Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Economics
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
BLS LLB 5 Years · Sem 1
2017-18 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
Mumbai University Solved Question Papers
Economics
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
BLS LLB 5 Years · Sem 1
2017-18 Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 9 August 2026.
This edition revised 10 August 2026.
Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.
Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.
Passages from this volume may be quoted, in print, online or by an AI system, with credit: name munotes.in and link to this volume's page. The volume may not be reproduced as a whole. Full terms at munotes.in/content-license.
munotes.in is an independent study resource for students of the University of Mumbai. It is not affiliated with the University of Mumbai, and is not endorsed by it.
The University does not publish an official answer key for this paper. The answers in this volume are model answers, written to show how a full-mark answer is built. They are a study aid, not an authority on what an examiner marked.
The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by the University of Mumbai at the 2017-18 examination.
The questions below are the paper as the University of Mumbai set it at the 2017-18 examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
MarksPage
The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2017-18 examination, reproduced as the University of Mumbai set them, in the order it set them. Nothing has been reworded, added or left out. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 25 questions answered
Instructions printed on the paper
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
Answer the following in short
All 10 · 20 Marks
Answer
Normative economics is the branch of economics that deals with what ought to be. It expresses value judgments about what is desirable and prescribes policy, rather than merely describing what exists.
Its features:
Examples: "The government should raise the minimum wage." "Income inequality in India is too high."
The test: if a statement contains should, ought, must, good, bad, fair or unjust, it is normative.
Answer
Supply is the quantity of a commodity that a seller is willing and able to offer for sale at a given price during a given period of time.
Three things are essential to the definition: a price, since supply without a price is meaningless; a period of time, since supply is a flow and not a stock; and willingness together with ability to sell.
The law of supply states that, other things remaining equal, the quantity supplied varies directly with price: a higher price brings a larger supply. The supply curve therefore slopes upward from left to right.
Answer
Explicit costs are the actual money payments made by a firm to outsiders for the factors and services it buys. They are contractual, they involve a cash outflow, and they are recorded in the books of account.
Examples: wages and salaries paid to employees, rent paid for premises, interest paid on borrowed capital, the price of raw materials, electricity, insurance premiums and transport charges.
Answer
In economics land means all the free gifts of nature: not only the soil but also water, forests, minerals, sunlight and climate, everything given by nature and not produced by human effort.
Two characteristics:
Two further characteristics: land is immobile, it cannot be moved from one place to another, so its situation decides much of its value; and land is permanent and indestructible in the sense that it cannot be consumed away, though its fertility can be exhausted.
Answer
Monopoly is a market in which there is a single seller of a commodity that has no close substitutes.
Two of its features:
Two further features: the monopolist is a price maker, able to fix either the price or the quantity but not both; and there are no close substitutes, so the cross elasticity of demand for the product is very low.
Example: Indian Railways in long-distance rail transport.
Answer
Public debt, also called government debt, is the total borrowing of the government, raised to meet expenditure that its revenue does not cover. It is one of the four divisions of public finance, alongside public revenue, public expenditure and financial administration.
Its classification:
It is also classified as productive, borrowed for projects that yield a return such as irrigation and power, and unproductive, borrowed for war or current consumption; and as redeemable, repayable on a fixed date, and irredeemable.
Answer
A direct tax is one whose impact and incidence fall on the same person: the person who pays it to the government is the person who bears it, and it cannot be shifted.
Two types:
Two further types: capital gains tax, on the profit made on the sale of a capital asset; and securities transaction tax. Wealth tax was a direct tax until it was abolished in 2015.
Answer
The capital market is the market for long-term funds, those lent and borrowed for more than one year, in which savings are channelled to those who will invest them in productive assets.
Two of its features:
Two further features: it is regulated by SEBI under the SEBI Act, 1992; and it carries higher risk and higher return than the money market. In India the principal exchanges are the BSE, established 1875 and the oldest in Asia, and the NSE, established 1992.
Answer
Small scale industries are industrial undertakings whose investment and turnover fall within limits fixed by the government, which are operated on a small scale with limited capital, few workers and simple technology.
In India they are classified since the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises Development (MSMED) Act, 2006 as MSMEs. A revised composite criterion of investment and turnover took effect on 1 July 2020, under which the earlier distinction between manufacturing and service enterprises was abolished, so an enterprise is now classified on the same basis whatever it produces.
Their importance: they contribute roughly 30% of India's GDP and about 45% of its exports, and employ on the order of 11 crore people, second only to agriculture.
Answer
A proportional tax is one levied at the same rate on every taxpayer, whatever the size of the base. The rate stays constant, so the amount of tax rises in exact proportion to income or value, and the ratio of tax to income is the same for rich and poor.
Example: if the rate is 10%, a person earning ₹2 lakh pays ₹20,000 and a person earning ₹20 lakh pays ₹2 lakh. Each has paid one-tenth.
In India: corporation tax is charged at a flat rate and is proportional; so, within any single slab, is GST.
Answer the following in brief
any four out of 6 · 20 Marks
Answer
Law and economics are concerned with the same underlying fact: resources are scarce, so rules are needed to decide who gets what. Economics explains how scarce resources are allocated and how people respond to incentives; law creates and enforces the rights that make an allocation binding.
1. Property, contract and succession are allocation rules. Property decides who owns a scarce resource, contract governs its voluntary transfer, succession its transfer on death.
2. Economic statutes cannot be applied without economics. The Competition Act, 2002 turns on "relevant market" and "dominant position", which require cross elasticity of demand; the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016 on solvency and going-concern value; the Consumer Protection Act, 2019 on information asymmetry.
3. Externalities, and environmental law. An externality is a cost falling on someone not party to a transaction. The polluter pays principle and the precautionary principle, both adopted by the Supreme Court of India, internalise a cost otherwise shifted to society. Much of nuisance and tort works the same way.
