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INTRODUCTION TO POSITIVE
PSYCHOLOGY - I
Unit Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Need for a Science of Human Strengths and Virtues Measurement
1.3 Deconstruction of Illness Ideology and Inclusion of Human
Strengths
1.4 Summary
1.5 Questions
1.6 References
1.0 OBJECTIVES After learning this chapter, you will be able to understand:
 What is positive psychology?
 The need for a science of human strengths and virtues
 Illness ideology and various factors that ingrain illness ideology
1.1 INTRODUCTION Since the 1990s, the concept of positive psychology has been
progressively gaining popularity among contemporary psychologists and
has gradually developed firm roots as a separate branch of psychology.
Though Malow was the first to use the term „positive psychology‟ in 1954,
it was Martin Seligman who reintroduced it in its new Avatar, in 1998
during his presidential address to the American Psychological Association.
He described positive psychology as the scientific study of factors that can
help individ uals, communities, as well as institutions to grow to their
maximum potential. He propagated that instead of treating what is wrong
with a person or lacking in a person, psychologists should concentrate on
what a person wants to achieve and how to empower him to achieve his
goals, e.g. happiness, meaning and purpose of life, gratitude, etc. He
emphasized that normal people should be given equal importance as the
people suffering from any of the disorders or negativity and
dysfunctionality in life. Instead o f concentrating energies on what is
dysfunctional, psychologists should focus on the potential strengths of a
person and how they can be used to enhance life satisfaction of a person.

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10 1.2 NEED FOR A SCIENCE OF HUMAN STRENGTHS AND VIRTUES Though it is bel ieved that positive psychology originated from humanistic
psychology and flourished in the nineties, it is actually in its nascent stage.
Its roots can be traced to Aristotle‟s philosophical musings about all
human beings born with the potential to be good , virtuous, and moral
beings. Greek philosophy negated the idea that human beings are
inherently selfish; instead, Aristotle held that if an individual behaves in
an egoistic manner, he gets isolated from social relationships, and
consequently, his quality of life suffers.
Later in the 1950s, Humanistic psychologists like Maslow, Roger and
Fromm mooted the idea of formally studying happiness and flourishing in
human life, to study normal healthy people more than mentally ill people.
But there was no scient ific basis for Aristotle‟s philosophical teachings,
and there was not sufficiently strong empirical evidence generated by
humanistic psychologists. Traditionally, psychology has been very
emphatic about the use of scientific methods and empirical support f or any
theory; positive psychology did not take off until the twenty first century.
Later on, as the realization grew that subjective positivity in human life
can contribute to the growth of communities as well as lead to happier and
more productive instit utions, psychologists felt the need to scientifically
test out the concepts propagated by positive psychology.
In the 1950s, psychologists started paying attention to improving the
mental health of people and not just treating the patients after their ment al
health has deteriorated or any mental disorders have already taken place. It
was realized that prevention is better than the cure.
Diener and Suh believed that a human being‟s personal well -being is
influenced by various factors, such as cognitive fact ors, affective factors
and contextual factors. The level of life satisfaction of a person depends
upon how frequently he experiences positive or negative emotions. If he
experiences positive emotions more frequently than negative emotions,
then he will con sider his life satisfaction to be high. They labelled it as
„Tripartite Model of Subjective Wellbeing‟ and published it in 1984.
In 1989, Carol Ryff expanded on this model and proposed that a human
being‟s psychological wellbeing is influenced by six fact ors, and these six
factors are measurable. These six factors are self -acceptance, continuous
personal growth, purpose in life, positive good quality relations with
others, cognitive and behavioural autonomy, and deft manipulation of the
environment to sati sfy their needs and in accordance with their values. In
1995, she published a scale to measure psychological well -being through
the measurement of these six factors, and till today, it is extensively used
in empirical studies of positive psychology.
Corey Keyes had worked with Carol Ryff, but in 2002 he published his
own version of psychological wellbeing, especially mental health. He was
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11 Introduction to Positive Psychology - I being there or not. Instead, mental health ca n be thought of as a continuum
with two extremes of flourishing on the positive side and languishing on
the negative side. In between, there are various shades of these two
extreme concepts. He presented a „Tripartite Model of Mental Wellbeing‟,
where he c ategorized mental well being into three categories –
a) Hedonic component:
The explained this by saying that all human beings tend to prolong
positive feelings and reduce the duration of unpleasant feelings.
b) Eudaimonia component:
All human beings have a inherent desire to develop and polish their
potential or incipient skills and abilities and reach their optimum level.
Eudaimonia component has been very often covered by research on
psychological and social wellbeing.
Keyes believed that if an individ ual displays at least one sign of hedonic
and at least more than half the symptoms of eudaimonia, he can be
labelled as having highly flourishing or good mental health. This model
generated a lot of interest and received empirical support.
Many more resear chers empirically studied the topics covered under
positive psychology. For instance, the relationship between positive
emotions and long life, the relationship between emotional health and
stroke, etc. One can safely conclude that positive psychology is a subfield
of psychology, as it has not deviated from the basic tenets of psychology
that empirical evidence is of paramount importance. It has merely
broadened its scope. Though all human beings are unique according to
modern positive psychology, it believ es that all human beings, throughout
their lives, strive to enhance their skills, complexity and become perfect
compared to their present level of skills, perfection, and complexity.
1.3 DECONSTRUCTION OF ILLNESS IDEOLOGY AND INCLUSION OF HUMAN STRENGTHS Martin Seligman considered World War II a significant turning point in
the history of psychology that changed the course of the knowledge
gathered in psychology. Before World War II, psychologists were more
focused on finding ways to nurture people‟s poten tial and ensure that
people had sufficiently productive and satisfying lives. In this process, if
they came across any mental illness, they worked on treating it, in some
people too. These pursuits were much closer to the aim of modern positive
psychology. But World War II changed the world socially, economically,
geographically, and in many other ways. Clinical psychology started
thriving as it started paying more attention to mental illness than mental
health.
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Positive Psychology
12 However, a brief look at the history of cli nical psychology suggests that
clinical psychology had gradually started altering its goals right at the
beginning of the 20th century, and developments that took place during
and after World War II merely accelerated the shift in the course of
clinical ps ychology, and treatment of mental illness became the sole goal
of clinical psychology. Right from the beginning of the 20th century,
Freud‟s psychoanalysis and its allied theories such as attachment theory,
ego psychology, etc. started ruling the practice s of clinical psychologists
as well as psychiatrists. Psychoanalysis is based on the presumption that
all human beings are dominated by inherent evil, unruly psychic forces
such as sexual and aggressive forces. People struggle to balance these
forces right from birth, and any imbalance in them leads to psychological
illness. As clinical psychology engulfed itself in psychoanalysis, it got
mired in illness ideology. Its language too changed and it was merely
treating the mental illness just as medical doctor s treat physical illnesses.
Apart from the dominance of psychoanalysis, many other factors ingrain
illness ideology in clinical psychology. For instance -
The Disease Model:
Before 1900, psychologists were more concerned with the measurement of
various ps ychological problems, such as learning disabilities in children.
Their training was dominated by psychometric theory. After 1909,
psychoanalytic theory became more popular. Psychoanalytic theory
emphasized on psychopathology.
Budding clinical psychologist s did their internships under the guidance of
psychiatrists working in psychiatric wards in hospitals. In a hospital or
clinical environment, they developed the tendency to look at people
visiting there as patients and not as clients. They looked for
psych opathology in those people. Psychopathology was understood as any
behavior or emotional state that is maladaptive and deviates from normal
average behavior. Clinical psychology also believes that people suffering
from acute psychological problems who visit hospitals and clinics are
different, in nature and severity, from different normal populations, and
their problems are also different from the problems of normal people.
Clinical psychologists in this era ignored contextual factors, such as
sociocultural aspects, while diagnosing mental illness. They believed that
just as other medical problems have biological roots, mental disorders too
are rooted in the organism.
Moreover, the language of clinical psychology became and remains the
language of medicine a nd pathology, focusing more on abnormality than
on normality.
At the beginning of the 1950s, many clinical psychologists realized that
they could make a lucrative career by just curing mental illnesses. Until
today, clinical psychologists have worked on t he assumption of
psychopathology. They ignore the fact that human beings have free will
too. Instead, they believe that human beings are helpless victims of their
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13 Introduction to Positive Psychology - I surrender themselves to the care of an expert, be it a medical doctor,
psychiatrist, or clinical psychologist. They themselves, as well as the
laymen, consider them doctors of mentally sick people. These
practitioners are well versed in various mental illnesses but have little
knowl edge of the mental health of normal healthy people and how to
promote good mental health.
Evolutionary Perspective:
The evolutionary perspective states that the main objective of our lives is
to remain alive and propagate our genes. Consequently, right fr om the
caveman days until today, it is a natural human tendency to pay more
attention to negative things around us and be alert to any potential danger.
There is empirical evidence to suggest that the natural tendency to be alert
dominates, directly or ind irectly, all our thoughts, emotions and actions.
For instance, we form impressions in the first few seconds about others‟
personalities based on their appearance. We pay more attention to negative
information and remember it for a longer duration. Most of us are extreme
critics of ourselves. We remember our shortcomings, mistakes, and
disappointments much more than our strengths and achievements. From an
evolutionary perspective, it is beneficial for us to have a negative bias.
Advent of Behaviourism:
In the early nineties, behaviourism started flourishing as a criticism of
psychoanalysis. Behaviourists such as J. B. Watson and B.F. Skinner
rejected the idea of free will. They believed all behavior is learned
behavior and learning takes place depending on t he consequences of
actions taken. Behaviourists believed that all mental disorders are learned
responses that can be treated with the principles of reinforcement.
The Social Deconstruction of the DSM:
Since 1952 onwards, the DSM has served as a handy book for all clinical
psychologists. Over the decades, it has gone through various revisions, but
no clinical psychologist can determine the diagnosis of a patient without
using the DSM. Right from the first edition of the DSM, psychologists
have acknowled ged that there are no concrete criteria for differentiating
normality from abnormality. Normality and abnormality are social
constructs that are determined by the individuals, institutions and cultural
norms of that time. So, what is considered abnormal in a particular society
in a particular era may be considered normal in another society in another
era. The same is true for the classification of mental disorders. That is why
we cannot say that the DSM is a scientific objective instrument; instead, it
is a document that reflects the social values of a particular time period
while describing what is normality, and categorizing various mental
disorders. Even the clinical psychologist is unconsciously influenced by
his/her own social, cultural, political value s while diagnosing a mental
disorder. For example, in DSM I, homosexuality was categorized as a
mental disorder but in later revisions of the DSM, it was not considered as
a disease due to social pressure. In such a scenario, it becomes difficult to
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Positive Psychology
14 mental disorder or even deciding whether a person is normal or not. Some
critics go to the extent of questioning the diagnosis of physical diseases
too, as they believe that the diagnose of physical diseases is also
influenced by the sociocultural background of the doctor. One can safely
conclude that scientific knowledge is also not as objective as is desired
and is basically social knowledge. Clinical psychologists need to re -
examine their beliefs and practices about the categorization of human
experiences based on the DSM.
Emergence of Positive Psychology:
Seligman et. al. (2000) issued a manifesto in the magazine American
Psychologist: “Psychology is not just a branch of medicine concer ned with
illness or health; it is much larger. It is about work, education, insight,
love, growth, and play.”
Gradually, clinical psychology has started gravitating towards the
prevention of mental illness rather than focusing on the treatment of
mental i llness. There is also the realization that while some mental
illnesses can have roots in biological factors, medical illnesses may also
have roots in psychological disorders. Therefore, paying attention to the
prevention of mental illness can lead to bette r health. In other words, after
2000, there was a realization that if clinical psychology has to become
positive clinical psychology, it has to pay as much attention to contextual
factors as other causes of mental disorders and change its pathologically
oriented language to a more positive orientation. Instead of holding a
person responsible for his mental disorders and failure to adapt to external
social environment, it must look at the external causes of pathology such
as faulty cognition, affect and beha vior patterns. Psychologists must also
pay attention to larger social factors, such as culture and society as a
whole, in which the person resides. They must give more emphasis to
understanding what is best and courageous in an individual instead of
closel y scrutinizing the worst and weakest parts of their character.
This philosophical shift broadened the scope of psychology. People were
no longer looking at psychologists as the doctors of mental disorders;
rather, they started seeking out psychologists ev en if they wanted to
improve the quality of their lives. Assisting in improving psychological
health was no longer the domain of clinical psychologists; instead, other
members of the social world, such as teachers, parents, social workers,
coaches, etc., c ould significantly contribute to the improvement of
psychological health in a person. Naturally, such help was not restricted to
only clinics and hospitals. There was no stigma attached to seeking help
for improving psychological health.
1.4 SUMMARY In thi s unit, we learned about what positive psychology is and the need for
science of human strengths and virtues. We also learned about the illness
ideology and many factors that lead to illness ideology. In this context, we
discussed the disease model, evolut ionary perspective, advent of munotes.in

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15 Introduction to Positive Psychology - I behaviourism, and the social deconstruction of the DSM. And, finally we
also learned about the emergence of positive psychology.
1.5 QUESTIONS 1. Discuss positive psychology. Describe the need for science of human
strengths an d virtues.
2. Discuss deconstruction of illness ideology and inclusion of human
strengths.
3. Write short notes on:
a) The disease model
b) Social deconstruction of DSM
c) Emergence of Positive Psychology
1.6 REFERENCES  Snyder, C. R.; & Lopez, S. J. (2002) . Handbook of Positive
Psychology. New York: Oxford University Press.
 Snyder, C. R.; Lopez, S. J.; & Pedrotti, J. T. (2011). Positive
Psychology: The Scientific and Practical Explorations of Human
Strengths. New Delhi: Sage South Asia Edition.

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16 2
INTRODUCTION TO POSITIVE
PSYCHOLOGY - II
Unit Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Positive Psychology: Assumptions, Goals, and Definitions
2.3 Three Pillars of Positive Psychology
2.4 Summary
2.5 Questions
2.6 References
2.0 OBJECTIVES After le arning this chapter, you will be able to understand:
• Definitions, assumptions, and goals positive psychology
• Different components and forms of a good life
• Three pillars of positive psychology
2.1 INTRODUCTION In the previous unit, we looked at why th e need for positive psychology
emerged due to changing attitudes among psychologists and society as a
whole. In this unit, we will look at what exactly positive psychology is and
what its assumptions, goals, and features are.
2.2 POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY: DEFIN ITIONS, ASSUMPTIONS, AND GOALS Definitions:
Martin Seligman & Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (2002) defined positive
psychology as “the scientific study of positive human functioning and
flourishing on multiple levels that include the biological, personal,
relati onal, institutional, cultural, and global dimensions of life.”
The American Psychological Association described positive psychology
as a field of psychological theory and research that focuses on
psychological states (e.g., contentment, joy), individual tr aits or character
strengths (e.g., intimacy, integrity, altruism, wisdom), and social
institutions that enhance subjective well -being and make life most worth
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17 Introduction To Positive Psychology - II “Positive psychology revisits ‘the average person,’ with an interest in
finding out what w orks, what is right, and what is improving.” - Sheldon
and King (2001).
Positive psychology is the scientific study of ordinary human strengths
and virtues. - Sheldon and King (2001).
Assumptions and Goals:
One of the basic assumptions of positive psycholo gy is that psychology in
general and clinical psychology in particular have become imbalanced,
especially after World War I. It pays more attention to negativities, such as
what is missing, dysfunctional or faulty, or illness, in a person’s life than
to the positive aspects of his life. If we look at the major research carried
out and widely reported in psychology, it is about the negativities of life.
For instance, research carried out on impression formation highlighted the
fact that people pay more atten tion to negative information than to positive
information about another person, no matter how small that negative
information is compared to positive information. This is called ‘trait
negativity bias’. Evolutionary psychology explains this tendency as a
survival tactic, that is beneficial for a person. The positives of life, such as
trust, empathy, self -awareness, etc., are almost marginalized in
psychology.
The second assumption of positive psychology is that human beings have
the potential for good and that we are motivated to pursue a good life
(Linley & Joseph,2006).
Furthermore, positive psychology assumes that human goodness and
excellence are as genuine or real as disorders and distress are. So, human
goodness and excellence merit as much attent ion from mental health
practitioners as is given to disorders. It is high time that we challenge the
disease model (Maddux,2002).
Positive psychology has concentrated on rebalancing the imbalanced focus
of positivity and negativity in human life. Taking a cue from humanistic
psychologists such as Roger and Maslow, Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi
emphasized that instead of focusing on pathologies, psychologists must
realize that human beings have innate potential to develop positive
character and move towards self-actualization. Seligman (2002) made
three assumptions about human beings that became the core of positive
psychology. These are –
1. All human beings have human nature.
2. Human beings’ behavioural responses originate from their character.
3. There i s an equal possibility of human beings having good or bad
character.
There are many examples in evolutionary psychology to suggest that
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18 goodness just as they are capable of developing tra its of violence, murder,
stealing, being selfish, etc.
Before the advent of positive psychology, right from Freud’s time,
Western psychology assumed human beings to be egoistic, hedonistic, and
asocial individuals who are driven by selfish motivations and who use
social relationships as merely tools to achieve their non -social or personal
goals.
On the other hand, good character is the fundamental assumption of
positive psychology. Aristotle was of the opinion that all human beings are
motivated to protec t their own as well as others’ welfare. He believed that
all human beings have virtue of thought and virtue of character. Virtue of
thought grows gradually as we gain experiences in life, while virtue of
character is an outcome of habits. In tandem with Ar istotelian philosophy,
positive psychology focuses on only the positive characteristics of human
beings while not ignoring the possibility of negative aspects too. It
assumes that human beings are inherently social and moral beings.
Positive psychology ass umes that virtues such as creativity, giftedness,
wisdom, humanity, justice, courage and happiness are universal virtues
that contribute to the quality of life of all human beings. Throughout their
lives, human beings strive to realize these virtues as the y are motivated to
lead a good life and acquire wellbeing or happiness. Positive psychology
does not believe that these virtues are inherent in human character;
instead, they are developed through education and habit. But it assumes
that all human beings a re motivated to strive for optimal functioning and a
meaningful life.
According to Seligman (2002), a good life is made up of three components
a) Positive connection to others or positive subjective experience :
The idea of a good life includes our abili ty to have good social
relationships with other individuals as well as with society as a whole.
This can be achieved through human beings’ ability to love, be creative,
forgive, be spiritual, and have happiness and life satisfaction.
b) Positive individual traits:
Positive individual traits include to be courageous, being humble, and
having high integrity.
c) Life regulation qualities:
Life regulation qualities include those characteristics that help us control
and regulate our daily activities in such a w ay that we can achieve our
goals. For example, qualities such as a sense of individuality or autonomy,
a high degree of healthy self -control, and wisdom to guide our behaviour.
Seligman (2002) suggested that happiness can be nurtured through a good
life. A good life can be categorized into four different forms. These are -
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19 Introduction To Positive Psychology - II a) Pleasant life:
He described it as a life that succeeds in having positive emotions about
the past, present and future. A person is said to have a pleasant life if
he/she can enjoy comp anionship, satisfy bodily needs, and enjoy the
natural environment. Basically, a pleasant life is guided by hedonistic
principles.
b) A good Life:
Seligman (2002) believed that a good life is the one in which an
individual is able to use his special char acteristics or his signature
strengths and experience gratification in important areas of his life, such as
relationships, work and leisure. In other words, a good life means that a
person can live life without any hypocrisy and true to his own fundamental
character. These signature strengths need not be inherent, they can be
learned and nurtured. A good life means that a person gets opportunities to
develop his own strengths and values and uses these strengths to promote
his own and others’ wellbeing. A pe rson experiences happiness when he
successfully meets the challenges of life, experiences a sense of
competence and accomplishment, enjoys good relationships at work as
well as in other social situations, and experiences growth and satisfaction.
c) Meanin gful Life:
When an individual uses his special characteristics for a special cause or
something that is larger than himself, it is called a meaningful life.
However, defining the special cause that is larger than himself depends on
the individual himself. A person cannot enjoy long lasting happiness if he
does not have a meaningful life. An individual uses his signature strengths
both in good life and in meaningful life, but the only difference is that in
good life, he uses these strengths for his own growt h, while in meaningful
life, he uses them for the benefit of others or for higher goals. For
example, Gandhiji used his signature strengths of self -regulation and
perseverance for the higher goal of India’s freedom from British Rule.
d) Full Life :
Full l ife is a combination of all other three lives explained above. It
includes presently enjoying positive emotions such as love, trust,
appreciation, etc. about the past life and future, getting lot of satisfaction
from one’s special characteristics or streng ths and being able to use this
signature strength for a cause larger than himself/herself. In other words,
full life means functioning at your own optimal level of capacity. An
individual having full life will enjoy positive experiences in life. Seligman
believed that full life is not a static experience, it is a developmental state
where an individual strives to realize his true potential and achieve
perfection as much as possible.
Thus, positive psychology aims to not just treat the disorders and remov e
the distress but also to help build up satisfaction and happiness in a
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20 help not only in the recovery from pathology but also in the prevention of
distress or pathology. It emp hasizes that just removing illness does not
mean that and individual automatically becomes healthy and competent.
Psychologists need to help him thrive and achieve a meaningful and full
life. Positive psychology asserts that human strengths such as courage ,
good interpersonal skills, optimism, integrity, faith, moral values,
perseverance, the ability to have insight, and future -mindedness shield
people from mental illness. People high in optimism, trust, and abundance
of love face any hindrance or stress w ith calmness.
Goals of Positive Psychology:
Martin Seligman highlighted the following goals of positive psychology -
1. To alter the pivotal point of psychology from merely paying attention
to fixing up the afflictions or worst things in life to building t he best
things in life.
2. To make the normal lives of people fulfilling and nurturing high talent
as well as healing pathology
3. To improve understanding of positive human behaviors to balance the
negative focus of much mainstream research & theory (Shel don &
King, 2001). Positive psychology does not deny the possibility of
human beings having a bad character or being evil, but it aims to build
on human strengths and virtues.
4. To develop an empirically -based conceptual understanding and
language for describing healthy human functioning that parallels our
classification and understanding of mental illness (Keyes, 2003).
5. To enhance present wellbeing.
6. To enhance strengths to either face or prevent future problems.
7. To make life meaningful and worth living.
8. To identify, focus on and boost the character strengths, virtues, and
positive personality traits that boost the wellbeing and happiness of a
person.
9. To identify and nurture the elements of positive psychology from
various branches of psychology.
Ultimately, positive psychology aims to help people see their past as a
source of knowledge and learning, on the basis of which they can make
their realistic desired future in such a way that they experience joy and
happiness in the mental, em otional, relational, spiritual, cultural, and
spiritual areas of their lives.
Positive psychology believes optimal functioning is closely related to
happiness or a good life. Positive psychology borrowed the concept of the
good life from Aristotle’s eudaim onia. Eudaimonia refers to a state of
feeling well and being successful in being well. In other words, living life munotes.in

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21 Introduction To Positive Psychology - II at its best, developing in all areas of one’s life, and being a fully functional
individual.
2.3 SELIGMAN’S THREE PILLARS OF POSITIVE PSYCHO LOGY Now it can be concluded that there are three pillars of positive
psychology. They are:
1. Positive subjective experiences:
such as joy, happiness with present life situations, contentment with the
past, optimism, and hope for the future.
2. Positive individual characteristics :
such as personal strengths and human virtues, promote mental health. For
example, ability to work and love, curiosity, creativity, self -awareness,
self-regulation, courage, resilience, wisdom, compassion, emotional
intelligence, being humble and modest, ability to show gratitude, etc.
3. Positive social institutions and communities:
that contribute to individual health and happiness through virtues like
justice, good parenting, fairness, cohesiveness, and teamwork, generosity,
responsibility and civility, nurturance and tolerance, open -mindedness, a
sense of safety, etc. Examples of social institutions and communities can
be families, schools, work organizations, government, etc. Positive
organizations encourage critical thinking and continuously give
opportunities for personal and professional upskilling and development.
At the end, we can say, that positive psychology is an upcoming field of
psychology, that brings a refreshing change from pessimism, helplessness
to hope, optim ism and empowerment to the people seeking help from
psychologists. It comes as no surprise that it is being applied in various
fields of psychology and other social sciences.
2.4 SUMMARY In this unit, we discussed the definitions, assumptions and goals of
positive psychology. In this context, we also learned about different
components and forms of a good life proposed by Martin Seligman. We
also discussed the three pillars of positive psychology as proposed by
Martin Seligman at the end of this unit.
2.5 QU ESTIONS 1. What are the different definitions of positive psychology? Discuss the
assumptions and goals of positive psychology.
2. What are the different components of a good life? Discuss the various
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22 3. Write short notes o n:
a) Assumptions of positive psychology
b) Four different forms of a good life
c) Goals of positive psychology
2.6 REFERENCES  Snyder, C. R.; & Lopez, S. J. (2002). Handbook of Positive
Psychology. New York: Oxford University Press.
 Snyder, C. R.; Lopez, S. J.; & Pedrotti, J. T. (2011). Positive
Psychology: The Scientific and Practical Explorations of Human
Strengths. New Delhi: Sage South Asia Edition.

