Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Foundation Course
2023 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Indian Constitutional Law New Challenges
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
LLM · Foundation Course
2023 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 12 August 2026.
Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.
Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.
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munotes.in is an independent study resource for students of the University of Mumbai. It is not affiliated with the University of Mumbai, and is not endorsed by it.
The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.
The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2023 examination.
The answers in this volume state the law as it stands today, not as it stood when the paper was set, and in this subject the difference is large. Five changes alter answers here. Aligarh Muslim University v. Naresh Agarwal, 8 November 2024, overruled Azeez Basha on the minority status of an institution incorporated by statute. State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, 1 August 2024, permitted sub-classification within the Scheduled Castes. The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, 2023 replaced the appointment committee directed in Anoop Baranwal. The Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023 came into force on 16 April 2026 and is not yet operative. And the advisory opinion of 20 November 2025 held that no timeline may be set for assent to a Bill. Where a provision has since been replaced, the answer gives the position then and now, and says which is which.
The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2023 examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2023 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 7 questions answered
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
Answer any four questions, all questions carry equal marks
any four of seven · 100 Marks
Answer
For full marks, cover: what the 1991 policy actually changed; why Article 12 was drafted for a different economy; the mechanism by which liberalisation narrows Part III, with BALCO as the proof; the three doctrinal routes available for redefining State, and which of them the courts have in fact taken; and a conclusion that answers whether redefinition is needed or whether the answer lies elsewhere.
What liberalisation changed. The New Industrial Policy of 24 July 1991 abolished industrial licensing for most industries, reduced the number of industries reserved for the public sector from seventeen to eight and later to three, opened most sectors to foreign direct investment, and began disinvestment in public sector undertakings. Since then the State has withdrawn from telecommunications, aviation, airports, ports, power distribution, banking in part, and increasingly from health and education, and it has re-entered many of these fields as a regulator and as a contracting party rather than as an owner.
Why that matters for Part III, in one step. Article 12 defines "the State" for Part III to include the Government and Parliament of India, the Governments and Legislatures of the States, all local authorities and other authorities within the territory of India or under the control of the Government of India. Since Pradeep Kumar Biswas v. Indian Institute of Chemical Biology (2002) 5 SCC 111 the test for "other authorities" is financial, functional and administrative domination or control by the Government, which must be particular to the body and pervasive; merely regulatory control will not do. Every one of those criteria is a criterion of ownership and control. So as the State ceases to own, the number of bodies satisfying the test falls, and the reach of Articles 14, 15, 16, 19 and 21 falls with it, without a single word of the Constitution being amended.
The proof is BALCO. In BALCO Employees' Union v. Union of India (2002) 2 SCC 333 the Court upheld the sale of the Union's fifty-one per cent holding in Bharat Aluminium Company, holding that disinvestment is a matter of economic policy, that the Court has no expertise to sit in judgment over it, and that the employees had no right to be heard because no right of theirs was affected by a change of ownership. The constitutional consequence is stark and the Court did not deny it: an employee who on the day before the sale could have moved the High Court under Article 226 alleging a breach of Article 14 or Article 16 could not do so the day after, because his employer had ceased to be State.
The same problem in three other forms. One, public private partnership: an airport, a highway or a hospital run under concession performs a public function with State assets but is owned privately, and no test of pervasive control will catch it. Two, outsourcing: when a government department contracts out a service, the employees of the contractor are outside Article 16 and the users are outside Article 14 as against the contractor. Three, the regulated private monopoly: a private distribution licensee may be the only supplier of electricity in a city and yet, on Federal Bank Ltd. v. Sagar Thomas (2003) 10 SCC 733, extensive regulation is not control.
So is redefinition needed, and if so how? Three routes are available, and they should be assessed.
Route one, widen "other authorities" further. This is the route the courts have declined to take. Zee Telefilms Ltd. v. Union of India (2005) 4 SCC 649 held the Board of Control for Cricket in India not to be State despite its monopoly in fact, its selection of the national team and the recognition it enjoys, precisely because none of the Pradeep Kumar Biswas criteria was satisfied. To catch a genuinely private operator the test would have to be abandoned rather than widened, and a definition that catches every powerful private body is no definition. The argument against this route is not technical but structural: Part III was drafted to bind the State because the State has coercive power, and stretching it to bind everyone would convert every private dispute into a constitutional one.
Route two, shift the question from what the body is to what it does. This is the route actually taken, and it runs through Article 226, not Article 32. Andi Mukta Sadguru Shree Muktajee Vandas Swami Suvarna Jayanti Mahotsav Smarak Trust v. V.R. Rudani (1989) 2 SCC 691 held that a writ of mandamus lies against any person or body performing a public duty, whatever its constitutional status, because Article 226 extends to "any other purpose". Zee Telefilms itself preserved this remedy against the Board. K.K. Saksena v. International Commission on Irrigation and Drainage (2015) 4 SCC 670 supplies the limit: the duty must be a public duty, imposed by statute or by the nature of the function, and not merely a duty owed to members of the public under contract. This route has two weaknesses: it is available only in the High Courts and not under Article 32, and it enforces public duties rather than fundamental rights as such.
Route three, horizontality. Kaushal Kishor v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023) 4 SCC 1, decided on 3 January 2023, five months before this paper was set, held by 4:1 that the rights under Articles 19 and 21 may be enforced against persons other than the State and its instrumentalities, joining Articles 15(2), 17, 20(2), 23, 24 and 29(2), which are horizontal on their own terms; and that the State has a positive duty to protect a person's Article 21 rights even against a private threat. If that holding is worked out, the need to redefine "State" largely disappears for the two most important rights in Part III, because the right will run directly against the private actor. Nagarathna J.'s partial dissent, and the absence so far of a developed remedial framework, are the reasons for caution.
Two further answers that are not constitutional at all, and a complete answer notes them. Statute: the Right to Information Act, 2005 reaches "substantially financed" private bodies through section 2(h), and the Consumer Protection Act, 2019, the Real Estate (Regulation and Development) Act, 2016 and the sectoral regulators do the work Part III cannot. And conditions in the transfer itself: a disinvestment or concession agreement can carry obligations on employment, on tariffs and on non-discrimination, which is a contractual rather than a constitutional protection but is enforceable and specific.
Conclusion. The need to redefine "State" arises because Article 12 measures a body by how far the Government owns and controls it, and liberalisation has reduced Government ownership without reducing the public importance of what the bodies do. The consequence, demonstrated by BALCO, is that Part III retreats every time a public enterprise is sold, though nobody voted to reduce fundamental rights. But redefinition by stretching "other authorities" is not the right answer and the Supreme Court has refused it, because control is the only principled criterion available and Zee Telefilms shows what happens when it is absent. The workable answers are the two the courts have in fact developed: the public function jurisdiction under Article 226, which asks what the body does rather than what it is, and the horizontal enforcement of Articles 19 and 21 recognised in Kaushal Kishor. Redefinition is therefore needed, but of the reach of the rights, not of the definition of the State.
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