4. Deterrence in criminal law is marginal analysis. The expected cost of an offence, being the penalty multiplied by the probability of detection, must exceed its expected benefit, which is why certainty of detection often deters better than severity.
5. Damages are an economic calculation: loss of profits, loss of earning capacity, mitigation, and the discounting of future losses to present value.
6. Regulation answers market failure: information asymmetry, natural monopoly, public goods and externalities, which is why SEBI, TRAI, the RBI and the electricity commissions exist.
7. Constitutional adjudication. Testing a restriction under Article 19(6) against Article 19(1)(g) requires an assessment of economic consequence, and the Directive Principles, especially Articles 38, 39 and 43, are economic objectives in constitutional form.
8. Law and Economics as a school of jurisprudence. Founded by Ronald Coase in The Problem of Social Cost (1960) and developed by Richard Posner (1973), it tests a rule by the efficiency of its outcome. The Coase theorem holds that where transaction costs are low, the parties bargain to an efficient outcome whoever held the right initially.
9. Any law that ignores incentives will be evaded. Rent control below the market reduces the supply of rental housing; licensing creates a scarcity value and therefore corruption.
Economics supplies the reasoning; law supplies the sanction. A rule that ignores incentives will not be obeyed, and a market without enforceable rights cannot function at all.
Answer
The terms were introduced by Ragnar Frisch in 1933, from the Greek mikros, small, and makros, large.
Microeconomics studies the economic behaviour of individual units: a consumer, a firm, a household, one industry, the market for one commodity.
Macroeconomics studies the economy as a whole: national income, total employment, the general price level, aggregate demand and supply.
| Basis | Microeconomics | Macroeconomics |
|---|---|---|
| 1. Scope | Individual units | The whole economy |
| 2. Also called | Price theory | Income and employment theory |
| 3. Central variables | Price of a commodity, output of a firm, wage of a worker | National income, general price level, total employment |
| 4. Chief problem | Allocation of resources and price determination | Determination of income and employment, and growth |
| Basis | Microeconomics | Macroeconomics |
|---|---|---|
| 5. Method | Partial equilibrium; other things remaining equal | General equilibrium; aggregates |
| 6. Assumption | Assumes full employment | Assumes resources may be underemployed |
| 7. Associated with | Alfred Marshall | J. M. Keynes, General Theory (1936) |
| 8. Policy use | Pricing, taxation of a commodity, competition policy | Fiscal and monetary policy, budget, growth |
Micro: why the price of onions rose this month; how a firm fixes its price. Macro: why India's inflation rate is 5%; how the RBI's repo rate affects national output.
The two are complements, not rivals. Aggregates are built up from individual units, and individual decisions are taken within a macroeconomic environment. Paul Samuelson compared them to two blades of a pair of scissors, neither of which cuts alone.
Answer
Labour, as a factor of production, is any human effort, physical or mental, undertaken with the object of earning a reward. Work done for pleasure or from charity is not labour in the economic sense.
1. Labour is inseparable from the labourer. The service cannot be delivered without the person, so the conditions of work, the hours, the place and the treatment all matter to the seller in a way they do not for land or capital.
2. Labour is perishable. A day's labour not sold today cannot be stored and sold tomorrow. That weakens the worker's bargaining power, because the worker must sell now.
3. Labour has weak bargaining power relative to the employer: workers are poor, numerous and unorganised, while capital is concentrated and can wait.
4. Labour is a human factor, not a commodity. It has feelings, dignity, family responsibilities and a will of its own, so it cannot be treated purely as an input.
5. The supply of labour cannot be adjusted quickly. Raising and training a generation takes about twenty years, so labour supply cannot respond to a change in demand the way the supply of a manufactured good can.
6. Labour is mobile, but imperfectly. Movement between occupations is limited by skill, and between places by language, family and cost, which is why wages for similar work differ across India.
7. Labour is both a factor of production and a consumer, so wages are simultaneously a cost to the employer and the demand that sustains the market.
8. The supply curve of labour can be backward bending. Beyond a certain wage a worker may choose leisure over further hours, so a higher wage reduces the hours supplied. No other factor behaves this way.
9. Differences in efficiency. Labour is not homogeneous: workers differ in skill, training, health and attitude, which is why the marginal productivity theory's assumption of homogeneous labour is unreal.
Answer
The birth rate is the number of live births per thousand of population in a year. India's has fallen a great deal since independence but remains higher than that of developed countries, and the causes below explain why.
1. Poverty. The strongest single cause. A poor household treats children as earning hands and as old-age security, since there is no pension, so the poorer the family the greater the incentive to have more children. Fertility is accordingly highest among the poorest.
2. Predominance of agriculture. In a farm household children can work from an early age, so an additional child adds to income sooner than in an urban household.
3. Low cost of raising a child in rural conditions, where housing, food and schooling cost little.
4. Universal and early marriage. Marriage is nearly universal in India and, despite the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006, fixing the age at 18 for women and 21 for men, a substantial proportion of women still marry early, which lengthens the reproductive span.
5. Illiteracy, especially female illiteracy. Female education is the strongest predictor of lower fertility anywhere in the world, working through later marriage, better knowledge and use of contraception, greater say within the household and a higher opportunity cost of a woman's time.
6. Preference for a son. Couples continue having children until a son is born, which raises family size directly.
7. Religious and social beliefs, and the view that children are a gift not to be limited.
8. The joint family system, which spreads the cost of an additional child across the household so the parents do not bear it alone.
9. Low status of women and limited participation in paid work.
10. Lack of awareness of and access to contraception, particularly in rural areas.
11. A young age structure. A very large proportion of the population is of reproductive age, so even at a moderate fertility rate the absolute number of births stays high. This is population momentum.