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23 3
POSITIVE SUBJECTIVE STATES - I
Unit Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction and Historical Development of SWB
3.2 Measuring SWB
3.3 Theoretical Approaches to SWB
3.3.1 Need and Goal Satisfaction Theories
3.3.2 Process or Activity Theories
3.3.3 Geneti c or Personality Theories
3.4 Correlates of SWB
3.4.1 Demographic correlates of SWB
3.4.2 Culture and SWB
3.5 Historical Development of Positive Emotions
3.5.1 Neglected Relative to Negative Emotions
3.5.2 Confused with related Affective States
3.5.3 Funct ions identified as Approach Behavior or Continued
Action
3.6 The Broaden and Build Theory of Positive Emotions
3.6.1 The Broadening Hypothesis
3.6.2 The Building Hypothesis
3.6.3 The Undoing Hypothesis
3.7 Intervention Programs
3.7.1 Practicing Relaxation
3.7.2 Increasing Pleasant Activities
3.8 Summary
3.9 Questions
3.10 References
3.0 OBJECTIVES After studying this unit, you should be able to:
 Understand the concept of SWB
 Know the historical development of SWB
 Understand the various theoretical approa ches to SWB
 Know the various correlates of and its influence on SWB
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24  Understand the Broaden and Build theory of Positive Emotions
 Know how to increase the prevalence of Positive Emotions
3.1 INTRODUCT ION AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT Subjective well -being (SWB) is defined as ‘a person’s cognitive and
affective evaluations of his or her life’ (Diener, Lucas, & Oshi, 2002).
There are two factors in SWB – cognitive and affective. The cognitive
factor refers to one’s evaluations about his or her life satisfaction in
specific areas of life, such as family or work, and life satisfaction as a
whole. The affective factor refers to the emotional responses to various
life events.
Subjective well -being comprises of t hree components – positive affect,
negative affect, and life satisfaction. A person experiences high SWB
when he experiences positive affect, low level of negative affect, and high
life satisfaction. Positive affect refers to the experience of pleasant
emotions, moods, and feelings (joy, pride, gratitude). Negative affect
refers to the experience of unpleasant emotions (anger, disgust, fear).
Various philosophers and researchers have contributed to the
understanding and development of the concept of SWB. T o begin with,
the Utilitarian focused on understanding the physical, mental and
emotional aspects of pleasure and pain experienced by individuals.
According to Jeremy Bentham, the essence of a good life is the presence
of pleasure and the absence of pain.
Flugel (1925) recorded and studied the emotional reactions of people to
various events and categorized them. George Gallup, Gerald Gurin and
Hadley Cantril initiated the use of surveys as an assessment method on a
large scale. After World War II, various r esearchers started using surveys
with the general public regarding their happiness and life satisfaction.
Norman Bradburn (1969) showed that positive and negative affect have
different correlates, are independent, and are not just opposites of each
other; thus, implying that these two affects must be studied separately to
gain a broader understanding of their implication on the SWB. Thus, just
as the elimination of pain does not guarantee the experience of pleasure
similarly reducing the experience of nega tive affect will not necessarily
increase the experience of positive affect.
Since the mid -1980s, the study of SWB has grown rapidly and emerged
as a scientific discipline. SWB emphasizes on the individuals and their
evaluations of their life events. Wit h the shift in trend from collectivism to
individualism, the significance of SWB has increased. People all over the
world have become concerned about their quality of life and not merely
about their ‘material’ possessions. The development of various scient ific
methods has helped in the development of an applied discipline.
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25 Positive Subjective States - I 3.2 MEASURING SUBJECTIVE WELL -BEING (SWB) The earlier survey questionnaires were simplistic concerning single
question about the happiness and life satisfaction of the people. The scor es
obtained from these questions about the overall evaluation of people’s
lives were found to be well converged (Andrew & Withey, 1976).
Over time, the multi -item scales were developed. These multi -item scales
had greater validity and reliability as compar ed to the single -item scales.
Factors like life satisfaction, pleasant affect, unpleasant affect and self -
esteem were found to be distinct from each other by Lucas, Diener & Suh
(1996).
One important issue with the use of self -report instruments is their
validity. The use of other methods of assessment, like the expert ratings
based on the interviews with participants, reporting feelings at random
moments in day -to-day life, memories for positive and negative events in
the participants’ lives, reports obta ined from family and friends and
smiling were found to converge with the self -report measures by Sandvik,
Diener & Seidlitz (1993).
The use of a multi -method battery to assess the SWB will be more
beneficial than merely relying on multi -item questionnaires . A
combination of various assessment methods, like participants’ reports and
experience sampling, can supplement the information obtained through the
questionnaires and also aid in understanding how people construct their
judgements about SWB.
Schwarz & S track (1999) concluded that people’s judgements about life
satisfaction are not fixed and that they use the latest information to
construct their judgements about life satisfaction. Certain information
could be more important for some people and not so muc h for others.
Thus, different people will base their judgements depending on what
information seems important to them at that specific point in time. People
from individualistic cultures are more likely to base their judgements on
their level of self -estee m, whereas people from collectivistic cultures are
more likely to base their judgements on the opinions of other people
(Diener& Diener, 1995).
People’s judgements about their life satisfaction may differ depending
upon the type of information they seek to base their judgements on. Some
people may focus more on the positive/ pleasant aspects of their lives,
whereas others may focus more on the negative/problematic aspects.
People also differ in terms of how much importance they assign to their
emotions in b asing their life satisfaction judgements (Suh & Diener,
1999). Thus, people’s judgements about life satisfaction depend on
different information that they consider important and this information
may change over time.
Thomas & Diener (1990) found that peopl e’s judgements of life
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26 beliefs about happiness and how easily they can retrieve positive or
negative information. Researchers have also differentiated between people
making judgements about life satisfaction on the basis of momentary
thoughts and feelings or a global assessment of the same.
According to Kahneman (1999), momentary evaluations offer more
accurate judgements of SWB as they are less likely to be distorted by
biases. On the other hand, the global evaluations are also important, as
they offer insight into how an individual summarizes his or her life
experiences as a whole. Thus, these two types of evaluations - specific and
global – offer two distinct sets of information, pert aining to specific
aspects of people’s lives and global judgements about their life
satisfaction.
3.3 THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO SWB The various theories of happiness can be categorized into three groups:
i. Need and goal satisfaction theories
ii. Process or activity theories
iii. Genetic or personality theories
3.3.1 Need and Goal Satisfaction Theories :
The central idea of the need and goal satisfaction theories is that happiness
is experienced when there is the elimination of pain and gratification of
the biological and psychological needs. These theories believe that
individuals attain higher life satisfaction as they attain their goals or needs
and move towards their ideal state. Omodei & Wearing (1990) found that
there was a positive correlation betwee n the satisfaction of needs in
individuals and their degree of life satisfaction.
The concept of the pleasure principle put forth by Sigmund Freud and
Maslow’s theory of the hierarchy of motives represent this category of
theories. These theoretical appro aches posit that a reduction in the amount
of tension and satisfaction of the various biological and psychological
needs and goals of an individual causes happiness. Thus, according to
these theories, happiness is an end state that is achieved when needs a re
met and goals are fulfilled.
3.3.2 Process or Activity Theories:
These theories posit that engagement in an activity can be a source or
cause of happiness. Csikszentmihalyi (1975) suggested that people are
happy when they are involved in activities that interest them and match
their level of skill sets. This match between the activities and the skills
leads to a state of mind called ‘flow’ and it is further said that people who
experience this flow are the ones who experience a high degree of
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27 Positive Subjective States - I Having significant life goals and being able to pursue them can lead to
SWB (Emmons, 1986 & Little, 1989). It was found that people experience
more happiness when they are involved in activities for intrinsic reasons
(Sheldon, Ryan & Reis, 1996). Individ uals who have significant goals in
life are more likely to experience positive emotions, are more likely to be
energy -driven and feel that their lives are more meaningful (McGregor &
Little, 1998).
3.3.3 Genetic or Personality Theories:
These approaches b elieve that there is a component of stability in the
levels of well -being and happiness experienced by people and that SWB is
strongly influenced by genetic or personality factors. An individual’s
judgements about SWB reflect the cognitive and emotional re actions of
his life circumstances, which can be relatively stable or short -lived.
Hence, the researchers have to study both the aspects of SWB; long -term
and momentary.
Diener & Larsen (1984) found that people’s reactions change according to
changes in ci rcumstances, and those changes in reactions are reflected in
their momentary SWB. The stable patterns of an individual’s SWB can be
predicted through the average of their momentary reports across various
situations. They further found that people have spec ific emotional
responses to various life circumstances and that these emotional responses
are moderately to strongly stable over a period of time.
The stability and consistency of the SWB can be attributed to genetic
factors; certain people are more likely to be happy or unhappy. Certain
personality traits have been linked to SWB. Lucas & Fujita (2000) found
that Extraversion is correlated strongly with pleasant affect and
Neuroticism is associated with negative affect. Tellegen et al. (1988)
studied the ge netic influences on SWB. They studied and compared
monozygotic twins who were reared apart with dizygotic twins who were
reared apart, as well as with the monozygotic and dizygotic twins who
were reared together.
They found that 40% of the variability in p ositive affect and 55% of the
variability in negative affect could be predicted by genetic variation. The
results could be attributed to environmental influences as well, but genetic
factors play an important role in influencing the characteristic emotiona l
responses to the various life circumstances (Tellegen et al., 1988).
Besides these theoretical explanations, the differences in the SWB can be
attributed to various other factors as well. The stable individual
differences in how people think about the wo rld can lead to differences in
SWB. Some people recall and process the pleasant aspects of their lives
better than the unpleasant aspects. Some other factors, like the cognitive
dispositions, optimism, the expectancy for control seem to influence the
judge ments of SWB.
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28 3.4 CORRELATES OF SUBJECTIVE WELL -BEING 3.4.1 Demographic Correlates of SWB:
Although genetic factors and temperamental predispositions have an
impact on the SWB; the other factors related to an individual also play an
important role. This section explores the demographic correlates of SWB.
Wilson (1967) found that the personality factors and the demographic
factors both have an influence on the SWB. Campbell, Converse &
Rodgers (1976) found that demographic factors like age, income, and
education did not account for much variance in the SWB's judgements.
Diener & Diener (1996) and Diener et al. (1999) analysed the
demographic correlates of SWB and came to the following conclusions –
Demographic factors like age, sex and income are related to SWB, but
their influence is usually small, and most people are moderately happy.
Thus, it can be concluded the that demographic factors can distinguish
between people who are extremely happy and people who are moderately
happy.
An individual’s goals and needs must be taken into consideration when
understanding the relationship between income and SWB. If the person’s
material needs keep increasing more rapidly than their income, then the
benefits of the rising income will be diminished or negligible. Age and
gender are also related to the SWB, even if the effects are small,
depending on what component of the SWB is being measured.
Other demographic factors like subjective perception of one’s physical
health, marital status and religious faith are also pos itively correlated with
SWB. However, the way people perceive their health is more important
than the objective reality; the effect of marital status varies for men and
women, and similarly, the effect of religious activities will depend on the
specific re ligious inclinations. Hence, it is important to study the
individual components of SWB to understand its correlates (Diener et al.,
1999).
3.4.2 Culture and SWB:
Not just the demographic factors, but the cultural factors also play an
important role in SWB. In collectivistic cultures, self -esteem is not
strongly associated with SWB (Diener & Diener, 1995) and extraversion
seems to be less strongly associated with pleasant affect (Lucas et al.,
2000). Cultural differences in the significance of personality co ngruence
play an important role in SWB.
Personality Congruence is the extent to which the behaviour of a person is
consistent with his feelings across various situations. The collectivistic
cultures are less congruent than the individualistic cultures, and thus
personality congruence is less strongly associated with SWB in the
collectivistic cultures than the individualistic cultures (Suh, 1999). In
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29 Positive Subjective States - I others, rather than his own emotio ns, play an important role in
determining the level of life satisfaction (Suh et al., 1998).
The cultural norms also exert an influence on the demographic correlates
of SWB. When basic needs are not met, wealth can lead to increased SWB
in poorer countries . People in the richer countries are more likely to be
happier, but this could be because they have more luxuries and also high
levels of equality, longevityand human rights.
Marriage is also an important correlate of SWB that is influenced by the
cultural factor. Unmarried couples are happier than married couples in
individualistic countries, whereas married couples are happier than
unmarried couples in collectivistic cultures because of the social approval
that comes with marriage (Diener et al., 2000).
Since SWB is crucial for being happy hence, several interventions are
designed to boost SWB and eventually the happiness of an individual.
Fordyce (1977, 1983) evaluated a program based on the idea that the SWB
could be increased if people learned to imitat e the characteristics of people
who are happy and have high SWB. Characteristics of happy people
include being organized, occupied, more socialization, having a positive
outlook, and having a healthy personality. The study found lasting effects
of this int ervention. The programs for enhancing SWB can be effective,
given that more efforts have to be directed towards the development,
implementation, and evaluation of such interventions.
3.5 HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF POSITIVE EMOTIONS Positive Emotions refer t o the pleasant or desirable responses to situations
ranging from emotions like joy, contentment, interest, gratitude, love, etc.
Positive emotions also indicate the absence of negative emotions like hate,
anger, disgust, fear, etc. Positive emotions are ca pable of producing
optimal functioning in an individual not just momentarily but over a
longer period of time.
Positive emotions essentially play a very significant role in our lives.
Hence, we must work towards cultivating positive emotions in ourselves
and also promoting them in other people around us. Experiencing positive
emotions is not an end state; rather, it is a means to achieve and improve
physical and psychological health and, thereby, greater life satisfaction.
Given the significant role positi ve emotions play in our lives and
happiness; we need to focus on conducting research in this area. Before
that, we also need to look into the historical development of the research
conducted in the area of positive emotions.
3.5.1 Neglected Relative to Neg ative Emotions :
Traditionally, the focus of research in psychology has been to understand
problem behaviours (disorders) and the causes and remedies for these
problem behaviours. As a result of this, the focus has always been on
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30 negative emotions are experienced extremely, inappropriately, and over
longer periods of time, they may cause the development of behaviours
characterized by anxiety, phobias, aggression, depression, etc.
Another reason why positive emotions were given secondary importance
is because most of the models assume that the emotions are associated
with or followed by specific action tendencies. These specific action
tendencies were assumed to be adaptive in nature and e volved over
generations as they helped with survival.
Most of the specific action tendencies that were researched were those
associated with the negative emotions. For example, fear is associated
with escape, and anger is associated with physical aggressi on. The action
tendencies that are associated with the positive emotions are not specific
in nature; rather, they are non -specific and vague in nature. For example,
joy is associated with activation and contentment is associated with
inactivity; these acti on tendencies are too general to be specific
(Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998).
3.5.2 Confused with related Affective States :
The distinction between positive emotions and the other affective states,
like sensory pleasure and positive mood, has always been qu ite fuzzy.
Various forms of sensory pleasure are confused with that of positive
emotions because both involve physiological changes and a pleasant
subjective feel; moreover, sensory pleasure and positive emotions often
co-occur.
However, emotions are diff erent from physical sensations. Emotions
require some form of cognitive appraisal – assigning meaning to the event.
As against that, pleasure can be caused merely by a change in the physical
environment. Another distinction is that pleasure relies on body
stimulation, whereas emotions can occur even in the absence of external
physical stimulation.
Emotions and mood are conceptually quite different from each other.
Emotions occupy the foreground of the consciousness, are short -lived, and
have an object. Moo ds, on the other hand, occupy the background of the
consciousness and are long -lasting and objectless or free -floating in nature
(Oatley & Jenkins, 1996; Rosenberg, 1998).
3.5.3 Functions identified as Approach Behavior or Continued Action :
The previous e xperiences of positive emotions cause an individual to
interact with their environment and engage in activities that are adaptive in
nature from an evolutionary aspect. The connection between positive
emotions and activity engagement leads people to experi ence positive
affect (Diener & Diener, 1996). Without this experience of positive affect,
people would be disengaged or unmotivated to interact with their
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31 Positive Subjective States - I Thus, the most common function of the positive emotions is to facilitate
approach behav iour or continued action. The other positive affective
states, like that of sensory pleasure and positive mood, also play a role in
approaching behaviour or continuing action. The sensory pleasure
motivates people to approach or continue engaging in activi ties that are
biologically useful to them, similarly, positive moods motivate people to
approach or continue engaging in the thoughts and actions that were
initiated (Cabanac, 1971; Clore, 1994).
3.6 THE BROADEN -AND -BUILD THEORY OF POSITIVE EMOTIONS Fredri ckson (1998) put forth the Broaden -and-Build theory of Positive
Emotions stating that positive emotions broaden people’s thoughts and
actions and help them build their personal resources. The traditional
approaches to positive emotions largely confused the m with the other
affective states, trying to fit them into the general models of emotions and
focusing on approach or continuation as their basic function.
This new model is based on the specific action tendencies that best
describe the function of the neg ative emotions. A specific action tendency
can be described as the consequence of a psychological process that helps
narrow down the thought -action sequence by urging the person to act in a
particular way. In a life -threatening situation, such a narrowed t hought -
action sequence helps the person make quick decisions and facilitates
immediate actions. Such specific action tendencies triggered by the
negative emotions, have helped our ancestors for their survival.
Positive emotions do not or very rarely occur during life -threatening
situations; hence, a specific action tendency to narrow the thought -action
sequence in order to facilitate quick decisions and action may not be
required. On the contrary, positive emotions have a completely opposite
effect; they br oaden people’s thought -action sequence, thus opening up a
wide array of thoughts and actions. For instance, joy stimulates creativity,
interest stimulates exploration, and contentment stimulates integration.
Each of these sequences explains the ways in whi ch positive emotions
broaden the thought -action sequences.
The specific action tendencies triggered by the negative emotions have
direct and immediate benefits that are adaptive for us in life -threatening
situations. The specific action tendencies triggere d by the positive
emotions are indirect and long -term in nature, as the broadening helps us
to build enduring resources. Positive emotions facilitate the building up of
personal resources that range from physical, social, cognitive, emotional,
and psycholo gical resources (Fredrickson, 1998 & 2000).
This theory explains that, through the experience of positive emotions,
people can evolve. As the following figure 1 explains, the experiences of
positive emotions broaden the thought -action repertoires, which he lp
people build enduring personal resources and transform them into more
knowledgeable, creative, resilient, socially adaptable, and physically and munotes.in

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32 psychologically healthy individuals. The theory further explains that the
initial experiences of positive em otions create upward spirals towards
further experiences of positive emotions.
Figure 1.1 Broaden -and-Build Theory of Positive Emotions
(Fredrickson, 2002)

{Source: Fredrickson, B. L. (2002). Positive emotions. In C. R. Snyder &
S. J. Lopez (Eds.), Hand book of Positive Psychology. New York: Oxford
University Press.}
3.6.1 The Broadening Hypothesis :
The broaden -and-build theory explains that the experiences of positive
emotions broaden the person’s momentary thought -action tendencies. To
put it in simple words, positive emotions broaden the range of our
thoughts and actions. Isen et al. (1985) found that positive emotions can
impact the thoughts to become more inclusive, flexible, creative, and
receptive and can produce more creative and variable actions.
The broadening hypothesis posits the win hypothesis, that positive
emotions broaden the people’s thought -action repertoires and the negative
emotions narrow people’s thought -action repertoires. The positive
emotions widen the array of thoughts and actions, whereas the negative
emotions narrow the array of thoughts and actions. Fredrickson &
Branigan (2001) conducted an experiment to test the twin hypotheses.
They induced the specific emotions of joy, contentment, fear, and anger by
showing the participants emotionally evocative short film clips.
Participants were also a shown non -emotional film clip for the neutral
condition for comparison. Immediately following each of the film clips,
the breadth of the participants’ thought -action repertoires was measured.
They were asked to imagine themselves in situations where similar
feelings (emotions) would arise and then to list what they would do in
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33 Positive Subjective States - I The results showed that the participants in the two positive emotion
conditions (joy and contentment ) identified significantly more things that
they would do compared to the participants in the two negative emotion
conditions (fear and anger) and the participants in the neutral condition.
The participants in the negative emotions condition named signific antly
fewer things than those in the neutral condition (Fredrickson & Branigan,
2001).
3.6.2 The Building Hypothesis:
The broaden -and-build theory explains further that the experiences of
positive emotions broaden the person’s momentary thought -action
tendencies, which help the person build enduring personal resources.
Positive emotions build enduring personal resources in terms of physical,
intellectual, and social resources.
The evidence suggesting a link between positive emotions and intellectual
resour ces comes from individual differences in attachment styles. Children
who receive secure attachment from their caregivers tend to be more
flexible, persistent, and resourceful problem solvers compared to their
peers (Arend et al. 1978; 1979). They are more likely to seek exploration
of novel places and thus develop better cognitive maps of the places
(Hazen & Durrett, 1982). These intellectual resources acquired in
childhood extend into adulthood as well.
The experience of positive emotions broadens the tho ught-action
repertoires and builds enduring personal resources, which together result
in improved well -being for an individual. With improved personal
resources, people learn better coping strategies and resilience that will be
helpful in the face of adver sities and stressful situations. This theory
proposes that the positive emotions and the broadened thinking influence
each other in a reciprocal manner, thus creating an upward spiral towards
enhanced resilience and coping.
Fredrickson and Joiner conducted a study to understand the building
hypothesis and concluded that, over time, positive emotions and broad -
minded coping built on each other mutually. The broaden -and-build theory
explains that experiences of positive emotions can build enduring
psychologic al resilience and trigger the upward spiral towards
psychological and emotional well -being. Thus, positive emotions not only
make people feel good at the present moment but also increase the
likelihood of people being happy in the future.
3.6.3 The Undoing Hypothesis:
The broaden -and-build theory states that the experiences of positive
emotions broaden the person’s momentary thought -action repertoires
whereas the negative emotions narrow the thought -action repertoires;
hence, the positive emotions can also function in ways to ‘undo’ the
effects of the negative emotions. This is called the undoing hypothesis
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34 The key components of positive and negative emotions cannot coexist
simultaneously because a person’s momentary thought -action repertoire
cannot be simultaneously narrow and broad. The mechanism responsible
for this incompatibility could be the ‘broadening’. The positive emotions
broaden the person’s thought -action repertoire, which will loosen the hold
gained by the negativ e emotions on the person’s mind and body, by
undoing the preparation for specific action.
Fredrickson et al. (2000) conducted an experiment to test the undoing
hypothesis. The participants were first induced to feel a highly arousing
negative emotion, and then, by random assignment, they were
immediately induced to feel mild joy, contentment, neutrality, or sadness
by watching short, emotionally evocative film clips. The results showed
that the participants in the mild joy and contentment conditions (two
positive emotion conditions) exhibited faster cardio -vascular recovery
than those in the neutral control condition and faster than those in the
sadness condition.
The positive and neutral films do not differ in what they do to the cardio -
vascular system; the y differ in what they can undo within the cardio -
vascular system. The two distinct types of positive emotions (mild joy and
contentment) were capable of undoing the cardio -vascular effects of the
negative emotions because the positive emotions broadened th e people’s
thought -action repertoire.
There are individual differences in the ability to make use of the undoing
effect of positive emotions. Block & Kremen (1996) found that people
who score high on the self -report measures of psychological resilience
show faster cardio -vascular recovery after negative emotional arousal as
compared to people who score low on psychological resilience.
Highly resilient people experience more positive emotions than less
resilient people. The experience of the positive emotion s helps them
bounce back from the negative emotional arousal. Thus, resilient people
are experts at harnessing the undoing effect of positive emotions.
3.7 INTERVENTION PROGRAMS There are no techniques or interventions directly based on the broaden -
and-build theory for increasing the prevalence of positive emotions.
However, the broaden -and-build theory can explain the effectiveness of
the existing techniques that can be reframed to increase the prevalence of
positive emotions.
There are no direct methods for inducing emotions among people. All the
emotion - inducing techniques are indirect in nature; they often focus on
one component of the multi -component system. Emotions typically arise
from the appraisals of the personal meaning of a specific event; thu s, the
most useful emotion - inducing technique is to shape the person’s
appraisals of a situation. The most effective technique is to recall
situations that elicit certain emotions. The other emotion -inducing munotes.in

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35 Positive Subjective States - I techniques include a facial or muscle configur ation, a physiological state,
or a mode of thinking.
The interventions that have been discussed in this section are practicing
relaxation and increasing pleasant activities.
3.7.1 Practicing Relaxation:
The various relaxation techniques range from meditati on and yoga to
imagery exercises and progressive muscle relaxation. These techniques
have been shown to produce relaxation and help treat problems caused or
exacerbated by negative emotions. The relaxation techniques are highly
effective as they initiate t he positive emotion of contentment (Fredrickson,
2000).
Contentment is a positive emotion that elicits cognitive changes rather
than physical changes. It integrates the present moment with the
experiences into an enriched appreciation of one’s place in the world
(Fredrickson, 1998 & 2000). The relaxation techniques create conditions
for experiencing the positive emotions by inducing the key components of
contentment.
The Mediation exercises induce a state of mindfulness (full awareness of
the present moment ) that resembles the characteristic of contentment. The
use of Imagery exercises focuses on specific situations (nature, previous
experiences) known to be frequent precursors of contentment. The use of
Progressive Muscle Relaxation creates a tension -releas e sequence that
gives way to relaxed contentment.
The various relaxation techniques induce the components of contentment,
which further increases the probability of a multi -component experience
of contentment. The relaxation techniques are effective in tre ating
problems caused by negative emotions because of the undoing effect of
the positive emotions (Fredrickson, 2000). In the long term, the use of
relaxation techniques can be useful for psychological growth and well -
being.
3.7.2 Increasing Pleasant Activ ities:
The behavioural theories suggest that depression is caused by a deficit in
response -dependent positive reinforcement. The interventions focusing on
increasing pleasant activities are based on behavioural theories. The
various interventions include i ncreasing the engagement in pleasant
activities like being physically active (exercising), being creative, being
close to nature, and socializing.
These interventions place emphasis on pleasant activities and not on
pleasant subjective experiences (positi ve emotions). Although pleasant
activities are capable of producing positive emotions, to what extent it
happens depends on the subjective meanings attached by the individuals to
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36 by increasing pleasant activities and connecting them to the broadening
and building effects of positive emotions (Fredrickson, 2000).
Folkman (1997) suggested that positive emotions result from finding
positive meaning. People find positive meaning in th e activities and events
of day -to-day life by associating those events and activities with positive
values. In this context, engaging in physical activity can be viewed as a
personal achievement; attending a social event can be viewed as an
opportunity to connect with other people; and being close to nature can be
seen as a shift from monotonous activities. Finding positive meaning in
such ways can produce experiences of contentment, joy, love, and other
positive emotions.
Finding positive meaning can produ ce significant therapeutic effects and
cause improvements in physical as well as psychological health and well -
being. Fredrickson (2000) argued that finding positive meaning produces
positive emotions that broaden the modes of thinking and build enduring
personal resources. The intervention strategies focusing on increasing
pleasant activities can be used to focus more directly on finding positive
meaning and experiencing positive emotions.
The broaden -and-build theory emphasizes the ways in which positive
emotions are significant elements of optimal functioning and hence
essential aspects of positive psychology. The important contribution that
this theory makes is that it is important to cultivate positive emotions in
our lives and those around us, which ca n transform us into better people
and lead better lives.
3.8 SUMMARY In this unit, we began by discussing the concept of subjective well -being,
its historical development, and the various methods of measuring it. After
that, we discussed the three major th eoretical approaches to explaining and
understanding subjective well -being, followed by understanding the
influence of the various correlates of SWB, like demographic factors and
cultural factors.
We then discussed the significance of positive emotions in the field of
positive psychology and in our lives. Then we discussed the historical
development of research in the area of positive emotions as opposed to
that of negative emotions. We learned in detail about the Broaden -and-
Build theory of positive emoti ons put forth by Fredrickson; we understood
the various concepts and the hypothesis testing related to the theory. In the
end, we also discussed the various intervention strategies to increase the
prevalence of positive emotions by practicing relaxation te chniques and by
increasing the pleasant activities in our lives.
3.9 QUESTIONS 1. What is subjective well -being? Write a note on the development and
measurement of the concept. munotes.in

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37 Positive Subjective States - I 2. Write a detailed note on the various theoretical approaches to
subjective we ll-being.
3. Discuss the historical development of Positive emotions.
4. Discuss the Broaden -and-Build theory of positive emotions in detail.
5. What are the various intervention programs for increasing positive
emotions?
3.10 REFERENCES  Diener, E., Lucas, R. E., & Oishi, S. (2002). Subjective well -being:
The Science of happiness and life satisfaction. In C. R. Snyder & S. J.
Lopez (Eds.), Handbook of Positive Psychology. New York: Oxford
University Press. Pp. 63 –73.
 Fredrickson, B. L. (2002). Positive emo tions. In C. R. Snyder & S. J.
Lopez (Eds.), Handbook of Positive Psychology. New York: Oxford
University Press. pp. 120 –134.

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38 4
POSITIVE SUBJECTIVE STATES - II
Unit Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Optimal Experience and its Role in Development
4.1.1 The Flow Concept
4.1.2 Flow, Attention and the Self
4.1.3 Flow, Complexity and Development
4.1.4 The Autotelic Personality
4.2 Measu ring Flow and Autotelic Personality
4.2.1 Measuring Flow
4.2.2 Measuring the Autotelic Personality
4.3 Recent Directions in Flow Research
4.3.1 Consequences of Flow
4.3.2 Nature and Dynamics of Flow
4.3.3 Obstacles and Facilitators to Flow
4.4 Interventi ons and Programs to Foster Flow
4.4.1 Attentional Processes and Meaningful Goals
4.4.2 Forms of Flow
4.5 Optimism
4.5.1 Optimism and Subjective Well Being (SWB)
4.5.2 Optimism, Pessimism and Coping
4.5.3 Is Optimism always better than Pessimism?
4.5.4 Can Pessimists become Optimists?
4.6 Hope Theory
4.6.1 Goals
4.6.2 Pathways Thinking
4.6.3 Agency Thinking
4.6.4 Adding Pathways and Agentic Thinking
4.6.5 Hope, Impediments and Emotion
4.6.6 Hope Model
4.7 Hope Theory and Other Positive Psychology Theories
4.7.1 Optimism: Seligman
4.7.2 Optimism: Scheier & Carver
4.7.3 Self -Efficacy: Bandura
4.7.4 Self -Esteem
4.7.5 Problem -Solving
4.7.6 Applications of the Hope Theory
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39 Positive Subjective States - II 4.9 Questions
4.10 References
4.0 OBJECTIVES After studying this unit, you should be able to:
 Understand the concept of Flow.
 Understand the concepts of self and development in the context of
flow.
 Methods of measuring the flow and autotelic personality.
 Understand the nature, obstacles and facilitators of flow.
 Various interve ntions that can foster flow.
 Understanding the significance of optimism.
 Components of Hope Theory.
 Hope theory in perspective with other positive psychology theories.
 Application of hope theory to different areas.
4.1 OPTIMAL EXPERIENCE AND ITS DEVELOPMEN T The concept of flow, is one of the significant areas of positive psychology,
providing an understanding of the experiences during which individuals
are fully involved in that moment. As per the concept of flow, an ideal life
is one in which there is tota l involvement in the present moment (in what
one does).
4.1.1 The Flow Concept :
The work in the area of flow began with research to understand the
phenomenon of ‘autotelic’ activity (auto means self and telos means
goals). There had been no systematic stu dy of the subjective
phenomenology of intrinsically motivated activity. Csikszentmihalyi
started studying the creative process in the 1960s. He investigated the
nature and conditions of enjoyment by interviewing chess players, rock
climbers, painters, danc ers, and others who were pursuing an activity
because of entertainment as the primary factor.
Based on this, the following characteristics of optimal experience and
proximal conditions were identified (Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). The
conditions of the flow i nclude:
• Perceived challenges or opportunities for action; a sense that one is
engaging in challenges that are appropriate to their level of capacities.
• Definite and proximal goals and immediate feedback about the
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40 The subjective ex perience of being ‘in flow’ is characterized by the
following:
• Focused concentration on the task one is doing in the present moment
• Combining actions and awareness
• Loss of awareness of oneself
• A sense of control over one’s actions
• A sense that t ime is passing faster than normal.
• Experience of activity as being intrinsically rewarding.
An individual operates at his full capacity when in flow; this state is
characterized by dynamic equilibrium. This requires establishing a balance
between perceiv ed action capacities and perceived action opportunities
(Berlyne, 1960; Hunt, 1965). When the challenges exceed the skills, one
becomes vigilant and anxious, and when the skills exceed the challenges,
one gets relaxed and then bored. Feedback about the cha nging relationship
with the environment is provided by the change in subjective state. The
experience of either anxiety or boredom allows the person to adjust his
skills and challenges in order to remain in the flow.
The research on the concept of flow has been conducted in the areas of
science, aesthetics, sports, literary writing, and other areas (where
fostering positive experiences is especially important), and it was found
that the experience is the same across different types of activity, culture,
class, age or gender, (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996; Csikszentmihalyi &
Robinson, 1990).
During the 1980s, the research work in the area of the concept of flow was
assimilated into the scope of psychology within the framework of the
humanistic approaches as put fo rth by Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow,
emphasizing on the intrinsic motivation (McAdams, 1990). According to
the humanistic perspective, an individual was viewed as a self -regulating
being, and his interaction with the environment was considered crucial.
This assumption was similar to that of the concept of flow
(Csikszentmihalyi & Rathunde, 1998).
Magnusson & Stattin (1998) stated that the most important concept in the
flow model is that of interactionism, which emphasizes the dynamic
system of the individ uals, environment and the interaction between the
individual and the environment. The organized set of challenges and the
corresponding set of skills result in an optimal experience. The activities
provide opportunities for action, and effectively engaging in the
challenges depends on the possession of the relevant capacities for action.
Csikszentmihalyi (1985) emphasized the concept of emergent motivation,
in which the direction of the unfolding flow experience is influenced by
both the person and the env ironment. What happens at a given moment is
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41 Positive Subjective States - II motivation is emergent because the proximal goals arise out of the
interaction, and the long -term goals may emerge out of new interests.
Another important element in the flow model is subjectivity. The
experience is determined by the subjectively perceived opportunities and
capacities for action. There is no objectively defined body of information
or set of challenges, but rather information that has been selectively
attended to and perceived opportunities for action. Thus, it is the
subjective challenges and the subjective skills that influence the quality of
a person’s experience.
4.1.2 Flow, Attention and the Self:
The model of experience, consc iousness, and the self was developed in
conjunction with that of the flow concept (Csikszentmihalyi &
Csikszentmihalyi, 1988). This model states that people have to deal with
an overwhelming amount of information in their day -to-day lives. The
complex syst em that has evolved for selecting, processing, and storing
information is consciousness. With the selective investment of attention,
the information is retained in the consciousness. The attended information
then appears in the awareness – this system incl udes all the processes that
take place in the consciousness like cognition, thinking, reasoning,
emotion, etc. The memory system then stores and retrieves the
information; thus, the subjective experiences are the context of
consciousness.
The concept of se lf emerges when consciousness comes into existence and
becomes aware of itself in terms of information about the body, subjective
states, past memories, and the future. Mead distinguished between two
aspects of self – the knower (the I) and the known (the me). The knower
(I) is the sum of one’s conscious processes, and the known (me) is the
information about oneself that enters awareness when one becomes the
object of one’s attention.
The consciousness provides us with a measure of control; it is the clutch
between the programmed instructions and the adaptive behaviour
(Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi, 1988). It basically balances
between the genetic and cultural guides to action and a set of goals that
have been chosen by the individual. The attentional processes shape the
person’s experiences by making choices; making choices is crucial
because it limits the amount of information that can be processed by the
consciousness.
Attention plays an important role in the process of entering flow and
staying in flow. Entering flow is a function of how attention was focused
in the past and how it is focused in the present. Interests, proximal goals,
immediate feedback and manageable challenges influence the process.
Staying in flow requires your attention to be h eld. Apathy, boredom and
anxiety are functions of how attention is being structured at a given time.
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42 4.1.3 Flow, Complexity and Development:
There is a sense of complexity when the attentional processes are
completely absorbed in the challenges at hand; the thoughts, feelings and
the actions are in synchronization and the subjective experience is both
differentiated and integrated.
The flow state is intrinsically rewarding, so it causes the individual to
replicate the flow experiences and introduces a se lective mechanism into
psychological functioning that fosters growth. As the people master their
current challenges, they develop greater levels of skills, and in order to
continue experiencing flow, they have to identify and engage in more
complex challen ges.
The teleonomy of self is based on the growth principle, the optimal level
of challenge stretches existing skills and results in a more complex set of
capacities for action. The teleonomy of self is also based on the source of
new goals, interests, an d new capacities for action in relation to the
existing interests (Csikszentmihalyi & Nakamura, 1999).
4.1.4 The Autotelic Personality:
The flow model focuses on phenomenology rather than personality. The
important goal is to understand the dynamics of an experience and the
conditions under which it is optimal. The ability to experience flow is
universal; however, there are individual differences in the frequency of
reported flow and the quality of their experiences.
Csikszentmihalyi recognized the possibil ity of an autotelic personality.
This type of personality is characterized by people who like to do things
for their own sake rather than to achieve any external goals. Such
personalities are characterized by a set of skills that enable an individual to
enter and stay in the flow.
These groups of metaskills include curiosity, interest in life, persistence,
low self -centeredness and being driven by intrinsic motivation.
4.2 MEASURING FLOW AND AUTOTELIC PERSONALITY There are various methods for measuring the intra-individual and inter -
individual differences in the frequency of flow. There are measures for
assessing the individual differences in the autotelic personality, which is a
predisposition to experience flow.
4.2.1 Measuring Flow:
There has been very l imited research on the systematic investigation of the
subjective experiences, and the focus has shifted recently to studying the
subjective experiences of the individuals. The three methods to study the
subjective phenomenon of flow are interviews, questi onnaires and the
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43 Positive Subjective States - II Interview:
Csikszentmihalyi developed and studied the concept of flow through the
various qualitative interviews of the subjective experiences of the people
while a particular activity has been going on. The semi -structured
interviews provide a detailed insight into the account of flow experiences
in the real life. Interviews are crucial tools for identifying, segregating and
describing the factors and their dynamics in the flow experience.
Questionnaire:
The paper -pencil tests are utilized when the goal is not to identify but to
measure the factors or dimensions of the flow experience and also to
understand the individual differences in its occurrence across individuals
or contexts. Two such measures are The Flow Questionnaire and The
Flow Scale.
The Flow Questionnaire involves presenting the individuals with various
passages describing the flow state and then asking questions about
whether they have had any such experience, how frequently, and in what
context/activity. The passages are actually derived from the interviews
conducted about the flow activities (Csikszentmihalyi, 1988). The Flow
Scale (Mayers, 1978) asks the respondents about the frequency with which
they have experienced each of the dimensio ns of the flow experience. This
tool has been used to understand the extent of the dimensions of the flow
experience across different contexts and activities.
The Experience Sampling Method:
The measures of interviews and questionnaires are limited in nat ure as
they rely on the retrospective reconstruction of past experiences and also
require the participants to rely on their typical subjective experiences of
the flow experience and then estimate the frequency and intensity of the
experience.
Csikszentmiha lyi & Larson (1987) developed a tool to aid the study of
situated, optimal experience. In this technique, the participants are
provided with paging devices like pagers, programmed watches or
handheld computers. At regular (preprogrammed) intervals, the
participants are signaled to complete a questionnaire describing the
moment when they were paged. This method relies on samples from actual
everyday experiences.
The aim of ESM is to focus on the sampling activities along with the
cognitive, emotional and mot ivational states that can contribute to building
a systematic phenomenology. The ESM studies of flow have focused on
the sampled moments when the conditions for flow exist and when the
flow is reported.
Csikszentmihalyi (1975/2000) conducted the first mapp ing of the
phenomenological landscape in terms of the perceived challenges and
skills and identified the three areas of experience – a flow channel (when munotes.in

