO Employees' Union v. Union of India (2002) 2 SCC 333. The Union sold fifty-one per cent of Bharat Aluminium Company to a private buyer. The workers challenged the sale. The Court upheld it, holding that disinvestment is a matter of economic policy on which the Court has neither the expertise nor the resources to sit in judgment, and that the employees had no right to be heard, since a change in the ownership of shares altered no right of theirs. The constitutional consequence, which the Court did not dispute, is that a worker who on the day before the sale could have moved the High Court alleging a breach of Articles 14 and 16 could not do so on the day after. Nobody voted to reduce his rights; the definition simply ceased to reach his employer.

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The same shrinkage happens in three other forms. Public private partnership: an airport, a port, a highway or a hospital operated under a concession performs a public function with State assets and is privately owned, so no test of pervasive control catches it. Outsourcing: when a department contracts out a service, the contractor's employees are outside Article 16 and the users are outside Article 14 as against the contractor. The regulated private monopoly: a distribution licensee may be the only supplier of electricity in a city, and after Federal Bank regulation is not control.

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Conclusion. Article 12 has been read expansively and rightly so, because a constitutional guarantee that could be evaded by choosing a corporate form would be worth nothing, and that is precisely what Mathew J. said in Sukhdev Singh and what seven judges confirmed in Pradeep Kumar Biswas. But Zee Telefilms marks the limit of that expansion, and it marks it correctly: control is the only principled criterion available, and a definition that catches every powerful private body would have no boundary at all. The result is a doctrine that is settled and static at exactly the moment when the field it governs is contracting, because liberalisation has shrunk the State faster than the interpretation has grown. The judicial answer to that shrinkage has not been to stretch Article 12 further, which after 2002 it will not bear, but to move the enquiry from what the body is to what the body does: Article 226 against any body discharging a public duty after Andi Mukta, and horizontal enforcement of Articles 19 and 21 after Kaushal Kishor. The ambit of the definition has therefore been expanded and is now being quietly replaced by a test of public function, and that is where the next decade of litigation on this Article will be fought.

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2)Elucidate the scope of Article 14 of the Indian Constitution. How has the judiciary interpreted the concept of 'reasonable classification' in the context of affirmative action?[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the two limbs of Article 14 and their different parentage; the classification test with its two conditions and the cases that built it; the arbitrariness doctrine from Royappa to Shayara Bano; then the affirmative action half, which is N.M. Thomas on facet-versus-exception, Indra Sawhney set out in propositions, Nagaraj and Jarnail Singh on promotions, and the two decisions that have unsettled the framework since 2022, Janhit Abhiyan and Davinder Singh.

1. The provision: two guarantees, not one

Article 14: the State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.

"Equality before the law" is Dicey's formulation, taken from the English common law, and it is negative: no man is above the law, and every person, whatever his rank or condition, is subject to the ordinary law of the land administered by the ordinary courts. It is a declaration of the absence of privilege.

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"Equal protection of the laws" is taken from the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States and it is positive: it requires that persons similarly circumstanced be treated alike, both in the privileges conferred and in the liabilities imposed. Because it requires like treatment of likes, it necessarily permits, and sometimes requires, different treatment of unlikes.

The two pull in opposite directions and the tension is the engine of the whole subject: the first resists classification, the second requires it. Every case in this area is an attempt to hold them together.

"Any person", not "any citizen". Article 14 protects natural persons and juristic persons, citizens and foreigners alike, which distinguishes it from Articles 15, 16 and 19. A company may invoke it; so may a foreign national.

Exceptions on the face of the Constitution, which a complete answer names: Article 361 (immunity of the President and Governors), Articles 105 and 194 (parliamentary and legislative privilege), Article 31C so far as it survives, Article 359 during an emergency, and the immunities of foreign sovereigns and diplomats under international law and section 86 of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908.

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2. The classification test, with its cases

Because equal protection permits classification, the courts had to police the line between a classification and a discrimination.

State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali Sarkar (AIR 1952 SC 75). Facts: section 5(1) of the West Bengal Special Courts Act, 1950 empowered the State Government to direct that "such offences or classes of offences or cases or classes of cases" as it chose be tried by a Special Court following a truncated procedure with no committal, no jury and a curtailed right of appeal. Anwar Ali Sarkar was tried and convicted by such a court. Held: the section was struck down. It laid down no policy and no principle by which the Government was to choose the cases it sent to the Special Court; the classification was therefore left to executive whim and there was no differentia at all, still less one with a nexus to any object. Vivian Bose J. added the enduring formulation: the question is whether the law is "equality for all in the same situation", judged by what an ordinary reasonable man would think.

Budhan Choudhry v. State of Bihar (AIR 1955 SC 191) supplied the two conditions that are now recited in every judgment on Article 14:

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  1. the classification must be founded on an intelligible differentia which distinguishes persons or things grouped together from those left out of the group; and
  2. that differentia must have a rational nexus with the object sought to be achieved by the statute in question.

The Court added the point candidates most often miss: what is necessary is that there must be a nexus between the basis of classification and the object of the Act, not that the classification be scientifically perfect or logically complete.

Ram Krishna Dalmia v. Justice S.R. Tendolkar (AIR 1958 SC 538) set out the working presumptions in a passage of seven propositions, of which four matter: a statute is presumed constitutional; the burden lies on the person attacking it; the legislature is free to recognise degrees of harm and may confine its restriction to cases where the need is deemed clearest; and it may proceed one step at a time, so that a law is not bad merely because it does not cover every case it might have covered.

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Chiranjit Lal Chowdhuri v. Union of India (AIR 1951 SC 41) established that a law may validly apply to a single individual if there is something special about that person which justifies treating him as a class by himself, the Sholapur Mills legislation being upheld on that footing.

3. The arbitrariness doctrine

E.P. Royappa v. State of Tamil Nadu (1974) 4 SCC 3. Facts: a Chief Secretary was transferred to a newly created post which he alleged was of lower status, in order, he said, to sideline him. Held: on the facts the challenge failed, but Bhagwati J. laid down the doctrine that changed the subject. Equality is a dynamic concept with many aspects and dimensions and it cannot be cribbed, cabined and confined within traditional and doctrinaire limits. Equality and arbitrariness are sworn enemies; where an act is arbitrary it is implicit in it that it is unequal both according to political logic and constitutional law, and is therefore violative of Article 14.

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Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978) 1 SCC 248. Facts: the petitioner's passport was impounded "in the public interest" without reasons and without a hearing. Held: Articles 14, 19 and 21 are not watertight compartments but form a "golden triangle"; a law that deprives a person of personal liberty must prescribe a procedure that is right, just and fair, and not arbitrary, fanciful or oppressive; and Article 14 strikes at arbitrariness in State action, ensuring fairness and equality of treatment.

Shayara Bano v. Union of India (2017) 9 SCC 1 is the doctrine's high-water mark. Facts: a Muslim woman divorced by talaq-e-biddat, or instantaneous triple talaq, challenged the practice. Held: by 3:2 the practice was set aside. Nariman and Lalit JJ. held that manifest arbitrariness is a ground on which even primary legislation may be struck down, and that a practice permitting a man to break a marriage capriciously and without any attempt at reconciliation is manifestly arbitrary; Joseph J. held it was not an essential religious practice; the Chief Justice and Nazeer J. dissented, holding the matter one for the legislature. Parliament then enacted the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019.

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Two further refinements. Anuj Garg v. Hotel Association of India (2008) 3 SCC 1 held that a classification resting on sex attracts a stricter scrutiny, and struck down section 30 of the Punjab Excise Act, 1914, which prohibited the employment of women in any place where liquor was consumed, on the reasoning that protective legislation which protects by excluding is self-defeating and offends the autonomy of the person it claims to protect. Natural Resources Allocation, In re, Special Reference No. 1 of 2012 (2012) 10 SCC 1 applied Article 14 to the alienation of scarce natural resources and held that auction is not the only permissible method but that the method chosen must be non-arbitrary.

Keep the two tests distinct. The classification test asks whether the legislature drew the line sensibly; the arbitrariness test asks whether there was any principle at all. They are cumulative, not alternative, and the second can strike down a law that survives the first.

4. Affirmative action: is it an exception to equality, or a part of it?

This is the doctrinal pivot and the answer must open with it.

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State of Madras v. Champakam Dorairajan (AIR 1951 SC 226). Facts: the Communal Government Order in Madras allotted seats in medical and engineering colleges among named communities. Held: struck down as violating Article 29(2), which forbids the denial of admission to a State-maintained or aided institution on grounds only of religion, race, caste or language, and Article 15(1); and the Court held that the directive principles cannot override the fundamental rights. Parliament responded within months with the First Amendment, 1951, inserting Article 15(4).

For two decades reservation was accordingly described as an exception to equality. That changed in State of Kerala v. N.M. Thomas (1976) 2 SCC 310. Facts: Kerala exempted members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes from passing a departmental test for a temporary period in order to secure promotion. Held: by a majority, the exemption was valid even without recourse to Article 16(4), because Article 16(1) itself permits a classification in favour of the backward, and Article 16(4) is not an exception to Article 16(1) but a facet of it, an emphatic statement of what equality already contains. Krishna Iyer J. put it memorably: equality of opportunity for unequals can only mean aggravation of inequality.

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Indra Sawhney adopted that reading, and it is the reason every measure discussed below is an application of Article 14 rather than a departure from it.

5. Indra Sawhney v. Union of India 1992 Supp (3) SCC 217, in propositions

Facts. The Union implemented the Mandal Commission's recommendation of twenty seven per cent reservation for the Other Backward Classes in central services, later adding ten per cent for the economically backward among the forward classes.