12. Fall in infant mortality. Its long-run effect is to reduce births, since parents who expect their children to survive have fewer, but the immediate effect of more surviving children is a larger population.
India's total fertility rate has fallen to about 2.0, below the replacement level of 2.1, according to the National Family Health Survey (2019-21), and Kerala and Tamil Nadu reached that level decades ago.
Answer
The rate structure of a tax describes how the rate behaves as the base, usually income, rises. There are four types.
The rate stays the same whatever the size of the base, so tax rises in exact proportion to income and the ratio of tax to income is identical for rich and poor.
| Income (₹) | Rate | Tax (₹) |
|---|---|---|
| 2,00,000 | 10% | 20,000 |
| 10,00,000 | 10% | 1,00,000 |
| 20,00,000 | 10% | 2,00,000 |
Example: corporation tax in India, charged at a flat rate. Merits: simple, certain, easy to calculate and administer, and it does not discourage extra effort. Demerits: it ignores ability to pay, so it takes the same proportion from a household near subsistence as from a wealthy one.
The rate rises as the base rises, so a larger income bears a larger proportion.
| Income slab (₹) | Rate |
|---|---|
| Up to 3,00,000 | Nil |
| 3,00,001 to 7,00,000 | 5% |
| Above a higher slab | 10%, 15%, 20%, 30% |
Example: personal income tax in India, with its slab rates. Merits: it satisfies ability to pay, it reduces inequality, and it is elastic, so revenue grows faster than income. Demerits: very high rates encourage evasion and avoidance and may discourage saving and enterprise, which is exactly why the maximum marginal rate in India fell from above 90% in the 1970s to 30%.
The rate falls as the base rises, so the poor pay a larger proportion of their income than the rich. It is the opposite of progressive and is rarely imposed deliberately.
Example: a flat licence fee or poll tax; and indirect taxes generally are regressive relative to income, because a poor family and a rich family pay the same GST on the same packet of goods.
Progressive up to a point and proportional beyond it, so the rate rises with income for a while and then stops rising. It is a compromise between equity and the disincentive of high rates.
| Type | Rate as income rises | Burden |
|---|---|---|
| Proportional | Constant | Same proportion for all |
| Progressive | Rises | Heavier on the rich |
| Regressive | Falls | Heavier on the poor |
| Digressive | Rises, then constant | Mildly progressive |
Answer
The World Trade Organization (WTO) frames the rules of trade between nations and provides a forum for negotiating agreements and settling disputes. It was established on 1 January 1995 by the Marrakesh Agreement, succeeding GATT, 1947, after the Uruguay Round (1986 to 1994). Its headquarters is at Geneva, it has 166 members, and India is a founder member.
1. Administering the WTO trade agreements, chiefly GATT for goods, GATS for services and TRIPS for intellectual property, which together form the rulebook of world trade.
2. Acting as a forum for trade negotiations between members on the reduction of tariffs and non-tariff barriers.
3. Settling trade disputes through the Dispute Settlement Body, which hears complaints that a member has broken the rules and authorises retaliation where a ruling is not complied with.
4. Reviewing national trade policies under the Trade Policy Review Mechanism, which makes each member's policies transparent and predictable to traders elsewhere.
5. Technical assistance and training for developing and least-developed members.
6. Cooperating with the IMF and the World Bank, so that trade, monetary and development policy are coherent.
7. Enforcing its principles: Most Favoured Nation, a concession to one member must be given to all; National Treatment, imported goods treated no less favourably than domestic goods once inside the market; transparency; binding tariff commitments; and special and differential treatment for developing countries.
India has used the WTO to challenge protectionism against its exports and to defend its public stockholding of food grain at minimum support prices, protected by the peace clause agreed at the Bali Ministerial Conference in 2013. TRIPS obliged India to recognise product patents, done through the Patents (Amendment) Act, 2005.
Attempt any two of the following
Any 2 out of 3 · 12 Marks
Answer
The law of demand tells us only the direction of the change: when price falls, quantity demanded rises. It does not tell us by how much. Elasticity of demand, developed by Alfred Marshall, supplies that measure.
Price elasticity of demand (Ep) is the degree of responsiveness of the quantity demanded of a commodity to a change in its price.
Ep = Percentage change in quantity demanded ÷ Percentage change in price
The coefficient is negative, since price and quantity move in opposite directions, but by convention the minus sign is ignored and only the magnitude is compared with one.
1. Perfectly elastic demand (Ep = ∞). An infinitesimally small change in price causes an infinitely large change in quantity demanded. At the ruling price the seller can sell any amount; at a price even slightly higher, nothing. The demand curve is a horizontal straight line. A theoretical limiting case, approached by an individual seller under perfect competition.
2. Perfectly inelastic demand (Ep = 0). A change in price causes no change at all in quantity demanded. The demand curve is a vertical straight line. Also a limiting case, approached by salt, or by a life-saving drug for the person who needs it.
3. Unitary elastic demand (Ep = 1). The percentage change in quantity demanded is exactly equal to the percentage change in price. The demand curve is a rectangular hyperbola, on which total expenditure is the same at every point. It is the dividing line between elastic and inelastic.
4. Relatively elastic demand (Ep > 1). Quantity demanded changes more than proportionately to price. The curve is flatter. Examples: cars, air travel, branded clothing, restaurant meals, and any good with close substitutes.