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44 the challenges and skills match), a region of boredom (when the
opportunities for action related to th e skills drop), and a region of anxiety
(when the challenges increasingly exceed the capacities for action).
The flow is expected to occur when individuals perceive greater
opportunities for action than they encounter in their daily lives and have
adequate skills to engage them. This understanding led to the
identification of a fourth area of experience – apathy (associated with low
challenges and correspondingly low skills). In essence, apathy is the
opposite of flow, characterized by stagnation and attent ional diffusion.
4.2.2 Measuring the Autotelic Personality:
In simple words, an autotelic personality is one with a disposition to
experience flow. The time spent in flow experiences has been the most
widely used measure of the general propensity towards f low. The time in
flow experience also refers to the range of action opportunities that are
available in the individual’s environment during the sampling phase.
The autotelic personality has been operationalized as the disposition for
intrinsic motivation in high -challenge, high -skill situations.
Csikszentmihalyi, Rathunde & Whalen (1993) defined autotelic
personality as the conjunction of receptive and active qualities including
sentience, understanding, achievement and endurance. These factors
jointly acc ount for the qualities of openness to new challenges and
readiness to engage and persist in challenging activities that contribute to
getting into and staying in the flow.
4.3 RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN FLOW RESEARCH The recent developments in research in the study of flow phenomena are
as follows:
4.3.1 Consequence of Flow:
The Flow model states that when a person experiences flow, he is
encouraged to persist in and return to the activity because of the
experiential rewards involved, which eventually foster s the growth of the
skill over time. The flow experience has been associated with commitment
and achievement, providing evidence for a relationship between quality of
experience and persistence in an activity (Carli et. al., 1998; Mayers,
1978).
The time s pent in flow experiences can predict the level of self -esteem, as
the self grows through flow experiences. Mastering the challenges of daily
life not only enhances the positive outcomes but also protects against the
negative ones (Schmidt, 2000). The quali ty of experience in everyday life
in terms of subjective challenges also has an impact on physical health.
The amount of physical pain was correlated with the time spent in anxiety
among the girls, whereas it was correlated with the time spent in apathy
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45 Positive Subjective States - II 4.3.2 The Nature and Dynamics of Flow:
There are two kinds of experiences that are intrinsically rewarding: those
that involve the conservation of energy (relaxation) and those that involve
the use of skills to grab opportuniti es (flow). These two strategies
(relaxation and flow) are important aspects of human existence, and they
both stimulate different or opposite behaviours. The two aversive
situations that individuals are evolutionarily programmed to avoid are
those when we feel overwhelmed (anxiety) or when we have nothing to do
(apathy). From an individual’s perspective, the flow is a self -justifying
experience and also an end in itself. It includes the key experiential
variables like concentration, enjoyment, the wish to p erform the activity,
self-esteem, and perceived significance for the future.
4.3.3 Obstacles and Facilitators to Flow:
This section focuses on the various obstacles to optimal experience, the
facilitators, and the causes of flow.
Preference for Relaxation versus Flow:
The quality of the flow experience seems to be more positive with low
challenge and high skills domain. When the challenge is high, it becomes
a stress rather than an opportunity for action. On the other hand, reducing
the level of challenge b ecomes an attractive option. Hence, motivation and
happiness are higher in a low -challenge, high -skill situation than when the
challenges and skills are both high (Csikszentmihalyi & Rathunde, 1993).
Attitudes towards Work and Play:
The flow research has f ocused on the work -play distinction because of its
connection with subjective experience. Csikszentmihalyi (1975/2000)
found that work and play can cause deep flow experiences since both work
and play can provide a structured source of challenges in life.
LeFevre (1988) studied a sample of heterogenous adult workers. The
dimensions of subjective experience like concentration, feeling happy,
strong, creative and satisfied were found to be significantly positive in
high-challenge, high -skills situations at w ork than at leisure and the
opposite was true for the time spent in low -challenge, low -skills situations.
Work time was dominated by efficacy experiences and leisure time was
dominated by experiences of apathy.
Csikszentmihalyi (1997) studied the students from grades 6 to 12 to
understand their attitudes towards work and play. It was found that
motivation in the experiences that were regarded as work was lower than
motivation in the experiences that were regarded as play; however, the
work -like experiences were associated with high concentration,
importance to the future and self -esteem. Both work and play were viewed
as more positive experiences than any other activities.
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46 Autotelic Personality:
There are individual differences in the time spent on the flow . Individuals
who are most motivated in high -challenge, high -skill situations might be
referred to as autotelic individuals. Hektner (1996) put forth that the
autotelics were least happy and motivated in low -challenge, low -skill
situations (apathy), wherea s the non -autotelics did not find the apathy -
inducing situations aversive. The autotelics have more well -defined future
goals and more positive cognitive and affective states; they experience less
stress in the flow experience.
Autotelic Families:
There has been an increasing amount of interest in understanding how the
autotelic personality is being shaped. An autotelic personality is developed
through a complex family environment that continuously provides support
and challenge. Such families typically s pend more time in high -challenge,
high-skill situations rather than low -challenge, low -skill situations
(Rathunde, 1988).
Individuals from such families have a sense of being in control of their
actions and have more positive experiences while performing productive
activities. The early schooling experience is also important in the
development of the autotelic personality; such educational programs foster
skills and propensities to flow through the identification of interest areas
among the students.
4.4 I NTERVENTIONS AND PROGRAMS TO FOSTER FLOW Researchers have been keen on how to implement their findings in applied
settings. The findings of the flow research have been utilized in applied
contexts through two distinct approaches to interventions. i) shape activity
structures and environments to foster the flow, and ii) assist people in
finding the flow.
The findings of the flow research have been directly applied to educational
settings. The Key School, Indianapolis (elementary and middle school),
seeks to provide a learning environment that can foster flow experiences
and help the students develop interests, capacity, and propensity for flow
experiences (Whalen, 1999). The students can choose and engage in the
activities of their choice, and the teachers he lp them through the process of
selection of activities and the challenges faced by them in order to help the
children face new challenges and develop capacities that foster growth.
Another area for applying the findings of the flow research is
psychotherap y. The flow theory provides a tool for identifying the patterns
in everyday experiences and the ways in which these patterns could be
transformed. It also provides for feedback, which is essential to
understanding the extent of the change. Further, it help s identify activities
that are intrinsically motivating and increases the optimal experience
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47 Positive Subjective States - II The use of flow principles facilitates the therapeutic procedure to reorient
towards building interests, strengths, skills and confidence . The goal is to
foster a state of flow to help individuals identify the activities that interest
them and be able to invest their attentional resources in these activities.
4.4.1 Attentional Processes and Meaningful Goals:
There is a dearth of research to understand the exact nature of the
qualities, skills, and dispositions that characterize the individuals who are
able to find flow in their lives. The attentional processes play a significant
role in making a unified action and experience possible. The most crucial
aspect is the capacity to regulate and direct one’s attention also known as
the self -regulation of the attention.
Individual differences in the preferences and experiences of flow emerge
through childhood. It is crucial to conduct research to identify the qualities
and experiences among those who develop the propensity for flow as
opposed to those who prefer the state of relaxation, control or apathy
rather than engaging in challenging activities.
There is also a need to look into the amorality of flow because there is a
possibility that people can seek flow in activities or challenges that are
neutral or destructive for themselves, others and society at large.
4.4.2 Forms of Flow:
The definition of when an individual is considered to be in the flow state is
based on state measures like cognition, affect and motivation, as well as
situational measures like skills and challenges.
Having said this, the research on the experience of flow has focused only
on the individual experiences of flow while performing various activities.
There is a need to identify and understand the shared flow as experienced
by a group of individuals, like that of a community. Another area for
research could be the microflow activities involved in activities like that of
doodling. There is a lack of research with respect to the dimensions,
dynamics, conditions, functions and subsequent effects in these areas.
4.5 OPTIMISM The most fundamental difference between the optimists and the pessimists
is that the optimists expect p ositive things to happen, whereas the
pessimists expect negative things to happen. There are several other
differences in terms of how they approach problems and the ways in
which they cope with these problems.
The Expectancy Value approach tries to explai n the underlying influences
on optimism and pessimism. The theories of expectancy value believe that
behaviour is determined by the pursuit of goals. Goals are states that are
viewed as either desirable or undesirable by the people. The importance of
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48 there will be no behaviour in the absence of a goal. The expectancy refers
to the perceived confidence in the attainability of a goal.
There are different types of goals, from general to sp ecific, from concrete
to abstract, and each of the goals produces a variation of expectancies.
These expectancies are crucial for understanding and measuring the
optimism. The first approach is to ask people directly to estimate the
extent to which they th ink their future outcomes will be good or bad
(Scheier & Carver, 1992). The second approach is based on the
assumption that people’s expectancies for future outcomes will depend on
the causes of the events that happened in their past (Selignman, 1991).
Although both approaches have their differences, there are certain
commonalities too. Both approaches believe that optimism refers to the
expectation of good outcomes and pessimism refers to the expectation of
bad outcomes. Both approaches believe that the ex pectancies determine
people’s actions and experiences.
Thus, optimism and pessimism are basic domains of a personality that
influence how people conceive and approach the events in their lives. It
also influences how people approach challenging situations and the
actions that they engage in while dealing with these challenging situations.
4.5.1 Optimism and Subjective Well -Being (SWB):
People experience a wide range of emotions when they face adversity or a
challenging situation. These emotions can range fr om eagerness and
excitement to anxiety and anger. In such situations, the optimists expect
positive outcomes, whereas the pessimists expect negative outcomes. A lot
of studies have been conducted to understand the relationship between
optimism and SWB.
Carver & Gaines (1987) studied the development of depressive symptoms
after childbirth among women. They found that optimism was associated
with lower depressive symptoms in the initial assessment and also
predicted lower levels of depressive symptoms postpar tum. This suggests
that optimism develops a resistance against the experience of depressive
tendencies. Scheier et al. (1989) studied men undergoing and recovering
from coronary artery bypass surgery. It was found that the optimists
reported less hostility and depression before surgery and a greater sense of
relief, happiness and satisfaction post -surgery.
Carver et al. (1993) studied the adjustment for early breast cancer among
women. It was concluded that optimism predicted the initial lower levels
of dis tress before surgery and also later resilience against the distress
during the follow -up period post -surgery. Cozarelli (1993) studied the
emotional adjustment to abortion. It was found that the optimists had
lower levels of pre -abortion depression and bet ter post -abortion
adjustment than the pessimists.
Given et al. (1993) studied cancer patients and their caregivers. It was
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49 Positive Subjective States - II being of people with cancer and also influences the well -being of their
caregivers. The caregivers’ optimism was related to lower levels of
depressive tendencies and a lower negative impact on their physical health
and the daily lives of the caregivers.
Aspinwall &n Taylor (1992) studied how college students adjust ed in their
first semester at college. It was found that a high level of optimism at the
beginning of the semester predicted lower levels of psychological distress
at the end of the semester. All the studies indicate that there is a strong
association betw een optimism and subjective well -being in the face of
adversity and challenging situations.
4.5.2 Optimism, Pessimism and Coping:
When we say that the optimists experience less amount of distress while
dealing with challenging situations as compared to the pessimists, does
this mean that the optimists can handle or deal with these situations in
ways that help them adapt better as compared to the pessimists. The
optimists expect positive outcomes whereas, the pessimists expect
negative outcomes. Optimists ar e more confident about the outcomes
while handling adversity, while pessimists are doubtful about the
outcomes in similar situations. Thus, the optimists and the pessimists
differ in terms of their coping reactions and strategies.
Scheier (1986) studied co ping among students in stressful situations. It
was found that optimism was associated with problem -focused coping
when the situation was perceived as controllable, optimism was associated
with positive reframing when the situation was viewed as uncontroll able
and optimism was inversely correlated to the use of denial or distancing
from the problem. These findings suggest that optimists have better coping
mechanisms than pessimists.
Carver et al. (1993) studied the differences in dispositional coping styles
among the optimists and the pessimists. The optimists reported being
active, planful, and using problem -focused coping, whereas the pessimists
reported using disengagement, denial, and lessening awareness (through
substance use) for coping. Thus, optimist s are approachable copers,
whereas pessimists are avoidant copers. Strutton & Lumpkin (1992)
studied coping in the workplace and found that the optimists use problem -
focused coping (acceptance, tension -reduction), whereas the pessimists
use emotion -focused coping (withdrawing, distancing, self -blame).
Litt et al. (1992) studied coping with failed in vitro fertilization. It was
found that pessimists used escape as a coping mechanism and experienced
higher levels of distress than optimists. Taylor et al. (199 2) studied coping
among the patients of AIDS and found that optimism was associated with
active coping strategies like acceptance rather than escapism; it also
predicted a tendency to seek information and plan for recovery.
The coping responses associated with optimism and pessimism are
strongly associated with distress. The coping mechanisms that are
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50 inversely correlated to levels of distress and the coping mechanisms that
are generally used by pessimists like denial, disengagement are positively
correlated to the levels of distress (Carver et al., 1993).
Aspinwall & Taylor (1992) studied the coping among the students and
found that optimistic students were more likely to use active copi ng and
pessimistic students were more likely to use avoidance coping. Active
coping led to better adjustment, while avoidance coping led to poorer
adjustment. Park et al. (1997) studied adjustment among pregnant women.
It was found that optimistic women we re more likely to engage in
constructive thinking, which was inversely correlated to experience of
anxiety.
In conclusion, the optimists tend to use problem -focused coping
(acceptance, positive reframing, and use of humor), and the pessimists
tend to use e motion -focused coping (denial and disengagement). Thus, the
active efforts of acknowledging the existence of problems provide a
benefit to the optimists while dealing with the problems through the
development of adaptive parameters to lead the life.
Promot ing Well -Being:
The pro -active processes aid in promoting well -being and good health and
do not just deal with adversity. Optimists tend to rely on problem -focused
coping during adversities, but they also take active steps to ensure a
positive quality of l ife.
Shepperd, Maroto & Pbert (1996) studied patients in cardiac rehabilitation
and found that optimism was related to higher success in reducing the
levels of saturated fat and increase in exercise. Among the people with no
specific health concerns, it wa s found that optimism is related to
behaviours related to reducing health risks and promoting health (Robbins
et al., 1991).
Optimists are selective while attending to the risks; they focus only on
those that are applicable to them. They exhibit elevated v igilance in
situations when the risk or threat is high and truly meaningful.
Pessimism and Maladaptive Behaviours:
The pessimists engage in behaviours that reflect a tendency to deny,
disengage or give up instead of dealing with the problems; they are als o
less likely to make efforts to engage in promoting their health and well -
being.
Substance use reflects a tendency to give -up, as a way to escape from
problems. The pessimists are more likely to engage in a pattern of
maladaptive behaviours like substance use in response to adversaries or
challenging situations. Ohannessian et al. (1993) studied people with a
family history of alcoholism. It was found that the pessimists were more
likely to report drinking problems and were more likely to drop out of the
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51 Positive Subjective States - II Another maladaptive behaviour that has been researched is an extreme
form of giving up behaviour – suicide. Sometimes people just don’t give
up on specific life goals; rather, they give up o n all the goals that make up
their lives. Beck et al. (1985) concluded that some people are more
vulnerable to suicide compared to others. Depression is considered the
best indicator for suicide prediction, but actually pessimism is a stronger
predictor fo r suicide.
Thus, research suggests that pessimism can lead to maladaptive and self -
defeating behaviours among people. They tend to engage in avoidance
coping, health damaging behaviours and also extreme escape from life
altogether.
4.5.3 Is Optimism alway s better than Pessimism?
The optimists expect positive outcomes out of life situations; they are
better at coping with challenging situations, experience less amount of
distress and focus on developing adaptive and healthy ways to lead their
lives. All th is makes us believe that optimists are better than pessimists.
However, there are certain circumstances when optimists are only slightly
better than pessimists, or in no position of advantage or may even be
worse off than the pessimists.
Too much optimism can cause people to underestimate or even ignore the
possibility of threat or risk and overestimate their ability to cope with a
challenging situation (Tennen & Affleck, 1987). Perkins et al. (1993) &
Goodman et al. (1995) studied adolescent girls who were at risk for
developing HIV infection. The participants who were high in optimism
were less likely to seek information about HIV testing than those who
were low in optimism.
The beliefs held by optimists might be more vulnerable to shattering as
compared t o those held by pessimists as pessimists expect negative
outcomes, the adversity is in line with their expectations. It might be more
difficult for the optimists to rebuild their assumptions, which might cause
a delay or difficulty in dealing with the loss . However, there is not much
literature available to confirm these hypotheses.
4.5.4 Can Pessimists become Optimists?
If almost all the research studies confirm that optimism is better than
pessimism, then it would be advantageous to become an optimist! Th e role
of genetics and early childhood experiences has been researched to
understand the pathways for optimism. Twin studies have suggested that
optimism is influenced genetically and displays heritability (Plomin et al.,
1992). Optimism has been found to be related to the traits of neuroticism
and extraversion, both of which are influenced genetically (Scheier et
al.,1994).
Another important contributor to the development of optimism is early
childhood experiences. Erik Erikson (1968) emphasized that the v irtue of
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52 The Attachment theorists have emphasized the role of the secure
relationship by the early caregivers, insecurity of attachment is associated
with pessimism (Bowlby, 1988). Op timism as a quality is relatively
permanent and pervasive, whether it is genetically determined or acquired
through early childhood experiences.
The cognitive -behavioural therapies have tried to change pessimists into
optimists by applying the basic conce pts to the treatment of depression
and anxiety (Beck, 1967). The basic aim of the CBT is to identify and
modify the maladaptive cognitions and make them more positive to reduce
the distress they cause.
The personal efficacy training focuses on the trainin g and development of
specific competencies (assertiveness training, social skills training,
problem solving, decision making etc). These training programs
specifically target the thoughts and behaviours that are related to
pessimism in general. The main ai m of such programs is to develop
positive and realistic expectations and set specific goals.
4.6 HOPE THEORY The Hope theory emphasizes the perception that one can reach the desired
goals; it includes two components, namely, goal -directed thought -
pathways and agency. The hope theory proposes focusing on the belief
that one can find the pathways to desired goals and become motivated to
use those pathways. Hope plays an important role in regulating the
emotions and the well -being of people.
4.6.1 Goals:
All o ur actions are goal -directed and goals are the cognitive component of
the hope theory. Goals are the targets of the mental -action sequences.
Goals may be long -term or short -term, but they should have significant
value to occupy the thoughts. Goals should b e attainable, but at the same
time there has to be an element of uncertainty because hope works best
when the attainment of goals is intermediate in nature (Averill et al.,
1990).
4.6.2 Pathways Thinking:
In order to attain the goals, it is imperative that people view themselves as
capable of generating the routes towards attaining the goals. This process
is called pathways thinking. It refers to one’s perceived capability to
generate workable routes to be able to attain the desired goals. To be able
to enc ounter and deal with the impediments to attaining the desired goals,
it is beneficial to develop more than one pathway to the desired goals.
4.6.3 Agency Thinking:
Agency refers to the perceived capacity to utilize the pathways in order to
reach the desire d goals. Agency is essentially the motivational component
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53 Positive Subjective States - II initiating to move along the pathway and continuing to move along that
pathway. Agentic thinking plays an important role when encountering an
impediment, as it channelizes the person to apply the motivation to the
best alternate pathway.
4.6.4 Adding Pathways and Agentic Thinking:
Snyder et al. (1991) put forth the idea that hope is a positive motivational
state that is based on the successful interaction between the agency (goal -
directed energy) and the pathways (the plan to meet the goals). The
pathways thinking facilitates the agency thinking, which in turn facilitates
the pathways thinking and so on. Thus, the pathway and age ncy thoughts
are complementary and iterative over the course of a sequence of goal -
directed cognitions.
4.6.5 Hope, Impediments and Emotion:
Most of the approaches have viewed hope as an emotion, and the hope
theory has emphasized the thinking process (Fa rina et al., 1995). Thus, it
proposes that the goal -pursuit cognitions cause the emotions. People who
have attained their goals by overcoming the impediments experience
positive emotions, whereas those who are unable to attain their goals due
to the impedi ments experience negative emotions. Further, people who
experience negative emotions due to the perceived lack of progress
towards attaining the goals also experience a reduction in their perceived
well-being.
4.6.6 Hope Model:
A new -born child undertakes the pathways thinking soon after its birth so
as to make sense of the things happening around them. These evaluations
improve over the course of childhood, and then the children are capable of
understanding the causation. Approximately around 1 year, the child
experiences what is called the psychological birth, which is the realization
that the child is separate from other entities. This realization is also
responsible for another insight: that the child can cause a chain of events
and that the self is vie wed as a causal instigator. The acquisition of goal -
directed thought is very significant for the survival of the child. The
significant others, like the parents, caregivers, teachers, and other elements
of society, are involved in teaching hopeful thinking .
The temporal sequence of the goal -directed thought patterns in the hope
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54

Figure 4.1 Temporal Sequence of Goal -Directed Thought Patterns
Source: Agency and Pathways goal -directed thoughts in Hope theory
(Snyder, 2000)
The outcome value is crucial in the pre -event analysis. When the expected
outcomes have high importance and are capable of demanding continuous
mental attention, the person moves to the phase of event -sequence analysis
in which the pathways and the agency t houghts reiterate. This iterative
process of pathways and agency thinking might cycle back in order to
make sure that the outcome remains significantly important to guarantee
goal-directed processing.
The pathways and the agency thoughts continue to alter nate and aggregate
throughout the event sequence in order to influence the subsequent success
in the goal -pursuit. The hope theory involves an inter -related system of
goal-directed thinking that is responsive to the feedback at various points
in the sequen ce. The feedback process is composed of the specific
emotions that result from the successful or unsuccessful goal -attainment.
4.7 HOPE THEORY AND OTHER POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY THEORIES This section tries to understand the hope theory in comparison with and in
relation to the other positive psychology theories. The similarities between
the hope theory and the other theories are significant enough to establish
that the hope theory is a part of the positive psychology theories. At the
same time, the hope theory s hould also have significant differences so as
to avoid the theoretical overlap with the other existing theories.
4.7.1 Optimism: Seligman :
In the theory of optimism, the attribution process and the attributional
style are of prime importance (Seligman, 199 1). The optimistic munotes.in

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55 Positive Subjective States - II attributional style involves focusing on external, variable, and specific
factors for failures instead of focusing on internal, stable, and global
factors. Thus, the theory implicitly conveys that optimistic people are
attempting to dist ance themselves from the negative outcomes.
The hope theory focuses on attaining the desired future positive outcomes
with an emphasis on agency and pathways -thoughts about the desired
goals. It explicitly emphasizes the etiology of positive and negative
emotions.
4.7.2 Optimism: Scheier & Carver :
Optimism is a goal -based approach that occurs when an outcome has
significant value (Scheier & Carver, 1985). According to this model of
optimism, people are capable of moving towards desirable goals and away
from undesirable goals. This theory emphasizes agency -like thoughts and
views the outcome expectancies as the prime elicitors of goal -directed
behaviors. The hope theory gives equal emphasis to pathways and agency -
thoughts; it also describes the etiology of po sitive and negative emotions,
whereas the optimism theory does not.
4.7.3 Self -Efficacy: Bandura :
When a goal -related outcome is significant enough to capture the
attention, self -efficacy is activated (Bandura, 1982). According to this
theory, cognitive pr ocessing focuses on the situation -specific goals and the
analysis of the relevant contingencies in a particular goal -attainment
situation (outcome expectancy). The hope theory also focuses on the goal
emphasis and the pathways thinking, which is a self -analysis of one’s
capabilities to think of the initial route and later on, additional routes. The
concept of efficacy expectancies is similar to that of agency thought,
which is the evaluation of the capacity to carry out actions inherent in the
outcome expec tancies.
The self -efficacy theory posits that situational self -efficacy (similar to the
agency thoughts in the hope theory) is the last and most important
cognitive step before initiating goal -directed action. Whereas, in the hope
theory, both agency and p athways thoughts are significant before and
during the goal -attainment pursuit. The hope theory explicitly emphasizes
that emotions are the result of goal -directed thoughts, whereas the efficacy
theory does not address the issue of emotions.
4.7.4 Self -Esteem:
Self-esteem is the personal judgement of worthiness; it refers to the
person’s appraisals of their overall effectiveness in the conduct of their
lives (Hewitt, 1998). The self -esteem models emphasize goal -directed
thoughts and that an activity must b e valued to implicate self -esteem. The
hope theory also emphasizes the analysis of the goal -pursuit process that
elicits emotions (esteem); however, hope enhances the prediction of
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56 4.7.5 Problem -Solving:
According to the problem -solving theory, the identification of a desired
goal (solution to the problem) is explicit, and the significance of the goal
involved is implicit. Also, the emphasis is on finding a pathway to identify
the problem -solving solution. Similarly, in the hope theory, agentic
thinking is posited to provide the motivation to activate the pathways -
thoughts (problem -solving). The problem -solving theories do not focus on
the emotions, whereas the hope theory believes that the emotions result
from the perceived success in goal pursuits.
4.7.6 Applications of the Hope Theory:
The hope theory and its concepts can be applied to many areas for
understanding and enhancing adaptive ways of functioning. In educational
settings, hopeful thinking can he lp students enhance their capabilities and
find pathways to desired educational goals, as well as the motivation to
pursue those goals. Hopeful thinking can aid students in remaining
focused on the task and not being distracted due to self -deprecatory
thoughts and emotions (Snyder, 1999).
Sports psychologists can use the hope theory for training athletes in
individual and team sports. High -hope thinking enables an athlete to find
the best routes to goal attainment and the motivation to use those routes.
Two athletes may have similar talents, but the ones who are more hopeful
will be more successful and will be able to cope better during stressful
situations in competitions (Curry & Snyder, 2000).
Health psychology focuses on promoting and maintaining good he alth, as
well as on the prevention and treatment of existing illnesses. Hope is a
very significant factor in all the above areas. Hope can play an important
role in primary and secondary prevention. Primary prevention intends to
reduce or eliminate the occ urrence of physical or psychological health
issues. Secondary prevention intends to reduce, contain, or eliminate the
problems after they have occurred (Snyder et. al, 2000).
Hope theory could be used for a better understanding of the concept of
adjustment and the approaches to facilitating it. Just as hope is helpful for
physical health, it can also be helpful for psychological health. Hope
contributes to the ability to establish clear goals, determine the pathways
to attain those goals, and motivate onese lf to work towards the attainment
of those goals (Snyder, 2000).
Hope can be effective for establishing connections through interactions
because goal -attainment can occur only in the context of the social
environment. Hope can be inculcated among the child ren through their
interactions with their parents, caregivers, teachers, and peers. Higher
levels of hope can be related to perceived social support, social
competence, less loneliness, and thus more connectedness (Sympson,
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57 Positive Subjective States - II Hope theory can be applic able across different psychotherapeutic
approaches. Irrespective of the specific approach, the client will benefit
more from learning agentic and pathways goal -directed thinking. Hope is
also associated with finding meaning in life. Meaning in life can be
obtained through any of the three values – creative, experiential and
attitudinal (Frankl, 1965). Self -reflections about the goals that have to be
obtained and the perceived progress can help a person to construct the
meaning in his or her life (Snyder, 19 99).
4.8 SUMMARY In this unit; we began by discussing the concept of flow and optimal
experience, their role in development, and the various methods of
measuring flow. We also discussed about Autotelic personality and its
characteristics. We have also disc ussed the nature and correlates of flow,
the obstacles to the experience of flow, and the facilitators who foster the
experience of flow.
We then discussed the concept of optimism in detail and understood the
various correlates of optimism and the relatio nship between them. We
later discussed the concept of hope, the hope model, and the various
components that make up the hope model. We critically evaluated the
hope theory and compared it with the other theories in positive psychology
to understand the sim ilarities and differences, and finally we discussed the
applications of the hope theory to the different areas.
4.9 QUESTIONS 1. What is meant by ‘Flow’? Discuss the concepts of the “Flow Model”.
2. What are the different methods of measuring flow? What is meant by
Autotelic Personality?
3. Discuss the various obstacles to and facilitators of flow.
4. Write a detailed note on Optimism.
5. Explain the Hope model and discuss the various components of the
Hope model.
6. Write a note on the applications of the Hope theory.
4.10 REFERENCES  Carver, C. S., & Scheier, M. F., (2002). Optimism. In C. R. Snyder &
S. J. Lopez (Eds.), Handbook of Positive Psychology. New York:
Oxford University Press. Pp. 231 –243. munotes.in