Held, by a bench of nine:

  1. backwardness under Article 16(4) is social and educational; caste may be the starting point of identification for a Hindu community, since caste is a social class in India, but caste alone is not the test and the enquiry must extend to all social groups;
  2. economic criteria alone cannot be the basis of backwardness, so the additional ten per cent for the economically backward among the forward classes was struck down;
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  1. the creamy layer among the backward classes must be excluded, on the reasoning that those who have escaped backwardness cannot claim benefits meant for those who have not, and their continued inclusion denies the benefit to the truly backward;
  2. reservation should ordinarily not exceed fifty per cent, except in extraordinary situations peculiar to far-flung and remote areas, and for reasons recorded;
  3. there can be no reservation in promotion, Article 16(4) speaking of appointments and posts and the efficiency of administration requiring merit thereafter;
  4. Article 16(4) is not an exception but a facet, and is not subject to Article 335, which is a rule of consideration and not a limitation; and
  5. certain posts, of high scientific and technical specialisation, in defence and in safety-critical work, may be kept out of reservation altogether.
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6. The amendments that followed, and their conditions

Proposition (5) was reversed by the Seventy-seventh Amendment, 1995, inserting Article 16(4A); the Eighty-first Amendment, 2000 added Article 16(4B) on carry-forward vacancies; the Eighty-second Amendment, 2000 added a proviso to Article 335 permitting relaxation in qualifying marks; and the Eighty-fifth Amendment, 2001 added consequential seniority.

M. Nagaraj v. Union of India (2006) 8 SCC 212 upheld all four as not violating the basic structure, but read three conditions into Article 16(4A): before making a provision for reservation in promotion the State must collect quantifiable data showing (i) the backwardness of the class, (ii) the inadequacy of its representation in the service, and (iii) must ensure that administrative efficiency is not destroyed, and must observe the fifty per cent ceiling, the creamy layer rule and the rule against indefinite carry-forward.

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Jarnail Singh v. Lachhmi Narain Gupta (2018) 10 SCC 396 modified Nagaraj on the first condition, holding that requiring proof of the backwardness of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is contrary to Indra Sawhney, since their backwardness is presumed by their inclusion in the Presidential Lists; and, going the other way, held that the creamy layer principle does apply to them in the matter of promotions. Jarnail Singh (II) (2022) declined to lay down a uniform yardstick for inadequacy of representation, leaving it to the States on a cadre-wise basis.

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7. The two decisions that have unsettled the framework

Janhit Abhiyan v. Union of India (2022) SCC OnLine SC 1540, decided 7 November 2022. Facts: the One Hundred and Third Amendment inserted Articles 15(6) and 16(6), permitting up to ten per cent reservation for the economically weaker sections, expressly excluding those already covered by Articles 15(4), 15(5) and 16(4). Held, by 3:2: the amendment is valid. Reservation on purely economic criteria does not violate the basic structure, notwithstanding proposition (2) of Indra Sawhney, because that proposition construed Article 16(4) and the new provisions are a separate enabling power. The fifty per cent ceiling is a rule of prudence and is not inviolable, at least for a reservation made outside Article 16(4). And the exclusion of the Scheduled Castes, Tribes and backward classes from the new quota does not offend the equality code, since they are provided for elsewhere. Chief Justice Lalit and Bhat J. dissented on the last point: exclusion on the ground that a class is already benefited is itself a discrimination, and it makes the poorest of the poor ineligible.

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State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh (2024) INSC 562, decided 1 August 2024. Facts: Punjab had allotted fifty per cent of the seats reserved for the Scheduled Castes, in the first instance, to Valmikis and Mazhabi Sikhs, the most disadvantaged among them. The obstacle was E.V. Chinnaiah v. State of Andhra Pradesh (2005) 1 SCC 394, which had held that the Scheduled Castes form a homogeneous class which a State may not sub-divide, since the Presidential List under Article 341 is a single class and only Parliament may alter it. Held, by a bench of seven, 6:1: Chinnaiah is overruled. The Scheduled Castes are not homogeneous; historical and empirical evidence shows graded inequality within them. Sub-classification is permissible provided it rests on an intelligible differentia with a rational nexus, is supported by quantifiable data of inadequate representation, and does not appropriate the whole of the quota to one sub-class. Sub-classification does not amount to tinkering with the Presidential List, because the List is untouched and only the internal distribution of benefits changes. Several judges, notably Gavai J., held that the creamy layer principle should be extended to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as well; Bela Trivedi J. dissented.

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8. Reasonable classification in the context of affirmative action: how the tests actually operate

Bring the two halves together, because that is what the question asks.

The differentia in an affirmative action measure is social and educational backwardness, or membership of a Scheduled Caste or Tribe, or now economic weakness. The object is the advancement of that class and its adequate representation. The nexus is direct and has never seriously been doubted.

What the courts have policed is not the existence of the classification but its limits, and each limit is an application of Article 14 itself: the creamy layer, because including those who no longer need the benefit destroys the nexus; the fifty per cent ceiling, because a reservation that swallows the rule reverses the guarantee; quantifiable data, because a classification asserted without evidence is arbitrary; efficiency, because Article 335 requires it to be taken into consideration; and now sub-classification, because treating unequals within a protected class as equals reproduces inside the category the very inequality the category exists to cure. That last point is Davinder Singh, and it is the purest application of N.M. Thomas to be found anywhere in the reports.

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Conclusion. The scope of Article 14 has moved from a formal guarantee policed by the classification test to a substantive one policed by the arbitrariness doctrine, and affirmative action has moved with it. Reasonable classification began as the device by which reservation was justified as an exception to equality; after N.M. Thomas it became the device by which reservation is recognised as equality itself; and after Davinder Singh the same reasoning is being applied within the protected classes, because equal treatment of unequals inside a reserved category is as much a denial of equal protection as it is outside one. What is now genuinely unsettled is where the outer limit lies, since Janhit Abhiyan has admitted economic criteria that Indra Sawhney excluded and has demoted the fifty per cent ceiling to a rule of prudence. The equality code is therefore more capacious than at any time since 1950, and correspondingly harder to bound, and the next contest will be about what now restrains reservation at all.

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3)Discuss the Right to Education as provided under the Indian Constitution. Analyse its scope and significance, citing relevant landmark case laws.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: the position before 2002, which is Mohini Jain and Unni Krishnan given with their facts and their difference; the Eighty-sixth Amendment's three limbs; the Right to Education Act, 2009 section by section; the two cases that decide whom the Act binds; the decisions that gave the right content beyond a seat; and a critical analysis of what Article 21A does not reach.

1. The starting position: a directive principle with a deadline

Education was not a fundamental right in 1950. It was placed in Part IV, and the placement was deliberate: the Constituent Assembly knew that a right to be educated is a claim on resources, and Part IV is where claims on resources were put.

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Article 45 as originally enacted was nonetheless the most specific directive in the whole of Part IV: the State shall endeavour to provide, within a period of ten years from the commencement of this Constitution, for free and compulsory education for all children until they complete the age of fourteen years. Article 41 obliged the State, within the limits of its economic capacity and development, to make effective provision for the right to work, to education and to public assistance. Article 46 obliged it to promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections, and in particular of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

The ten years expired in 1960 and the obligation was not discharged. It is against that failure that everything the courts did afterwards should be read.

2. Mohini Jain v. State of Karnataka (1992) 3 SCC 666

Facts. Karnataka issued a notification permitting private medical colleges to charge candidates from outside the State a "capitation fee" of Rs. 60,000 a year, against Rs. 2,000 for a government seat. Miss Mohini Jain, a candidate from Meerut, was told she would have to pay Rs. 60,000 a year and deposit a bank guarantee for the balance of the course. She challenged the notification.

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Issue. Is there a right to education under the Constitution, and is a capitation fee consistent with it?

Held. Kuldip Singh J. held that although the right to education is not stated in Part III in terms, it is concomitant to the fundamental rights enshrined there. The reasoning proceeded in three steps: the Preamble promises to secure to all citizens the dignity of the individual; the dignity of the individual cannot be assured unless it is accompanied by the right to education; and the directive principles in Articles 38, 39(a) and (f), 41 and 45 make it obligatory on the State to provide education at all levels. Charging a capitation fee, the Court held, denies the citizen his right to education and is arbitrary, unfair and violative of Article 14, since it makes admission depend on the capacity to pay rather than on merit.

The difficulty with it. The judgment, read literally, made education a fundamental right at every level, including professional and higher education, which no State could deliver, and it said so without confronting Article 41's express qualification about economic capacity.

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3. Unni Krishnan, J.P. v. State of Andhra Pradesh (1993) 1 SCC 645: the correction

Facts. Private medical and engineering colleges in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu challenged State legislation regulating capitation fees, relying on a fundamental right to establish and run an educational institution as a business.

Held, by a bench of five, and this is the case whose propositions must be stated:

  1. there is no fundamental right to carry on education as a trade or business, education being essentially a charitable activity, so Article 19(1)(g) does not protect commerce in education;
  2. the right to education does flow from Article 21, because the right to life includes the right to live with dignity and dignity cannot be assured without education; but
  3. the right is not unlimited: reading Articles 21, 41 and 45 together, every child has a fundamental right to free education up to the age of fourteen years, and
  4. beyond fourteen, the obligation is subject to the limits of the State's economic capacity and development, exactly as Article 41 provides.
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The Court also framed a scheme of "free" and "payment" seats for private professional colleges, with the State fixing the fee for both. That scheme was found unworkable and was set aside in T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka (2002) 8 SCC 481, which held that running an educational institution is an occupation under Article 19(1)(g) and that the scheme had made private education economically unviable.