5. Relatively inelastic demand (Ep < 1). Quantity demanded changes less than proportionately to price. The curve is steeper. Examples: salt, food grains, medicine, petrol, electricity, and habitual goods such as tobacco.
| Type | Coefficient | Shape of curve | Example |
|---|---|---|---|
| Perfectly elastic | Ep = ∞ | Horizontal | Seller in perfect competition |
| Perfectly inelastic | Ep = 0 | Vertical | Salt, life-saving medicine |
| Unitary elastic | Ep = 1 | Rectangular hyperbola | Dividing case |
| Relatively elastic | Ep > 1 | Flatter | Cars, luxuries, branded goods |
| Relatively inelastic | Ep < 1 | Steeper | Petrol, food grains, tobacco |
Availability of close substitutes, the most important; the nature of the commodity, necessity or luxury; its share in the consumer's budget; the number of its uses; whether the purchase can be postponed; habit; and the time period, since demand is more elastic in the long run.
For the producer, in fixing price. For the government, in taxation, since an indirect tax on an inelastic good yields reliable revenue, which is why petrol, liquor and tobacco carry the heaviest duties. For international trade, in judging whether devaluation will improve the balance of trade. For a monopolist, in price discrimination.
Answer
Agriculture supports about 45% of India's workforce while producing roughly 18% of Gross Value Added. That gap is the arithmetic of rural poverty, and the constraints below explain it. They fall into four groups.
1. Small and fragmented holdings. The average operational holding is about 1.08 hectares, and more than 86% of holdings are small or marginal. A holding that small cannot justify a tractor, a tube well or a bank loan, and the plots are often scattered. The cause is the law of inheritance operating on land over generations.
2. Insecure tenancy and unclear title. A tenant who may be evicted will not invest in the land, and unclear records make land poor security for credit.
3. Soil degradation, from overuse of chemical fertiliser, monocropping and neglect of organic matter.
4. Dependence on the monsoon. Roughly half the cropped area is unirrigated, so the harvest depends on rainfall that is uncertain and increasingly erratic. Indian agriculture has long been called "a gamble on the monsoon".
5. Depleting groundwater, driven down by free or subsidised power in the Green Revolution States. This is arguably the most serious long-term constraint.
6. Costly inputs and imbalanced fertiliser use, urea being heavily subsidised relative to phosphatic and potassic fertiliser, which distorts the soil nutrient balance.
7. Inadequate institutional credit and rural indebtedness. Despite priority sector lending and Kisan Credit Cards, many small farmers still borrow from moneylenders at very high rates.
8. Defective marketing. The farmer sells through a chain of intermediaries, each taking a margin, so the share of the consumer's rupee reaching the farmer is low.
9. Absence of storage and cold chain, so post-harvest losses are large and the farmer must sell immediately after harvest when prices are lowest.
10. Price volatility and ineffective support prices. Minimum support prices are announced for many crops but are effective mainly for wheat and rice and mainly in a few States.
11. Low mechanisation and outdated technique on holdings too small to justify machinery.
12. Weak extension services, so research does not reach the farmer.
13. Disguised unemployment. More people work the land than the land requires, so the marginal product of labour approaches zero. This is the central constraint, and the remedy lies outside agriculture.
14. Climate change and regional imbalance, the Green Revolution having been concentrated in irrigated States, leaving eastern and rain-fed India far behind.
Answer
| Concept | Formula |
|---|---|
| Total Fixed Cost (TFC) | Given as ₹250, the same at every level of output |
| Total Variable Cost (TVC) | TVC = AVC × Q |
| Total Cost (TC) | TC = TFC + TVC |
| Average Fixed Cost (AFC) | AFC = TFC ÷ Q |
| Average Cost (AC) | AC = TC ÷ Q, and also AC = AFC + AVC |
| Marginal Cost (MC) | MC = TCn − TCn−1 |
The table gives AVC, so the working runs the other way from the usual sum: multiply AVC by output to get TVC, then build everything else from it.
| Output (Q) | TFC (₹) | TVC (₹) | TC (₹) | AFC (₹) | AVC (₹) | AC (₹) | MC (₹) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 0 | 250 | 0 | 250 | — | — | — | — |
| 1 | 250 | 120 | 370 | 250.00 | 120.00 | 370.00 | 120 |
| 2 | 250 | 150 | 400 | 125.00 | 75.00 | 200.00 | 30 |
| 3 | 250 | 210 | 460 | 83.33 | 70.00 | 153.33 | 60 |
| 4 | 250 | 250 | 500 | 62.50 | 62.50 | 125.00 | 40 |
| 5 | 250 | 350 | 600 | 50.00 | 70.00 | 120.00 | 100 |
At zero output the firm still bears the fixed cost, so TFC is ₹250 and TC is ₹250 even though nothing is produced. That is the whole meaning of a fixed cost.
But AFC, AVC and AC cannot be calculated at zero output, because each divides by Q and division by zero is undefined. Write a dash in those cells and say so in one line; do not write zero. MC at zero output is also undefined, since there is no previous unit to compare with.
Attempt any two of the following
Any 2 out of 6 · 48 Marks
Answer
Demand in economics is not merely a desire. It is the quantity of a commodity that a consumer is willing and able to buy at a given price during a given period of time. It requires three things together: desire, ability to pay and willingness to pay. A beggar's desire for a car is not demand.
Demand is always expressed with reference to a price and to a period of time. It is a flow, not a stock.
Price of the commodity, which is the subject of the law; income of the consumer; prices of related goods, substitutes and complements; taste and fashion; expectations about future prices; size and composition of population; distribution of income; and climate and season.
The law was stated by Alfred Marshall in Principles of Economics (1890):
"The greater the amount to be sold, the smaller must be the price at which it is offered in order that it may find purchasers; or, in other words, the amount demanded increases with a fall in price and diminishes with a rise in price."
In short: other things remaining equal, the quantity demanded of a commodity varies inversely with its price.