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58  Nakamura, J., & Csikszentmihalyi, M., (2002). The Concep t of Flow.
In C. R. Snyder & S. J. Lopez (Eds.), Handbook of Positive
Psychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Pp. 89 –105.
 Snyder, C. R., Rand, K. L., & Sigmon, D. R., (2002). Hope Theory: A
Member of the Positive Psychology Family. In C. R. Snyder & S. J.
Lopez (Eds.), Handbook of Positive Psychology. New York: Oxford
University Press. Pp. 257 –276.
*****

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59 5
POSITIVE INDIVIDUAL TRAITS – I
Unit Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Definition of Self -Efficacy
5.3 Where Does Self -Efficacy Come from?
5.4 Integration of information from five primary sources
5.5 Why Is Self -Efficacy Important?
5.6 Basic s trategies for enhancing self -efficacy
5.7 Enhancing the Impact of Success
5.8 Collective Efficacy
5.9 History of Creativity
5.10 Measurement Approaches
5.10.1 The Creative Process
5.10.2 The Creative Person
5.10.3 The Creative Product
5.11 Empirical Findin gs
5.12 Theoretical Issues
5.13 Practical Applications
5.14 Summary
5.15 Review Questions
5.16 References
5.0 OBJECTIVES After reading this chapter, the learner will understand the following
concepts:
 What is Self -efficacy?
 Why is it important to study self-efficacy?
 Relationship between self -efficacy and health and self -regulation
 History of Creativity
 Assessment of creativity
 Practical applications of creativity
 Theoretical issues related to creativity
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60 5.1 INTRODUCTION The term self -efficacy became com mon in psychology and related fields
when Albert Bandura in 1977 published his work titled “Self -Efficacy:
Toward a Unifying Theory of Behavior Change,”. Since then, hundreds of
articles on every aspect of self -efficacy have appeared in journals devoted
to psychology, sociology, public health, medicine, nursing, and other
fields. In this chapter, we will address three basic questions: What is self -
efficacy? Where does it come from? Why is it important? The term self -
efficacy is of recent origin, but interes t in beliefs about personal control
has a long history in philosophy and psychology. Spinoza, David Hume,
John Locke, William James, and Gilbert Ryle have all tried to understand
the role of “volition” and “the will” in human behavior (Russell, 1945;
Vesse y, 1967).
In this century, the theories of achievement motivation (McClelland,
Atkinson, Clark, & Lowell, 1953), social learning (Rotter, 1966), and
helplessness (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978) are just a few of
the many attempts to explore relation ships between perceptions of
personal competence and human behavior, as well as psychological well -
being (Skinner, 1995).
Bandura’s 1977 article formalized the notion of perceived competence as
self-efficacy and offered a theory of how it develops and inf luences
human behavior. Bandura offered a construct that had intuitive and
common -sense appeal, and he defined this common -sense notion clearly
and embedded it in a comprehensive theory.
Creativity is appreciated everywhere (Sternberg & Lubart, 1996), whe ther
at home, school, work, or play. Rarely is creativity perceived as a negative
quality for a person to possess.
Likewise, people vary considerably in the amount of creativity that they
can display. Whereas some students just put together papers and proj ects,
others display a lot of impressive imagination and wit. Some inventors
may feel okay by just making minor improvements to already established
technologies; others may devise path -breaking inventions that
dramatically transform our daily lives.
Creati vity is highly valued as a human resource. Most modern societies
encourage their citizens to exhibit creative behavior. At the most basic
level, patent and copyright laws have been implemented so as to allow
individuals to enjoy the fruits of their creativ e labors. At an even higher
level of creative achievement, there are the honors and awards bestowed
upon the most outstanding exemplars of creativity. Thus, the Nobel Prizes
are awarded to the best creators in the sciences and literature, and each
major li terary tradition will have its own set of special prizes recognizing
their best writers (Pulitzer, Cervantes, Goethe, etc.). Likewise, the
Academy Awards and Golden Globe Awards are granted to those who
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61 Positive Individual Traits – I It is usually seen tha t the worth of creative behavior continues for a long
even after the creator has died. If the accomplishment is truly exceptional,
the creator may “go down in history” as a “creative genius.” These are
people who have left a “name behind,” such as Michelan gelo, Thomas
Alva Edison, Alexander Graham Bell, and Beethoven.
When a culture has many eminent creators, it is said to exhibit a “golden
age,” whereas when examples of creative genius become few and far
between, the culture is said to have entered a “dark age.” Hence, creativity
is often viewed as a human capacity that has both individual and
sociocultural utility and value.
In this chapter, we will examine what psychologists know about this
crucial phenomenon. We will begin by narrating the history of the
concept, and then discuss how creativity can be measured. Finally, we will
review some of the key empirical findings as well as some of the central
theoretical issues.
5.2 DEFINING SELF -EFFICACY If we can differentiate between self -efficacy and other rel ated constructs,
then only we can begin to understand the term “self -efficacy”. One of the
best ways to get a clear sense of how self -efficacy is defined and measured
is to distinguish it from related concepts.
Self-efficacy is not a perceived skill. It is rather what I believe I can do
with my skills under certain conditions. It is concerned not with my beliefs
about my ability to perform specific and trivial motor acts but with my
beliefs about my ability to coordinate and orchestrate skills and abilities in
changing and challenging situations.
Self-efficacy beliefs are not simply predictions about behavior. Self -
efficacy is concerned not with what I believe I will do but with what I
believe I can do.
Self-efficacy beliefs are not causal attributions. Caus al attributions are
explanations for events, including my own behavior and its consequences.
Self-efficacy beliefs are my beliefs about what I am capable of doing.
Self-efficacy is not an intention to behave or an intention to attain a
particular goal. An intention is what I say I will probably do, and research
has shown that intentions are influenced by a number of factors, including,
but not limited to, efficacy beliefs (Maddux, 1999).
Self-efficacy is not self -esteem. Self -esteem is what I believe about myself
and how I feel about what I believe about myself. Efficacy beliefs in a
given domain will contribute to my self -esteem only in direct proportion
to the importance I place on that domain.
Self-efficacy is not a motive, drive, or need for control. I c an have a strong
need for control in a particular domain and still hold weak beliefs about
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62 Self-efficacy beliefs are not outcome expectancies (Bandura, 1997) or
behavior -outcome expectancies (Maddux, 1999b). A behaviour outcome
expectancy is my belief that a specific behavior may lead to a specific
outcome in a specific situation. A self -efficacy belief, simply put, is the
belief that I can perform the behaviour that produces the outcome.
Self-efficacy is not a personality trait. Most conceptions of competence
and control —including self -esteem (Hewitt, 2002), locus of control
(Rotter, 1966), optimism (Carver & Scheier, 2002), hope (Snyder, Rand,
& Sigmon, 2002), hardiness (Kobasa, 1979), and learned resourcefulness
(Rosenbaum, 199 0) - are conceived as traits or trait -like.
Self-efficacy is defined and measured not as a trait but as beliefs about the
ability to coordinate skills and abilities to attain desired goals in particular
domains and circumstances. Measures of “general” sel f-efficacy have
been developed (e.g., Sherer et al., 1982; Tipton & Worthington, 1984)
and are frequently used in research, but they have not been as useful as
more specific self -efficacy measures in predicting what people will do
under more specific circu mstances (Bandura, 1997; Maddux, 1995).
5.3 WHERE DOES SELF -EFFICACY COME FROM? Self-efficacy is not a genetically endowed trait. Self -efficacy beliefs
develop over time and through experience. The development of such
beliefs begins in infancy and continue s throughout life. Understanding
how self -efficacy develops requires understanding a broader theoretical
background.
The social cognitive theory explains self -efficacy in the best possible
manner. Social cognitive theory is an approach to understanding hum an
cognition, action, motivation, and emotion that assumes that we are active
shapers of rather than simply passive reactors to our environments
(Bandura, 1986, 1997; Barone, Maddux, & Snyder, 1997).
Social cognitive theory has four important aspects:
 We have powerful cognitive capabilities that allow experience, the
development of courses of action, the prediction of outcomes, and the
communication of complex ideas and experiences to others. We can
also engage in self -observation and can analyse and evalu ate our own
behavior, thoughts, and emotions. We can also self -regulate ourselves.
 Environmental events, personal factors (cognition, emotion, and
biological events), and behaviors are reciprocal influences. We
respond cognitively to environmental events. Cognition helps us to
exercise control over our own behavior, which then influences the
environment and also our cognitive, affective, and biological states.
 Self and personality are socially embedded. These are perceptions of
our own and others’ patterns of social cognition, emotion, and action
as they occur in patterns of situations. Self and personality are created
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63 Positive Individual Traits – I We are capable of self -regulation. We choose goals and regulate our
behavior in the pursuit of these goals. At the heart of self -regulation is our
ability to anticipate or develop expectancies —to use past knowledge and
experience to form beliefs about future events and states and beliefs about
our abilities and behavior.
It is sug gested that the early development of self -efficacy is influenced by
two interacting factors.
First, it is influenced by the development of the capacity for symbolic
thought, particularly the capacity for understanding cause -and-effect
relationships and th e capacity for self -observation and self -reflection. The
development of a sense of personal agency begins in infancy. Children
must learn that one event can cause another event, that they are separate
from other things and people, and that, therefore, they can be the origin of
actions that affect their environments. As children’s understanding of
language increases, so does their capacity for symbolic thought and,
therefore, their capacity for self -awareness and a sense of personal agency
(Bandura, 1997).
Second, the development of efficacy beliefs is influenced by the
responsiveness of environments, especially social environments, to the
infant’s or child’s attempts at manipulation and control. Environments that
are responsive to the child’s actions facilit ate the development of efficacy
beliefs, whereas nonresponsive environments retard this development. The
development of efficacy beliefs encourages exploration, which in turn
enhances the infant’s sense of agency. The child’s social environment
(especially parents) is usually the most responsive part of his or her
environment.
Thus, children usually develop a sense of efficacy from engaging in
actions that manipulate the people around them, which then generalizes to
the non -social environment (Bandura, 1997 ). Parents can facilitate or
hinder the development of this sense of agency not only by their responses
to the infant’s or child’s actions, but also by encouraging and enabling the
child to explore and master his or her environment.
Efficacy beliefs and a sense of agency continue to develop throughout the
life span as we continually integrate information from five primary
sources.
5.4 INTEGRATION OF INFORMATION FROM FIVE PRIMARY SOURCES Performance Experiences :
We display self -efficacy in our own attempts to control our environments.
This is the most powerful source of self -efficacy information (Bandura,
1977; 1997). When our attempts at controlling the environment are
successful, we attribute this to our own efforts, which strengthens our self -
efficacy for that behaviour or domain. Perceptions of failure at control
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64 Vicarious Experiences :
Our self -efficacy beliefs are influenced when we observe the behavior of
others and the consequences of those behaviors. Observati on helps us use
this information to form expectancies about our own behavior and its
consequences, depending primarily on the extent to which we believe that
we are similar to the person we are observing (Bandura, 1997).
Imaginal Experiences :
Williams (199 5) maintained that we can influence our self -efficacy beliefs
by imagining ourselves or others behaving effectively or ineffectively in
hypothetical situations. Such images may be formed from actual or
observed experiences with situations similar to the on e anticipated, or they
may be induced by verbal persuasion, as when a psychotherapist guides a
client through imaginal interventions such as systematic desensitization
and covert modelling (Williams, 1995).
Verbal Persuasion :
Efficacy beliefs are influenc ed by what others say to us about what they
believe we can or cannot do. The potency of verbal persuasion as a source
of self -efficacy expectancies will be influenced by such factors as the
expertness, trustworthiness, and attractiveness of the source, as suggested
by decades of research on verbal persuasion and attitude change (Eagly &
Chaiken, 1993).
Physiological and Emotional States :
Physiological and emotional states influence self -efficacy when we learn
to associate poor performance or perceived fail ure with aversive
physiological arousal and success with pleasant feeling states. It means
that when we become aware of unpleasant physiological arousal, we are
more likely to doubt our competence. On the other hand, if our
physiological states are pleasan t or neutral, we are likely to feel confident
in our ability to handle the situation at hand. (e.g., Bandura, 1986, 1997).
5.5 WHY IS SELF -EFFICACY IMPORTANT? Self-efficacy beliefs are important in hundreds of ways. We will focus
here on the following area s:
• self-efficacy and psychological adjustment;
• self-efficacy and physical health;
• self-efficacy and self -regulation;
• self-efficacy and psychotherapy
Self-Efficacy and Psychological Adjustment :
Most philosophers and psychological theorists agree that a sense of control
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65 Positive Individual Traits – I essential for happiness and a sense of well -being. It can be said that when
we have control over our environment, behavior, thoughts, and emotions,
we are bett er able to meet life’s challenges, build healthy relationships,
and achieve personal satisfaction and peace of mind.
Feelings of loss of control are common among people who seek the help
of psychotherapists and counsellors.
In many common psychological pr oblems, self -efficacy beliefs play a
major role. They are also important for successful interventions for these
problems. Low self -efficacy expectancies are an important feature of
depression (Bandura, 1997; Maddux & Meier, 1995). Anxiety and
avoidant beha vior are often the direct results of low self -efficacy
expectancies for managing threatening situations (Bandura, 1997;
Williams, 1995).
People who have strong confidence in their abilities to perform and
manage potentially difficult situations will approa ch those situations
calmly and will not be unduly disrupted by difficulties.
Self-Efficacy and Physical Health :
Health and medical care in our society are gradually putting more
emphasis on preventing disease and promoting good health. Most
strategies for preventing health problems, enhancing health, and hastening
recovery from illness and injury involve changing behavior.
Self-efficacy research has shown how and why people adopt healthy and
unhealthy behaviors and how to change behaviors that affect health
(Bandura, 1997). Beliefs about self -efficacy influence health in two ways:
First, self -efficacy influences the adoption of healthy behaviors, leaving
behind unhealthy behaviors, and the maintenance of behavioural changes
in the face of challenge and diffi culty.
Major theories of health behaviour include self -efficacy as a key
component towards improving health and well -being. In addition,
researchers have shown that enhancing self -efficacy beliefs is crucial to
successful change and maintenance of virtuall y every behaviour crucial to
health, including exercise, diet, stress management, safe sex, smoking
cessation, overcoming alcohol abuse, compliance with treatment and
prevention regimens, and disease detection behaviors such as breast self -
examinations (Ba ndura, 1997; Maddux et al., 1995).
Second, self -efficacy beliefs influence a number of biological processes
that, in turn, influence health and disease (Bandura, 1997). Self -efficacy
beliefs affect the body’s physiological responses to stress, including th e
immune system (Bandura, 1997; O’Leary & Brown, 1995).
Self-Efficacy and Self -Regulation :
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66 overcome difficult be havioural problems without professional help
provide evidence for this capacity (e.g., Prochaska, Norcross, &
DiClemente, 1994).
Research on self -efficacy has shown how we guide our own behaviour in
the pursuit of happiness. Self -regulation depends on thr ee interacting
components (Bandura, 1986):
• goals or standards of performance,
• self-evaluative reactions to performance, and
• self-efficacy beliefs.
Goals are essential to self -regulation because we attempt to regulate our
actions, thoughts, and emo tions to achieve desired outcomes. Goals
provide us with standards against which to monitor our progress and
evaluate both our progress and our abilities (Snyder, Rand, & Sigmon,
2002).
Self-evaluative reactions are important in self -regulation because our
beliefs about the progress we are making (or not making) towards our
goals are major determinants of our emotional reactions during goal -
directed activity. These emotional reactions, in turn, can enhance or
disrupt self -regulation. The belief that we are ineffective and making poor
progress towards a goal produces distressing emotional states (e.g.,
anxiety, depression) that can lead to cognitive and behavioral
ineffectiveness and self -regulatory failure. Strong self -efficacy beliefs and
strong expectation s for goal attainment, however, usually produce
adaptive emotional states that, in turn, enhance self -regulation.
Self-efficacy beliefs influence self -regulation in several ways. First, our
level of self -efficacy influences the goals we set. The higher my self-
efficacy is in a specific achievement domain, the loftier will be the goals
that I set for myself in that domain.
Second, self -efficacy beliefs influence our choices of goal -directed
activities, expenditure of effort, persistence in the face of challe nge and
obstacles (Bandura, 1986; Locke & Latham, 1990), and reactions to
perceived discrepancies between goals and current performance (Bandura,
1986). If I have strong efficacy beliefs, I will be relatively resistant to the
disruptions in self -regulation that can result from difficulties and setbacks,
and I will persevere. Perseverance usually produces desired results, and
this success then increases my sense of efficacy (Masten and Reed, 2002).
Third, self -efficacy for solving problems and making decisio ns influences
the efficiency and effectiveness of problem -solving and decision making
(Heppner & Lee, 2002). When faced with complex decisions, people who
have confidence in their ability to solve problems use their cognitive
resources more effectively tha n those people who doubt their cognitive
skills (e.g., Bandura, 1997). Such efficacy usually leads to better solutions
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67 Positive Individual Traits – I Self-Efficacy and Psychotherapy :
Here, the term psychotherapy is used to refer to professionally guided
interve ntions designed to enhance psychological well -being. It also
acknowledges that self -regulation plays an important role in all
interventions. In fact, most professionally guided interventions are
designed to enhance self -regulation because they are concerne d with
helping individuals gain or regain a sense of efficacy over important
aspects of their lives (Frank & Frank, 1991). Different interventions, or
different components of an intervention, may be equally effective because
they equally enhance self -efficacy for crucial behavioural and cognitive
skills (Bandura, 1986, 1997; Maddux & Lewis, 1995).
Self-efficacy theory emphasizes the importance of arranging experiences
designed to increase the person’s sense of efficacy for specific behaviors
in specific pro blematic and challenging situations. Self -efficacy theory
suggests that formal interventions should not simply resolve specific
problems but should provide people with the skills and sense of efficacy to
solve problems themselves. Some basic strategies for enhancing self -
efficacy are based on the four sources of self-efficacy previously noted.
5.6 BASIC STRATEGIES FOR ENHANCING SELF -EFFICACY Performance Experience :
It is a good idea to provide people with actual evidence of their success
because when people can see themselves coping effectively with difficult
situations, their sense of mastery is likely to improve. These experiences
are likely to be most successful when both goals and strategies are
specific. Goals that are concrete, specific, and proximal ( short -range)
provide greater incentive, motivation, and evidence of efficacy than goals
that are abstract, vague, and set in the distant future (Snyder, Rand, &
Sigmon, 2002). Specific goals allow people to identify the specific
behaviors needed for succes sful achievement and to know when they have
succeeded (Snyder, Rand, & Sigmon, 2002; Locke & Latham, 1990).
Verbal Persuasion :
Most psychological interventions rely on verbal persuasion to enhance a
client’s self -efficacy and encourage small risks that ma y lead to small
successes. In cognitive -behavioral therapies, the therapist engages the
client in a discussion of the client’s dysfunctional beliefs, attitudes, and
expectancies and helps the client see the irrationality and self -defeating
nature of such b eliefs. The therapist encourages the client to adopt new,
more adaptive beliefs and to act on these new beliefs and expectancies. As
a result, the client experiences the successes that can lead to more
enduring changes in self -efficacy beliefs and adaptive behavior.