Why the sequence matters. Mohini Jain is the case that put education inside Part III; Unni Krishnan is the case that told us how far in. Quoting the first without the second is the single commonest error on this question.

4. The Eighty-sixth Amendment, 2002: three limbs

The amendment converted the judgment into text and it did three things, which must be given together because the second is the one candidates forget.

One, new Article 21A: the State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six to fourteen years in such manner as the State may, by law, determine.

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Two, Article 45 substituted: the State shall endeavour to provide early childhood care and education for all children until they complete the age of six years. So the zero-to-six band was deliberately moved out of the fundamental right and left as a directive principle.

Three, new Article 51A(k): a fundamental duty on a parent or guardian to provide opportunities for education to his child or ward between the ages of six and fourteen. It is the only fundamental duty added since 1976, and it was added in the same instrument as the right, deliberately pairing the State's obligation to provide with the parent's obligation to send.

Note what the amendment did not do. It did not make education free beyond fourteen; it did not guarantee a standard; and by the words "in such manner as the State may, by law, determine" it made the content of the right depend on a statute, which distinguishes it from Articles 19 and 21.

5. The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009

In force from 1 April 2010. The provisions worth naming, because an examiner will look for section numbers:

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  • Section 3: every child of six to fourteen has a right to free and compulsory elementary education in a neighbourhood school till completion of elementary education, and no child shall be liable to pay any fee or charge which prevents him from pursuing it.
  • Section 4: a child above six not admitted or unable to complete elementary education shall be admitted to a class appropriate to his age, with a right to special training.
  • Section 8 and 9: the duties of the appropriate Government and the local authority to provide the school, the infrastructure and the teaching.
  • Section 12(1)(c): an unaided school shall admit in class I at least twenty five per cent of the strength of that class from children belonging to weaker sections and disadvantaged groups in the neighbourhood, and provide free and compulsory elementary education till its completion, reimbursed by the State to the extent of its own per-child expenditure or the actual amount charged, whichever is less.
  • Section 13: no capitation fee and no screening procedure for admission, with penalties. This section enacts the holding in Mohini Jain.
  • Section 14: no denial of admission for want of age proof.
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  • Section 15: no denial of admission for late application.
  • Section 16: no child shall be held back or expelled till completion of elementary education, amended in 2019 to permit a regular examination in classes 5 and 8 with re-examination within two months and detention thereafter at the State's option.
  • Section 17: no physical punishment or mental harassment.
  • Section 21: School Management Committees, three-fourths of whose members are parents.
  • Section 23: minimum qualifications for teachers, laid down by an academic authority.
  • Section 29: curriculum and evaluation to conform to constitutional values, and to provide for learning through activities, discovery and exploration in a child-friendly manner.
  • The Schedule: pupil-teacher ratio, building, working days and instructional hours.

6. Who the Act binds: two cases

Society for Unaided Private Schools of Rajasthan v. Union of India (2012) 6 SCC 102.

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Facts. Unaided private schools challenged section 12(1)(c) as violating their right under Article 19(1)(g) and the autonomy recognised in T.M.A. Pai and P.A. Inamdar.

Held, 2:1: the Act is constitutional and section 12(1)(c) applies to government schools, aided schools and unaided non-minority schools. The reasoning: Article 21A places the obligation on the State to "provide", and the State may discharge that obligation through its own schools, through aided schools or through unaided schools with reimbursement; the twenty five per cent obligation is therefore a reasonable restriction on Article 19(1)(g) in the interest of the general public. The Court held the Act inapplicable to unaided minority schools. Radhakrishnan J. dissented as to unaided schools generally.

Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) 8 SCC 1.

Facts. A challenge to the Eighty-sixth and Ninety-third Amendments and to the application of the Act to minority institutions.

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Held, by a bench of five: both amendments are valid and do not damage the basic structure; but the Right to Education Act does not apply to minority institutions at all, whether aided or unaided, because Article 21A cannot be given effect in a manner that abrogates the right guaranteed by Article 30(1). That is a wider exemption than Society for Unaided Private Schools had given, and it is the holding that produces the practical problem discussed below.

7. The right has content beyond a seat

Avinash Mehrotra v. Union of India (2009) 6 SCC 398. Facts: ninety-three children died in a fire at a school in Kumbakonam, Tamil Nadu, the building having a thatched roof and no safe exit. Held: the right to education under Article 21A includes the right to receive that education in a safe school, and the Court issued binding directions on fire safety, building standards and inspection before recognition.

Environmental and Consumer Protection Foundation v. Delhi Administration (2012) 13 SCC 690 directed every State to provide toilets, especially for girls, drinking water and adequate teaching staff, on the footing that a school without them does not deliver the right at all.

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State of Tamil Nadu v. K. Shyam Sunder (2011) 8 SCC 737 held that the right of a child is not merely a right to free education but a right to education of reasonable quality, and that a uniform system of school education furthering the constitutional goal of equality is consistent with Article 21A.

8. Scope and significance, analysed

What the right achieves. It converts an unenforced directive into an enforceable claim. It fixes an entry age, a leaving age and a completion standard. It abolishes capitation and screening at the elementary stage, which is where the Mohini Jain mischief was worst. It imposes duties of infrastructure and staffing enforceable through Articles 21A and 32. And by section 12(1)(c) it does something no other fundamental right does: it obliges a private actor to admit a stranger, on the reasoning that the State's constitutional obligation may be discharged through others.

What it does not reach, and this is where the marks are.

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Age. The guarantee stops at fourteen, which is precisely where secondary education and the labour market begin, and the drop-out is heaviest between classes 8 and 10. The zero-to-six band, which the evidence on early childhood development says matters most, was deliberately left in Article 45. The National Education Policy, 2020 recommends extending the guarantee to the three to eighteen band; doing so would require a further constitutional amendment, since Article 21A names the ages.

Quality. The Act regulates inputs, buildings, ratios, working days and qualifications, and says almost nothing about outcomes. That is why the annual survey evidence of children in class 5 unable to read a class 2 text is not, in itself, a breach of the Act. K. Shyam Sunder holds that quality is part of the right, but the statutory machinery does not measure it.

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Reach. After Pramati the whole of the minority school sector is outside the Act, and therefore outside section 12(1)(c). Two consequences follow: the burden of the twenty five per cent obligation falls unevenly on non-minority unaided schools, and there is an evident incentive to seek minority status, an incentive sharpened by Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal, decided 8 November 2024, which overruled S. Azeez Basha v. Union of India (AIR 1968 SC 662) and held that an institution incorporated by statute may still be a minority institution if it was established by a minority.

Structure of the right. Article 21A says "in such manner as the State may, by law, determine", so the content of the right is what the statute says it is. That is a real weakness by comparison with Articles 19 and 21, whose content the courts supply. If the Act were repealed the right would remain, but its content would have to be reconstructed from Article 21 as in Unni Krishnan.

Reimbursement. Section 12(2) caps reimbursement at the State's own per-child expenditure, which in most States is far below the fee of a good private school, so the obligation operates as a partial subsidy on the school. That is the source of most of the litigation about the section in the High Courts.

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Conclusion. The right to education is the most complete example in Indian constitutional law of a directive principle becoming a fundamental right: Article 45 in 1950, read into Article 21 in Mohini Jain in 1992, confined to the age of fourteen in Unni Krishnan in 1993, enacted as Article 21A in 2002, and given statutory content in 2009. Its significance is that it made the State's obligation justiciable and specific, and the enrolment figures show that the obligation has been substantially met. Its limits are equally clear and are all structural rather than accidental: it guarantees eight years of schooling of a prescribed shape rather than an education of a prescribed standard; it ends exactly where employability begins; and after Pramati its principal equalising provision does not touch a large and growing part of the school system. Article 21A has delivered enrolment. The constitutional argument of the next decade will be about attainment, and it will have to be fought either by amending the age limits or by giving Article 21A a content the courts supply rather than the statute.

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4)"Independence of judiciary forms the backbone of Constitutional democracy." Discuss this statement with reference to Constitutional provisions and judicial pronouncements.[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: why independence is structural and not a privilege of judges; the constitutional provisions grouped by what each protects; the four Judges Cases with the facts and the holding of each; independence as basic structure; the accountability side, because a judiciary answerable to nobody forfeits the confidence that is its only power; and the live problems, which are the Memorandum of Procedure, tribunals and post-retirement appointments.

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1. Why the statement is true

A written constitution that limits power is worth nothing unless some organ can hold the other two to those limits. In India that organ is the judiciary, and its authority to do so is not self-assumed. Article 13(2) declares void any law made in contravention of Part III. Article 32 makes the right to move the Supreme Court for enforcement of fundamental rights itself a fundamental right, which Dr Ambedkar called the very soul of the Constitution and the very heart of it. Article 226 gives the High Courts a wider power still. Article 246 with the Seventh Schedule makes legislative competence a justiciable question. Article 131 gives the Supreme Court exclusive original jurisdiction over federal disputes.

A judiciary that could be dismissed, transferred, starved of salary or promoted at the pleasure of the executive could not perform any of that. Independence is therefore instrumental to constitutionalism and not a perquisite of office, and every provision discussed below exists for that reason and no other.

2. The constitutional provisions, grouped

Grouping them is the difference between a list and an answer.

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Appointment. Article 124(2): a Judge of the Supreme Court is appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal after consultation with such Judges of the Supreme Court and of the High Courts as the President may deem necessary, and in the case of an appointment other than that of the Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of India shall always be consulted. Article 124(3) fixes the qualifications, so the executive can neither lower nor raise the bar: five years as a High Court Judge, ten years as an advocate of a High Court, or a distinguished jurist in the President's opinion. Article 217(1) provides correspondingly for the High Courts.