Price ↑ → Quantity demanded ↓
Price ↓ → Quantity demanded ↑
The relationship is inverse, and the phrase "other things remaining equal" is not decoration: it is the condition on which the whole law rests.
Individual demand schedule:
| Price (₹) | Quantity demanded (units) |
|---|---|
| 50 | 10 |
| 40 | 20 |
| 30 | 30 |
| 20 | 40 |
| 10 | 50 |
Market demand is obtained by adding the quantities all consumers would buy at each price.
Plotting price on the vertical axis and quantity on the horizontal axis and joining the points gives the demand curve, which slopes downward from left to right.
The law holds only if "other things remain equal". The assumptions are:
If any assumption fails, the entire demand curve shifts, and what is being observed is not a test of the law at all.
This distinction is essential and is where most marks are lost.
| Cause | Effect on the curve | |
|---|---|---|
| Extension of demand | Fall in the price of the good itself | Movement down along the same curve |
| Contraction of demand | Rise in the price of the good itself | Movement up along the same curve |
| Increase in demand | Change in any other factor, favourable | Whole curve shifts rightward |
| Decrease in demand | Change in any other factor, unfavourable | Whole curve shifts leftward |
1. Giffen goods. Strongly inferior goods forming a large part of a poor household's budget. A price rise makes the household so much poorer in real terms that it abandons the costlier substitute and buys more of the cheap staple. Named after Sir Robert Giffen, whose observation of bread among nineteenth-century English labourers was reported by Marshall. Example: coarse cereals such as bajra for a very poor family. This is the only true exception.
2. Veblen goods, or conspicuous consumption. Luxury goods bought for the display of status, where the high price is itself the attraction. Described by Thorstein Veblen in The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899). Example: diamonds, designer handbags, luxury watches.
3. Expectation of a further price change. If buyers expect prices to rise further they buy more now despite the higher price. Example: gold or property in a rising market.
4. Ignorance and the price-quality illusion. Buyers treat a high price as a signal of quality and buy the dearer of two identical goods.
5. Necessities of life, whose demand changes very little with price: salt, life-saving medicine, food grains.
6. Speculative demand in share and commodity markets, where a rising price attracts more buyers.
7. Emergency and abnormal conditions: war, famine, or panic buying, as in the early COVID-19 lockdown.
8. Change in fashion. A good that has gone out of fashion will not sell even at a reduced price.
9. Goods of addiction and habit, tobacco and liquor, where the buyer continues to purchase at a higher price.
For the consumer, it explains buying behaviour and the allocation of a budget. For the producer, it guides pricing and output decisions and underlies the whole of sales planning. For the government, it underlies taxation, price control and public distribution: a tax on an inelastic good raises revenue reliably while a tax on an elastic good drives demand away, and a price ceiling raises the quantity demanded while reducing the quantity supplied, producing shortage. For a monopolist, it is the basis of price discrimination.
Answer
India is a developing mixed economy. It has the size and growth rate of a major economy, being among the largest in the world by total GDP, while remaining low in per capita terms. That contrast is the organising fact of the whole subject, and it runs through every feature below.
The features fall into four groups: those of a developing economy, those of a mixed economy, the social features, and the features of the economy as it has been since 1991.
1. Low per capita income. Total GDP is large, but divided by a population above 140 crore it leaves per capita income far below that of developed countries. This is the single most important indicator of the standard of living and the primary reason India is classified as developing.
2. Heavy dependence on agriculture, with an occupational structure that has not changed. Agriculture contributes roughly 18% of Gross Value Added but supports about 45% of the workforce. That gap between the share of output and the share of employment is the defining structural distortion of the Indian economy and the direct cause of low labour productivity.
3. Unemployment and underemployment. The characteristic problem is not open unemployment but disguised unemployment in agriculture, where more people work the land than the land requires, together with seasonal unemployment and a very large informal sector offering no security or social protection.
4. Low rate of capital formation. Low incomes produce low savings, low savings produce low investment, and low investment perpetuates low incomes. This is Ragnar Nurkse's vicious circle of poverty, and it operates on both the demand and the supply side of capital.
5. Poverty and inequality. Poverty has fallen substantially, on the multidimensional measure from 24.85% in 2015-16 to 14.96% in 2019-21, but persists in absolute numbers, and inequality of income and of assets, particularly land, remains high.
6. Low level of technology in large parts of the economy, coexisting with world-class capability in others: the same country builds space launch vehicles and ploughs with bullocks.
7. Infrastructure deficits in power, transport, storage and logistics, all improving from a low base.
8. Population pressure. A very large population, though the total fertility rate has fallen to about 2.0, below the replacement level of 2.1, so growth now comes chiefly from momentum rather than from high fertility.
9. Low productivity in agriculture, with holdings averaging about 1.08 hectares, roughly half the cropped area unirrigated, and yields per hectare below those of the leading producers for most crops.
10. Coexistence of the public and private sectors. Both operate side by side, with a joint sector, where ownership is shared, as a third form. Since the New Industrial Policy 1991 the industries reserved for the public sector fell from 17 to a handful.
11. Economic planning alongside the market. Five Year Plans directed the economy from 1951 to 2017; NITI Aayog replaced the Planning Commission in 2015 and advises rather than allocates.
12. Regulation in the public interest, through SEBI, TRAI, the RBI and the electricity commissions, and competition law under the Competition Act, 2002.
13. Constitutional direction. The Directive Principles, especially Articles 38, 39 and 43, direct the State towards distributive justice and towards preventing the concentration of wealth.
14. Literacy that is high but uneven, and improving fast, with wide differences between States and between the sexes.
15. Low, though rising, female labour force participation, which holds down per capita income directly, since a smaller proportion of the population is in paid work.