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68 Vicarious Experience :
Vicarious and imaginal means can be used to teach new skills and enhance
self-efficacy for those skills. For example, modeling films and videotapes
have been used successfully to encourage socially withdrawn children to
interact with other children. The child viewing the film sees the model
child, someone much like himself, experience success and comes to
believe that he, too, can do the same thing (Conger & Keane, 1981). In
vivo modeling has been used successfully in the treatment of phobic
individuals.
Common everyday examples of the use of vicarious experiences to
enhance self -efficacy include advertisements for weight -loss and smoking
cessation programs that feature testimonials from successful people. The
clear messag e from these testimonials is that the listener or reader can also
accomplish this difficult task. Formal and informal “support groups” —
people sharing their personal experiences in overcoming common
adversity such as addiction, obesity, or illness — also pro vide forums for
the enhancement of self -efficacy.
Imaginal Experience :
It might be difficult to get real models, but imagination is an easily
available resource. Imagining ourselves engaging in feared behaviors or
overcoming difficulties can be used to enh ance self -efficacy. For example,
cognitive therapy for anxiety and fear problems often involves modifying
visual images of danger and anxiety, including images of effectively
coping with the feared situation. Imaginal (covert) modelling has been
used succe ssfully in interventions to increase assertive behavior and self -
efficacy for assertiveness (Kazdin, 1979). Systematic desensitization and
implosion are traditional behavioural therapy techniques that rely on the
ability to imagine effectively coping with a difficult situation
(Emmelkamp, 1994). Because maladaptive distorted imagery is an
important component of anxiety and depression, various techniques have
been developed to help clients modify the distortions and maladaptive
assumptions contained in their visual images of danger and anxiety. A
client can gain a sense of control over a situation by imagining a future
self that can deal effectively with the situation.
Physiological and Emotional States :
We usually feel more self -efficacious when we are calm than when we are
aroused and distressed. Thus, strategies for controlling and reducing
emotional arousal (specifically anxiety) while attempting new behaviors
should increase self -efficacy and increase the likelihood of successful
implementation. Hypnosis, biofeedback, relaxation training, meditation,
and medication are the most common strategies for reducing the
physiological arousal typically associated with low self -efficacy and poor
performance.
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69 Positive Individual Traits – I 5.7 ENHANCING THE IMPACT OF SUCCESS Success is a subjecti ve term, and usually, it is judged by observers and not
always by the performer. Nor do such accomplishments automatically
enhance efficacy beliefs. We often discount self -referential information
that is inconsistent with our current self -views (Barone et al., 1997; Fiske
& Taylor, 1991). Thus, when we feel distressed and believe we are
incompetent and helpless, we are likely to ignore information from
therapists, family, friends, and our own behavioural successes that is
inconsistent with our negative self -beliefs (Barone et al., 1997; Fiske &
Taylor, 1991). Therefore, we need to make concerted efforts to increase
success experiences, but we also must learn to interpret that success as
success and as the result of our own efforts.
We can interpret success e xperiences more effectively in three ways.
1. Viewing competence as incremental, not fixed:
If we view competence as a set of skills to be performed in specific
situations rather than as a trait, and as acquirable through effort and
experience rather than as fixed, we are more likely to persist in the face of
obstacles to success (Dweck, 2000). The perception that competence is
incremental and can be increased by experience can be enhanced by
comparing recent successful coping strategies with past ineffect ive
behaviors. Therefore, we need to be continually vigilant for success
experiences and actively retrieve past successes in times of challenge and
doubt.
2. Changing causal attributions:
Causal attributions are explanations we provide ourselves for our o wn
behavior and the behavior of others. Causal attributions influence self -
efficacy and vice versa (Maddux, 1999b). For this reason, we should
attribute successes to our own effort and ability rather than to
environmental circumstances or to the expertise and insights of others
(Forsterling, 1986; Goldfried & Robins, 1982; Thompson, 1991).
3. Encouraging minor distortions:
Beliefs about self and world need not always be accurate to be adaptive.
Psychological adjustment is enhanced by minor distortions in t he
perception of control over important life events (e.g., Taylor & Brown,
1988). Strong beliefs in self -efficacy can be self -confirming because such
beliefs encourage us to set challenging goals, persist in the face of
obstacles, attend to efficacy -enhanc ing information, and select efficacy -
enhancing environments. Encouraging discouraged people to believe that
they are more competent than they think they are (based on their own
observations) may prompt them into action and lead to efficacy -enhancing
succe ss.
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70 5.8 COLLECTIVE EFFICACY Throughout this chapter, efficacy beliefs were discussed in relation to
individuals. Positive psychology and social cognitive theory both
emphasize the social environment of the individual. For this reason, the
concept of effica cy cannot remain locked inside a person.
Accomplishing important goals in groups, organizations, and societies has
always depended on the ability of individuals to identify the abilities of
other individuals and to harness these abilities to accomplish com mon
goals.
Self-efficacy theory recognizes that no man or woman is an island and that
there are limits to what individuals can accomplish alone. This idea is
captured in the notion of collective efficacy, a group’s shared belief in its
conjoint capabilitie s to organize and execute the courses of action required
to produce given levels of attainment (Bandura, 1997; Zaccaro, Blair,
Peterson, & Zazanis, 1995). It can be said that collective efficacy is the
extent to which we believe that we can work together e ffectively to
accomplish our shared goals.
5.9 CREATIVITY History of Creativity :
Ebbinghaus (1908) once said that creativity has a long past but a short
history, especially as a research topic in psychology. We will begin by
discussing the history of creat ivity as a recognized human behavior and
then trace the history of psychological research on the topic.
The Origins of Creativity as a Cultural Phenomenon
The topic of creativity is so important, yet it is surprising to learn that it is
actually a somewhat recent concept. It is not listed among the classic
human virtues, for example. The philosophers of ancient Greece listed
prudence, temperance, fortitude, and justice, whereas the Christian
theologians added faith, hope, and love —but creativity is entirely
overlooked. Part of the reason for this neglect is that creativity was
originally conceived as a characteristic of the divine creator rather than an
attribute of human beings. In the biblical book of Genesis, for instance,
God is portrayed as the Creator of the cosmos, the earth, and all life. The
Romans are responsible for a concept that is closely related to creativity —
that of genius.
According to Roman mythology, each individual was born with a guardian
spirit who watched out for the person’s fate and d istinctive individuality.
With time, the term was taken to indicate the person’s special talents or
aptitudes.
Although in the beginning everybody could be said to “have a genius,” at
least in the sense of possessing a unique capacity, the term eventually
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71 Positive Individual Traits – I average. The expression “creative genius” thus unites two concepts with
Greek and Roman roots pertaining to how the spiritual world permeates
human affairs.
The Origins of Creativity as a Research Topic :
When we look at the history of psychology, we find psychologists discuss
creative thought and behaviour very rarely. William James (1880)
described the creative process in terms of Darwinian theory (Campbell,
1960). In the 20th century, the Gestalt psychologists —most notably
Wolfgang Kohler and Max Wertheimer - displayed an interest in creative
problem -solving. Behaviorists, like B.F. Skinner were also attracted to the
concept of creativity. The cognitive psychologist Herbert A. Simon
(1986), the personality psychologist David C. McClelland (1962), and the
humanistic psychologists Carl Rogers (1954), Abraham Maslow (1959),
and Rollo May (1975) also showed interest in the topic of creativity.
Of all the psychologists, J. P. Guilford (1950) addressed the topic of
creativity the most. Guilford also made many direct contributions to the
research literature by devising instruments for assessing individual
differences in creativity (Guilford, 1967).
The topic of creativity can now be considered a legitimate topic for
scientific inquiry in mainstream psychological research.
5.10 MEASUREMENT APPROACHES As far as the definition of creativity is concerned, creativity is usually said
to entail the generation of ideas that fulfil the two following cond itions:
Creativity must be original:
These days, no one can be called “creative” who decides to “reinvent the
wheel,” nor can one earn that ascription for writing the lines “To be, or not
to be.” Creative ideas are novel, surprising, unexpected — sometimes even
shocking. Originality is a necessary but not sufficient criterion for
creativity, which brings us to the second condition.
Creativity must be adaptive :
Someone who decides to make a blimp out of solid concrete can no doubt
claim considerable original ity, but whether this strange idea “can fly” is
quite a different matter.
Given the general definition of creativity as “adaptive originality,” how
can it be best measured? Researchers studying creativity have not agreed
on the optimal instrument for asse ssing individual differences in this trait
(Hocevar & Bachelor, 1989). The reason for this lack of consensus is that
creativity can manifest itself in three distinct ways.
First, creativity may be viewed as some kind of mental process that yields
adaptive and original ideas (e.g., Sternberg & Davidson, 1995; Ward,
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72 exhibits creativity (e.g., Gardner, 1993; Wallace & Gruber, 1989). Third,
creativity can be analyzed in terms of the concrete p roducts that result
from the workings of the creative process or person (e.g., Martindale,
1990; Simonton, 1980, 1998). Each of these three manifestations suggests
rather distinct measures, as will become apparent next.
5.10.1 The Creative Process :
If the emphasis is on the thought processes that yield creative ideas, then
the best assessment approach should be to tap individual differences in
access to these processes. This was the approach adopted by Guilford
(1967), who began by proposing a profound dist inction between two kinds
of thinking. Convergent thought involves the convergence on a single
correct response, such as is characteristic of most aptitude tests, like those
that assess intelligence. Divergent thought, in contrast, entails the capacity
to generate many alternative responses, including ideas of considerable
variety and originality.
Guilford and others have devised a large number of tests to measure the
capacity for divergent thinking (Torrance, 1988; Wallach & Kogan, 1965).
Typical is the Al ternate Uses test, in which the subject must come up with
many different ways of using a common object, such as a paper clip or
brick.
Another test that views the creative process in a manner similar to
divergent thinking is the Remote Associates Test, or RAT, of Mednick
(1962). This test was based on the premise that creativity involves the
ability to make rather remote associations between separate ideas.
Highly creative individuals were said to have a flat hierarchy of
associations in comparison to the s teep hierarchy of associations of those
with low creativity. A flat associative hierarchy means that for any given
stimulus, the creative person has numerous associations available, all with
roughly equal probabilities of retrieval.
Because such an individ ual can generate many associative variations, the
odds are increased that he or she will find the one association that will
make the necessary remote connection. The RAT can therefore be said to
operate according to an implicit variation -selection model of the creative
process.
Many investigators have tried to validate these divergent -thinking tests
against other criteria of creative performance (Crammond, 1994).
Although the researchers in these validation studies have had some
modicum of success, it also has become clear that generalized tests do not
always have as much predictive validity as tests more specifically tailored
to a particular domain of creativity (Baer, 1993; 1994; Baer, 1998;
Plucker, 1998).
Creativity in music, for example, is not going to be very predictable on the
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73 Positive Individual Traits – I 5.10.2 The Creative Person :
It is said that the creative individual is distinctively different in various
personal characteristics. Creative people display personality pro files that
depart from those of the average person (Barron & Harrington, 1981).
Creative personalities tend to possess those characteristics that most
favour the production of both numerous and diverse ideas. In particular,
creative individuals tend to be independent, nonconformist and
unconventional; they also tend to have wide interests, greater openness to
new experiences, and more conspicuous behavioral and cognitive
flexibility and boldness (Simonton, 1999).
The major complication in this general pictu re is that the personality
profiles of artistic creators tend to differ noticeably from those of scientific
creators (Feist, 1998). In a nutshell, creative scientists tend to fall
somewhere between creative artists and non -creative personalities in terms
of their typical traits.
Several measures of creativity are based on personality scales, such as the
16 Personality Factor Questionnaire (Cattell & Butcher, 1968) or the
Adjective Check List (Gough, 1979). The personality contrasts between
creative and non -creative individuals may partially reflect significant
differences in their biographical characteristics, including family
background, educational experiences, and career activities. As a
consequence, some psychometricians have designed instruments based o n
biographical inventories (Schaefer & Anastasi, 1968; Taylor & Ellison,
1967). For instance, creative people often report having much broader
interests and a wider range of hobbies than is the case for their less
creative colleagues.
5.10.3 The Creative P roduct :
It can be said that the ultimate criterion for determining whether someone
can be considered creative or not depends on whether that individual has
successfully generated a product that meets both requirements of creative
behavior — originality and adaptiveness. This product -based assessment is
more direct and objective, but it also has more than one operational
definition.
One approach is to simply ask individuals to identify what they would
consider samples of their creative activities, such as poe ms, paintings, and
projects (Richards, Kinney, Lunde, Benet, & Merzel, 1988).
Another approach is to have research participants generate creative
products under controlled laboratory conditions and then have these
products evaluated by independent judges (Amabile, 1982).
These two operational definitions have the advantage that they are best
designed to assess individual differences in more everyday forms of the
phenomenon. Yet it is obvious that at higher levels of creative activity, the
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74 subjective evaluation. Inventors hold patents, scientists publish journal
articles, dramatists write plays, directors create movies, and so forth.
Hence, cross -sectional variation in creativity can be asse ssed in terms of
individual differences in the output of such professionally or culturally
acknowledged works (Simonton, 1991). Investigators may count total
output (quantity), select output (quality), or output influence (impact). For
example, researchers of scientific creativity may tabulate the total number
of publications, just those publications that are actually cited in the
literature, or the total number of citations those publications have received
(Feist, 1993). Researchers have demonstrated quite conclusively that these
three alternative measures correlate very highly with each other
(Simonton, 1992b).
If creative persons have generated a substantial body of highly influential
products, it is inevitable that they should attain eminence for their
accomplishments (Simonton, 1991). In fact, the single most powerful
predictor of eminence in any creative domain is the number of works an
individual has contributed (Simonton, 1977). Accordingly, sometimes
cross -sectional variation in creativity will be as sessed using a variety of
eminence indicators (Cox, 1926). These may include expert ratings, the
receipt of major honours, or having entries in biographical dictionaries and
encyclopaedias (Simonton, 1976).
5.11 EMPIRICAL FINDINGS Judging from the previous section, we can say that the assessment of
creative behaviour is one area that still requires a lot of research work.
One of the most critical findings in the empirical research is that the
alternative measures of creative behaviour tend to display fairly
respectable inter -correlations (Eysenck, 1995; Simonton, 1999). In other
words, creative products tend to emerge from creative persons who use the
creative process in generating their output.
The correlations are not perfect, but they do suggest that each instrument
is gauging the same fundamental reality. Consequently, the various
measures often yield the same general conclusions about the nature of
human creativity. For example, considerable literature exists on the
relationship between age and creativit y (Simonton, 1988). Despite some
differences due to the creative domain and other factors, pretty much the
same developmental trends are observed for product - and process -based
measures (Dennis, 1966).
Whether we are counting creative products or assessing the capacity for
divergent thinking, longitudinal changes in creativity display a curvilinear
function. The only major discrepancy is that creativity according to the
productivity definition can undergo a resurgence in the latter years of life
but has no counterpart according to the psychometric definition
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75 Positive Individual Traits – I It is important here to discuss two sets of empirical findings that have
special relevance to the positive psychology of creativity. These concern
early trauma and psychological disorde rs.
Early Trauma :
According to the empirical literature, child prodigies and intellectually
gifted children tend to have enjoyed rather happy childhoods (Feldman &
Goldsmith, 1986; Terman, 1925). That is, their parents provided them with
financially comfor table homes and ample intellectual and aesthetic
stimulation; their parents had stable marriages, and the children were both
physically healthy and educationally successful. Yet when researchers turn
to highly creative individuals, a rather contrasting pic ture emerges
(Goertzel & Goertzel, 1962). The family may have experienced severe
economic ups and downs, and the parents’ marriage may have fallen far
short of the ideal; the child may have been sickly or have endured some
physical or cognitive disability (Roe, 1953). More remarkably, the early
development of the future creator may have been plagued by one or more
traumatic experiences, such as the loss of one or both parents in childhood
or adolescence (Eisenstadt, 1978; Roe, 1953). Yet what makes these
findings all the more intriguing is that the same developmental events are
also associated with negative life outcomes, such as juvenile delinquency
or suicidal depression (Eisenstadt, 1978).
This peculiar paradox suggests that, under the right conditions, e xposure
to traumatic or difficult experiences early in life can make a positive
contribution to the development of creative potential (Simonton, 1994).
Perhaps those who have the capacity to “rise to the challenge” will benefit,
and creativity itself may b e an adaptive response to such circumstances
(Eisenstadt, 1978). Events that might have yielded a societal misfit instead
produce an individual who can respond constructively with the adulthood
of creative achievement rather than disappointment or alienati on.
Psychological Disorder :
One of the oldest debates in the study of creativity is the “mad -genius
controversy” (Prentky, 1980). As far back as Aristotle, thinkers have
speculated that outstanding creativity is associated with psychopathology.
This view h as persisted in more modern times, as is evident in
psychoanalytic psycho -biographies of creative geniuses.
Not every psychologist agrees with this view, however. Humanistic
psychologists, in particular, tend to see creativity as a symptom of mental
health , not illness (Maslow, 1959). Based on the empirical research on this
issue, it appears that there is some truth in both viewpoints (Eysenck,
1995).
On the one hand, the rates of apparent psychological disorder in samples
of highly creative individuals do seem to be somewhat higher than in the
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76 On the other hand, empirical research also suggests that creativity and
psychopathology are by no means equivalent (Rothenberg, 1990). For one
thing, creative individuals often have character traits, such as high ego
strength, that are not found in clinical populations (Barron, 1969; Eysenck,
1995). However bizarre their thoughts or behaviors may be, creators
remain in self -command —even exploiting their eccentricities for creative
ends. In addition, their symptomatology is below pathological levels
(Barron, 1969; Eysenck, 1995).
It can be said that events and traits that might severely disable or retard
personal development can sometimes be converted into forces for positive
growth. Or, if that is too strong an inference, one can safely infer the
following optimistic alternative: Such events and conditions need not
prevent the development of exceptional creativity. Indeed, people can be
phenomenally robust, as they transform “liabilit ies” into assets.
5.12 THEORETICAL ISSUES Despite the abundance of empirical findings, creativity researchers
continue to struggle with profound theoretical questions, two of which
involve nature versus nurture and small -c versus big -C creativity.
The Nat ure-Nurture Issue :
Is creativity born, made, or some combination of the two? Galton (1869)
introduced this question in his book Hereditary Genius, and he later coined
the terms nature and nurture in his book English Men of Science: Their
Nature and Nurture (1874). Subsequent researchers have suggested that
creativity reflects a complex interaction of genetic and environmental
factors (Eysenck, 1995; Simonton, 1999b). For example, genes may
contribute to creativity according to a multiplicative rather than a simple
additive model (Lykken, 1998; Simonton, 1999). As a further
complication, it may very well be that various environmental influences
interact with genetic factors in equally complex functional relationships
(Eysenck, 1995).
It is said that creative development requires a specific congruence between
genetic inheritance and environmental stimulation. This genetic -
environmental determination helps to explain why creativity may display a
highly skewed cross -sectional distribution in the general populatio n
(Simonton, 1999b).
When optimal creative development requires a precise configuration of
many different factors, it becomes more difficult for people to emerge who
have the total package.
Small -c Versus Big -C Creativity :
Small -c creativity enhances every day life and works with superior
problem -solving skills, whereas big -C creativity makes lasting
contributions to culture and history. In the first case, we are speaking of
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77 Positive Individual Traits – I creative g enius. The problem is to find out whether these two creative
behaviors are qualitatively or quantitatively distinct. If everyday creativity
is qualitatively different from genius -level creativity, then the personal
attributes underlying the first may be di fferent from those responsible for
the second (e.g., any tendency towards psychopathology).
If the two are only quantitatively different, however, then the factors that
predict levels of small -c creativity would also predict levels of big -C
creativity. The evidence to date supports the notion that these two grades
represent regions on a continuous scale of creative activity (Eysenck,
1995).
5.13 PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS If creativity is a highly desirable human characteristic, then it certainly
would be valua ble to know how to facilitate it. Consequently, it should
come as no surprise that a considerable amount of research has focused on
how people can become more creative. These creativity enhancement
methods have been aimed at childhood and adolescence as we ll as
adulthood.
Early Development :
Children are naturally creative. Creativity appears in their fantasy play, for
example. It is often said that the pressure to behave, grow up, and mature
stifles creative capacities. As such, children get the message tha t their
creative practices are childish in the eyes of adults. This view of creative
development is consistent with creative adults’ tendencies to exhibit
childlike traits such as openness to experience, playfulness, and rich
imagination (Feist, 1998). Thi s view also suggests that if the goal is to
enhance creativity, the place to begin would be the home, and the place to
continue such creativity lessons would be the school. In the former case,
parents should encourage their children’s creative activities, even if this
means that the parents must relinquish considerable control over how their
children spend their time (e.g., perhaps paying little attention to school
homework). In the latter case, more attention would have to be given to
the development of ed ucational systems that nurture rather than inhibit
creative classroom expressions and behaviors.
Many researchers have proposed that the primary goal should be to
identify those children with the most creative potential and then place
them in special prog rams for the gifted and talented (Winner, 1996).
Although this implication might seem elitist, it may be more practical than
trying to make every child into a little creative genius.
The practical advantage of more selective programs becomes especially
apparent when we take into consideration the tremendous amount of
investment required to convert the promise of youth into the
accomplishments of maturity.
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78 Adult Encouragement :
Adults vary greatly in their creative potential. Some may have very little
capacit y for generating new ideas; others may have enough to adapt well
to everyday problems at home and at work; whereas still others will attain
levels worthy of the designation “creative genius.” These individual
differences do not operate in isolation, howeve r, as there are various
situational factors that enhance or inhibit the realization of creative
potential. In this latter regard, many psychologists have investigated some
of these situational influences. For example, a person’s creativity is
affected by e xtrinsic rewards, evaluative supervision, and time pressure
(Amabile, 1996). Such factors often operate in very complex ways to raise
or lower creativity. For instance, rewards can harm creativity under some
circumstances but enhance it under different con ditions (Eisenberger &
Cameron, 1996).
As far as creating an environment for creative work is concerned, some
researchers have concentrated on the political, economic, cultural, and
social conditions that most favor the emergence and maintenance of eras
in which creativity blossoms across many creative endeavors (Simonton,
1992). Thus, to the degree that these events are under the control of a
nation’s leaders, countries can adopt policies that discourage or encourage
creativity among their citizens.
5.14 S UMMARY In this chapter, we have learned about the role of self -efficacy beliefs,
psychological adjustment and maladjustment, physical health, and self -
guided and professionally guided behaviour change. Two broad avenues
of future research can be suggested.
First, positive psychology emphasizes the development of positive human
qualities and the facilitation of psychological health and happiness over
the mere prevention or remediation of negative human qualities and
human misery.
It also embraces the notion that individuals can be self -initiating agents for
change in their own lives and the lives of others. The emphasis of social
cognitive theory and self -efficacy theory on the development of
enablement —providing people with skills for selecting and attaining the
life goals they desire —over prevention and risk reduction is consonant
with both of these emphases.
Self-efficacy research concerned with enhancing our understanding of
self-regulation will enhance our understanding of how to provide people
with these enablement skills.
Second, positive psychology emphasizes the social embeddedness of the
individual and acknowledges that my individual success and happiness
depend to a large degree on my ability to cooperate, collaborate, negotiate,
and otherwise live i n harmony with other people. In addition, the ability of
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79 Positive Individual Traits – I national) to achieve their goals will increasingly depend on their ability to
coordinate their efforts, particularly because these goals often conflict.
For this reason, collective efficacy —including collective efficacy in
organizations and schools and efficacy for social and political change —
provides numerous important questions for future research. In a world in
which communi cation across the globe often is faster than communication
across the street, and in which cooperation and collaboration in commerce
and government are becoming increasingly common and crucial,
understanding collective efficacy will become even more import ant.
The simple yet powerful truth that children learn from The Little Engine
That Could have been amply supported by over two decades of self -
efficacy research —namely, that when equipped with an unshakable belief
in one’s ideas, goals, and capacity for ac hievement, there are few limits to
what one can accomplish. As Bandura (1997) has stated, “People see the
extraordinary feats of others but not the unwavering commitment and
countless hours of perseverant effort that produced them”. They then
overestimate the role of “talent” in these accomplishments while
underestimating the role of self -regulation. The message of research on
self-efficacy is the simple, powerful truth that confidence, effort, and
persistence are more potent than innate ability (Dweck, 200 0). In this
sense, self -efficacy is concerned with human potential and possibilities,
not limitations.
Creativity is highly valued as a human resource. Most modern societies
encourage their citizens to exhibit creative behavior. At the most basic
level, pa tent and copyright laws have been implemented so as to allow
individuals to enjoy the benefits of their creative work. Honors and awards
are also given to the most outstanding exemplars of creativity. Thus, the
Nobel Prizes are awarded to the best creators in the sciences and literature,
and each major literary tradition will have its own set of special prizes
recognizing its best writers (Pulitzer, Cervantes, Goethe, etc.). Likewise,
the Filmfare Awards and some other awards are granted to those who
create the most notable films.
It is usually seen that the worth of creative behavior continues for a long
time after the creator has died.
J. P. Guilford (1950) addressed the topic of creativity in detail. Guilford
also made many direct contributions to the re search literature by devising
instruments for assessing individual differences in creativity (Guilford,
1967). In the latter half of the 20th century, interest in creativity steadily
grew and diversified, such that researchers were covering a fairly wide
range of subtopics (Feist & Runco, 1993).
As far as the assessment of creative behaviour is concerned, it is one area
that still requires a lot of research work. In this regard, three aspects have
been studied: the creative person, the creative product, and the creative
process. Research has found that these measures of creative behaviour
display fairly respectable inter -correlations (Eysenck, 1995; Simonton,
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80 persons who use the creative p rocess in generating their output. The
correlations are not perfect, but they do suggest that each instrument is
gauging the same fundamental reality.
Researchers have also focused their attention on the topics of nature
versus nurture and small -c versus big-C creativity. Is creativity born,
made, or a combination of the two? Galton (1869) introduced this question
in his book Hereditary Genius, and he later coined the terms nature and
nurture. Researchers have suggested that creativity reflects a complex
interaction of genetic and environmental factors (Eysenck, 1995;
Simonton, 1999).
It is said that creative development requires a specific congruence between
genetic inheritance and environmental stimulation. This genetic -
environmental determination helps to explain why creativity may display a
highly skewed cross -sectional distribution in the general population
(Simonton, 1999).
Small -c creativity enhances everyday life and works with superior
problem -solving skills, whereas big -C creativity makes lasting
contributions to culture and history.
If creativity is a highly desirable human characteristic, then it certainly
would be valuable to know how to facilitate it. A considerable amount of
research has focused on how people can become more creative. These
creativity enhancement methods have been aimed at childhood and
adolescence as well as adulthood.
5.15 REVIEW QUESTIONS 1. Define the term self -efficacy and discuss where it comes from.
2. Write a note on the integration of information from five primary
sources and their role in self -efficacy.
3. Why is self -efficacy important? Discuss.
4. Write a note on some basic strategies for enhancing self -efficacy.
5. Write a note on the history of creativity research.
6. Discuss various measurement approaches to asse ss creative
behaviour.
7. Discuss the role of early trauma and psychological disorders in
creative behaviour.
8. What are some practical applications of the research related to
creativity?
5.16 REFERENCES  Handbook of Positive Psychology Edited by C. R. Sny der, Shane J.
Lopez. OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS (2002).

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81 6
POSITIVE INDIVIDUAL TRAITS – II
Unit Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Positive Psychology and the Study of Wisdom
6.3 Wisdom as a Topic of Scientific Discourse About the Good Life
6.4 Psychological Theories of Wisdom: From Implicit to Explic it
Theories
6.4.1 Implicit Theories
6.4.2 Explicit Theories
6.5 The Berlin Wisdom Project
6.5.1 The Berlin Wisdom Paradigm
6.5.2 A Family of Five Criteria for the Evaluation of Wisdom -
Related Material
6.5.3 Selected Findings from the Berlin Wisdom Project
6.6 Linking Wisdom to Psychological Theories of Motivation and
Values
6.6.1 Psychological Theories of Values
6.7 Suggestions for Future Research
6.8 Empathic emotion
6.9 Concepts related to empathic emotions
6.10 Empathy -Altruism Hypothesis
6.11 Sources of Altruistic Motivation
6.12 General Model of Prosocial Motivation
6.13 Theoretical Implications of the Empathy - Altruism Relationship
6.14 Practical Implications of the Empathy - Altruism Relationship
6.15 Summary
6.16 Review Questions
6.17 References
6.0 OBJECTIVES After learning this chapter, learners will understand the following
concepts:
 Definition of wisdom
 Theories of wisdom
 The Berlin Wisdom Project
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82  Concepts of altruism and empathy
 Empathy altruism hypot heses
 Prosocial motivation
 Implications of empathy altruism relationship
6.1 INTRODUCTION Towards a Positive Psychology of Optimal Development
In the history of the humanities, questions of perfection and optimality in
human behavior and human development have always been part of the
intellectual agenda. Many philosophers and theologists participated in the
research related to perfection and optimality (Brandtsta¨dter &
Schneewind, 1977). Since the times of secularization and subsequently the
advent of evol utionary biology, the answers to questions of perfection and
optimality have became more and more relative and uncertain.
Perfection and Optimality: A Dilemma for Psychology
These days, it is not uncommon for behavioral scientists and scholars to
argue the case for absolute perfection and optimality. It is now common to
promote a tolerant conception of human rights and also the recognition of
contextual variations in form and function, as well as culturally based
differences in the criteria of adaptive fitn ess. Behavioral and social
scientists have developed a preference for emphasizing particularities and
the importance of flexibility in making decisions about what is right and
wrong (Shweder, 1991). There are exceptions to this reluctance in the
psychologi cal research community to specify the foundation of optimality.
Altruism refers to a form of motivation for human beings where it benefits
another human being. Some biologists and psychologists speak of
altruistic behavior which means behavior that benefit s another human
being. If one’s ultimate goal in benefiting another is to increase the other’s
welfare, then the motivation is altruistic. If the ultimate goal is to increase
one’s own welfare, then the motivation is egoistic.
Is Altruism Part of Human Na ture?
Humans devote much time and energy to helping others. We send money
to rescue famine victims —or to save animals. We stay up all night to
comfort a friend who has just suffered a broken relationship. We stop on a
busy highway to help a stranded motor ist change a flat tyre. Why do
humans help? Of course, often the answer is easy. We help because we
have no choice, because it is expected, or because it is in our own best
interest. We may do a friend a favour because we do not want to lose the
friendship or because we expect to see the favour reciprocated.
It is very difficult to answer such questions as to why we help. We want to
know whether our helping is always and exclusively motivated by the
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83 Positive Individual Traits – II interesting to know whether anyone ever helped another human being out
of genuine concern without any self -interest.
Proponents of egoism maintain that everything we do, no matter how
noble and beneficial to others, is really directed towards the ultimate goal
of self -benefit. Proponents of altruism maintain that under some
circumstances, humans are capable of a qualitatively different form of
motivation: motivation with the ultimate goal of benefiting someone else
and not thinking about self -benef it.
Whether altruism exists is not a new question. This question has been
central in Western thought for centuries, from Aristotle (384 –322 b.c.) and
David Hume (1711 –1776) to Jeremy Bentham (1748 –1832), and Sigmund
Freud (1856 –1939). The majority view amo ng Renaissance and post -
Renaissance philosophers, and more recently among biologists and
psychologists, is that we are, at heart, purely egoistic —we care for others
only to the extent that their welfare affects ours.
The many forms of self -benefit that can be derived from helping to make
the case for universal egoism seem very persuasive. Some forms of self -
benefit are obvious, such as when we get material rewards and public
praise or when we escape public censure. But even when we help in the
absence of ex ternal rewards, we may still benefit. Seeing someone in
distress may cause us to feel distressed, and we may act to relieve that
person’s distress as an instrumental means to relieve our own.
Alternatively, we may gain self -benefit by feeling good about ou rselves
for being kind and caring, or by escaping the guilt and shame we might
feel if we did not help.
Even heroes and martyrs can benefit from their acts of selflessness.
Consider the soldier who saves his comrades by diving on a grenade or the
man who d ies after relinquishing his place in a rescue craft. These
individuals may have acted to escape anticipated guilt and shame for
letting others die. They may have acted to gain the admiration and praise
of those left behind —or benefits in an afterlife. Perh aps they simply
misjudged the situation, not thinking that their actions would cost them
their lives.
To suggest that heroes’ noble acts could be motivated by self -benefit may
not seem correct, but the possibility must be faced if we are to responsibly
address the question of whether altruism exists.
6.2 POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY AND THE STUDY OF WISDOM Interest in the concept of wisdom emerged because of a one -sided focus
on the negative in gerontological research in the 1960s and 1970s (Baltes
& Staudinger, 200 0). The dominant focus of aging research during that
period was on counting “the wrinkles and failures” of humans as they
grow older. There were very few instances in which ageing and its
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84 Erik Erikson’s (1968) theoretical work that focused on generativity and
wisdom as central tasks of adult life (M. Baltes & Baltes, 1977;
Ryff,1995).
A major reason for the psychological theory of wisdom was the explicit
commitment to understand what might be positive in adult development
and ageing.
In research on subjective beliefs about ageing, wisdom turned out to be
one of the very few characteristics for which people expect a positive
trajectory in late adulthood (Heckhausen, Dixon, & Baltes, 1989).
The early research into the positivity of old age involved cognitive
training studies to understand the role of practice deficits and the latent
learning potential of the older population in the sense of plasticity (Baltes
& Lindenberger, 1988). In this re search, it was demonstrated that, at least
up to age 80 or so, many older adults possess more cognitive reserves
(plasticity or learning potential) than we usually expect, although some
losses in plasticity were also observed with advancing age.
6.3 WISDO M AS A TOPIC OF SCIENTIFIC DISCOURSE ABOUT THE GOOD LIFE Wisdom has been discussed and studied in philosophy and religion for
thousands of years (Assmann, 1994; Kekes, 1995; Rice, 1958). More
recently, scholars from other disciplines such as cultural anthr opology,
political science, education, and psychology have also shown interest in
wisdom. One can say that wisdom is becoming a centre of trans -
disciplinary discourse (Agazzi, 1991).
In defining and studying wisdom, it is important to know about the nature
of its structure and function of wisdom. It is important to mention here that
there is a scientific limit to the study of wisdom. Researchers do not
maintain that a psychological theory will ever capture wisdom in its full -
blown cultural complexity. It ca n be said that, at a high level of analysis,
the concept of wisdom appears to be culturally universal. To illustrate,
Table 6.1 summarizes the characteristics of historical studies of wisdom
found in Asian, African, and Western traditions (Baltes, 1993; Ba ltes &
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85 Positive Individual Traits – II Wisdom addresses important and difficult questions and strategies
about the conduct and meaning of life.
Wisdom includes knowledge about the limits of knowledge and the
uncertainties of the world.
Wisdom repr esents a truly superior level of knowledge, judgement,
and advice.
Wisdom constitutes knowledge with extraordinary scope, depth,
measure, and balance.
Wisdom involves a perfect synergy of mind and character, that is,
an orchestration of knowledge and virtu es.
Wisdom represents knowledge used for the good or well -being of
oneself and that of others.
Wisdom, though difficult to achieve and to specify, is easily
recognized when manifested. Table 6.1 General Criteria Derived from an Analysis of Cultural -
Histor ical and Philosophical Accounts of Wisdom.
Source: Handbook of Positive Psychology Edited by C. R. Snyder, Shane
J. Lopez. (2002)
6.4 PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES OF WISDOM: FROM IMPLICIT TO EXPLICIT THEORIES Because of its enormous cultural and historical herit age, a psychological
definition and operationalization of wisdom are extremely difficult. This is
why many wisdom researchers have restricted their research efforts to
laypersons’ implicit theories of wisdom (Clayton & Birren, 1980).
Empirical research bas ed on explicit theories of wisdom -related behaviour
is relatively rare.
6.4.1 Implicit Theories :
Implicit theories are the beliefs or mental representations that people have
about wisdom and the characteristics of wise people. In studies on implicit
belief s about wisdom and wise persons, there is a high degree of overlap
in the core aspects of wisdom.
There are cognitive, social, motivational, and emotional components in
implicit beliefs (Birren & Fisher, 1990; Kramer, 2000). The cognitive
components includ e strong intellectual abilities, rich knowledge and
experience in matters of the human condition, and the ability to apply
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86 include good social skills, such as sensitivity and concern for ot hers, and
the ability to give good advice. The motivational component refers to the
good intentions that are usually associated with wisdom. That is, wisdom
aims at solutions that optimize the benefit of others and oneself.
Sternberg (1998) believed in the implicit theory of wisdom. Sternberg
emphasized the role of “balance.” Specifically, wisdom is conceptualized
as the application of tacit knowledge towards the achievement of a
common good achieved through a balance among multiple interests,
including one ’s own and those of others.
6.4.2 Explicit Theories :
The second cluster of wisdom theories represents explicit psychological
theories (Baltes & Smith, 1990). They are meant to focus on cognitive and
behavioural expressions of wisdom and the processes invol ved in the
joining of cognition with behavior.
Table 6.2 Implicit Beliefs about Wise People: Four Dimensions Factor 1 Exceptional knowledge about wisdom acquisition  comprehends the nature of human existence  tries to learn from his or her own mistakes Factor 2 Exceptional knowledge about use of wisdom  knows when to give/withhold advice  is a person whose advice one would solicit for life problems Factor 3 Exceptional knowledge about context of life  knows that life priorities may change during the life course  knows about possible conflicts among different life domains Factor 4 Exceptional personality and social functioning  is a good listener  is a very humane person
Source: Handbook of Positive Psychology Edited by C. R. Snyder, Shane
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87 Positive Individual Traits – II Explicit theories develop models of wisdom by means of the quantitative
operationalization of wisdom -related thought and behavior —as well as the
derivation of hypotheses that can be tested empirically (e.g., about
predictors of behavioral expressions o f wisdom).
The theoretical and empirical work on explicit psychological conceptions
of wisdom can be roughly divided into three groups:
a) the conceptualization of wisdom as a personal characteristic or a
personality disposition (Erikson, 1959; McAdams & d e St. Aubin,
1998);
b) the conceptualization of wisdom in the neo -Piagetian tradition of
post-formal and dialectical thinking (Alexander & Langer, 1990); and
c) the conceptualization of wisdom as an expert system dealing with the
meaning and conduct of li fe, as advocated in the Berlin Wisdom
Paradigm (Baltes & Smith, 1990).
6.5 THE BERLIN WISDOM PROJECT: WISDOM AS EXPERTISE IN THE FUNDAMENTAL PRAGMATICS
OF LIFE The Content Domain of Wisdom :
The Berlin Wisdom Project conceptualizes wisdom as expertise in t he
meaning and conduct of life. The contents to which this expertise of
wisdom refers are the “fundamental pragmatics of life,” that is, knowledge
about the essence of the human condition and the ways and means of
planning, managing, and understanding a go od life (Baltes & Smith, 1990;
Baltes & Staudinger, 1993, 2000). Examples of the fundamental
pragmatics of life include knowledge and skills about the conditions,
variability, ontogenetic changes, and historicity of human development;
insight into obligati ons and goals in life; knowledge and skills about the
social and situational influences on human life; as well as knowledge and
skills about the finitude of life and the inherent limits of human
knowledge.
Researchers agree that wisdom has a clear conceptu al core and that its
manifestations can be evaluated. As our empirical studies show, most
people, after some training, are able to reach high levels of consensus in
their evaluation of wisdom -related products.
Antecedents of Wisdom :
There are three broad d omains of antecedents or determining factors —
each comprising internal and external factors and processes that are
influential in the development of wisdom at the level of individuals.
The three domains of ontogenetic conditions and processes that influence
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88 expertise -relevant factors, and person -related factors (Baltes & Staudinger,
2000).
Facilitative experiential contexts for the development of wisdom include
chronological age, education, p arenthood, professions that require
individuals to strengthen their skills in social -emotional intelligence,
familiarity with books such as autobiographical novels, or the historical
period, which varies along dimensions of salience and facilitation in
matters of the human condition.
A second domain that is central to the development of wisdom refers to
expertise -relevant factors such as experience in life matters, organized
tutelage, the availability of mentorship in dealing with life problems, and
motiva tional factors such as a general interest in aspects of human life or a
motivation to strive for excellence.
Finally, the third factor is person -related factors, which include basic
cognitive processes, aspects of intelligence, creativity, flexible cognit ive
styles, and personality dispositions such as openness to experience or ego
strength.
These three domains of ontogenetic influences are interrelated, and
different combinations of the domains may lead to similar outcomes.
Thus, there is no single “optim al” pathway but rather several different
ways to acquire wisdom. Nevertheless, it is assumed that there is
productive collaboration among the relevant factors.
6.5.1 The Berlin Wisdom Paradigm :
The paradigm for assessing wisdom comprises the following th ree core
features:
a) Study participants are confronted with the difficult life problems of
fictitious people under standardized conditions. Specifically, they are
asked to read short vignettes about problems of life management,
planning, and review.
b) Participants are then instructed to think aloud about those life
problems, and their responses are tape -recorded and transcribed.
c) A selected panel of trained judges then rates the protocols according
to five criteria that were developed based on the gener al theoretical
framework outlined.
As an illustration, two responses that would be scored as either high or
low on wisdom are presented in Table 6.3.