Security of tenure. A Judge holds office until sixty-five (Supreme Court, Article 124(2)) or sixty-two (High Court, Article 217(1)) and may be removed only by an order of the President passed after an address by each House of Parliament, supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members present and voting, presented in the same session, on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity: Article 124(4), applied to High Court Judges by Article 218. The procedure is in the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968.

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Financial security. Salaries, allowances and pensions are determined by Parliament, may not be varied to a Judge's disadvantage after appointment except during a financial emergency under Article 360, and are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India (Articles 112(3)(d) and 125) or of the State (Articles 202(3)(d) and 221). Being charged and not voted, they are not subject to the annual vote of the House and cannot be used as leverage in a budget session. The administrative expenses of the Supreme Court are likewise charged.

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Protection of the office. Articles 121 and 211 forbid discussion in Parliament or a State legislature of the conduct of a Judge in the discharge of his duties, except on a motion for removal. Articles 129 and 215 make the Supreme Court and the High Courts courts of record with power to punish for contempt of themselves, a power the Court has held to be inherent in that status and not conferred by the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971: Delhi Judicial Service Association v. State of Gujarat (1991) 4 SCC 406. Articles 124(7) and 220 restrict practice after retirement, Article 124(7) barring a retired Supreme Court Judge from pleading in any court in India and Article 220 barring a retired High Court Judge from pleading in any court other than the Supreme Court and a High Court other than his own. Article 50, a directive principle, requires the State to separate the judiciary from the executive in the public services.

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Control of the subordinate judiciary. Articles 233 to 237 vest appointment, posting and promotion of district judges in the Governor in consultation with the High Court, and Article 235 vests "control" over the subordinate courts in the High Court. That word was read strictly in State of West Bengal v. Nripendra Nath Bagchi (AIR 1966 SC 447), which held that control includes disciplinary jurisdiction, so that the executive cannot proceed against a subordinate judge over the High Court's head. The All India Judges' Association line of cases (1992, 1993, 2002 and the pay revisions since) has been used to secure service conditions and pay across the country.

3. The four Judges Cases

(a) First Judges Case: S.P. Gupta v. Union of India 1981 Supp SCC 87.

Facts. Lawyers challenged a circular of the Union Law Minister asking Chief Ministers to obtain the consent of additional judges to be appointed outside their own States, and challenged the non-extension of the terms of certain additional judges and the transfer of two Chief Justices.

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Held, by seven judges: "consultation" in Articles 124 and 217 does not mean concurrence; the opinion of the Chief Justice of India has no primacy; the President is not bound by it; and the ultimate power of appointment rests with the executive. The case is equally famous for relaxing locus standi and legitimising public interest litigation, so it cuts both ways in any discussion of judicial power.

(b) Second Judges Case: Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v. Union of India (1993) 4 SCC 441.

Facts. A petition on the filling of vacancies and the appointment of judges, heard by nine judges to reconsider S.P. Gupta.

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Held: S.P. Gupta is overruled on the primacy point. In the matter of appointment the opinion of the Chief Justice of India, formed after consultation with his senior colleagues, has primacy; the process is an "integrated participatory consultative process" in which the executive's role is confined to raising objections, which must be considered; and where the Chief Justice, after considering the objections, unanimously reiterates a recommendation, the appointment should be made. The reasoning is what matters: independence of the judiciary is part of the basic structure, and it cannot be secured if the executive has the last word on who becomes a judge. The collegium was created here.

(c) Third Judges Case: Special Reference No. 1 of 1998 (1998) 7 SCC 739.

Facts. The President made a reference under Article 143(1) after a disagreement over appointments, asking nine questions about the working of the Second Judges Case.

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Held: the Chief Justice must consult a collegium of the four senior-most Judges of the Supreme Court for an appointment to that Court, and the two senior-most for a High Court appointment or a transfer; the opinions must be in writing; the Chief Justice's sole individual opinion does not constitute "consultation"; and a recommendation made without such consultation is not binding on the Government.

(d) Fourth Judges Case: Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v. Union of India (2016) 5 SCC 1, decided 16 October 2015.

Facts. The Ninety-ninth Constitutional Amendment inserted Articles 124A, 124B and 124C and created the National Judicial Appointments Commission, consisting of the Chief Justice of India, the two next senior Judges, the Union Minister of Law and Justice and two eminent persons nominated by a committee of the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice and the Leader of the Opposition. Section 5(2) and section 6(6) of the accompanying Act provided that the Commission shall not recommend a person if any two members did not agree.

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Held, 4:1: the amendment and the Act are unconstitutional. The veto meant that the Law Minister, joining with one eminent person, could block any name; the presence of the Law Minister in the appointment of judges who would decide cases against the Government offended the separation of powers; and the primacy of the judiciary in appointments is part of the basic structure, which the amendment damaged. Chelameswar J. dissented, holding the collegium opaque, unaccountable and, in his phrase, a system whose proceedings were not recorded at all; his criticism has been quoted in every discussion since.

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4. Independence as basic structure, beyond appointments

Independence was named as a basic feature in Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225. It was applied in Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain 1975 Supp SCC 1, where clause (4) of Article 329A, which declared the election of the Prime Minister valid and beyond challenge in any court, was struck down as an exercise of judicial power by the legislature and a denial of the rule of law. And it was reaffirmed in L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997) 3 SCC 261, where a bench of seven held that the power of judicial review vested in the High Courts under Article 226 and in the Supreme Court under Article 32 is part of the basic structure, that it cannot be ousted even by amendment, and that tribunals are supplemental and their decisions remain subject to review by a Division Bench of the High Court.

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On transfer, Union of India v. Sankalchand Himatlal Sheth (1977) 4 SCC 193 held that a High Court Judge may be transferred without his consent, but only in the public interest, never by way of punishment, and only after full and effective consultation with the Chief Justice of India, who must be furnished with all the relevant material. The Second and Third Judges Cases added that the Chief Justice's opinion in a transfer is determinative and must be formed in consultation with four senior colleagues and the Chief Justices of both High Courts.

5. The other half: accountability

An answer that treats independence and accountability as opposites has misunderstood both, and the Court's own decisions show why.

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Removal has never once succeeded. In the case of Justice V. Ramaswami the inquiry committee constituted under the Judges (Inquiry) Act found misbehaviour in 1992, and the motion nonetheless failed in the Lok Sabha in May 1993 because the governing party abstained and the motion did not secure a majority of the total membership of the House. Justice Soumitra Sen resigned in 2011 after the Rajya Sabha passed the motion and before the Lok Sabha voted. Sub-Committee on Judicial Accountability v. Union of India (1991) 4 SCC 699 held that the process up to the committee's finding is a statutory process and not a proceeding in Parliament protected by Article 122, so it is justiciable, and that the Speaker's decision to admit a motion may be reviewed.

The in-house procedure was devised in C. Ravichandran Iyer v. Justice A.M. Bhattacharjee (1995) 5 SCC 457 for misconduct falling short of removal: a complaint to the Chief Justice, a committee of Judges, and, if the misconduct is serious, advice to resign, or, failing that, withdrawal of judicial work and a report to the President and the Prime Minister. It is confidential and has no statutory basis, which are its weaknesses.

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Criminal liability is governed by K. Veeraswami v. Union of India (1991) 3 SCC 655: a Judge of the higher judiciary is a public servant under the Prevention of Corruption Act, but no criminal case may be registered without the prior consultation of the Chief Justice of India.

Transparency. In Central Public Information Officer, Supreme Court of India v. Subhash Chandra Agarwal (2020) 5 SCC 481 a Constitution Bench held that the office of the Chief Justice of India is a public authority under the Right to Information Act, 2005, so information about judges' assets and about collegium deliberations falls within the Act, subject to its exemptions and the public interest test. The decision was given against the Court's own registry, which had resisted disclosure, and it is the strongest available evidence that the judiciary will accept accountability that is not executive-controlled. The collegium has published its resolutions since 2017, though usually without reasons.

The Restatement of Values of Judicial Life, adopted by the Supreme Court in 1997, is the profession's own code and is the standard against which the in-house procedure operates.

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6. Where the problem stands now

The Memorandum of Procedure. In the remedial hearing after the NJAC judgment the Court directed that the Memorandum governing appointments be revised to improve transparency, the secretariat, the eligibility criteria and the complaints mechanism. More than a decade later it has still not been settled between the collegium and the Union. Since no time limit binds the Government, the practice of neither notifying nor formally rejecting a reiterated name has become the effective instrument by which appointments are influenced without any amendment at all, and the Court has repeatedly taken note of it.

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Tribunals. This has been the live battleground and it is the clearest current illustration of the statement in the question. After R. Gandhi v. Union of India (2010) 11 SCC 1, Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2014) 10 SCC 1, Rojer Mathew v. South Indian Bank (2020) 6 SCC 1 and Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2021) 7 SCC 369, Parliament enacted the Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021, re-enacting provisions on tenure, age and search-cum-selection committees that the Court had already invalidated. In Madras Bar Association v. Union of India, decided 19 November 2025, reported as 2025 INSC 1330, the Court struck down the core of that Act so far as it governed appointment, tenure and conditions of service, and directed the establishment of a National Tribunals Commission within four months. That is the fifth round of the same contest since 2010.

Post-retirement appointments. Nothing in the Constitution bars a retired Judge from accepting an office from the executive whose litigation he decided in his last years on the bench. Successive proposals for a cooling-off period have not been enacted, and this remains the most direct structural threat to independence that no judgment has touched.

Pendency, above five crore cases across all courts, is the accountability question the public actually cares about and that the constitutional debate largely ignores.

