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B.A. LL.B. (Five Years) · Sem 8
2011 Jun Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
KSLU Solved Question Papers
Right to Information
Previous Year Question Paper with Solution
B.A. LL.B. (Five Years) · Sem 8
2011 Jun Examination
munotes.in
Mumbai
First published on munotes.in on 21 October 2026.
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Model answers written and edited by the munotes.in editorial desk.
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The question paper reproduced here is the paper as set by Karnataka State Law University at the 2011 Jun examination.
The questions below are the paper as Karnataka State Law University set it at the 2011 Jun examination, in the order it was set.
MarksPage
MarksPage
The questions in this volume are the questions asked at the 2011 Jun examination, reproduced as Karnataka State Law University set them, in the order it set them. Long reading passages are shortened to their first and last lines and our summary; the original paper prints them in full. Only the answers are ours. See the original question paper.
Duration 3 hours · Total marks 100 · 20 questions answered
Instructions printed on the paper
How to use this volume
Solve the paper first, under exam conditions and against the clock. Then read the answers here and mark your own. Reading a solution before attempting the question feels productive and teaches very little, because recognising an answer is not the same as being able to write one.
Unit I
Answer
For full marks, cover: the claim and its two halves; Part A, how secrecy harms a democracy: it hides corruption (MKSS muster rolls; section 24 proviso), distorts elections (the Electoral Bonds case, 2024), shields arbitrary decisions (S.P. Gupta), lets wrongdoing escape investigation (Ram Jethmalani, 2011), and breeds distrust; Part B, how transparency makes it thrive: informed voters (Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms; Lok Prahari), answerable regulators (Jayantilal N. Mistry), and open institutions (Subhash Chandra Agarwal, 2019); Part C, the secrecy a democracy itself needs: the secret ballot, deliberation before decision (section 8(1)(i) and proviso), security (section 8(1)(a)), privacy (Puttaswamy; Ram Jethmalani para 77); the test that reconciles them: secrecy must be justified, openness need not be (sections 8(2), 19(5); Raj Narain); assessment; conclusion.
The statement makes two claims. Positively, transparency is the condition in which democracy grows. Negatively, secrecy starves it. The second claim needs care, because a democracy also depends on some secrets of its own, such as the secret ballot. The answer is that secrecy must always justify itself, while openness is the default.
1. It hides corruption. Corruption depends on records nobody sees. In Rajasthan in the 1990s, officials refused to show the muster rolls of relief works, citing the Official Secrets Act. When the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan had the rolls read aloud at public hearings, workers could compare them with what had actually been paid. Parliament later recognised the point in the RTI Act. Even intelligence and security organisations must disclose information about allegations of corruption (proviso to section 24(1)).
2. It distorts elections. In Association for Democratic Reforms v. Union of India, 2024 INSC 113, the Electoral Bond Scheme allowed anonymous funding of political parties. Voters could not learn who had funded whom. Five Judges struck the scheme down. They held that the voter's right to information about political funding is part of Article 19(1)(a). The unlimited corporate donations it allowed were arbitrary under Article 14. Secrecy about who funds parties prevents voters from knowing whose interests their representatives may serve.
3. It shields arbitrary decisions. In S.P. Gupta v. Union of India, AIR 1982 SC 149, the Government claimed immunity for its correspondence on a Judge's non-continuation. Bhagwati J held that disclosure must be the rule and secrecy the exception, justified only by the strictest public interest. A decision that can never be examined cannot be corrected.
4. It lets wrongdoing escape investigation. In Ram Jethmalani v. Union of India (Supreme Court, 4 July 2011), petitioners complained that the Union had done little about unaccounted money of Indians in foreign banks. Information sought under the RTI Act had not been given. The Court converted a high level committee into a Special Investigation Team headed by two retired Supreme Court Judges. It ordered the Union to give the petitioners the documents it had received from Germany. Secrecy had allowed inaction.
5. It breeds distrust. When citizens cannot see how decisions are made, they assume the worst. Rumour replaces fact, and confidence in institutions falls.
1. Voters choose with knowledge. In Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms, (2002) 5 SCC 294, the Supreme Court required every candidate to disclose criminal antecedents, assets, liabilities and education. Lok Prahari v. Union of India, AIR 2018 SC 1041, added the sources of income of candidates and their families.
2. Regulators answer to the public. In Reserve Bank of India v. Jayantilal N. Mistry, (2016) 3 SCC 525, the RBI was made to disclose its inspection reports on banks. The Court held that the RBI must uphold the public interest, not the interest of the banks it supervises.
3. No institution stands above scrutiny. In Central Public Information Officer, Supreme Court of India v. Subhash Chandra Agarwal (13 November 2019), five Judges held that the office of the Chief Justice of India is within the Act. The fact of judges' asset declarations was ordered to be disclosed.
4. Citizens take part. Section 4(1)(c) requires authorities to publish all relevant facts while forming important policies. Section 4(1)(d) requires them to give reasons for decisions to affected persons. Participation becomes possible only when the facts are known.
The statement goes too far if read literally. Some secrecy serves democracy.
The Act resolves the tension by allocating the burden. Openness needs no justification; secrecy does.
A State Cabinet decides to allot public land to a private trust at a nominal price.
The deliberation was protected for a time, but the decision itself could not stay secret.
The statement is right in spirit. Indian democracy has been strengthened each time a secret was opened: candidates' records, regulators' reports, political funding, judges' declarations. It is wrong only if it suggests that every secret is undemocratic. The secret ballot, unfinished deliberation, genuine security and personal privacy protect democracy. The difference is that these secrets protect citizens and the integrity of decisions, while the harmful secrets protect power from scrutiny.
| Harmful secrecy | Democratic secrecy | |
|---|---|---|
| Whom it protects | Those in power | Citizens; the integrity of decisions |
| Examples | Anonymous political funding; hidden muster rolls; unexamined decisions | Secret ballot; Cabinet deliberation until decided; security; privacy |
| Harmful secrecy | Democratic secrecy | |
|---|---|---|
| Law's response | Struck down or overridden (Electoral Bonds case; S.P. Gupta; sections 22, 24 proviso) | Protected, but narrowly (sections 8(1)(a), 8(1)(i), 8(1)(j)) |
| Burden | Must be justified (section 19(5)) | Still subject to public interest (section 8(2)) |
Conclusion. Democracy thrives in transparency because secrecy hides corruption, distorts elections (the Electoral Bonds case) and shields arbitrary decisions (S.P. Gupta). It also lets wrongdoing escape investigation (Ram Jethmalani). Transparency gives voters knowledge (Association for Democratic Reforms, Lok Prahari) and makes regulators and even the highest offices answerable (Jayantilal N. Mistry, Subhash Chandra Agarwal). Yet democracy needs some secrets of its own: the ballot, deliberation until decision, security and privacy (Puttaswamy). The RTI Act reconciles the two by making openness the rule and requiring every secret to be justified (sections 8(2), 19(5); Raj Narain).
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