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89 Positive Individual Traits – II Table 6.3 Examples of High -Level and Low -Level Responses

Source: Handbook of Positive Psychology Edited by C. R. Snyder, Shane
J. Lopez. (2002)
6.5.2 A Family of Five Criteria for the Evaluation of Wisdom -Related
Material :
Snyder and Lop ez have developed five qualitative criteria that can be used
for evaluating wisdom in any kind of material.
The first two criteria derive from the view of wisdom as an expert system.
They are factual (declarative) knowledge and procedural knowledge.
Factu al knowledge related to wisdom includes topics like human nature,
lifelong development, interpersonal relations, social norms, and individual
differences in development and outcomes. Procedural knowledge
comprises strategies and heuristics for dealing with life problems, for
example, heuristics for the structuring and weighing of life goals, ways to
handle conflicts, or alternative backup strategies. These two knowledge
criteria are basic criteria —they are necessary but not sufficient for
achieving wisdom.
The three other criteria are referred to as “meta -criteria”. These are as
follows:
Life - span contextualism refers to knowledge about the many different
themes and contexts of human life (education, family, work, friends, etc.), A 15 -year-old girl wants to get married right awa y. What should
one/she consider and do?
Low Wisdom -Related Score
A 15 -year-old girl wants to get married? No, no way, marrying at
age 15 would be utterly wrong. One has to tell the girl that
marriage is not possible. It would be irresponsible to support su ch
an idea. No, this is just a crazy idea.
High Wisdom -Related Score
Well, on the surface, this seems like an easy problem. On average,
marriage for a 15 -year-old girl is not a good thing. But there are
situations where the average case does not fit. Perha ps in this
instance, special life circumstances are involved, such that the girl
has a terminal illness. Or the girl has just lost her parents. And
also, this girl may be living in another culture or historical period.
Perhaps she was raised with a value s ystem different from ours. In
addition, one has to think about adequate ways of talking with the
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90 their interrelations, and cultural variations. This criterion includes a life -
span perspective, for example, regarding changes in the relevance of
different domains and in motivational priorities during ontogeny from
birth into old age.
Value relativism and tolerance refer to the acknowledgment of individual
and cultural differences in values.
Recognition and management of uncertainty refer to knowledge about the
limitations of human information processing and about the low
predictability of occurrences and consequences in human life. Wisdom -
related knowledge involves knowledge not only about such uncertainties
but also about ways to deal with them.
6.5.3 Selected Findings from the Berlin Wisdom Project :
Now we will discuss results regarding the relationship between age and
wisdom -related performance, the influence of professional experience on
wisdom -related performance, the performance of persons nominated as
wise, the main variables that predict wisdom -related performance, and the
activation of wisdom -related knowledge in the co ntext of intervention or
optimization research.
Age and Wisdom -Related Performance :
A lot of research has been done in the area of positive aspects of human
ageing. The following figure (6.1) summarizes the findings of several
studies based on heterogeneou s samples in terms of educational and
socioeconomic backgrounds and represents the life span from adolescence
to old age. The data are cross -sectional.
Findings suggest that wisdom -related performance, as measured by the
Berlin Wisdom Paradigm, increases s harply during adolescence and young
adulthood (i.e., between 15 and 25 years) but, on average, remains
relatively stable during middle adulthood and young old age (i.e., between
25 and 75 years). Peak performances are more likely in the 50s and 60s
(Baltes , Staudinger, Maercker, & Smith, 1995). Data also suggest that
wisdom -related performance may decline in very old age, at the average
age of 75.
Figure 6.1 A cross -sectional study of wisdom -related performance.
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91 Positive Individual Traits – II Note: The left panel shows data from Pasup athi, Staudinger, and Baltes
(2000). The right panel summarizes results from several studies with adult
samples (Baltes & Staudinger, 2000; Staudinger, 1999).
Source: Handbook of Positive Psychology Edited by C. R. Snyder, Shane
J. Lopez. (2002)
The Role o f Professional Experience :
Researchers investigated the members of a profession whose training and
professional practice both involved continued and varied experience with
difficult life problems, namely, clinical psychologists (Smith, Staudinger,
& Baltes , 1994). These clinical psychologists were compared with
professionals from fields in which training and everyday job tasks were
not specifically dedicated to dealing with difficult problems concerning
life meaning and conduct. Clinical psychologists showe d higher levels of
wisdom -related performance than members of other professions. It is
important to consider that the relatively higher level of wisdom -related
performance displayed by clinical psychologists may not only be due to
training and profession -related experiences. Rather, members of a
profession may represent a selective group of people in terms of
personality, motivation, and intellectual abilities.
Predictors of Wisdom -Related Performance :
Wisdom requires and reflects the combination of severa l domains of
human functioning. On the level of person -related factors, this includes
integration of intellectual abilities, personality dispositions, and
characteristics representing the interface between intelligence and
personality.
Staudinger, Lopez, a nd Baltes (1997) investigated the joint effects of these
three broad domains of person -related factors on wisdom -related
performance and found that cognitive styles (Sternberg, 1996) and
creativity showed the strongest correlations to wisdom -related
perfor mance. Judicial style (preference for evaluating and comparing) and
progressive style (willingness to move beyond existing rules and tolerance
for ambiguity) turned out to be the cognitive styles most predictive of
wisdom. This finding indicates that our w isdom -related measures share a
relatively high amount of unique variance: wisdom is different from a
combination of adaptive abilities and characteristics related to standard
measures of personality, intelligence, and their interface.
6.6 Linking Wisdom to Psychological Theories of Motivation and
Values :
In this section, we will briefly describe several theoretical schemes of
values, desirable motivational dispositions, and self -directed strengths as
developed in psychological research. Subsequently, we wil l specify their
potential linkages to the wisdom construct.
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92 6.6.1 Psychological Theories of Values :
Numerous value researchers have relied on the value theory developed by
Milton Rokeach (1973). This theory is based on the following definition of
value: “A value is an enduring belief that a specific mode of conduct or
end-state of existence is personally or socially preferable to an opposite or
converse mode of conduct or end -state of existence” (Rokeach, 1973).
Rokeach distinguished two types of values. V alues about modes of
conduct, which he also called instrumental values, refer to beliefs about
which means (e.g., being honest, courageous, or modest) lead to certain
desirable outcomes. In contrast, values about end states of existence, also
called termin al values, refer to desirable life outcomes themselves (e.g.,
salvation, a world at peace).
Although Rokeach has concentrated his attention on the distinction
between instrumental and terminal values, he considered that instrumental
and terminal values can be broken down further according to whether they
refer to individual well -being or to other people’s well -being.
Instrumental values with a self -focus were called competence values (e.g.,
being ambitious, intellectual, independent); those with a focus on other
people’s well -being were called moral values (e.g., being helpful,
forgiving, polite).
Similarly, terminal values with a self -focus were called “personal values”
(e.g., self -respect, a comfortable life, freedom), and those with an other -
focus were la belled “social values” (e.g., equality, national security, a
world at peace).
Rokeach’s ideas about the origins and development of values suggest —as
the wisdom concept would imply —that the distinction between self -and
other -centred values may be of fundame ntal importance.
Rokeach and Schwartz consider individual needs and social demands as
driving forces in the development of personal values. Research suggests
that the coordinated and balanced pursuit of self -serving and other -serving
values is a central c ontributor to positive development and a good life
(Sternberg, 1998). Thus, in contrast to past approaches to defining
personal values, a wisdom -informed classification would consider the
differentiation between self -serving and other -serving values to be most
fundamental.
From the perspective of the concept of wisdom, value theories are limited
in that they have little to say about the interplay of self -serving versus
other serving values. How self - and other -serving values may be
orchestrated in the servi ce of optimal functioning and a good life is
important to understand from the perspective of wisdom research. In other
words, the concept of wisdom provides a meta -perspective on the
organization of personal values.
Views from Wisdom on Personal Values an d Positive Life Span
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93 Positive Individual Traits – II In this section, we shall discuss two of the seven core features of wisdom
(Table 6.1) in more detail: (a) orientation towards the common good
involving the well -being of oneself and others, and (b) a balanced, holistic,
and integrated view of the world of human affairs.
Wisdom is inherently an intrapersonal and interpersonal concept. On the
one hand, wisdom entails knowledge about how we can lead a personally
meaningful and satisfying life. Consistent with this idea, Garre tt (1996)
proposes the following definition of wisdom: “Wisdom is that
understanding which is essential to living the best life”.
The more wisdom a person has, the more likely it is that he will succeed in
living a good life”.
On the other hand, a concer n with interpersonal issues is equally part of
the core of wisdom. Wisdom is not knowledge used for individual well -
being alone; it is also used for the well -being of others (Kekes, 1995).
It can be said that wisdom considers the ancient idea of a good lif e, in
which conceptions of individual and collective well -being are tied
together, and it involves the insight that one cannot exist without the other
(Maslow, 1970).
6.7 SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH There has not been much research on the connections between wisdom
and personal values. Does wisdom -related knowledge make a difference in
a person’s system of self -and other -serving values? How many and which
self- and other -serving values do wise persons have? It also remains to be
seen whether people wit h different degrees of wisdom -related knowledge
differ in specific types of self -and other -serving values. Wisdom may
make a difference in terms of what researchers of morality and human
motivation may call more highly developed self - and other -regarding
values (e.g., other -serving values that reflect more abstract moral
principles or self -serving values that refer to an individual’s self -
actualization).
It will be interesting to empirically investigate how many and what types
of personal values people who approach wisdom -like qualities may hold.
Equally important is the question of whether wiser people are particularly
efficient in applying and pursuing their self - and other -serving values.
6.8 EMPATHY AND ALTRUISM Empathic Emotion: A Possible Source of Al truistic Motivation
The most frequently mentioned possible source of altruistic motivation is
usually an other -oriented emotional reaction to seeing another person in
need. This reaction has been called “empathy”, “sympathy”, “sympathetic
distress”, “tende rness”, “pity” or “compassion”. For the purpose of our
discussion in this chapter, we shall call this other -oriented emotion
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94 Empathy can be defined as “an other -oriented emotional response elicited
by and congruent with the perceived welfare of s omeone else”. If the other
is perceived to be in need, then empathic emotions include sympathy,
compassion, softheartedness, tenderness, and the like. It is important to
distinguish this other -oriented emotional response from a number of
related psychologi cal phenomena.
6.9 EMPATHIC EMOTION RELATED CONCEPTS 1) Knowing a nother person’s internal state:
including thoughts and feelings. Some clinicians and researchers have
called knowing another person’s internal state “empathy” (Brothers, 1989;
de Waal, 1996). Others have called this knowledge “being empathic”,
“accurate empathy” or “empathic accuracy”. Empathic emotion requires
that one think one knows the other’s state because empathic emotion is
based on a perception of the other’s welfare.
2) Assuming the posture of an observed other :
Assuming the physical posture or attitude of an observed other is a
definition of empathy in many dictionaries. Among psychologists,
however, assuming another’s posture is more likely to be called “motor
mimicry” (Bavelas, Bla ck, Lemeray, & Mullett, 1987); “physiological
sympathy” (Ribot, 1911); or “imitation” (Becker, 1931). Feeling empathic
emotion may be facilitated by assuming another’s posture, but assuming
the other’s posture is neither necessary nor sufficient to produce empathy
as we are using the term.
3) Coming to feel as another person feels:
Feeling the same emotion that another person feels is also a common
dictionary definition of empathy, and it is a definition used by some
psychologists (Berger, 1962; Eisenberg & Strayer, 1987). Freud defined
empathy as “emotional identification” (Freud, 1922).
Although feeling as the other feels may be an important stepping stone to
the other -oriented feeling that has been claimed to be a source of altruism,
it is neither a nece ssary nor a sufficient precondition (Batson, Early, &
Salvarani, 1997).
4) Intuiting or projecting on eself into another’s situation:
Projecting oneself into another’s situation is the psychological state
referred to by Lipps (1903) as Einfu - lung and for which Titchener (1909)
originally coined the term “empathy.” This state has also been called
“projective empathy” (Becker, 1931).
5) Im agining how another is feeling:
Wispe (1968) called imagining how another is feeling “psychological”
empathy. Stotland ( 1969) spoke of this as a particular form of perspective -
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95 Positive Individual Traits – II perspective. Experimental instructions to adopt this imagine -other
perspective often have been used to induce empathic emotion in
participants in laboratory research (Batson, 1991; Davis, 1994).
6) Imagining how one would thin k and feel in the other’s place:
Mead (1934) called this act of imagination “role -taking” and sometimes
“empathy”. In the Piagetian tradition, imagining how one wou ld think in
the other’s place has been called either “perspective -taking” or
“decentering” (Piaget, 1932/1965). When attending to another person in
distress, an imagine -other perspective stimulates the other -oriented
emotional response that we are calling empathy, whereas an imagine -self
perspective may stimulate empathy but is also likely to elicit more self -
oriented feelings of personal distress (Batson, Early, & Salvarani, 1997).
7) Being upse t by another person’s suffering:
The state of personal distre ss evoked by seeing another in distress has
been given a variety of names. It has been called “sympathetic pain”
(McDougall, 1908); “promotive tension” (Hornstein, 1982); “unpleasant
arousal occasioned by observation” (Piliavin, Dovidio, Gaertner, & Clark,
1981); and “empathy” (Krebs, 1975). Here, one does not feel distressed
for the other or distressed as the other but feels distressed by the state of
the other.
These seven empathy concepts have been listed for three reasons. First, it
is important to poin t out the range of psychological states to which the
term empathy has been applied. Second, to distinguish each of the seven
other empathy concepts from the other -oriented emotional response that
has been claimed to be a source of altruistic motivation. Th ird, to suggest
how each of the other seven concepts relates to this empathic emotional
response.
Although distinctions among the seven concepts in the empathy cluster are
sometimes subtle, there seems little doubt that each of these states exists.
6.10 TESTING THE EMPATHY -ALTRUISM HYPOTHESIS The claim that feeling empathic emotion for someone in need evokes
altruistic motivation to relieve that need has been called the empathy -
altruism hypothesis (Batson, 1987, 1991). According to this hypothesis,
the gr eater the empathic emotion, the greater the altruistic motivation.
Evidence supports the idea that feeling empathy for a person in need leads
to increased helping of that person (Coke, Batson, & McDavis, 1978;
Batson, 1991). Observing an empathy -helping re lationship, however, does
not tell us about the nature of the motivation that underlies this
relationship. Increasing the other person’s welfare could be an ultimate
goal, an instrumental goal sought as a means to the ultimate goal of
gaining one or more s elf-benefits, or both. That is, the motivation could be
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96 Three general classes of self -benefits can result from helping a person for
whom one feels empathy. Helping enables one to (a) reduce one’s
empathic arousal, which may b e experienced as aversive; (b) avoid
possible social and self -punishments for failing to help; and (c) gain social
and self -rewards for doing what is good and right.
The empathy -altruism hypothesis does not deny that these self -benefits of
empathy -induced helping exist. This hypothesis claims that, with regard to
the motivation evoked by empathy, these self -benefits are unintended
consequences of reaching the ultimate goal of reducing the other’s needs.
Advocates of egoistic alternatives to the empathy -altruism hypothesis
disagree; they claim that one or more of these self -benefits is the ultimate
goal of empathy -induced helping. In the past two decades, more than 25
experiments have tested these three egoistic alternatives to the empathy -
altruism hypothesi s.
6.10.1 Aversive -Arousal Reduction :
The most frequently proposed egoistic explanation of the empathy -helping
relationship is aversive -arousal reduction. According to this explanation,
feeling empathy for someone who is suffering is unpleasant, and
empath ically aroused individuals help in order to eliminate their empathic
feelings. Benefiting the person for whom empathy is felt is simply a
means to this self -serving end.
Researchers have tested the aversive -arousal reduction explanation against
the empathy -altruism hypothesis by varying the ease of escaping further
exposure to a person in need without helping. Because empathic arousal is
a result of witnessing the person’s suffering, either terminating this
suffering by helping or terminating exposure to it by escaping should
reduce one’s own aversive arousal. Escape does not, however, enable one
to reach the altruistic goal of relieving the other’s distress. Therefore, the
aversive -arousal explanation predicts the elimination of the empathy -
helping relation ship when escape is easy; the empathy -altruism hypothesis
does not. Results of experiments testing these competing predictions have
supported the empathy -altruism hypothesis, not the aversive -arousal
reduction explanation. These results doubt this popular egoistic
explanation (Batson, 1991).
6.10.2 Empathy -Specific Punishment :
A second egoistic explanation maintains that people learn through
socialization that there is an obligation to help, and if you don’t do so then
there is shame and guilt for failure t o help. Hence, there is this feeling of
empathy for someone in need. As a result, when people feel empathy, they
say to themselves, “What will others think —or what will I think of
myself —if I don’t help when I feel like this?” And then they help out of
an egoistic desire to avoid these empathy -specific punishments.
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97 Positive Individual Traits – II 6.10.3 Empathy -Specific Reward :
The third major egoistic explanation maintains that people learn through
socialization that special rewards in the form of praise, honour, and pride
are there for helping a person for whom they feel empathy. As a result,
when people feel empathy, they think of these rewards and help out of an
egoistic desire to gain them. The general form of this explanation has been
tested in several experiments but has not receiv ed much support (Batson et
al., 1988).
One variation on an empathy -specific reward explanation was proposed by
Smith, Keating, and Stotland (1989). They proposed that rather than
helping to gain the rewards of seeing oneself or being seen by others as a
helpful person, empathically aroused individuals help in order to feel joy
at the needy individual’s relief: “It is proposed that the prospect of
empathic joy, conveyed by feedback from the help recipient, is essential to
the special tendency of empathic wit nesses to help. The empathically
concerned witness helps in order to be happy” (Smith et al., 1989).
Experimental evidence has failed to support this empathic -joy hypothesis.
Instead, experimental results have consistently supported the empathy -
altruism hy pothesis (Batson et al., 1991; Smith et al., 1989).
Conclusion from Empathy -Altruism Research :
Reviewing the empathy -altruism research, as well as recent literature in
sociology, economics, political science, and biology, Piliavin and Charng
(1990) observ ed that egoistic motives are not important, rather, theory and
data now prove that true altruism —acting with the goal of benefiting
another —does exist and is a part of human nature. It can be said that the
empathy -altruism hypothesis should be accepted as true.
6.11 OTHER POSSIBLE SOURCES OF ALTRUISTIC MOTIVATION Several studies have proposed other sources of altruistic motivation,
including an “altruistic personality” (Oliner & Oliner, 1988), principled
moral reasoning (Kohlberg, 1976), and internalized pr osocial values
(Staub, 1974).
There is some evidence that each of these potential sources is associated
with increased motivation to help, but as yet it is not clear that this
motivation is altruistic. It may be, or it may be an instrumental means to
the egoistic ultimate goals of maintaining one’s positive self -concept or
avoiding guilt (Batson, 1991).
Two Other Possible Prosocial Motives
Two other sources that have been studied are collectivism and
principalism.
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98 6.11.1 Collectivism :
Collectivism is moti vation to benefit a particular group as a whole. The
ultimate goal is not to increase one’s own welfare or the welfare of the
specific others who are benefited; the ultimate goal is to increase the
welfare of the group.
As with altruism, what looks like c ollectivism may actually be a form of
egoism. Maybe attention to group welfare is simply an expression of
enlightened self -interest. After all, if one recognizes that ignoring group
needs and the public good in the headlong pursuit of self -benefit will lea d
to less self -benefit in the long run, one may decide to benefit the group as
a means to maximize overall self -benefit.
Appeals to enlightened self -interest are commonly used by politicians and
social activists to encourage responses to societal needs: th ey warn of the
long-term consequences for oneself and one’s children of pollution and
squandering natural resources; they remind that if the plight of the poor
becomes too severe, the well -off may face revolution. Such appeals seem
to assume that collectiv ism is simply a form of egoism.
The most direct evidence that collectivism is independent of egoism
comes from research by Dawes, van de Kragt, and Orbell (1990). They
examined the responses of individuals who had been given a choice
between allocating mon ey to themselves or to a group. Allocation to
oneself maximized individual but not group profit; allocation to the group
maximized collective but not individual profit. Dawes et al. found that if
individuals faced with this dilemma made their allocation af ter discussing
it with other members of the group, they gave more to the group than if
they had no prior discussion. Moreover, this effect was specific to the in -
group with whom the discussion occurred; allocation to an out -group was
not enhanced.
Based o n this research, Dawes et al. (1990) maintained that collectivist
motivation was independent of egoism. There is reason to doubt, however,
that their procedure effectively ruled out self -rewards and self -punishment
associated with conscience. We may have a norm that says “share with
your buddies” rather than one that simply says “share.” So, although this
research is important and suggestive, more and better evidence is needed
to justify the conclusion that collectivist motivation is not reducible to
egoism .
6.11.2 Principalism :
Most moral philosophers argue for the importance of a prosocial motive
other than egoism. Philosophers reject the idea of empathy -induced
altruism because feelings of empathy, sympathy, and compassion are
judged to be too fickle and too circumscribed. Empathy is not felt by
everyone in need, at least not to the same degree. They also do not like the
idea of collectivism because group interests are bound by the limits of the
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99 Positive Individual Traits – II This moral motivation has been called principlism (Ba tson, 1994). Kant
(1785/1898) maintained that the concern we show for others that appears
to be prompted by duty to principle may actually be prompted by self -
love. The goal of upholding a moral principle may only be an instrumental
means to reach the ulti mate goal of self -benefit. If this is true, then
principle -based motivation is actually egoistic.
The self -benefits of upholding a moral principle are very clear. One can
gain the social and self -rewards of being seen and seeing oneself as a good
person. O ne can also avoid the social and self -punishment of shame and
guilt for failing to do the right thing.
The issue here is the same one faced with altruism and collectivism. Once
again, we need to know the nature of a prosocial motive. Is the desire to
upho ld justice (or some other moral principle) an instrumental goal on the
way to the ultimate goal of self -benefit? If so, then this desire is a subtle
and sophisticated form of egoism.
Results of recent research suggest that people often act so as to appear
moral while, if possible, avoiding the cost of actually being moral; this
sham morality has been called moral hypocrisy (Batson et al., 1997).
Results of this research also suggest that, if moral motivation exists, it is
easily overpowered by self -interest .
6.12 TOWARDS A GENERAL MODEL OF PROSOCIAL MOTIVATION Staub (1989) and Schwartz (1992) have for many years emphasized the
importance of values as determinants of prosocial behavior. Batson (1994)
has proposed a general model that links prosocial values an d motives: The
value underlying egoism is enhanced personal welfare; the value
underlying altruism is enhanced welfare for one or more individuals as
individuals; the value underlying collectivism is enhanced group welfare;
and the value underlying princip lism is upholding a moral principle.
Some experiments have provided evidence for the predicted link between
empathic emotion — a source of altruistic motivation —and valuing
another individual’s welfare (Batson, Turk, Shaw, & Klein, 1995).
Prosocial values a re usually assumed to be mutually supportive and
cooperative; concern for the welfare of others and concern for the welfare
of society are assumed to be moral (Hoffman, 1989; Staub, 1989).
To entertain the possibility of multiple prosocial motives (egoism ,
altruism, collectivism, and principlism) based on multiple prosocial values
(self, other, group, principle) begs for a better understanding.
Based on research to date, it appears that empathic feelings are not a
product of self -other merging (Batson, Sa ger, et al., 1997), but the effect
on one’s self -concept of caring for people, groups, and principles is not, as
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100 6.13 THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE EMPATHY - ALTRUISM RELATIONSHIP It is clear that empathy - altruism relationship has b road theoretical
implications. Universal egoism —the assumption that all human behavior
is ultimately directed towards self -benefit —has long dominated not only
psychology but also other social and behavioral sciences (Campbell,
1975). If individuals feeling empathy act with the ultimate goal of
increasing the welfare of another, then the assumption of universal egoism
must be replaced by a more complex view of motivation that allows for
both altruism and egoism.
Research has proved that we have the potentia l to care about others’
welfare. The empathy -altruism relationship forces us to face the question
of why empathic feelings exist. What evolutionary function do they serve?
The most plausible answer relates empathic feelings to parenting among
higher mammal s, in which offspring live for some time in a very
vulnerable state (de Waal, 1996). If parents were not interested in the
welfare of their offspring, these species would quickly die out. Empathic
feelings for offspring —and the resulting altruistic motivat ion— may
promote one’s reproductive potential not by increasing the number of
offspring but by increasing the chance of their survival.
Empathic feelings extend well beyond one’s own children. From an
evolutionary perspective, this extension is usually att ributed to cognitive
generalization whereby one “adopts” others, making it possible to evoke
the primitive and fundamental impulse to care for progeny when these
adopted others are in need (Batson, 1987). Such cognitive generalization
may be facilitated by human cognitive capacity, including symbolic
thought, and the lack of evolutionary advantage for sharp discrimination
of empathic feelings in early human small hunter -gatherer bands.
6.14 PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE EMPATHY - ALTRUISM RELATIONSHIP The e mpathy -altruism relationship also has broad practical implications.
Given the power of empathic feelings to evoke altruistic motivation,
people may sometimes suppress or avoid these feelings. Loss of the
capacity to feel empathy for clients may be a factor , possibly a central one,
in the experience of burnout among caseworkers in the helping professions
(Maslach, 1982). Aware of the extreme effort involved in helping or the
impossibility of helping effectively, these case workers —or nurses caring
for termin al patients, or even pedestrians confronted by the homeless —
may try to avoid feeling empathy in order to avoid the resulting altruistic
motivation (Shaw, Batson, & Todd, 1994).
More positively, the empathy -altruism relationship suggests the use of
empathy -based socialization practices to enhance prosocial behavior,
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101 Positive Individual Traits – II involving inhibition of egoistic impulses through shaping, modelling, and
internalized guilt (Batson, 1991).
At a societal level, experiments have indicated that empathy -induced
altruism can be used to improve attitudes toward stigmatized outgroups.
Empathy inductions have been used to improve racial attitudes, as well as
attitudes towards people with AIDS, the homeless, and even convicted
murderers (Batson, Polycarpou, et al., 1997).
Empathy -induced altruism has also been found to increase cooperation in
a competitive situation (Prisoner’s Dilemma) —even when one knows that
the person for whom one feels empathy has acted compe titively (Batson &
Ahmad, 2001; Batson & Moran, 1999).
6.15 SUMMARY Human beings have always strived for perfection, optimal human
behavior, and human development. Many philosophers and theologists
participated in the research related to perfection and opt imality
(Brandtsta¨dter & Schneewind, 1977). Although, these days it is
uncommon for behavioural researchers and scholars to argue the case for
absolute perfection and optimality. It is considered better to promote a
tolerant conception of human rights and also the recognition of contextual
variations in form and function. Behavioral and social researchers have
developed a preference for emphasizing particularities and the importance
of flexibility in making decisions about what is right and wrong (Shweder,
1991). There are exceptions to this reluctance in the psychological
research community to specify the foundation of optimality.
In research on subjective beliefs about ageing, wisdom turned out to be
one of the very few characteristics for which people ex pect a positive
trajectory in late adulthood.
The first exploration into the positivity of old age involved cognitive
training studies to understand the role of practice deficits and the latent
learning potential of the older population in the sense of pla sticity. In this
research, it was demonstrated that, at least up to age 80 or so, many older
adults possess more cognitive reserves (plasticity or learning potential)
than one typically expects. Greatly influenced by the work of Vivian
Clayton (Clayton & B irren, 1980), the concept of wisdom became the
rallying point for the subsequent search for the hidden treasure of old age.
Psychologists have proposed implicit and explicit theories to explain
wisdom. Implicit theories are the beliefs or mental representa tions that
people have about wisdom and the characteristics of wise people. The
second cluster of wisdom theories represents explicit psychological
theories. They are meant to focus on cognitive and behavioural
expressions of wisdom and the processes invol ved in the joining of
cognition with behaviour.
Berlin Wisdom Project conceptualizes wisdom as expertise in the meaning
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102 that we expect most people not to be wise. What we expect, how ever, is
that the behavioral expressions we observe in individuals can be ordered
on a “wisdom scale.” As per Berlin Project, the paradigm for assessing
wisdom comprises three core features: (a) Study participants are
confronted with the difficult life pro blems of fictitious people under
standardized conditions. Specifically, they are asked to read short
vignettes about problems of life management, planning, and review. (b)
Participants are then instructed to think aloud about those life problems,
and their responses are tape -recorded and transcribed (c) A selected panel
of trained judges then rates the protocols according to five criteria that
were developed based on the general theoretical framework outlined.
As far as future research related to wisdom is concerned, there has not
been much research on the connections between wisdom and personal
values. Does wisdom -related knowledge make a difference in a person’s
life? Wisdom may make a difference, particularly in terms of what
researchers of morality and h uman motivation may call more highly
developed self - and other -regarding values (e.g., other -serving values that
reflect more abstract moral principles or self -serving values that refer to an
individual’s self -actualization). There are a lot of things that need to be
solved. Let us hope that this chapter has contributed to a better
understanding of why the concept of wisdom is being revisited, and it
certainly holds much promise.
Why do people help others, even at a considerable cost to themselves?
What doe s this behavior tell us about the human capacity to care, about the
degree of interconnectedness among us, and about how social an animal
we humans really are? These classic philosophical questions have
resurfaced in the behavioral and social sciences in t he past several
decades. Psychological research has focused on the claim that empathic
emotion evokes altruistic motivation —motivation with the ultimate goal
of increasing another’s welfare.
To understand this research, it is important to distinguish empat hic
emotion —an emotional state congruent with the perceived welfare of
another person —from a number of other empathy concepts. We identified
seven other empathy concepts: knowing another person’s internal state;
assuming the physical posture of an observed other; coming to feel as
another person feels; projecting oneself into another’s situation; imagining
how another is feeling; imagining how one would think and feel in
another’s place, and being upset by another person’s suffering.
The empathy -altruism hy pothesis states that empathic emotion evokes
altruistic motivation. Results of the over 25 experiments designed to test
this hypothesis against various egoistic alternatives have proven
remarkably supportive, leading to the tentative conclusion that feelin g
empathy for a person in need does indeed evoke altruistic motivation to
help that person.
Sources of altruistic motivation other than empathy also have been
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103 Positive Individual Traits – II these proposals. Thinkin g beyond the egoism -altruism debate, two
additional forms of prosocial motivation seem especially worthy of
consideration: collectivism and principlism. Collectivism —motivation
with the ultimate goal of benefiting some group or collective as a whole —
has be en claimed to result from group identity. Principlism — motivation
with the ultimate goal of upholding some moral principle —has long been
advocated by religious teachers and moral philosophers.
Whether either is a separate form of motivation, independent of and
irreducible to egoism, is not yet clear. Research done to test the
independent status of empathy -induced altruism may serve as a useful
model for future research assessing the independent status of collectivism
and principlism.
We know more now than w e did a few years ago about why people help.
As a result, we know more about human motivation, and even about
human nature. These are substantial gains. Still, many questions remain
about the emotional and motivational resources that could be tapped to
build a more caring, humane society. Providing answers to these questions
is an important agenda item for positive psychology.
6.16 QUESTIONS 1. Write a note on psychological theories of wisdom.
2. Discuss the Berlin Wisdom project.
3. What is the relationshi p of wisdom with age and professional
experience? Discuss research studies.
4. Is altruism part of human nature? Discuss.
5. Discuss all seven empathic emotion -related concepts.
6. Discuss the empathy -altruism hypothesis. Give studies conducted by
research ers.
6.17 REFERENCES • Handbook of Positive Psychology Edited by C. R. Snyder, Shane J.
Lopez. (2002).
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104 7
POSITIVE INSTITUTIONS – I
Unit Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.1.1 Positive schooling
7.1.2 What is positive schooling?
7.1.3 Theoretical approaches of positive schooling
7.1.4 Negative psychology
7.1.5 Components of positive schooling
7.1.6 The strengths quest model
7.1.7 Positive schooling
7.1.8 Role of parents in positive schooling
7.2 Ageing well and role of family
7.2.1 Introduction
7.2.2 What Is Ageing?
7.2.3 Biomedical aspects of ageing
7.2.4 Approaches of ageing
7.2.5 History of a geing
7.2.6 The depression activity restriction affect model
7.2.7 Coping strategies to increase activity and reduce depression
7.2.8 Future research and scope
7.3 Summary
7.4 Questions
7.5 References
7.0 OBJECTIVES After studying this unit, you should be able to:
 Understand positive schooling and gain deeper insight into the
positive and negative impact that schooling can have.
 Discuss ageing and the role of family in healthy ageing.
7.1 INTRODUCTION 7.1.1 Positive Schooling :
Positive psychology's t enets are strongly emphasised in educational
settings. The traditional term for "education," schooling, conveys the
advantage of including the entire society in educating children. This
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105 Positive Institutions– I teachers and their work, explore the characteristics of those few truly bad
teachers, and examine the six important components of effective schools.
7.1.2 What is positive schooling?
Positive schooling/ education is an approach to education that draws on
positive psychology’s attention to individual strengths and motivation to
facilitate learning. Positive schooling teachers employ methods that focus
on the well -being of individual students, in contrast to traditional school
approaches in which teachers attem pt to tailor their material to a mythical
"average" student and move the class through the material using a single
teaching and testing style.
7.1.3 Theoretical Approaches Of Positive Schooling :
Though positive psychologists may not have been known in ear ly times, a
number of early psychologists and thinkers paved the way for the use of
positive psychology methods in the classroom. One of the pioneers in the
field of positive education was John Dewey. John Dewey acknowledged
that the foundational instituti ons for the growth of democracy are schools.
He criticised the oppressive environment seen in schools, particularly
primary and secondary institutions, and underlined the value of
encouraging students' capacity to take in information and recreate it in
their minds. He advanced the constructivist theory, which contends that
every student should take information and imaginatively develop it in
accordance with their unique skills and viewpoints. This method goes
against the conventional idea of education, whic h holds that professors
should communicate directly with their students in order to impart
knowledge. In conclusion, Dewey's theory of education, which is
comparable to progressive education, suggests that people learn best in
settings that are applicable to the real world and that enable them to learn
practical problem solving.
The Positive Behaviour Support (PBS) model adopts a prevention and
intervention approach that emphasizes the importance of building
prosocial skills in addition to reducing bad beh aviour. At the universal
level, strategies for defining expected behaviours, teaching expected
behaviour, encouraging and practicing appropriate behaviours, and
consistency across school systems are all included. The provision of
specialized assistance to at-risk individuals and groups is the second level.
The last level worries people who continue in their awful way of behaving
and includes utilitarian conduct evaluations, guidance -based plans, and
aggregate exhaustive plans including families and local ar ea organizations.
PBS can be implemented at the district or even state level (SWPBIS). As
of late, nearby educational systems and even state divisions of schooling
have been showing rising revenue from PBS on the grounds that the
program requires little pr eparation time and restricted cash and staff.
Check Your Progress:
1. Define positive schooling. munotes.in