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Conclusion. The Constitution protects judicial independence by four devices which work, a difficult removal, an unassailable and charged salary, a protected office, and High Court control of the subordinate judiciary; and by one device it does not spell out at all, which is appointment. Every serious contest of the last forty-five years has been fought on that last ground, from S.P. Gupta to the NJAC case, because it is the only one the text left open, and the answer the Court gave, primacy exercised through a collegium, appears nowhere in the constitutional text. The statement in the question is therefore correct but incomplete: independence is the backbone of constitutional democracy, and in India that backbone is held together less by the text than by a body of judicial doctrine the Court has had to defend repeatedly, most recently over the tribunals in November 2025. Independence secured only by judgments must be re-won every decade, and the unfinished Memorandum of Procedure, a decade after it was directed, is the measure of how much of the problem remains unsolved.

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5)Discuss the scope of the right to freedom of religion under Indian Constitution. How has the judiciary balanced religious freedom with other fundamental rights?[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: Articles 25 to 28 clause by clause; who may claim and what a denomination is; the essential religious practices doctrine with the cases that made and narrowed it; the internal limits written into Article 25 itself, which are what make balancing possible; then the balancing cases in four groups; and the two references still pending, which must be stated as pending.

1. The scheme: four different rights, not one

Article 25(1) guarantees to all persons, not merely citizens, freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion. Freedom of conscience is the inner freedom to believe or not to believe; to profess is to declare one's faith openly; to practise is to perform the acts and rituals it prescribes; to propagate is to transmit and disseminate one's tenets.

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The guarantee is expressly made "subject to public order, morality and health and to the other provisions of this Part". That last clause is the hinge of this entire question, and it should be quoted verbatim: religious freedom in India is textually subordinate to the rest of Part III, so a conflict with Articles 14, 15, 17 or 21 is resolved by the Constitution itself and not by any judicially invented balancing test.

Article 25(2) preserves two State powers. Clause (a) saves any existing law and permits the State to regulate or restrict any economic, financial, political or other secular activity which may be associated with religious practice. Clause (b) permits laws providing for social welfare and reform or for throwing open Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus. Explanation I provides that the wearing and carrying of kirpans is deemed included in the profession of the Sikh religion. Explanation II provides that the reference to Hindus includes Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists, and that references to Hindu religious institutions are to be construed accordingly.

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Article 26 confers on every religious denomination, or section of it, the right, subject to public order, morality and health, to (a) establish and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purposes, (b) manage its own affairs in matters of religion, (c) own and acquire movable and immovable property, and (d) administer such property in accordance with law. The drafting difference between (b) and (d) is deliberate and examinable: the right in matters of religion is unqualified, while the right to administer property is expressly subject to law, which is why State endowment legislation regulating temple administration is valid.

Who is a denomination? The test comes from Shirur Mutt and was restated in S.P. Mittal v. Union of India (1983) 1 SCC 51: a collection of individuals having (i) a common faith, a system of beliefs regarded as conducive to their spiritual well-being, (ii) a common organisation, and (iii) a distinctive name. On that test the Aurobindo Society was held not to be a religious denomination.

Article 27 forbids compelling any person to pay taxes the proceeds of which are specifically appropriated for the promotion or maintenance of any particular religion or religious denomination. A fee for services rendered is outside it, which is how the levy in Shirur Mutt was sustained as a fee while the levy in Sri Jagannath Ramanuj Das v. State of Orissa (AIR 1954 SC 400) fell as a tax.

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Article 28 deals with religious instruction, in four graded situations: 28(1), no religious instruction in an institution wholly maintained out of State funds; 28(2), that bar does not apply to an institution administered by the State but established under an endowment or trust requiring such instruction; 28(3), in a State-recognised or State-aided institution no person may be required to take part without his consent, or the consent of his guardian if a minor.

2. The essential religious practices doctrine

(a) Its creation: Commissioner, Hindu Religious Endowments, Madras v. Sri Lakshmindra Thirtha Swamiar of Sri Shirur Mutt (AIR 1954 SC 282).

Facts. The Madras Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Act, 1951 gave the Commissioner extensive powers over the Shirur Mutt, including power to settle a scheme, to require budgets and accounts, and to levy a contribution.

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Held. Mukherjea J. held that "religion" is not confined to matters of doctrine and belief but extends to acts done in pursuance of religion, including rituals, ceremonies, modes of worship, and even matters of food and dress. Crucially, he held that what constitutes an essential part of a religion is to be ascertained with reference to the doctrines of that religion itself. Several provisions of the Act were struck down as amounting to a takeover of management rather than regulation of secular activity.

(b) Its narrowing: Durgah Committee, Ajmer v. Syed Hussain Ali (AIR 1961 SC 1402).

Facts. A challenge by the Khadims of the Ajmer dargah to legislation vesting management in a statutory committee.

Held. Gajendragadkar J. warned that in order that practices should be treated as part of religion they must be regarded by that religion as essential and integral, and that practices which are superstitious, which are extraneous and unessential accretions to religion itself, must be carefully scrutinised and do not attract protection.

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Why this matters. Shirur Mutt asked what the community believes; Durgah Committee asked what the court finds essential. The shift transferred the enquiry from the believer to the judge, and the objection made ever since, most forcefully by Malhotra J. in Sabarimala, is that it requires a secular court to do theology.

(c) Applications, compactly. Excommunication by the Dai-ul-Mutlaq of the Dawoodi Bohra community was protected in Sardar Syedna Taher Saifuddin Saheb v. State of Bombay (AIR 1962 SC 853), the Bombay Prevention of Excommunication Act, 1949 being struck down as violating Article 26(b). The tandava dance in public was held not essential to the Ananda Marga faith in Acharya Jagdishwaranand Avadhuta v. Commissioner of Police, Calcutta (1983) 4 SCC 522, and the holding was reaffirmed in 2004. A mosque was held not an essential part of the practice of Islam in M. Ismail Faruqui v. Union of India (1994) 6 SCC 360, namaz being capable of being offered anywhere, a holding whose correctness was referred and then declined to be reconsidered in 2018.

3. Balancing: the cases, in four groups

(a) Religion against freedom of conscience and expression.

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Bijoe Emmanuel v. State of Kerala (1986) 3 SCC 615. Facts: three children of the Jehovah's Witnesses faith stood up respectfully when the national anthem was sung at school assembly but did not sing, their faith forbidding the singing of any hymn except to Jehovah. They were expelled on the instruction of the Deputy Inspector of Schools. Held: expulsion violated Articles 19(1)(a) and 25(1). There is no provision of law obliging anyone to sing; standing respectfully does not offend the Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971; and the question is not whether a particular religious belief appeals to reason or sentiment but whether it is genuinely and conscientiously held. Chinnappa Reddy J. closed with the line worth quoting: our tradition teaches tolerance, our philosophy preaches tolerance, our Constitution practises tolerance; let us not dilute it.

(b) Religion against the right of others to be free of it.

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Rev. Stainislaus v. State of Madhya Pradesh (1977) 1 SCC 677. Facts: challenges to the Madhya Pradesh Dharma Swatantraya Adhiniyam, 1968 and the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act, 1967, which prohibited conversion by force, fraud or allurement and required notice to the District Magistrate. Held: the Acts are valid. The word "propagate" in Article 25(1) means the right to transmit or spread one's tenets by an exposition of them, and it does not include a right to convert another person, because what Article 25(1) grants is not a right to convert but freedom of conscience for all alike, and conversion by force or allurement would impinge on the freedom of conscience of the person converted. That reading is the constitutional foundation of the anti-conversion legislation now in force in more than ten States, several of which extend to conversion by marriage and reverse the burden of proof, and it is the reading most criticised, since the same clause protects conscience.

Church of God (Full Gospel) in India v. K.K.R. Majestic Colony Welfare Association (2000) 7 SCC 282. Facts: residents complained of noise from drums and amplifiers at a prayer hall. Held: no religion prescribes that prayers must be performed by disturbing the peace of others or through amplifiers, and Article 25 is subject to public order and health; noise regulation is therefore valid against religious use.

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(c) Religion against equality and dignity, which is where the modern law is made.

Shayara Bano v. Union of India (2017) 9 SCC 1, on talaq-e-biddat, discussed above under Article 14, is the clearest instance of the equality code prevailing over a practice.

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Indian Young Lawyers Association v. State of Kerala (2019) 11 SCC 1, the Sabarimala case. Facts: the Sabarimala temple excluded women of menstruating age, between ten and fifty, from entry, the practice being justified by the celibate character of the deity Lord Ayyappa and given statutory form in Rule 3(b) of the Kerala Hindu Places of Public Worship (Authorisation of Entry) Rules, 1965. Held, 4:1: the exclusion is unconstitutional. The devotees of Lord Ayyappa are not a separate religious denomination within Article 26, since they lack a distinctive name, a common organisation and a distinct system of belief. The exclusion is not an essential religious practice, there being no scriptural or historical evidence of its antiquity or invariability. It violates Article 25(1) as against the excluded women, whose own right to worship is equal. It violates Articles 14 and 15(1), resting on a physiological characteristic. And Chandrachud J. added that the practice, treating menstruating women as polluting, is a form of untouchability within Article 17, which is absolute and admits of no exception. Malhotra J. dissented: matters of deep religious faith should not ordinarily be interfered with; the notion of rationality has no place in matters of religion; and a person not belonging to the faith should not be permitted to question its practices.

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(d) Religion against the State's power of reform. Sri Venkataramana Devaru v. State of Mysore (AIR 1958 SC 255) is the reconciliation case. Facts: a denominational temple resisted the Madras Temple Entry Authorisation Act on the strength of Article 26(b). Held: Articles 25(2)(b) and 26(b) must be harmoniously construed; the temple must be thrown open to all classes and sections of Hindus, but the denomination may still regulate participation in particular ceremonies on particular occasions. That is the model for how the Court reconciles a denominational right with a reforming statute.