16. Caste and the joint family as economic institutions, affecting occupation, credit, inheritance and mobility.
17. Rural and urban divide, in income, services and opportunity, with rapid but unplanned urbanisation.
18. Liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation (LPG). Licensing dismantled, tariffs cut, foreign investment welcomed, the rupee made convertible on the current account in 1994.
19. A services-led structure. Services contribute more than half of Gross Value Added, an unusually high share for a country at India's income level, since most economies industrialise before they move to services.
20. Growing external integration: trade at roughly three times its 1990 share of GDP, foreign exchange reserves above 700 billion US dollars, and the world's largest inflow of remittances.
21. A demographic dividend, a large and young working-age population, which is an advantage only if that population is educated, healthy and employed.
22. Rapid digital and financial inclusion, through Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, mobile connectivity, UPI and Direct Benefit Transfer, which has changed how the State delivers benefits.
23. Higher growth with persistent jobless growth, output rising much faster than employment.
The Indian economy is best described as a large, fast-growing, services-led mixed economy carrying an unfinished structural transition. Its central task is unchanged since independence: to move workers out of low-productivity agriculture into higher-productivity industry and services fast enough to raise incomes before the demographic window closes.
Answer
This question has two parts and both carry marks. Answer them under separate headings.
Agricultural productivity is the output obtained per unit of input in agriculture. It measures efficiency, not total output: a country can raise production simply by bringing more land under the plough, and that is not a rise in productivity.
It is measured in several ways, and the difference between the first two is the heart of the Indian problem:
India's position: the country is among the largest producers in the world of milk, pulses, jute, rice, wheat, sugarcane, cotton and spices, and is self-sufficient in food grain and a net exporter of rice. But yields per hectare remain well below those of China, the United States and the leading producers for most crops, and labour productivity is very low, because about 45% of the workforce produces about 18% of Gross Value Added.
Productivity has grown a great deal since independence, and particularly since the mid-1960s. The causes fall into five groups.
A. Technological causes
1. The Green Revolution. The single most important cause. Under the New Agricultural Strategy of 1966, a package of high-yielding variety (HYV) seeds, chiefly of wheat and rice, together with chemical fertiliser, assured irrigation and pesticides, transformed output. It is associated with Dr M. S. Swaminathan in India and Dr Norman Borlaug internationally, and it took India from importing food grain under the American PL-480 programme to self-sufficiency.
2. Improved and hybrid seeds, and more recently drought-resistant and climate-resilient varieties, developed by the ICAR system and the agricultural universities.
3. Chemical fertiliser and better plant protection, which raised yields sharply where water was available.
4. Mechanisation, tractors, threshers, harvesters and pump sets, which raised output per worker and made timely operations possible.
5. Scientific practices: crop rotation, multiple cropping, soil testing through soil health cards, and integrated pest management.
B. Irrigation and infrastructure
6. Expansion of irrigation, through major and minor projects, canals, tube wells and, more recently, micro-irrigation, drip and sprinkler, under the Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana. This is the measure with the largest single effect on yield.
7. Rural electrification, which made pump sets possible.
8. Rural roads, storage and cold chain, which reduced post-harvest loss and connected the farmer to markets.
C. Institutional causes
9. Land reforms. Abolition of the zamindari system, tenancy reform, ceilings on holdings and, where carried out, consolidation of holdings, which was notably successful in Punjab and Haryana.
10. Cooperatives and Farmer Producer Organisations, which give small farmers the scale to buy inputs and sell produce on better terms. The dairy cooperatives of the White Revolution, associated with Dr Verghese Kurien, are the outstanding example.
11. Institutional credit, through cooperative banks, NABARD (1982), regional rural banks, priority sector lending and Kisan Credit Cards, which displaced the moneylender.
12. Marketing reform, through regulated markets, e-NAM, the electronic national market, and reform of the APMC system.
D. Price and policy causes
13. Minimum support prices and the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices, which gave the farmer an assured price and therefore the confidence to invest in inputs.
14. Procurement and buffer stocks through the Food Corporation of India, which stabilised prices.
15. Input subsidies on fertiliser, power and irrigation, which made the Green Revolution package affordable.
16. Crop insurance under the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana, which reduced the risk that pushed farmers towards low-yield, low-risk crops.
17. Income support through PM-KISAN.
E. Diversification and other causes
18. Diversification into horticulture, floriculture, dairy, poultry and fisheries, which raise income per hectare far more than cereals. India is now the world's largest producer of milk.
19. Research and extension, the ICAR network, Krishi Vigyan Kendras and agricultural universities, which carry laboratory results to the field.
20. Food processing, which adds value and creates demand for produce beyond the local mandi.
Growth in productivity has been uneven and is now slowing. It was regionally concentrated in irrigated States; it favoured wheat and rice over pulses, oilseeds and coarse cereals; it widened inequality, since only farmers who could afford the inputs benefited; and it left behind depleted groundwater, degraded soil and chemical residues. That is why the emphasis today has shifted to sustainable and natural farming, micro-irrigation and crop diversification rather than to more of the same package.
Agricultural productivity in India has grown chiefly because of the Green Revolution package, made possible by irrigation and supported by institutional credit, assured prices and research. Its land productivity has risen greatly; its labour productivity has not, because the number of people the land supports has hardly fallen. Raising the second is the unfinished task.
Answer
India's population has risen from about 36 crore in 1951 to more than 140 crore, making it the world's most populous country. Growth was not steady. The Census of 1921 is called the "great divide": before it, births and deaths were both high and the population barely grew; after it, deaths fell sharply while births stayed high, and the population began to rise fast.
The factors divide into those that keep the birth rate high, those that brought the death rate down, and a third group that operates independently of both.