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106 2. Discuss the Positive Behaviour support Model
7.1.4 Negative Psychology :
According to Zimbardo (2005), "When given the honour and privilege of
teaching, so me teachers bore rather than inspire, settle for the lowest
common denominator rather than aspire to the highest possible numerator,
and take the job for granted rather than being continually amazed at the
blessings and sins against all the minds they have closed, misinformed,
and alienated from education."
Some factors that determine teacher quality: a teacher's relevant
educational background and degrees, which are two of the most influential
sources.
Apart from a poor educational background, some of the other reasons
include: Burnout: a time when the teacher loses motivation after
repeatedly encountering obstacles and a lack of support. However, there is
no excuse for a teacher to not resolve the burnout. When it comes to their
students' enthusiasm and pr eparation, teachers who continue to simply
"send it in" are difficult to sympathize with. In addition to the fact that
they neglected to educate developmental youthful personalities when they
were generally open to the fervour of learning, they additionall y may have
switched off these personalities forever.
Even though such teachers are uncommon, even one is excessive. It would
be bad enough if these poor teachers merely hindered their students'
learning; however, they may also cause psychological harm.
Tragically, students may become unwilling participants in self -fulfilling
prophecies in which they fail socially and academically. As a result, as
passionate as we are about ensuring that our teachers' and students' minds
and classrooms are filled with positi ve psychology, we are equally zealous
about ensuring that poor teachers are identified very early in their careers
and either taught how to change or told to leave the classroom. However,
positive education is not universally recognized as an effective tea ching
method.
7.1.5 Components of Positive Schooling:
According to Lopez, Janowski, & Wells (2005), philosophers like
Benjamin Franklin, John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer, and John Dewey
emphasized the strengths of students. Although Alfred Binet (Binet &
Simon, 1916) is frequently regarded as the founder of the concept of
mental age, he also emphasized the development of student skills rather
than solely addressing weaknesses. Similarly, Elizabeth Hurlock (1925)
emphasized praise as being more influential than criticism in determining
the efforts of students. In a similar vein, Arthur Chickering (1969) sought
to comprehend the development of students' abilities, and Lewis Terman
(Terman & Oden, 1947) investigated the thinking of truly brilliant
students th roughout his entire career. All the more recently, Donald munotes.in

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107 Positive Institutions– I Clifton has distinguished and later developed the specific abilities of
understudies as opposed to zeroing in on their shortcomings.
Care, Trust, And Respect For Diversity :
Since students thrive in such a school setting, it is of the utmost
importance to have a trusting and supportive atmosphere. Students require
teachers who are always available and responsive as role models. Teachers
have paid a lot of attention to trust in the classroom, and every one agrees
that it helps students' performance as well as their mental health (Bryk &
Schneider, 2002; Collins, 2001).
Watson and Ecken (2003) advocate for developmental discipline. This is
based on the idea of attachment theory, which says that caregiver s should
help students who have insecure attachments. According to Watson and
Ecken, "The most important goal in the socialization of children is the
building of caring and trusting relationships."
It is the responsibility of teachers to ensure that stude nts feel safe in their
classrooms. They should try not to become sceptical about understudies
since it leads to a sabotage of trust that is so significant for learning.
Students frequently choose to misbehave rather than appear dumb in front
of their peers and face any consequences. Positive teachers, as a result,
strive to project a positive image of their students in their interactions with
them. Students won't take the risks that are so crucial to learning if they
don't know that the teacher is respected . When a teacher is quiet and
attentive to the perspectives of the students in a class, it sometimes yields
the best teaching results.
Goals (Content) :
Extensive research by Stanford University professors on the responses of
students from kindergarten to college demonstrates that goals can be used
to target students' learning efforts. Additionally, such objectives are
especially beneficial when teachers and students agree on them (Dweck,
1999; Latham and Locke, 2002). Goals that are within a reasonable ran ge
of difficulty foster productive learning, particularly when they can be
tailored to particular students (or groups of students). Students need to feel
like they have some input in how their teachers run their classes. Of
course, the goals for the classr oom are set by the teachers, but they should
also take into account how their previous students reacted.
It is also helpful to break up a larger learning objective into smaller, more
manageable subgoals that can be worked on in stages and to make the
objectives understandable and concrete. In a similar vein, as we discussed
in the preceding section in relation to issues related to diversity, teachers
who allow group activities in which students must cooperate with one
another to determine a portion of thei r students grades facilitate goal
setting. Again, the "jigsaw classroom" paradigm of Aronson is very
helpful for setting such goals.
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108 Plans :
Plans and motivation coincide with each other. Teaching, like science, is
built on the accumulation of ideas. Teach ers must carefully plan their
lessons. The student has learned the particular material by solving the
mystery. Another factor in increasing students' motivation is to make the
material relevant to them (Buskist et al., 2005). At the most fundamental
level, at the point when the course data is applicable, understudies are
bound to go to class, focus, and offer remarks during the talks (Lowman,
1995; 1999, Lutsky). Instructors can make classroom demonstrations and
at-home investigations of various phenomena t hat are applicable to
situations that students encounter outside of the classroom to increase
material relevance. At the beginning of a semester, some instructors
conduct surveys in which students are asked to describe both positive and
negative life event s.
Motivation :
In order for teachers to carry out the plans they have created for their
classes, they need to be enthusiastic about the materials they use.
Instructors show a lot of love for their students. Consequently, when
educators make example objecti ves and plans intriguing to themselves,
their understudies effectively can get on this energy.
Teachers who are motivated are attentive to their students' requirements
and reactions. Students' inquiries are also taken very seriously by
strengths -based inst ructors, who strive to provide the best possible
responses. It is energizing for the class to be informed that, although the
instructor does not know the answer to a student's question at that time, he
or she will make every effort to locate it. The teache r then conducts further
research to discover the answer to the question and presents it during the
subsequent class period; such responsiveness is typically greatly
appreciated by students. Praise is a powerful motivator. However, it is
preferable to deliv er this privately because a particular student may feel
uneasy being singled out in front of their peers. Students' propensities to
compete with one another may also be increased by public praise. A good
time to praise the student for asking good questions or to observe the
student's good work or progress outside of the classroom is during an
office visit or meeting.
Hope :
Learning expands, and students feel more empowered when they develop
this mindset. As a result, students are empowered to solve problems
throughout their lives. This "learning how to learn" stems not only from
the "I can" motivation but also from goals -directed pathways thinking.
Therefore, positive psychology instruction not only imparts the material
covered in the course but also inspire s students to have hope. The attic of
the positive schoolhouse represents hope. Hopeful students believe that
their education will not end when they leave the classroom. Or, on the
other hand, maybe it is better to say that confident reasoning knows no
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109 Positive Institutions– I Societal Contributions :
It is essential for students to comprehend that they are part of a larger
social scheme in which they impart their knowledge to others. These
societal contributio ns are the long -term "paybacks" that education teaches
people to give to those around them, whether it's teaching children to be
positive thinkers or sharing new ideas and excitement with a lot of people
they meet over their lifetimes.
As a result, student s become teachers who continue to impart their
knowledge to others through positive education. The advantages of
learning are conveyed to a wide range of other individuals in this manner.
Therefore, in positive education, students become teachers of others .
7.1.6 The Strenghts Quest Model: A Model Example Of Positive
Schooling :
Strengths Quest is a program designed to help high school and college
students succeed in their academic endeavours and in life as a whole by
developing and engaging them. The Americ an Psychological Association
has hailed Don Clifton as both the "grandfather" of positive psychology
and the "father" of the strengths -based approach to psychology (McKay &
Greengrass, 2003). Professor Clifton always seemed to have a crucial and
distinct q uestion, in contrast to the intellectual and applied currents of the
1950s through the 1990s, which floated in the murky waters of weakness -
oriented psychology. What would happen if we focused on people's good
qualities rather than their bad ones?
The Stre ngths Quest Program is centred on this question. Naturally, this
positive approach stands in contrast to the traditional approach to
education, in which students are taught, both explicitly and implicitly, that
they must "fix" their shortcomings in order t o pass (Anderson, 2005). The
Strengths Quest Program energizes students in terms of the hope and
related motivations discussed in the previous section. This is a result of
students realizing that they are believed to possess the natural cognitive
abilities needed to succeed in school.
According to Schmidt & Rader (1999), the StrengthsFinder assessment
method has been used in more than 100 studies to accurately predict a
variety of outcome markers. Furthermore, this method has been
extensively empirically v alidated (Lopez, Hodges, & Harter, 2005).
In the second and third stages of this educational approach, students work
on their signature strengths as identified by the five strongest
StrengthsFinder themes. Research found that students and high achievers
(1) clearly recognize their talents and develop them; (2) put their strengths
to use in areas where they match up well with one's natural talents and
interests; and 3) come up with ways to use their assets to achieve the goals
they want. The Strengths Quest Program is receiving more attention from
colleges and high schools across the country. Additionally, the Strengths
Quest Program appears to have a positive impact on students, according to
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110 7.1.7 Positi ve teaching :
Positive teachers have unleashed the enthusiasm and joys of learning, just
as negative teachers have harmed this process. According to
Worzesniewski, McCauley, Rozin, & Schwartz (1997), these positive
schooling teachers consider their work to be a calling rather than a job.
According to Buskist, Benson, & Sikorski (2005), a calling is a strong
motivation in which a person consistently pursues an intrinsically
satisfying course of action. When positive psychology principles are
applied to educa tion, we believe that teachers act as if they have vocations
because they have a deep and abiding love of teaching.
Many teachers have highlighted the positives a teacher can have to add
value at school, such as preparing for classes the following week, le ading
discussions, lecturing, giving demonstrations, collaborating with teaching
assistants, interacting with students from a variety of backgrounds, reading
student journals, and even commenting on and grading tests.
7.1.8 Role of parents in positive sch ooling:
There are a number of things parents can do to support the education
system as a whole and teachers in particular. First, parents can collaborate
with teachers to help their own children learn more effectively. It goes
without saying that learning takes place outside of the classroom, so
parents are encouraged to engage in a variety of activities with their
children to practice and reinforce the lessons they are already learning.
Volunteer to assist with various school activities as well. Children w ill be
dazzled by the way that learning isn't something about which just their
instructors care.
Parents can also meet with the teachers at the school to find out what they
need to do to improve instruction. Teachers' requirements may vary
depending on the course, but they can still make a contribution. Guardians
with extraordinary abilities can elect to come into class and give shows to
understudies. Additionally, parents may wish to become politically
involved in order to raise local school taxes in order to construct new
classrooms or improve teacher compensation and benefits. Positive
psychology's solution to improving your community's schools includes
parents.
In the event that there are educators in the nearby educational system who
did a great job of educating, guardians can find out when these instructors
intend to resign. Since these teachers have made it their life's work to
educate the community's children, why not organize a reunion with other
former students? or assist in organizing the beloved t eacher's farewell
party.
Check Your Progress:
1. What is positive teaching?
2. Define the role of parents in positive schooling. munotes.in

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111 Positive Institutions– I 3. What are the components of positive schooling?
7.2 AGEING WELL AND ROLE OF THE FAMILY 7.2.1 Introduction :
The majority of pe ople fear getting older because they believe it means
they will lose their ability to function and enjoy life. According to recent
professional and popular research publications, there has been a movement
to define and encourage "successful ageing" over th e past two decades.
The fact that we are more concerned than ever before with elderly people
is a credit to our society. Then again, there have never been as many
elderly individuals about whom to be concerned.
The research literature has used the terms "a geing well" and "ageing
successfully," which are thought to be similar concepts. However, older
adults have been more likely to use the term "successful ageing" to
describe the components of "ageing positively" or "ageing well"
(Fernández -Ballesteros et al .). 2010.
7.2.2 What Is Ageing?
The idea of successful ageing has sparked a lot of discussion in recent
years, and a variety of definitions of the term have been presented in a
number of studies. Rowe and Kahn's classic definition of successful
ageing is h igh physical, mental, and social functioning in old age without
major illnesses.
―The ability to maintain a low risk of disease -related disability, high
mental and physical function, and active engagement with life‖ has been
defined as successful ageing (R owe and Kahn 1998). This generally
includes a desire to remain active and healthy in later life, as well as
having a positive attitude and a sense of engagement and purpose in life,
which are seen as among the most significant factors that contribute to
ageing well.
Check Your Progress:
1. Define Ageing
7.2.3 Biomedical Aspects of Ageing :
Physiological function :
Life expectancy has significantly increased in recent decades.
Multimorbidity, frailty, and disability are on the rise in the older
population a s a result of the rising number of people over 80. According to
cohort studies, lower quality of life in old age is linked to morbidity and
functional limitations.

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112 Cognitive function :
In old age, key objectives include maintaining cognitive abilities and
preventing memory disorders. Hartley et.al have recommended that
fruitful mental work ought to be a focal part of effective maturing.
Individual differences exist in old age's cognitive development. Despite
the fact that indicators of the disease process a re still poorly understood,
longitudinal studies have demonstrated that the middle of life is a critical
time for the beginning of the pathology of cognitive disorders. Though
indicators of successful cognitive functioning are frequently chosen to tap
particular dimensions of functioning, cognitive functioning encompasses
perception, attention, memory, and higher functions. According to Hartley
and colleagues, clinical cognitive assessments may not accurately reflect
current cognitive psychology thinking.
Physical function :
Physical functioning is the most developed aspect of successful ageing. A
key factor in successful ageing is preserving one's physical function.
Healthy aging can be strongly predicted by engaging in regular physical
activity throughout o ne's lifetime. Ageing, chronic diseases, and lifestyle
factors (nutrition, inactivity) all contribute to muscle mass and strength
decline.
Psychosocial factors :
Psychosocial conditions of the mind and body contribute to ageing
processes. The model of selec tive optimization with compensation (SOC),
developed by Baltes and Baltes, provides an explanation for how
successful psychological and behavioral processes can adapt to age -related
deficits. The SOC model reflects people's capacity to make choices that
are best suited to their individual resources and includes both objective
and subjective criteria. An alternative model that takes into account the
possibility of overcoming physiological limitations through psychological
and social dimensions has also been proposed by Young and colleagues.
Even though they experience a decline in physical and cognitive function,
older adults can age successfully if they are socially active and
psychologically well -adapted, according to the study by Kim and Park.
Being active ly engaged in life: Good social functioning is frequently cited
as a key factor in successful ageing, particularly by older adults
themselves. It demonstrates a desire to continue playing a part in society
and interacting with others. Loneliness indicators , social activity, and
emotional and instrumental support for others are all components of social
functioning. For instance, the participants could be considered to be
actively engaged if they have reported being involved in a sport, social, or
another kin d of club, or in voluntary work.
Psychologically well -adapted in later life: In recent research, it has been
demonstrated that factors such as life satisfaction, a sense of purpose in
life, and perceptions of the aging process all contribute to successful
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113 Positive Institutions– I an essential component of successful ageing. Depressive symptoms and
life satisfaction could be used to measure emotional functioning, and
subjective feelings could be measured by asking questions like, "Describe
how successfully you have aged."
Check Your Progress:
1. List the biomedical aspects of ageing.
7.2.4 Approaches Of Ageing :
The Positive Psychology of Ageing :
Scientists and laypeople alike have attempted to comprehend th e concept
of ageing. The following perspectives assist us in comprehending the
effects of ageing on individuals. Medical, political, and psychological
interventions aimed at enhancing the well -being of the elderly are also
informed by these theoretical app roaches: The Biomedical Model of
Ageing focuses on how older people can delay disease or control their
symptoms. To put it another way, the absence of chronic disease and risk
factors for disease are the primary focus of this strategy. According to
Baltes & Baltes (1990), this highly medicalized model emphasizes the
negative aspects of old age.
On the other hand, the psychosocial theory of Successful Aging tries to
look at how older people can make age -related choices to improve their
well-being (Baltes et al., 1990). Scientists say that "successful ageing" can
be achieved if people choose to make up for lost or reduced abilities by
adapting to a new situation or re -evaluating goals that were important in
the past. Although "successful ageing" is a framework that looks at aspects
of ability rather than disease, it is also a theory that looks for successful
adaptation to age -related changes (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). As a result, it
can be said to be a theory that sees ageing as a time of decline. Therefore,
the best course of action is to maximize one's remaining abilities (Ranzijn,
2002).
Psychologist Ranzijn (2002) discusses and explains that compensation for
the deficiency of capacity is just one aspect of ageing. He argues that older
people's strengths and p ositive gains should be the focus of research.
Ranzijn refers to the Positive Psychology of Ageing, a relatively new
approach to ageing that places an emphasis on subjective well -being
constructs.
7.2.5 History of Ageing :
The population is "turning grey. I ndividuals are living longer. In 1900, life
expectancy was 47 years; it is now closer to 76 years.
More than two -thirds of people now live to at least 65, three times more
than in 1900. And the over -85 age group is the fastest -growing segment of
the popula tion—from 4% in 1900 to over 10% today (e.g., Rowe & Kahn,
1998; 1992, United States Department of Health and Human Services
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114 Historically, attitudes regarding ageing have been characterized by a short -
sightedness that we have yet to o vercome. To give a couple of examples,
elderly individuals are seen as wiped out, intellectually maladroit,
confined, a monetary channel in society, and discouraged by their
conditions (for example, 1998, Centre for Health Promotion (CAH); 1990,
Palmore; 1 998, Rowe & Kahn). A major concern is that as the baby
boomers age into disability, there will be fewer adult children available to
provide care, creating a demand for formal care that may severely (if not
impossible) tax the rest of society's resources. T his is due to the fact that
there are fewer children per capita than in previous generations.
Are elderly people sick?
Even though a large portion of the population continues to deny it, the
majority of adults over 65 are in remarkable health, which is an important
fact. Paces of inability, even among the extremely old (i.e., those over age
95), are consistently declining. Advances in medical technology and
public acceptance of the behavioral aspects of chronic illness are
forecasting an even brighter futur e for baby boomers and subsequent
generations (DHHS, 1992). Although there is no known cure for the fact
that physiological systems slow down and become less efficient as we get
older (Birren & Birren, 1990), older people are quite adept at gradually
altering their lifestyles to accommodate their declining physical abilities
(Williamson & Dooley, 2001).
Cognitive deficits in adults :
Cognitive abilities decline with age in the "normal" course of events, just
like physiological functions do (Horn & Hofer, 19 92; 1996, Schaie).
However, the expression "use it or lose it" refers to sexual functioning as
well as memory and learning abilities. According to Gatz & Smyer (1992),
older adults in cognitively challenging settings exhibit minimal, if any,
declines in th eir thinking and learning abilities, with the exception of
organic disorders like Alzheimer's that progress with age.
Isolation and loneliness among the elderly :
―The common view of old age as a prolonged period of demanding
support from an ever -diminishi ng number of overworked providers is
wrong,‖ according to Rowe and Kahn (1998).
"Neurobic exercises" also preserve and enhance brain and memory
functions, according to Katz, Rubin, and Suter (1999). Engaging in routine
activities that require little menta l effort can exacerbate cognitive decline.
Consequently, Katz and her colleagues recommend seeking out unusual
and enjoyable experiences —not because they are challenging but rather
because they are one of a kind.
Depression in the elderly :
Because poor wel l-being and functioning are naturally linked to
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115 Positive Institutions– I have a significant negative impact on health and life satisfaction for all
people, not just adults. The elderly, on the other hand, are at such a high
risk due to apparent natural causes. The death or illness of a loved one are
the two main factors that contribute to depression in the elderly. Social
and cultural expectations regarding the roles that are appropriate for
particular groups of people frequently restrict personal control. Seniors
should have more options given the current trend towards less stigmatizing
older adults. Other cultural changes will add stimulus to this development.
Check Your Progress:
1. Describe the psychosocial model of ageing
2. Discuss isolation and cognitive deficits in the elderly.
7.2.6 The Depression Activity Restriction Affect Model :
A number of natural (Gillespie, Garlow, Fastener, Schatzberg, and
Nemeroff, 2009) and mental (Beck and Alford, 2009) specul ations have
been proposed with regards to the beginning and upkeep of
discouragement in more seasoned restoratively treated patients and
parental figures. According to Williamson and Shaffer (2000), one of
these is the restriction of social and recreationa l activities, which is a
factor that theoretically contributes to the development of depressive
symptoms in medical patients and their caregivers. According to the
Activity Restriction Model of Depressed Affect (Williamson & Shaffer,
2000), life stresses t hat prevent normal social and recreational activities
lead to an increase in depressive symptoms. According to this model,
when a patient has a medical condition, depression is not directly related
to the symptoms of the illness; rather, it is related to t he limitations these
patients have on their daily activities. In a similar vein, patients who have
medical conditions, particularly chronic conditions, are frequently
discharged to the care of family members, who assume responsibility for
the patient's car e. This care frequently prevents the caregiver from
participating in activities, which causes depression to rise.
According to Williamson & Schulz (1992), activity restriction is the
inability to continue normal activities such as self -care, caring for oth ers,
doing household chores, shopping, visiting friends, working on hobbies,
and maintaining friendships following stressful life events such as a
debilitating illness. Major life stressors, according to the Activity
Restriction Model of Depressed Affect, disrupt normal activities, which in
turn leads to poorer mental health outcomes (e.g., Williamson, 1998). To
put it another way, stress, and mental health are linked through activity
restriction (Walters & Williamson, 1999; 2000 Williamson, 2001,
Williamso n and Dooley; 1992, 1995, Williamson & Schulz; In 1994,
Williamson, Schulz, Bridges, and Behan; Williamson and Shaffer, 2000;
1998, Williamson, Shaffer, and Schulz; Williamson, Shaffer, and the
Family Connections in Late Life Undertaking, 2000).
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116 Differenc es in the activity restriction model :
Activity restrictions are not just brought on by stressful life events.
Instead, individual differences are also significant factors. People differ in
many ways, one of which is their age. For instance, older adults are better
able to deal with pain of the same intensity than younger adults (Cassileth
et al., 1984; Foley, 1985), a phenomenon that is typically attributed to
older people's increased exposure to pain and disabling conditions. Indeed,
my colleagues and I hav e discovered that experience, not chronological
age, is more important in predicting individuals who will limit their
activities in response to stressful situations (Walters & Williamson, 1999;
1995, Williamson and Schulz; Williamson and others, 1998). To put it
another way, depression and reduced physical activity are not always
caused by old age.
Financial resources may also play a significant role in stress management.
Insufficient pay slows down ordinary exercises (Merluzzi and Martinez
Sanchez, 1997). In addition, activities are restricted more when financial
resources are simply perceived as inadequate (for a review, see
Williamson, 1998).
According to Williamson & Dooley (2001), reducing normal activities that
involve spending money, such as shopping, recreation, and hobbies, may
therefore be an understandable first line of defence when life becomes
stressful.
Activity restriction is also influenced by personality traits in addition to
demographic factors. Throughout their lives, some people deal with all
situations in a way that is not adaptive. On the other hand, there are people
who are more likely to accept that a problem has arisen, deal with their
emotions (perhaps with the assistance of others), and make every effort to
resume life as usual. If a ll else fails, they will face the situation, evaluate
potential solutions rationally, and seek assistance and information as
needed.
Social support resources are another significant difference between
individuals. According to Mutran, Reitzes, Mossey, & Fe rnandez (1995),
people who have stronger social support networks are better able to deal
with all kinds of stressful life events. Oxman and Hull, 1997), and social
support facilitates routine activities (Williamson et al., 1994). However,
personality facto rs appear to play a role in social support, which in turn
influences activity restriction (e.g., Williamson & Dooley, 2001). Socially
desirable or proactive individuals also have stronger social ties and are
less restricted in their activities. People who simply have the perception
that they can get social support when they need it see benefits that are
comparable, and the benefits of having the perception that one can get
support from others persist even after controlling for personality variables
like pub lic self -consciousness and illness severity and demographics like
age and financial resources (Williamson, 2000).
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117 Positive Institutions– I 7.2.7 Coping Strategies to Increase Activity And Reduce Depression :
The Activity Restriction Model proposes that coping with stress is a
multifaceted, complex process influenced by numerous factors. Across the
lifespan, the nature of stressors varies, with older adults experiencing at
least as many as young adults. Since physical and mental pressures
contrast (e.g., concerning controllability) with expanding age,
notwithstanding, adapting effectively may require supplanting beforehand
versatile techniques with ones more qualified to meet the requests of
propelling age. Therefore, elders may need to be persuaded to switch from
problem -focused to emotion -focused coping mechanisms in order for
interventions to be successful (Stanton, Parsa, & Austenfeld, this volume).
Interventions can be designed such that they reduce both activity
restriction and depression by acknowledging that depression is caus ed by
restricted normal activities. However, encouraging older adults to
participate in more of their usual activities may not be the best strategy.
Instead, efforts to increase activity might take the form of three or even
more. To begin, therapists shoul d carefully consider the (likely numerous)
causes of restricted activities and tailor their interventions accordingly.
Second, they should focus on those who are most vulnerable to poor
adaptation.
Thirdly, programs can be implemented to engage ageing adul ts in
activities that not only meet their specific interests and needs but also fit
their functional capacities once manageable activities and resources are
identified.
Even though older adults' financial resources vary significantly from those
of younger adults, rising costs for insurance and health care in later life
can deplete even the most financially prepared seniors. However, each
person's financial situation has a significant impact on activity restriction
(Williamson, 1998). Low -income individuals may not necessarily consider
their financial resources inadequate; also, people with higher incomes do
not always say that they have enough money (Williamson & Shaffer,
2000). Thus, it appears that perceptions of income sufficiency are more
important than actual dollar amounts. In either case, the community -based,
low-cost social and recreational resources that are available to older adults
can be pointed in the right direction.
As well as assessing segment qualities like age and monetary assets, it is
vital to evaluate pertinent character aspects. Identifying the characteristics
that cause people to limit their usual activities can help identify those at
risk for poor adaptation.
Patients high in public self -consciousness can be targeted for interventions
to improve self -esteem and sense of efficacy, such as hope enhancement
(see Snyder, Rand, & Sigmon, this volume), training in adaptive coping
skills, and support groups, for instance, when an illness involves body
disfigurement (e.g., limb amputation or bre ast cancer surgery).
Consideration should also be given to additional personality traits. For
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118 (Carver et al., 1993) and might be defenceless against movement
limitation. According to McCrae & Costa (1986), a maladaptive coping
style, which may include forgoing pleasurable activities, is linked to high
levels of neuroticism. People who are less agentically oriented and lack a
strong sense of mastery will have a harder time finding ways to avoid
restricting their rewarding activities when confronted with disruptive life
events (e.g., Femia, Zarit, & Johansson, 1997; 1998, Herzog, Franks,
Markus, & Holmberg).
In addition, people who have a low dispositional predisposition to hope for
positive outcomes are less likely to think of ways to continue (or replace)
valued activities or to keep trying to do so, especially when the paths to
achieving these goals are blocked (e.g., Snyder, 1998). Even though
research in this area is still in its inf ancy, personality factors shouldn't be
overlooked, especially if the goal is to find people who are at risk of
limiting their usual activities, are having trouble coping with stress, and
need help early.
Social support has an impact on normal activities i n the same way that
personality traits and illness experiences do. Activity restriction is less
likely when there are more social support networks (Williamson et al.,
1994). Elders with disabilities, for instance, will go to church and visit
friends more f requently if they receive assistance with walking,
transportation, and words of encouragement from others. Keeping up with
common exercises despite pressure thus decreases the plausibility of
pessimistic close to home reactions and further decrements in we llbeing
and work.
As a result, identifying older adults who live in the community but lack
social support is a good place to start for intervention. However, we must
identify which aspects of social support are lacking or most distressing
prior to interven tion and tailor treatment accordingly (Oxman & Hull,
1997). It's possible that a lack of social interaction is the primary reason
why some elderly people experience depression. Others might have
substantial requirements for help that are not being met (e.g ., getting up or
shopping for food). Some may also be exposed to social groups that are
exploitative or abusive (Cohen & McKay, 1983; Suls, 1982; Williamson et
al., 2000; Wortman, 1984).
Check Your Progress:
1. Describe the depression activity restriction affect model
2. List the various coping strategies to increase activity and reduce
depression.
7.2.8 Furure Research and Scope :
Similar to other models of stress and coping (e.g., Lazarus & Folkman,
1984), the Activity Restriction Model of Depressed Affec t suggests that
the causal path is unidirectional —that is, that stress causes restriction in
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119 Positive Institutions– I inadequate portrayal. Take, for instance, depression and pain. Depression
is a result o f an inability to adjust to chronic pain, according to unilateral
models. However, a lot of research suggests that depression increases pain
reports (Lefebvre, 1981; 1981; Mathew, Weinman, and Mirabi Parmelee
and team, 1991). In a similar vein, the Activit y Restriction Model of
Depressed Affect can be turned on its head in such a way that, as
clinicians have long known, depression causes individuals to forego many
of the activities that they had previously enjoyed. As a matter of fact, one
of the better way s to treat sadness is to propel patients to turn out to be all
the more socially and truly dynamic (e.g., Herzog et al., 1998). In a
reciprocal manner, inactivity also raises levels of experienced pain for
physiological and psychological reasons (e.g., Wil liamson & Dooley,
2001).
By demonstrating that strategies designed to increase activity level will
actually improve well -being, controlled experimental studies can clarify
previous findings. We will also be closer to developing effective
intervention progr ams if we are able to distinguish between individuals
who will voluntarily make efforts to continue engaging in meaningful
activities despite discomfort and those who will not.
Psychosocial predictors of activity restriction, like low social support or
low income, are stressors in and of themselves, but they can also be
thought of as coping mechanisms or outcomes, making already
complicated associations even more complicated. For instance, coping is
facilitated in multiple ways by access to and perceptions of support
resources (Billings & Moos, 1984; Wills & Cohen, 1985).
Overtaxing support resources, on the other hand, can lead to a decline in
social support, particularly if stress persists. When a stressful event first
occurs, the majority of people will r ally around it, but as the situation
continues, they tend to fade away, especially if the individual is thought to
be doing little to solve or adapt to the problem (e.g., Williams, 1993).
According to Arluke (1988), all illnesses are typically regarded as acute
rather than chronic, and the (often unattainable) expectation is that a
patient will recover. Parsons, 1951,1978). This cognitive bias may be the
cause of a decline in social support for older adults with chronic health
conditions.
7.3 SUMMARY Posit ive Education combines best -practice teaching and learning with the
science of positive psychology to encourage and support the flourishing of
schools and individuals in their communities. It is fully involved in
proactive practices that improve the well -being of the community. The
underpinnings of positive instruction of care, trust, and variety. Plans and
motivation, fueled by objectives, are necessary at the ground level.
Teachers instill hope in students and empower them by motivating them to
learn and take their successes with them. Finally, the student realizes that
they are part of a larger society in which they have the potential for growth
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120 Effective ageing has turned into a significant idea to de pict the nature of
ageing. It is a complex idea, and its primary centre is the way to extend
useful years in a later life expectancy. The idea has evolved from a
biomedical perspective to a more comprehensive comprehension of the
social and psychological p rocesses of later life adaptation.
According to the Activity Restriction Model of Depressed Affect, people's
mental health declines in direct proportion to the degree to which stress
affects their daily activities. As a result, people who are well feel in
control of at least some important aspects of their lives and maintain the
routine activities they value most (perhaps with the assistance of others).
There are numerous and intricate facets to the relationship between stress
and adjustment. There are no b asic answers for what truly occurs, nor are
there simple responses about ways of interceding. However, people should
be in better physical and mental health and be less dependent on others if
they continue at least some of their favourite activities. Indee d, engaging
in regular activities might be the key to longevity.
7.4 QUESTIONS 1. Define positive schooling.
2. Discuss the theoretical approaches to positive schooling.
3. What are the components of positive schooling? Discuss
4. How can parents contribute to positi ve schooling?
5. Define ageing.
6. What are the biomedical aspects of ageing?
7. Describe the depression restriction affect model.
8. Discuss the coping strategies to increase activity and reduce
depression.
9. What is the future scope of research in ageing?
7.5 REFERE NCES  Bowling, A. (1993). The concepts of successful and positive ageing.
Family Practice, 10, 449 –453.
 C. R. Snyder Shane J. Lopez, Handbook of positive psychology
 C.R. Snyder & Shane J. Lopez. Positive psychology: The scientific
and practical exploration s of human strengths.
 James, w. (1890). The principles of psychology. New York: Holt
James, W. (1899).
 Talks to teachers on psychology: And to students on some of life's
ideals. New York: Holt. McKeachie, W. J. (1999).
 Teaching tips: Strategies, researc h, and theory for college and
university teachers (10th ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. McKeachie,
W. J., & Kimble, G. (1950).
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122 8
POSITIVE INSTITUTIONS – II
Unit Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction Introduction
8.1.1 Forgiveness For A Healthy Society
8.1.2 Definition Of Forgiveness
8.1.3 Measures Of Forgiveness
8.1.4 Development Of The Disposition To Forgive
8.1.5 Personality And Forgiveness
8.1.6 Forgiveness, Health And Well -Being
8.1.7 Interventions To Promote Forgiveness
8.2 The Me/ We Balance: Building Better Communities
8.2.1 Individualism: Psychology Of Me
8.2.2 Core Emphasis Of Individualism
8.2.3 Uniqueness In Ind ividualistic Cultures
8.2.4 Collectivism: The Psychology Of We
8.2.5 Core Emphasis Of Collectivism:
8.2.6 Differences Between Individualism And Collectivism
8.2.7 Me/We Balance
8.3 Summary
8.4 Questions
8.5 References
8.0 OBJECTIVES  To understand forgiven ess as part of a healthy society
 To gain greater insight about individualistic and collectivistic
societies
 To understand the balance between individualistic and collectivistic
societies.
8.1 INTRODUCTION 8.1.1 Forgiveness For a Healthy Society :
Individual s have formulated various likely answers for the destructive
impacts of relational offences. Forgiveness is one way to break the cycle
of avoidance and vengeance, which occurs when people suppress their
instinctive negative responses to transgressors and b ecome increasingly
motivated to act positively instead. For millennia, the concept of munotes.in