4. What remains open, and it must be stated as open

The nine-judge reference. In Kantaru Rajeevaru v. Indian Young Lawyers Association (2020) 2 SCC 1 the bench hearing the review petitions in Sabarimala, by 3:2, kept the review pending and referred seven questions to a bench of nine, among them the interplay between the freedom of religion under Articles 25 and 26 and the other provisions of Part III, the ambit of the words "morality" and "constitutional morality", the extent to which a court may enquire into whether a practice is essential, and the standing of persons not belonging to the faith. That reference has not been decided. A candidate who states the essential practices doctrine as settled is wrong.

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The hijab case. Aishat Shifa v. State of Karnataka (2023) 2 SCC 1 produced a split verdict in a bench of two: Gupta J. upheld the prescription of a uniform, holding that wearing the hijab is not an essential religious practice and that a uniform is a reasonable restriction; Dhulia J. set the prescription aside, holding that the essential practices enquiry was not necessary at all, that the question was one of choice, dignity and privacy under Articles 19(1)(a) and 21, and that the practical consequence would be to keep girls out of school. The matter stands referred to a larger bench.

The Places of Worship Act. The Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991 freezes the religious character of every place of worship as it stood on 15 August 1947, excepting only the Ayodhya dispute. In M. Siddiq v. Mahant Suresh Das (2020) 1 SCC 1 the Court described it as a legislative instrument protecting secular values and embodying non-retrogression as a foundational feature of the constitutional order. The Act is itself now under challenge, and in December 2024 the Court restrained all courts from ordering surveys or passing effective orders in suits seeking to reclaim places of worship, pending its decision.

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Conclusion. The scope of the right to freedom of religion in India is wide in what it covers and narrow in what it prevails over. It extends to all persons and not merely citizens; it protects belief, practice, propagation, denominational autonomy and religious property; and Article 26(b) protects matters of religion without qualification. But Article 25(1) is subject in terms to public order, morality, health and the other provisions of Part III, and Article 25(2) expressly saves secular regulation and social reform, so the Constitution has already made the choice the question asks about: where faith and the equality code collide, the equality code prevails. The instrument by which the courts give effect to that choice is the essential religious practices doctrine, and it is simultaneously the source of their power to intervene and the strongest objection to the way they intervene, because it obliges a secular court to determine what a religion essentially requires. Whether that doctrine survives is now before a bench of nine in Kantaru Rajeevaru, and until that reference is answered this branch of constitutional law is genuinely unsettled.

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6)Elucidate the role of the Election Commission of India in electoral reforms. How has its functioning evolved to address the changing dynamics of Indian elections?[25]

Answer

For full marks, cover: Article 324 and the Commission's composition and functions; the reservoir-of-power doctrine and its statutory limit, with the facts of both cases; the reforms the Commission delivered itself as against those forced on it by the courts, each with the case; the appointment controversy from Anoop Baranwal to the Act of 2023 and the pending challenge; and an assessment of how the institution has evolved.

1. The constitutional office

Article 324(1): the superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of the electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all elections to Parliament and to the legislature of every State and of elections to the offices of President and Vice-President shall be vested in a Commission. Those three words, superintendence, direction and control, are the widest formula the Constitution uses for any body.

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Article 324(2): the Commission shall consist of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of other Election Commissioners as the President may from time to time fix, and the appointment shall be made by the President subject to the provisions of any law made in that behalf by Parliament. Parliament made no such law for seventy-three years.

Article 324(3): the Chief Election Commissioner shall act as chairman. Article 324(4): Regional Commissioners may be appointed before a general election. Article 324(5): the conditions of service and tenure shall be as Parliament may determine, but the Chief Election Commissioner shall not be removed from office except in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court, and his conditions of service shall not be varied to his disadvantage after appointment; an Election Commissioner shall not be removed except on the recommendation of the Chief Election Commissioner. Article 324(6): the President and the Governors shall, when requested, make available to the Commission the staff necessary for the discharge of its functions.

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Articles 325 and 326 forbid a separate electoral roll or exclusion on grounds of religion, race, caste or sex, and provide for adult suffrage, the qualifying age reduced from twenty-one to eighteen by the Sixty-first Amendment, 1988. Articles 327 and 328 divide legislative competence over elections between Parliament and the State legislatures; Article 329 bars the interference of courts in electoral matters except by an election petition. The working statutes are the Representation of the People Act, 1950 on rolls and constituencies and the Representation of the People Act, 1951 on the conduct of elections, disqualifications, corrupt practices and election petitions.

2. Composition, and T.N. Seshan

The Commission was a single-member body for most of its life. Two Election Commissioners were appointed in 1989 and their posts abolished in 1990, a step upheld in S.S. Dhanoa v. Union of India (1991) 3 SCC 567. In October 1993 two Election Commissioners were appointed again and the Chief Election Commissioner (Conditions of Service) Amendment Ordinance made the Commission function by majority.

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T.N. Seshan v. Union of India (1995) 4 SCC 611. Facts: the then Chief Election Commissioner challenged the appointment of two colleagues and the majority rule, contending that Article 324(5) made him superior and that the change was designed to curb him. Held: the challenge failed. The Commission is a multi-member body which must act by majority; the Chief Election Commissioner is not superior to the other Commissioners and has no power of supervision over them; and the differential removal protection in Article 324(5) exists to insulate the Commission from executive pressure, not to create a hierarchy within it. The Court added that the Commissioners must be persons of high integrity and independence, and that the provision requiring removal of an Election Commissioner only on the Chief Election Commissioner's recommendation is itself a safeguard against executive interference.

3. Three functions

Administrative: preparing and revising the electoral rolls, delimiting polling areas, notifying the schedule, appointing returning officers and observers, allotting symbols under the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968, registering political parties under section 29A of the 1951 Act, and enforcing the Model Code of Conduct.

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Advisory: under Articles 103(2) and 192(2), where a question arises whether a sitting member of Parliament or of a State legislature has become subject to a disqualification, the President or the Governor decides according to the opinion of the Election Commission, and that opinion is binding. Section 8A of the 1951 Act gives it a similar role on disqualification for corrupt practices. The label "advisory" is misleading and the point is frequently examined.

Quasi-judicial: deciding disputes about the recognition of parties and the allotment of symbols when a party splits, a jurisdiction upheld in Sadiq Ali v. Election Commission of India (1972) 4 SCC 664, where the Court approved the test of the majority in the organisational and legislative wings.

4. How wide is the power, and where does it stop

Mohinder Singh Gill v. Chief Election Commissioner (1978) 1 SCC 405. Facts: at the Ferozepur parliamentary constituency in Punjab, mobs snatched and destroyed ballot papers during the count at two centres. The Election Commission cancelled the entire poll and ordered a fresh election. The candidate leading the count challenged the cancellation, arguing that Article 324 conferred no such power and that he had not been heard.

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Held: the power was validly exercised. Krishna Iyer J. held that Article 324 is a reservoir of power to act for the avowed purpose of pushing forward a free and fair election with expedition; that where the enacted law is silent or makes insufficient provision, the Commission may act to fill the vacuum; but that the power is not arbitrary, and is subject to the rules of natural justice and to the law where the law has spoken. The case is also the leading authority for the proposition that an order must be judged by the reasons stated in it and cannot be supported by fresh reasons supplied later in an affidavit.

A.C. Jose v. Sivan Pillai (1984) 2 SCC 656. Facts: the Commission directed the use of electronic voting machines at fifty polling stations in the Parur constituency in Kerala, at a time when the Representation of the People Act, 1951 and the Conduct of Elections Rules, 1961 provided only for ballot papers.

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Held: the direction was bad. Article 324 operates in areas left unoccupied by legislation; where Parliament has legislated, the Commission cannot act contrary to the statute, and it cannot in the exercise of Article 324 do what the law forbids. The Court set out the position in three propositions: where the law is silent the Commission has plenary power; where the law is not silent it must act in conformity; and it cannot ignore the law altogether. Parliament cured the defect by inserting section 61A into the 1951 Act in 1989.

Kanhiya Lal Omar v. R.K. Trivedi (1985) 4 SCC 628 upheld the Symbols Order as falling within Article 324, and Election Commission of India v. State of Tamil Nadu 1995 Supp (3) SCC 379 upheld the Commission's power to requisition central forces.

5. Reforms the Commission delivered under Article 324

  • the Model Code of Conduct, which is not statutory and derives its force entirely from Article 324 and from consensus among the parties, enforced with real effect from 1991;
  • the Electors Photo Identity Card, from 1993;
  • electronic voting machines, used in a few constituencies from 1998 and universally from 2004, after section 61A supplied the statutory basis;
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  • the Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail, provided for by amending the Conduct of Elections Rules, 1961 in 2013 and rolled out nationally by 2019;
  • expenditure monitoring, with expenditure observers, flying squads, static surveillance teams and video surveillance;
  • cVIGIL, the citizen complaint application, from 2018; and
  • the whole machinery of summary and intensive revision of the rolls.

6. Reforms imposed on the Commission or on Parliament by the courts

Confusing the two lists is the commonest weakness in answers to this question.

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Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms (2002) 5 SCC 294. Facts: a public interest petition sought disclosure of the criminal, financial and educational antecedents of candidates. Held: the right to know the antecedents of a candidate is part of Article 19(1)(a), because a voter casts his vote as an act of expression and cannot express an informed choice without the information; the Commission was directed to call for disclosure by affidavit. When Parliament responded by inserting section 33B of the 1951 Act, providing that no candidate shall be liable to disclose anything not required under the Act, that section was struck down in PUCL v. Union of India (2003) 4 SCC 399, which held expressly that the right to information is a facet of Article 19(1)(a) and that a law abridging it must satisfy Article 19(2).