1. Poverty. The strongest single factor. A poor household treats children as earning hands and as old-age security, since there is no pension, so the poorer the family the greater the incentive to have more children. Fertility is accordingly highest among the poorest.
2. Universal and early marriage. Marriage is nearly universal in India and, despite the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006, fixing the age at 18 for women and 21 for men, a substantial proportion of women still marry early. An earlier marriage lengthens the reproductive span and advances the first birth.
3. Illiteracy, especially female illiteracy. Female education is the strongest predictor of lower fertility anywhere in the world, working through later marriage, better knowledge and use of contraception, greater say within the household, and a higher opportunity cost of a woman's time.
4. Preference for a son. Couples continue having children until a son is born, which raises family size directly. It is also what the PCPNDT Act, 1994 attacks by prohibiting sex determination.
5. Religious and social beliefs, and the view that children are a gift not to be limited.
6. The joint family system, which spreads the cost of an additional child across the household, so the parents do not bear it alone.
7. Low status of women and limited participation in paid work.
8. Predominance of agriculture, where children can contribute labour from an early age.
9. Lack of awareness of and access to contraception, particularly in rural areas.
10. Hot climate and early puberty, a factor named in the standard texts.
11. Control of epidemics. Plague, cholera, malaria and smallpox once killed in very large numbers. Smallpox was eradicated in India in 1977.
12. Better medical facilities: immunisation, antibiotics, primary health centres and the spread of hospitals.
13. Fall in infant and maternal mortality, through institutional delivery and better maternal care. This has a second, opposite effect in the long run: parents who expect their children to survive choose to have fewer.
14. Control of famine. The Green Revolution and the public distribution system ended famine deaths and secured the food supply.
15. Better sanitation and safe drinking water, and improved nutrition.
16. Rising life expectancy, which has more than doubled since independence.
17. Population momentum. The largest single factor today. A very large proportion of the population is already of reproductive age, so the absolute number of births stays high even at a moderate fertility rate. Even at replacement fertility a young population keeps growing for a generation.
18. Immigration from neighbouring countries into the border States.
Pressure on land, so holdings fragment to about 1.08 hectares on average; disguised unemployment; pressure on food, housing, water, schools and hospitals; urban congestion and slums; environmental strain and depleted groundwater; a lower rate of capital formation, since a larger share of income goes on consumption; and a heavy dependency burden.
India was the first country in the world to adopt an official family planning programme, in 1952. The National Population Policy, 2000 set the goal of a stable population by 2045. Entry 20A of the Concurrent List, inserted by the 42nd Amendment, 1976, gives both Parliament and the States competence over population control. Beyond that, the measures are the mirror image of the causes: raising the age at marriage, female education under the RTE Act, 2009, employment for women, free and accessible contraception, maternal and child health services, social security that removes the need for children as insurance, and incentives for small families.
There is no central law compelling any citizen to limit family size, and that is deliberate. Coercive sterilisation during the Emergency (1975 to 1977) produced a lasting public backlash and set the programme back by years. India's approach since has rested on education, incentive and voluntary choice.
An answer that stops at the causes is out of date. India's total fertility rate has fallen to about 2.0, below the replacement level of 2.1, according to the National Family Health Survey (2019-21). Kerala and Tamil Nadu reached that level decades ago. Population is still rising, but the reason is now momentum, not high fertility.
Answer
The National Agricultural Policy was announced in July 2000. It was the first comprehensive national policy for agriculture since independence, and it came at a particular moment: nearly a decade after the reforms of 1991, which had been industrial and financial in focus and had largely passed agriculture by, and five years after India joined the WTO in 1995, which exposed Indian farmers to world trade rules for the first time.
The policy set a target of a growth rate in excess of 4% per annum in the agricultural sector, and specified the kind of growth it wanted:
Those four qualifications are the heart of the policy, and they are what distinguish it from a simple production target.
A. Sustainable agriculture
Rational use of land and water; watershed development and rainfed farming, which had been neglected by the Green Revolution; conservation of biodiversity and of plant and animal genetic resources; reclamation of degraded and wasteland; and control of the indiscriminate use of chemicals.
B. Food and nutritional security
Special emphasis on coarse cereals, pulses and oilseeds, the crops the Green Revolution had ignored; and support for horticulture, floriculture, roots and tubers, plantation crops, aromatic and medicinal plants, bee-keeping and sericulture, all of which raise income per hectare.
C. Generation and transfer of technology
A national agricultural bio-technology policy; protection of plant varieties and farmers' rights, which India enacted in the Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers' Rights Act, 2001, using the flexibility TRIPS allows; strengthening of research and extension; and the use of information technology to reach the farmer.
D. Inputs management
Adequate and timely supply of quality seed, fertiliser and credit; balanced and conjunctive use of water; rational use of fertiliser; and rural electrification and energy for agriculture.
E. Incentives for agriculture
Removal of distortions between agriculture and industry in trade policy; removal of restrictions on the movement of agricultural commodities across the country; progressive dismantling of controls under the Essential Commodities Act, 1955; and the creation of a single national market.
F. Investments in agriculture
A commitment to raise public investment, which had been declining, and to attract private investment in agriculture and agro-processing, with rationalisation of subsidies so that they do not crowd out investment.
G. Institutional structure
Land reforms: consolidation of holdings, tenancy reform, distribution of ceiling surplus land, and above all the updating and computerisation of land records. Recognition of contract farming and land leasing to allow small farmers to gain scale. Strengthening of cooperatives and of Panchayati Raj institutions in agricultural planning.
H. Risk management
A comprehensive crop insurance scheme covering all crops and all farmers, building on the National Agricultural Insurance Scheme; a price stabilisation fund to protect farmers from price volatility; and safeguards against cheap imports, with tariffs used within WTO limits.