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123 Positive Institutions– II forgiveness has been articulated by numerous world religions
(McCullough & Worthington, 1999; Rye and Co., 2000). According to
McCullough & Worthington (1999), all three major monotheistic
traditions agree that people should forgive their own transgressors because
they have been forgiven by God.
For three centuries, social theorists and social scientists have basically
ignored forgiveness, despite the fact that many religi ous traditions place a
high value on it. In 300 years of post -Enlightenment thought, forgiveness
is not even mentioned. However, social scientists began to study
forgiveness in the last two decades of the 20th century (McCullough,
Pargament, & Thoresen, 20 00b).
They made progress in defining and measuring it as well as investigating
its social, personality, and developmental foundations. They also made
progress in designing forgiveness -promoting interventions and evaluating
their value for individual and so cial well -being. The production of several
edited collections devoted to forgiveness, the growing number of
empirical journal articles, and the convening of several national
conferences are all examples of scientific progress (e.g., Enright & North,
1998; McCullough, Pargament, and Thoresen, 2000a; Worthington, 1998).
Besides, in 1998, the John Templeton Establishment and other generous
establishments started a mission to give $10 million in subsidies to the
logical exploration of forgiveness (Holden, 1999) . Strong financial
support, widespread research teams, and national interest in the subject lay
the foundation for forgiveness research (McCullough, 2001).
8.1.2 Definition of Forgiveness :
According to Enright and Coyle's (1998) study, forgiveness is disti nct
from pardoning, which is strictly speaking a legal concept and is generally
shared by researchers and theorists. supporting (which includes
legitimizing the offence); excusing (which implies that a violation was
committed as a result of circumstances t hat were less severe); forgetting,
which suggests that a violation's memory has faded or vanished from
conscious awareness; and denial, which suggests an unwillingness or
inability to recognize one's harmful injuries. According to Freedman
(1998), most agr ee that forgiveness is distinct from reconciliation, which
refers to the repair of a strained relationship.
However, in order to go any further in the definition of forgiveness, it is
necessary to distinguish between three distinct meanings of the word. Th e
characteristics of forgiveness as a response, personality disposition, and
social unit can all be used to define it. Forgiveness can be understood as a
prosocial shift in a victim's thoughts, feelings, and/or actions towards a
culpable transgressor as a response.
These definitions, be that as it may, are based on one centre element: at the
point when individuals pardon, their reactions (i.e., what they feel and
think about, what they need to do, or how they really act) towards
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124 better — or prosocial — over the long run (McCullough, Pargament, and
Thoresen, 2000b).
Forgiveness can also be understood as a personality trait, as a tendency to
forgive others in a wide range of interpersonal situations. The majority of
people, by definition, fall somewhere in the middle of the population's
forgiving -to-unforgiving continuum, so in this sense, people can be
categorized along this continuum. According to Mullet, Houdbine,
Laumonier, and Girard ( 1998), there may be multiple aspects to the
disposition to forgive.
Decision -based forgiveness :
DiBlasio (1998) has laid an emphasis on wilful decision -making and
wilful forgiveness: the cognitive letting go of resentment, bitterness, and
the need for veng eance is what is meant by decision -based forgiveness.
However, emotional pain and hurt do not always end there. Here,
forgiveness is seen as a choice between letting go and holding on.
Individuals can isolate their contemplations of hatred and harshness fr om
their sensations of harm.
The cognitive release of resentment and bitterness is the focus of
DiBalsio's decision -based model, but it does not take into account the hurt
feelings that frequently persist after a decision is made.
Cognitive Forgiveness :
The perspective that views transgressions as violations of cognitive
structures, such as beliefs, is the foundation for another cognitive
definition of forgiveness (Gordon et al., 2005). To assist individuals in
changing their cognitions, a cognitive approac h to forgiveness makes use
of psychodynamic therapy and standard cognitive therapy interventions.
The cognitive model developed by Thompson, Snyder, Hoffman, and
Rasmussen et al. is one such example. 2005). They have proposed a
meaning of pardoning as ―the framing of a perceived transgression in such
a way that one's responses to the transgressor, the transgression, and its
sequelae are changed from being negative to neutral or positive. Oneself,
another person or people, or a circumstance that one believes is beyond
one's control, such as illness, fate, or a natural disaster, may be the source
of the transgression and, as a result, the object of forgiveness.
Emotional Forgiveness :
Worthington (2006) characterized genuine pardoning as something that
happen j ust when profound absolution can happen, in light of the fact that
close to home substitution is fundamental.
At the point when profound pardoning is finished, the individual will have
supplanted gloomy feelings related to unforgiveness like displeasure,
disdain, and vindictiveness with good feelings like compassion, empathy,
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125 Positive Institutions– II They argue that the shift in emotional forgiveness will be most accurately
reflected by shifts in emotions as it begins and progresses towards
compl etion rather than shifts in thoughts, motivations, or behaviors,
despite the fact that those will frequently occur.
Check Your Progress:
1.What is forgiveness?
2. State the types of forgiveness.
8.1.3 Measures of Forgiveness :
According to McCullough, Hoyt , and Rachal (2000), self -report measures
that operationalize forgiveness as a response have been the focus of
numerous psychometric studies.
There are numerous instruments that can be used to determine how much a
person has forgiven another person for a p articular offence (for instance,
McCullough et al.). ,1998; Subkoviak and others, 1995; 1981; Trainer;
Wade, 1989).
Enright Forgiveness Inventory (EFI): A 60 item test developed by
Enright and his colleagues. It has six subscales that assess the victim's
positive and negative affect, cognitions, and behaviours/behavioural
intentions towards a transgressor.
McCullough et al. (1998) refined Swim’s Pardoning Scale: a 12 -thing
measure called the Offense Related Relational Inspirations (TRIM) Stock.
There are tw o subscales for the TRIM Inventory: one for assessing the
harm done to the transgressor (Revenge) and one for assessing the extent
to which an offended person is motivated to avoid a transgressor
(Avoidance). The TRIM Stock has great inside consistency, gr eat united
and discriminant legitimacy, and a hypothetically determined two -factor
structure.
In the Transgression Narrative Test of Forgiveness (TNTF) by Berry
et al., respondents are asked to rate their likelihood of forgiving offenders
(such as a class mate, friend, or cousin) in five paragraph -long scenarios.
Berry et al. have also developed The Trait Forgivingness Scale, which
asks respondents to rate their level of agreement or disagreement with ten
statements regarding forgiveness.
The Forgiveness Likelihood Scale developed by Rye et al. (1999 )
assesses how likely one is to forgive in 15 scenarios described in one or
two sentences. It has a good internal consistency and good test -retest
reliability, and it is positively correlated with the Enright F orgiveness
Inventory.
Terney et al. developed the Multidimensional Forgiveness Inventory
which presents 16 one - to two sentence scenarios in which the individual
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126 The instrument mea sures how likely respondents are to ask for forgiveness
and to forgive themselves when they are in the perpetrator role and how
likely they are to forgive their offenders when in the victim role.
Check Your Progress:
1. State the different types of forgiv eness scales.
8.1.4 Development of the Disposition to Forgive :
The first researchers to identify age -related trends in forgiveness were
Darby and Schlenker (1982). In consistent studies with Darby and
Schlenker's (1982) unique discoveries, different analys ts have found that
individuals, by and large, turn out to be more lenient as they age. Mullet
et al. (1998) additionally found that more established adults scored
extensively higher than youthful adults on proportions of demeanour to
pardon.
Enright and h is colleagues hypothesized that Kohlbergian moral reasoning
and forgiveness reasoning develop in the same way. In line with this, they
proposed that people at the earliest stages of moral reasoning about
forgiveness —the stages of restitutional forgiveness and revengeful
forgiveness —understand that forgiveness is only appropriate once the
transgressor or the victim has made restitution or obtained revenge. The
reason that forgiveness is appropriate for people at the intermediate
stages —expectational forgiven ess and lawful expectational forgiveness —
is that they are compelled to forgive by social, moral, or religious
pressures. Forgiveness is considered appropriate by those at the highest
stages —forgiveness as love and forgiveness as social harmony —because
it is an expression of unconditional love and promotes social harmony.
Enright et al. (1989) found that Kohlbergian moral reasoning, as measured
by standard interview measures, was positively correlated with people's
stage of forgiveness reasoning in two studi es.
8.1.5 Personality and Forgiveness :
In many ways, people who are forgiving are different from those who are
not. People who are forgiving report having fewer negative emotions like
hostility, depression, and anxiety. In comparison to those who are less
forgiving, such people are also less ruminative, less narcissistic, less
exploitative, and more empathic. Forgivers, likewise, will generally
embrace socially helpful mentalities and conduct. Additionally, clinicians'
ratings of hostility, passive -aggressi ve behaviour, and neuroticism are
negatively correlated with self -ratings of the disposition to forgive.
Researchers have found additionally that pardoning/forgiveness are
connected conversely to the proportions of neuroticism. Subsequently, the
easy-going individual gives off the impression of being somebody who is
generally high in inappropriateness and moderately low in
neuroticism/pessimistic emotionality.
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127 Positive Institutions– II Check Your Progress
1. How do personality factors affect forgiveness?
8.1.6 Forgiveness, Health an d Well -Being :
Empirical studies on the connections between pardoning and
psychological wellness had a modest start during the 1960s. In the
principal known investigation of pardoning and prosperity, Emerson
(1964) utilized a Q -sort technique and found wha t he saw as a connection
between profound change and furthermore, pardoning. However,
researchers did not re -evaluate the connection between forgiveness, health,
and well -being until the 1990s, following Emerson's work.
8.1.7 Interventions to Promote Forgi veness :
A few intervention programs have been created. The majority of these
interventions are intended for group rather than individual delivery.
Enright's theories were used in some of the forgiveness intervention
studies, while McCullough and colleague s' theoretical work was used in
others. While some of these intervention programs have focused more on
prevention or psychoeducation, others have targeted clinical populations.
Intervention program evaluations are also being conducted by other
researchers.
To conclude, regarding the impacts of such interventions, Worthington,
Sandage, and Berry (2000) directed a meta -investigation of information
from 12 group studies. They detailed that these gathering interventions
were, for the most part. viable, further developing gathering individuals'
pardoning and moral feelings like culpability and disgrace. What are the
consequences of truly feeling forgiven? When it comes to addressing the
numerous psychological aspects of forgiveness, these and other questions
are crucial.
Is forgiveness really related to mental and physical health?
According to a lot of researchers, forgiveness can help prevent mental and
physical health issues. Nevertheless, empirical research is still in its
infancy. It's possible that as our und erstanding of health and forgiveness
grows, we'll discover that the main plot has numerous subplots. The plot
might take unexpected turns as opposed to sticking to a straightforward
idea like "forgiveness is good for health." For instance, even if they
eventually forgive their transgressors, individuals who are more likely to
feel hurt by a particular transgression —even one that others dismiss —may
incur higher health care costs.
Another illustration of this is the possibility that, in certain circumstances,
low forgivers may perform better than high -forgivers, particularly in
situations in which the offences committed by high forgivers were severe
or traumatic. Another possibility is that seeking vengeance provides some
people with significant satisfaction a nd even some kind of health benefit.
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128 support networks that encourage recalcitrant and hostile responses to
offenders in ways that make the victim feel justified, reassured, and
conten t with their unforgiving attitude. Victims may not experience any
negative emotional or physical consequences if they have sufficient social
support for unforgiving responses. In contrast, individuals who are
pressured to "forgive and forget" may experienc e more post -offence
distress than those who are given time to grieve their loss. The relationship
between forgiveness and health is likely to have numerous nuances that
distinguish relationships that appear to be straightforward, as these
scenarios suggest .
Check Your Progress:
1. What is the impact that forgiveness can have on health and wellbeing?
8.2 THE ME/ WE BALANCE: BUILDING BETTER COMMUNITIES 8.2.1 Individualism: Psychology of Me :
Individualism includes giving one's own preferences priority over th e
interests of the state or gathering (i.e., vanity or narrow -mindedness). It
depends on faith in the essential significance of the individual and in the
temperance of confidence and individual freedom. Independence might be
different from distinction, whi ch is the number of characteristics that set
one individual apart from others. To individualise is to set oneself apart
from other people, whereas to individuate is to make oneself unique. In
addition, individualism is distinct from autonomy, which is the capacity to
comprehend the expectations of others in any given circumstance and
one's own values, as well as the freedom to act in accordance with either
or both of these factors. Individualism is not a healthy psychological
development or state of health, whereas individuality and autonomy are.
A culture is said to be individualistic when concern for the individual is
greater than concern for the group. However, society is collectivistic when
everyone is very concerned about the group.
8.2.2 Core Emphasis of Individualsm :
The three core accentuations of independence include a feeling of
freedom, a longing to stand apart compared with others (a requirement for
uniqueness), and the utilization of oneself or the person as the unit of
examination in contempla ting life.
There are a set of expectations and memories about what is considered
acceptable for members of each culture. Social patterns in individualistic
societies, such as those in the United States, resemble a loosely knit fabric,
and it is common for each person to view themselves as distinct from the
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129 Positive Institutions– II Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier (2002) support the conclusion that
American individualism reflects a sense of independence rather than
dependence on others.
A core emphasis of individualism is that the individual needs to stand
apart compared with the populace in general. Therefore, individuals in
individualistic societies adhere to their own motives and preferences rather
than adapting their desires to accommod ate those of the group (sometimes
referred to as conforming). As a result, the individualist sets personal
objectives that may not align with those of the groups to which they
belong (Schwartz, 1994; 1990; Triandis, 1988). It follows that citizens of
indiv idualistic societies like the United States will have a strong need for
uniqueness because of the individualistic tendency to show one's
uniqueness and the support of actions that show this individuality from
society. This point's research shows that uniqu eness -seeking thoughts and
actions are strong.
The idea that the self —or the individual —is the unit of analysis for
comprehending how individuals think and act in a society is a third central
focus of individualism.
That is, individuals rather than groups are more likely to be involved in
explanations of events. According to Bellah et al. (1985), worldviews in
which personal factors are prioritized over social forces are the basis for
the various definitions of individualism. 1994, Kagitcibasi; 1995,
Triand is).
Individualistic societies centre around the self as opposed to collectivistic
societies. People in an individualistic society typically set goals for
themselves. In addition, success and the satisfactions that come with it
operate at the level of the individual. In contrast to collectivistic people,
who seek pleasure in activities that benefit the group as a whole, the
individualistic person pursues what makes them happy. It is true that the
individualist may, from time to time, adhere to social norms, but most of
the time, they do so after determining that doing so is in their own best
interest. Individualists, as may be obvious by now, prioritize pleasure and
self-esteem in interpersonal relationships and beyond. Before deciding
whether or not to purs ue a relationship, individualists also consider its
advantages and disadvantages (Kim, Sharkey, & Singelis, 1994). As a
result, individuals who are individualistic conduct benefit analyses to
ascertain what might benefit them, whereas individuals who are
collectivists are more likely to unconditionally support their group and to
think first and foremost in terms of their responsibilities to the group.
Dissimilar to individualists, collectivists are not prone to act suddenly, in
view of their interests in th eir friend group. Individualists will quite often
be fairly momentary in their reasoning, while collectivists are all the more
long-haul in their thinking patterns.
Check Your Progress:
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130 8.2.3 Uniquen ess In Individualistic Cultures:
The need for uniqueness has been referred to as the pursuit of
individualistic goals to produce a sense of specialness (Lynn & Snyder,
2002; 1977 and 1980, Snyder and Fromkin). Because people strive to
maintain some degree of difference from others (in addition to maintaining
a bond with other people), this need is thought to have some universal
appeal. Research was conducted in the 1970s by Howard Fromkin and C.
R. Snyder (see Snyder & Fromkin, 1977, 1980) on the premise th at most
people have some desire to be special in relation to other people. They
referred to this human motivation as the need for originality. Past laying
out that some uncommonness was attractive for a large portion of
individuals in their American exampl es, these specialists likewise
contemplated that certain individuals have an extremely serious
requirement for uniqueness, while others have an extremely low
requirement for uniqueness. Simply explained, there are individual
contrasts in the requirement fo r uniqueness.
"A set of personal attributes that have a common core of meaning" is the
definition of an identity dimension (Miller, 1963, p. 676). Snyder and
Fromkin (19S0), in their theory of uniqueness, proposed that individuals
use a dimension (in their minds) on which they evaluate how to correct
any given feedback that appears to be about their degree of similarity to
other people (technically encoded on a uniqueness identity schema). In a
nutshell, people consider how acceptable it is for them to shar e varying
degrees of similarities with other people.
8.2.4 Collectivism: The Psychology of We :
Cultures that prioritize the requirements of a group over those of an
individual are referred to as collectivistic. In a collectivist culture, people's
identitie s are determined more by the characteristics of the collective
groups to which they belong than by those of individuals. Adults who
have been raised in a collectivist culture, for instance, may place a higher
value on the requirements of the family than on their own aspirations for
the rest of their lives. Furthermore, group cohesion is essential in
collectivist cultures due to the emphasis placed on social aspects in
general.
Collectivism has the following important cultural traits:
• The self is seen as i nterdependent and comparable to others, as
opposed to the qualities of a person.
• An alignment of individual goals with the goals of the community: the
individual makes decisions keeping in mind the goals/ needs of the
community.
• Consideration and empha sis are mainly on social norms rather than
individual attitudes while making decisions.
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131 Positive Institutions– II Check Your Progress:
1. What are the important cultural traits of collectivism?
8.2.5 Core Emphasis of Collectivism:
• Dependence: Dependence is a genuine tendency in collectivism to
derive one's very meaning and existence from belonging to a
significant group of people. In collectivism, a person follows the
group's expectations, cares a lot about the group's well -being, and is
very dependent on the other members of the group to which they
belong.
• Conformity/ desire to fit in: The core element of collectivism is the
assumption that groups bind and mutually obligate individuals." As
such, collectivism is an inherently social approach in which the
movement is towards in -groups and away from out -groups.
(Oyserman et al.)
• Perception of the group as a fundamental unit of analysis: social
patterns in collectivist societies reflect close connections in which
individuals see themselves as part of a larger, more significant w hole,
with the group as the perceived unit of analysis.
• People who are collectivist -oriented pay close attention to the rules
and goals of the group and may frequently sacrifice their own needs
for the group's.
• Collectivist individuals clearly become e xceptionally engaged with
the progressing exercises and objectives of their gathering, and they
consider cautiously the commitments and obligations of the
gatherings to which they belong.
Check Your Progress:
1. State the core emphasis of collectivism.
8.2.6 Differences between Individualism and Collectivism : INDIVIDUALISM COLLECTIVISM 1) Personal emphasized Social emphasized 2) Views people as unique Views people as part of the group 3) Encourages self-expression Discourages self-expression 4) Emphasizes competitiveness Emphasizes group harmony 5) Use of the word ‘I’ is encouraged. Use of the word ‘WE’ is encouraged. 8.2.7 Me/We Balance :
Individualism and collectivism have frequently been viewed as opposites
by social scientists (Hui, 1988; Oyserm an et al., 2002), and this polarity
has typically been used to compare European Americans' individualism to munotes.in

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132 East Asians' collectivism (Chan, 1994; Matsumoto, Kitayama, Markus,
and Norasakkunkit, 1997). We think that this polarity approach is neither
good s cience nor a good way to encourage healthy interactions between
people of different ethnicities in and across societies. Oyserman and
colleagues (2002) conducted a watershed review on this subject and
discovered that individuals in cultures like the United States were indeed
highly individualistic, but that they were not necessarily less collectivist
than others. As a result, only half of the stereotype was supported.
Seeing independence and cooperation as alternate extremes additionally
has the potential t o incite questions, in which the individuals from each
camp endeavour to exhibit the prevalence of their methodology. Given
that it has not been determined that the distinctions between individualism
and collectivism are clear -cut, this acrimony between th ese two
perspectives seems especially problematic.
Individualism and collectivism may differ in degree between generations
(Matsumoto, Kudoh, & Takeuchi, 1996, for example). Freeman & Bordia
(2000) also found that individuals' propensities towards collecti vism and
individualism varied as different reference groups became more
prominent. In addition, a tendency that appears to be individualistic may
actually contribute to collectivism; for instance, consider the way that a
strong individual feeling of viabil ity might add to the aggregate adequacy
of a general public (Fernandez -Ballesteros, Diez -Nicolas, Caprara,
Barbaranelli, and Bandura, 2002).
Oyserman and her colleagues (2002) proposed, based on such findings,
that we ought to move beyond the rather static view of individualism and
collectivism as distinct categories and instead take more dynamic
approaches to culture in order to discover when, where, and why these
mental sets operate. They argued for a comprehension of the ways in
which individualism and c ollectivism can coexist for the benefit of
individuals. We agree that the best course of action is to learn to accept
aspects of both the individualist and collectivist perspectives, which both
have benefits for individuals.
A sense of balance in one's tho ughts and actions is one of the
characteristics of a happy and productive life. A person can pay attention
to both the individual and the group through the ME/WE perspective.
Indeed, high -hope individuals' perspectives on their lives and interactions
with others have been found to be characterized by this (Snyder,
1994/2000, 2000b). That is to say, the high -hope children learned about
how important it is to consider other people's perspectives and how
important it is to successfully achieve one's own goals. Therefore, in the
same way that high -hopers can simultaneously envision other people's WE
goals, they can also think of their own goals. As a result, ME is a useful
strategy for fostering positive interactions between people of various
ethnic backgrounds within and across societies. In research on this theme,
Oyserman and associates (2002) found that Americans were without a
doubt high in independence, but they were not guaranteed to be lower than
others in cooperation. In this manner, there was support fo r just around munotes.in

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133 Positive Institutions– II 50% of the generalization. Individualism and collectivism can also be seen
as opposites, which can lead to arguments in which both sides try to show
that their approach is superior. Given that it has not been determined that
the distinctions between individualism and collectivism are clear, this
acrimony between these two perspectives seems especially problematic.
For instance, Vandello and Cohen (1999) discovered that even within
individualistic societies like the United States, the Northeast , Midwest,
Deep South, and West all have distinct forms of individualism. Besides,
societies are very assorted; According to Bandura (2000), neither
"individualist" nor "collectivist" have social systems that are symbiotic
and ever -evolving.
Moreover, ther e might be generational contrasts in how much
independence and cooperation are shown (e.g., Matsumoto, Kudoh, and
Takeuchi, 1996). Freeman & Bordia (2000) also found that individuals'
propensities towards collectivism and individualism varied as different
reference groups became more prominent. In addition, a tendency that
appears to be individualistic may actually contribute to collectivism; for
instance, think about the reality that a strong individual feeling of viability
might add to the system viabilit y of a general public (Fernandez -
Ballesteros, Diez -Nicolas, Caprara, Barbaranelli, and Bandura, 2002).
In light of these discoveries, for example, Oyserman and her associates
(2002) recommended that we ought to move past the somewhat static
perspective on independence and community as independent
classifications and, on second thought, adopt more unique strategies to
culture to find when, where, and why these psychological sets work. They
argued for a comprehension of the ways in which individualism and
collectivism can coexist for the benefit of individuals. We, as well, accept
that both independent and collectivistic viewpoints have benefits for
individuals and that the best goal is to figure out how to embrace parts of
each.
A sense of balance in one's th oughts and actions is one of the
characteristics of a happy and productive life. We believe that the ME and
WE emphasises would be equated in a positive psychology approach to
this problem. A person can pay attention to both the individual and the
group th rough the ME/WE perspective. Indeed, high -hope individuals'
perspectives on their lives and interactions with others have been found to
be characterized by this (Snyder, 1994/2000, 2000b).
Check Your Progress:
1.What are the few studies conducted with rega rds to the me v/s we
balance?
8.3 SUMMARY An individual's voluntary internal process of letting go of feelings and
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134 retribution towards someone we believe has wronged us, including
ourselves, is frequently used to define forgiveness.
According to evolutionary theory, our capacity for forgiveness is a trait of
human nature that has developed through natural selection in tandem with
our propensity for retaliation.
Forgiveness and vengean ce are social instincts that human ancestors used
to solve problems. We have hope that we can make the world a more
forgiving and less vengeful place, despite the fact that these two capacities
are fixed aspects of human nature (McCullough, 2008).
People's typical negative responses to interpersonal transgressions, which
appear to be etched deeply into the human template, are characterized by
tendencies toward avoidance and vengeance. Forgiveness is an important
corrective measure against these tendencies. Forgiveness has been praised
by the world's great religious traditions for millennia as a response that has
re-redemptive consequences for transgressors and their victims; b) a
human trait that should be developed; and (c) a kind of social capital that
makes it easier for social units like families, marriages, and communities
to work together well.
The individualistic perspective appears to centre on the three core
elements of independence, uniqueness, and the self as the unit of analysis.
The collectivisti c cultures place much more emphasis on the culture/
group needs than individual needs.
8.4 QUESTIONS 1. Define forgiveness
2. What are the types of forgiveness? Discuss
3. Describe the different scales of forgiveness.
4. Suggest and discuss intervention programs for forgiveness.
5. What is the core emphasis of individualism?
6. Describe the need for uniqueness.
7. Discuss the core emphasis of collectivism.
8. Elaborate on the differences between individualism and collectivism.
9. What is the ME V/S WE balance?
8.5 REFERENCES  C.R. Snyder & Shane J. Lopez. Positive psychology: The scientific
and practical explorations of human strengths.
 C. R. Snyder Shane J. Lopez, Handbook of positive psychology

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