PUCL v. Union of India (2013) 10 SCC 1 introduced NOTA, holding that the right to reject is part of the freedom of expression and that secrecy must be preserved for the elector who rejects all candidates.

Lily Thomas v. Union of India (2013) 7 SCC 653 struck down section 8(4), which had suspended the disqualification of a sitting legislator while an appeal was pending, as beyond Parliament's competence under Articles 102(1)(e) and 191(1)(e); conviction now disqualifies immediately.

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Public Interest Foundation v. Union of India (2019) 3 SCC 224 declined to disqualify candidates on the framing of charges, holding that to be a matter for Parliament, but directed candidates and parties to publish criminal antecedents; the directions were strengthened by the contempt order of 13 February 2020, requiring a party to publish its reasons for selecting a candidate with a criminal record and stating that winnability is not a reason.

Association for Democratic Reforms v. Union of India, decided 15 February 2024. Facts: a challenge to the Electoral Bond Scheme, 2018 and to the amendments to the Companies Act, 2013, the Income Tax Act, 1961 and the Representation of the People Act, 1951 which had made corporate donations anonymous and removed the cap on them. Held, unanimously by five judges: the scheme and the amendments are unconstitutional. Anonymous funding violates the voter's right to information under Article 19(1)(a), the information about who funds a party being essential to an informed vote; the objective of curbing black money can be achieved by less restrictive means and does not satisfy proportionality; and removing the ceiling on corporate contributions permits quid pro quo arrangements. The State Bank of India was directed to disclose the details.

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Association for Democratic Reforms v. Election Commission of India, decided 26 April 2024, declined to direct hundred per cent counting of VVPAT slips, but directed that the symbol-loading units be sealed and preserved for forty-five days and permitted a verification of the burnt memory of machines on the request of a defeated candidate at his cost.

7. The appointment controversy, which is the sharpest live issue

For seventy-three years appointments were made by the President on the advice of the Council of Ministers, with no statute at all, although Article 324(2) expressly contemplates one.

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Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India (2023) 6 SCC 161, decided 2 March 2023. Facts: petitions sought an independent, collegium-like mechanism for appointment. Held, unanimously by five judges: democracy is a facet of the basic structure; free and fair elections are inseparable from democracy; and an Election Commission appointed by the executive alone cannot discharge its function with the independence the Constitution assumes. The Court therefore directed that, until Parliament makes a law, appointment shall be by the President on the advice of a committee consisting of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha (or the leader of the single largest opposition party) and the Chief Justice of India. The Court's observations on the character of the office are worth quoting: an Election Commissioner must be independent, and a person who is weak or a "yes man" defeats the very purpose of the office.

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Parliament legislated within the year. The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023, brought into force at the end of December 2023, constitutes the selection committee of the Prime Minister, a Union Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister, and the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, with a search committee headed by the Cabinet Secretary preparing a panel of five names. The Chief Justice of India was thus replaced by a Cabinet Minister, restoring a two-to-one executive majority, which is precisely the structure Anoop Baranwal was decided to displace. The Act also equates the Commissioners' salary with that of the Cabinet Secretary rather than a Supreme Court Judge.

The Act is under challenge and, as of the hearings in 2026, the Supreme Court has not ruled on its validity. A candidate must state the position exactly that way and not as settled either way.

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The committee reports that recur in this question: the Dinesh Goswami Committee (1990) on electoral reform and the independence of the Commission; the Indrajit Gupta Committee (1998) on State funding; the Law Commission's 170th Report (1999) and 255th Report (2015), the latter recommending both disqualification on the framing of charges for serious offences and a plural appointment body; and the Second Administrative Reforms Commission's Fourth Report (2007).

8. How the functioning has evolved

The evolution has come from two directions and they should be separated. From within, the Commission has used the reservoir of power in Article 324 to build almost the entire practical apparatus of Indian elections without a statute: the Model Code, the identity card, expenditure surveillance, the machines and the paper trail. From without, public interest litigation has supplied everything that required a change in the law: candidate disclosure, NOTA, immediate disqualification on conviction, publication of criminal antecedents and, in 2024, the end of anonymous corporate funding.

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Two structural weaknesses remain untouched by either. The Commission's expenditure is voted, not charged on the Consolidated Fund, unlike that of the Comptroller and Auditor General or the judiciary, so its budget passes through the House each year. And it has no independent secretariat, its staff being drawn largely on deputation from the Union and the States under Article 324(6). Both have been the subject of repeated requests by successive Commissions and neither has been granted.

And two powers it does not have. It cannot deregister a political party, as it told the Court in Indian National Congress v. Institute of Social Welfare (2002) 5 SCC 685, where it was held that deregistration is possible only in narrow cases such as registration obtained by fraud or a party ceasing to bear allegiance to the Constitution. And the expenditure ceiling binds the candidate and not the party, which is the loophole through which most campaign money moves.

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Conclusion. The Election Commission's authority rests on three sentences in Article 324, and the Court has read them generously enough for the Commission to invent the Model Code, the photo identity card and the whole apparatus of expenditure control without a statute, while holding in A.C. Jose that it may not contradict one. Its evolution has therefore been driven from two directions, administrative innovation from within and compulsion from without by public interest litigation, and between them they have delivered every significant electoral reform of the last twenty five years. What the Commission has never been given is the one reform every committee since 1990 has recommended, an appointment process insulated from the executive: the Supreme Court supplied one in March 2023 and Parliament replaced it nine months later. Until the challenge to the 2023 Act is decided, the institution on which the fairness of Indian elections depends is itself constituted by a process the Supreme Court has already held to be inadequate, and that, rather than any question of machines or technology, is the real measure of its independence.

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7)Write a Notes on (Any Two)[25]

  • (a) Inter-state Dispute
  • (b) Freedom of Speech and Expression
  • (c) Fundamental Rights vs Directive Principles of State Policy
  • (d) Grass Root Democracy

Answer

For full marks, cover: two notes only, at about twelve marks each, each with its constitutional provision, its leading cases and one current development. All four are written out below so that whichever pair is chosen is covered.

(a) Inter-state Dispute

Disputes between the units of the Indian federation fall into three kinds, and the Constitution deals with each differently.

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Legal disputes go to the Supreme Court under Article 131. The Court has exclusive original jurisdiction in any dispute between the Government of India and one or more States, or between two or more States, if and in so far as the dispute involves any question, whether of law or fact, on which the existence or extent of a legal right depends. It is not a general forum for political grievance: in State of Bihar v. Union of India (1970) 1 SCC 67 the Court held that a suit against a public sector undertaking is not a suit against the Union, and in State of Jharkhand v. State of Bihar (2015) 2 SCC 396 the scope of the jurisdiction was referred to a larger bench. The proviso excludes disputes arising out of pre-Constitution treaties and agreements still in operation. The Maharashtra and Karnataka boundary dispute over Belgaum has been pending on the original side since 2004, which is a useful illustration of the jurisdiction's practical limits.

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Water disputes are taken out of the courts altogether by Article 262. Clause (1) permits Parliament to provide by law for the adjudication of any dispute or complaint with respect to the use, distribution or control of the waters of any inter-State river or river valley, and clause (2) permits Parliament to provide that neither the Supreme Court nor any other court shall exercise jurisdiction in respect of any such dispute. Parliament did both in the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act, 1956, whose section 11 bars the jurisdiction of all courts. Tribunals have been constituted for the Krishna, Godavari, Narmada, Ravi and Beas, Cauvery, Vansadhara and Mahadayi.

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The bar is not absolute in practice. In State of Karnataka v. State of Tamil Nadu (2018) 4 SCC 1, the Cauvery decision of 16 February 2018, the Court held that an appeal under Article 136 against a tribunal's award is maintainable notwithstanding section 11, because Article 136 is a constitutional power that an ordinary statute cannot take away, and it then varied Karnataka's allocation. The Inter-State River Water Disputes (Amendment) Bill, 2019, which proposes a single standing tribunal with benches and a Dispute Resolution Committee to attempt settlement first, has been pending for years and is the principal reform proposal. The causes of delay are structural and should be named: the absence of any time limit that binds, the practice of constituting a fresh tribunal for each dispute, the delay in notifying awards in the Official Gazette (the step that makes an award binding under section 6), the absence of authenticated basin-wide hydrological data, and the political impossibility of a State government appearing to concede water.

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Political and administrative disputes go to the Inter-State Council under Article 263. The President may establish a Council charged with enquiring into and advising upon disputes between States, investigating subjects of common interest, and making recommendations for better coordination of policy. The Sarkaria Commission recommended it in 1988 and it was finally constituted in 1990. The Zonal Councils, five of them, are statutory bodies created by the States Reorganisation Act, 1956, not constitutional ones. Article 307 permits Parliament to appoint an authority for carrying out the purposes of Articles 301 to 304 on freedom of trade and commerce.

One point of currency. Federal friction now arises less from water than from the Governor's office, and the Supreme Court's advisory opinion of 20 November 2025 in the Presidential Reference on Articles 200 and 201 held that courts cannot fix timelines for a Governor or the President to act on a Bill and that there is no concept of deemed assent, while holding that a Governor may not sit on a Bill indefinitely and that limited judicial review lies for unexplained delay.