I. Management reform
Reform of marketing, including amendment of the APMC Acts to permit direct marketing and contract farming; development of futures markets; and rural infrastructure, storage, cold chains and roads.
The National Agricultural Policy 2000 was a sound diagnosis with weak instruments. It identified, earlier than most, that Indian agriculture needed sustainability, diversification, marketing reform and investment rather than more of the Green Revolution package, and much of what it proposed remains the agenda today. It failed to deliver because it was a policy statement rather than a law, because agriculture is a State subject, and because it never resolved the conflict between subsidy and investment that continues to define Indian agricultural policy.
Answer
The money market is the market for short-term funds, those lent and borrowed for periods up to one year. It is where institutions with a temporary surplus of cash meet those with a temporary shortage. Its purpose is liquidity, not investment, and it deals in near-money instruments of high safety and high liquidity.
It is distinguished from the capital market, which deals in long-term funds through shares and bonds and is regulated by SEBI. The money market is regulated by the Reserve Bank of India.
The Indian money market has a dual structure, and this duality is its defining feature.
A. The organised sector, regulated by the RBI and consisting of the modern banking and financial system.
B. The unorganised sector, outside effective regulation, consisting of indigenous bankers, moneylenders, chit funds and nidhis.
1. The Reserve Bank of India stands at the apex. It regulates the market, is the lender of last resort, and conducts monetary policy through the repo and reverse repo rates, the Liquidity Adjustment Facility, the cash reserve ratio, the statutory liquidity ratio and open market operations.
2. Commercial banks, public sector, private sector, foreign, regional rural and small finance banks, which are both the largest lenders and the largest borrowers in the market.
3. Cooperative banks, at the State, district and urban levels.
4. Development financial institutions and all-India institutions: NABARD, SIDBI, EXIM Bank and the National Housing Bank.
5. Non-banking financial companies, mutual funds, insurance companies and primary dealers.
6. The Discount and Finance House of India (DFHI), set up in 1988 on the recommendation of the Vaghul Working Group, to develop a secondary market in money market instruments.
1. Call money and notice money market. The market for overnight and very short-term interbank funds. Call money is repayable on demand, notice money for up to fourteen days. It is the most sensitive part of the market, and the call rate is where a change in the repo rate is felt first.
2. Treasury bill market. Treasury bills are short-term instruments issued by the Government of India through the RBI at a discount, with maturities of 91, 182 and 364 days. They carry no default risk and are the benchmark for short-term rates. Ad hoc treasury bills, which had allowed automatic monetisation of the government's deficit, were phased out in 1997, which was a major reform.
3. Commercial bill market. Bills of exchange arising out of genuine trade, which can be discounted with a bank and rediscounted with another institution. This segment remains under-developed in India, which is a long-standing criticism.
4. Commercial paper (CP) market. An unsecured promissory note issued by a creditworthy company to raise short-term funds directly, introduced in 1990.
5. Certificate of deposit (CD) market. A negotiable receipt for funds deposited with a bank, introduced in 1989.
6. Repo and reverse repo market. Sale of a security with an agreement to repurchase it, which is in substance a collateralised short-term loan, and the principal instrument of RBI liquidity management.
7. Collateralised borrowing and lending, TREPS. The CBLO segment, introduced in 2003, was replaced by Triparty Repo (TREPS) in 2018, and is now the largest segment of the overnight market.
8. Money market mutual funds, which let smaller investors participate.
1. Indigenous bankers, who accept deposits and lend, and who deal in the hundi, an indigenous bill of exchange. They operate outside the RBI's control.
2. Moneylenders, who lend to farmers, artisans and small traders at very high rates, and who remain a substantial source of rural credit despite decades of institutional expansion.
3. Chit funds and nidhis, savings and lending associations, partly regulated by the Chit Funds Act, 1982 and by State legislation.
4. Unregulated non-banking financial companies.
Following the Sukhamoy Chakravarty Committee (1985), the Vaghul Working Group (1987) and the Narasimham Committee (1991 and 1998):
Deregulation of interest rates; introduction of new instruments, CDs in 1989 and CP in 1990; treasury bills of varied maturity; the setting up of DFHI in 1988; the Liquidity Adjustment Facility from 2000; CBLO in 2003 and TREPS from 2018; electronic trading through the Negotiated Dealing System; the phasing out of ad hoc treasury bills in 1997, ending automatic monetisation of the deficit; and a flexible inflation targeting framework with a Monetary Policy Committee from 2016.
The Indian money market has been transformed since 1991 from a narrow, rate-controlled market into a deep, instrument-rich and electronically traded one at its organised end. Its dual structure remains, and the unorganised sector, though shrinking, still serves those the formal system has not reached. Closing that gap is what financial inclusion is for.
No. These are model answers written by munotes.in for study use. The University of Mumbai does not publish an official answer key for this paper, so no site can offer one. Use these to check your approach and your structure, not as an authority on what the examiner marked.
Yes. Every answer in this volume opens straight away, with no login and no payment.
Solve the paper first under exam conditions, then read the answers. Reading solutions before attempting the paper feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to produce one.
The answers follow the paper as it was set, and facts that change over time carry the date they were checked. Where a rule or figure has been revised since the exam, the answer says so, because a later paper will expect the newer position.
Yes. Quote freely, with credit: name munotes.in and link to this page. That is the whole license, for people and for AI systems alike. Republishing the volume as a whole is not permitted. Full terms at https://www.munotes.in/content-license
This volume prints the 2017-18 Economics paper set by the University of Mumbai for BLS LLB 5 Years Sem 1, with a model answer to each of its 25 questions.
Written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk. Published by munotes.in, Mumbai.
9 August 2026, revised 10 August 2026.
Also from munotes.in
Found an error in this volume? Report it and we will check it against the paper.