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(b) Freedom of Speech and Expression

Article 19(1)(a) guarantees to all citizens the right to freedom of speech and expression, and Article 19(2) permits the State to make any law imposing reasonable restrictions in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence. Two amendments shaped that clause: the First Amendment, 1951, which added public order, friendly relations and incitement to an offence and inserted the word "reasonable", enacted after Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras (AIR 1950 SC 124) and Brij Bhushan v. State of Delhi (AIR 1950 SC 129) struck down pre-censorship and a ban on circulation; and the Sixteenth Amendment, 1963, which added sovereignty and integrity.

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The right has been read to include a long list of derived rights: freedom of the press, which has no separate mention (Sakal Papers v. Union of India, AIR 1962 SC 305, price-page schedule struck down; Bennett Coleman v. Union of India (1972) 2 SCC 788, newsprint control; Indian Express Newspapers v. Union of India (1985) 1 SCC 641, customs duty on newsprint); the right to know (S.P. Gupta; PUCL v. Union of India (2003) 4 SCC 399), which is the constitutional root of the Right to Information Act, 2005; the right not to speak (Bijoe Emmanuel v. State of Kerala (1986) 3 SCC 615); commercial speech (Tata Press Ltd. v. MTNL (1995) 5 SCC 139); the right to fly the national flag (Union of India v. Naveen Jindal (2004) 2 SCC 510); and the right to broadcast, with the holding that airwaves are public property (Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting v. Cricket Association of Bengal (1995) 2 SCC 161).

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The modern cases are about the internet, which is what the syllabus means by new challenges. Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) 5 SCC 1 struck down section 66A of the Information Technology Act, 2000 as vague and overbroad, read down section 79(3)(b) to require a court order or government notification before an intermediary must take content down, and upheld section 69A with its procedural safeguards. It also restated the distinction between discussion, advocacy and incitement, holding that only the last may be restricted. Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020) 3 SCC 637 held that freedom of speech and the freedom to carry on trade through the internet are protected under Articles 19(1)(a) and 19(1)(g), that an indefinite suspension is impermissible, and that every order under the Telecom Suspension Rules must be published and is subject to review. Kaushal Kishor v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023) 4 SCC 1 held that the grounds in Article 19(2) are exhaustive, so no additional restriction may be imposed on a Minister's speech, while also holding Articles 19 and 21 enforceable against non-State actors. And in Kunal Kamra v. Union of India, decided by the Bombay High Court on 20 September 2024, Rule 3(1)(b)(v) of the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines) Amendment Rules, 2023, which set up a government Fact Check Unit to identify fake or misleading information about the business of the Central Government, was struck down as violating Articles 14 and 19(1)(a).

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Two matters remain unsettled and should be flagged as such: sedition, since the Court kept section 124A of the Penal Code in abeyance in S.G. Vombatkere v. Union of India on 11 May 2022 and the Penal Code was replaced by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita on 1 July 2024, whose section 152 is the successor offence; and hate speech, on which Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan v. Union of India (2014) 11 SCC 477 referred the matter to the Law Commission and Amish Devgan v. Union of India (2021) 1 SCC 1 supplied a framework but no statutory definition exists.

(c) Fundamental Rights vs Directive Principles of State Policy

The relationship between Part III and Part IV is the oldest structural argument in Indian constitutional law, and it has passed through four stages.

Stage one, primacy of Part III. In State of Madras v. Champakam Dorairajan (AIR 1951 SC 226) the Court held that the directive principles have to conform to and run subsidiary to the fundamental rights, because Article 37 makes them expressly unenforceable while Article 13 voids inconsistent law. Parliament answered within months with the First Amendment.

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Stage two, harmonious construction. In In re Kerala Education Bill, 1957 (AIR 1958 SC 956) the Court said that although the directive principles cannot override fundamental rights, the courts should adopt the principle of harmonious construction and give effect to both as far as possible. Chandra Bhavan Boarding and Lodging v. State of Mysore (1969) 3 SCC 84 put it more strongly: the two parts are complementary and supplementary, and it is a fallacy to say the Constitution gives primacy to one over the other.

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Stage three, primacy of some directive principles, and the basic structure. The Twenty-fifth Amendment, 1971 inserted Article 31C, immunising a law giving effect to the policy in Article 39(b) or (c) from challenge under Articles 14 and 19, and adding that no such law shall be called in question on the ground that it does not give effect to that policy. In Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) 4 SCC 225 the first part of Article 31C was upheld and the second, the ouster of judicial review, was struck down. The Forty-second Amendment, 1976 then widened Article 31C to cover all the directive principles, and that widening was struck down in Minerva Mills Ltd. v. Union of India (1980) 3 SCC 625, which held that the harmony and balance between fundamental rights and directive principles is itself part of the basic structure, and that Parts III and IV are like two wheels of a chariot. Sanjeev Coke Manufacturing Co. v. Bharat Coking Coal (1983) 1 SCC 147 sustained the surviving Article 31C.

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Stage four, integration through Article 21. The real reconciliation happened not by amendment but by interpretation. Because Article 21 has been read to include the right to livelihood (Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation (1985) 3 SCC 545), health (Consumer Education and Research Centre v. Union of India (1995) 3 SCC 42), a clean environment (Subhash Kumar v. State of Bihar (1991) 1 SCC 598), education up to fourteen (Unni Krishnan) and legal aid, a great many directive principles are now enforceable through the door of Part III. Ashoka Kumar Thakur v. Union of India (2008) 6 SCC 1 restated the modern position: there is no fixed hierarchy, and the two Parts are to be read together.

One current point worth a line. In Property Owners Association v. State of Maharashtra, decided 5 November 2024 by a nine-judge bench, the Court held by 8:1 that not every privately owned resource is a "material resource of the community" within Article 39(b), overruling the wider view taken by Krishna Iyer J. in Ranganatha Reddy and followed in Sanjeev Coke. It is the most significant re-reading of a directive principle in forty years and it narrows the reach of Article 31C accordingly.

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(d) Grass Root Democracy

Grass root democracy in India means the constitutionalisation of local self-government by the Seventy-third and Seventy-fourth Amendments, 1992, in force from 24 April 1993 and 1 June 1993 respectively. Before them, local government was a State subject under entry 5 of List II and existed at the pleasure of the State legislature, which could and did supersede elected bodies indefinitely. Article 40, a directive principle, had asked the State to organise village panchayats since 1950, and four committees, Balwant Rai Mehta (1957), Ashok Mehta (1978), G.V.K. Rao (1985) and L.M. Singhvi (1986), had recommended it before Parliament acted.

The Seventy-third Amendment inserted Part IX, Articles 243 to 243-O, and the Eleventh Schedule. Its mandatory features are the ones to state:

  1. a Gram Sabha of all registered voters of a village, Article 243A;
  2. a three-tier structure at village, intermediate and district level, the intermediate tier being optional in a State with a population under twenty lakh, Article 243B;
  3. direct election to all seats at every level, Article 243C;
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  1. reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in proportion to their population, and not less than one-third of all seats for women, including one-third of the offices of chairperson, Article 243D;
  2. a fixed five-year term, with a fresh election completed before expiry or, where a body is dissolved earlier, within six months, Article 243E;
  3. a State Election Commission with the superintendence, direction and control of panchayat elections, Article 243K;
  4. a State Finance Commission every five years to review the financial position and recommend the distribution of taxes and grants, Article 243I; and
  5. a bar on interference by courts in electoral matters, Article 243-O.

The Eleventh Schedule lists twenty-nine subjects which the State legislature may devolve, Article 243G. Part IXA does the same for municipalities, with the Twelfth Schedule's eighteen subjects, a District Planning Committee under Article 243ZD and a Metropolitan Planning Committee under Article 243ZE. The Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 extends Part IX to the Fifth Schedule areas with modifications that give the Gram Sabha primacy over land alienation, minor minerals and development plans.

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The enforcement cases matter. In Kishansing Tomar v. Municipal Corporation of the City of Ahmedabad (2006) 8 SCC 352 the Court held that Article 243U is mandatory and that a State Election Commission must hold elections before the expiry of the five-year term, and that want of funds or of preparedness is no excuse. In Rajbala v. State of Haryana (2016) 1 SCC 463 the Court upheld minimum educational qualifications and other disqualifications for panchayat candidates, a decision widely criticised for excluding precisely the people the tier exists to represent.

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The unfinished business is money and function. Reservation and elections are constitutionally secured and largely delivered; devolution under Article 243G is discretionary, so what a panchayat may actually do varies enormously between States, and its own revenue base under Article 243H is thin. On women's representation the local tier has been ahead of the national one for three decades: one-third of panchayat seats have been reserved since 1993, and more than twenty States have raised it to one-half by their own legislation, whereas the corresponding provision for the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies, the Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023, was brought into force only on 16 April 2026 and by Article 334A takes effect only after a delimitation carried out on the first census taken after its commencement. The Constitution (One Hundred and Thirty First Amendment) Bill, 2026, which was to accelerate that step, was defeated in the Lok Sabha for want of the special majority.

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Conclusion. Each of these notes is a study of the same problem from a different angle: how a written constitution distributes power so that it can be used and still be checked. Article 262 and Article 263 keep inter-State conflict out of the ordinary courts and have not, on the evidence of the water tribunals, produced speed. Article 19(2) has been read narrowly enough to protect dissent and widely enough to permit blocking, and the internet is where that line is now drawn. Parts III and IV, after Minerva Mills, are held in a balance that is itself unamendable. And the Seventy-third Amendment shows what constitutionalising an institution can and cannot do: it can guarantee an election and a seat, but it cannot by itself transfer the funds and functions that make the seat worth holding.

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Colophon

This volume prints the 2025-26 - Group V Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges paper set by the University of Mumbai for LLM Foundation Course, with a model answer to each of its 7 questions.

Written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk. Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.

12 August 2026.

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