MA-SEM-I-PAPER-IV-munotes

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1Module -I
Unit-1
A)POLITY
Unit Structure:
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Decline andDisintegration of Mughal Empire
1.3 Successors of Aurang zeb
1.3.1 Bahadur Shah I (1707 -12)
1.3.2 Jahandar Shah (1712 -13)
1.3.3 Farrukh -siyar (1713 -19)
1.3.4 Muhammad Shah (1719 -48)
1.3.5 Nadir Shah's Invasion of India (1739)
1.3.6 Invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdali (1748 -1767)
1.3.7 Ahmed Shah (1748 -1754)
1.3.8 Alamgir II (1754 -59)
1.3.9 Shah Alam II (1759 -1806)
1.4 Summary
1.5 Questions
1.6 Additional Reading
1.0OBJECTIVES:
After the completion of this unit the student swill be able to
1.Perceive the historical background of India in 18 th century.
2.Understand the achievements of successors of Aurangzeb.
3. Know the invasion of Nadir Shah on India.
4. Understand the invasion of Ahmed Shah Abdali on India.
1.1 INTRODUCTION:
India in the 18th century had to endure one of the most chaotic
periods in its ent ire history. The eighteenth -century political formations in
India were very dramatic and the country was changing at a very rapid
pace. During the first half of the 18th century, the Mughal Empire was
shrinking due to the emergence of independent kingdoms. In the second
half of the 18th century, the British had started creating a strong presence
in eastern India.munotes.in

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2The Mughal Empire, which had dominated the Indian subcontinent
for two centuries, began to decline with internal and external pressures.
Following the decline of the empire, numerous local powers strived for
independence, and foreign powers began to invade the area, further
deteriorating the situation of India and promoting additional disorder.
The European powers which had struggled to have a foot -hold in
India succeeded in their aims by the beginning of the 18th century and if
political conditions in India had not changed atter death of Aurangzeb in
1707, they in all probability would have remained as trading Companies.
But the politica l conditions in India began to change rapidly and by the
middle of the 18th century grand opportunity was provided for the English
merchants; with great astuteness saw their advantage and laid the
foundation for their political power in India.
The monoli thic structure of the Mughal empire began to
disintegrate after 1707 because the successors of Aurangazeb were in
capable of ruling. So, the end of the Mughal empire seemed inevitable,
and as there was no other power capable of stepping in hold the Indian
empire together. After the disintegration of the Mughal empire a political
vacuum was created, the possibility of filing which existed in the presence,
at the time of two groups, oneof which consisted of Indian States, while
the other was made up of the E uropean powers in India.
Among the Indian States there w ereno unity. In the other group only
England and France were the powers to reckon with. These two were
always rivals, now with the opportunity of gaining political suzerainty
over India contended f or power and the victory fell to England. In the
course of the struggle for supremacy and afterwards, the Indian States
hitherto independent and autonomous came to be conquered by the
English one after another, until as can be seen the following account, t he
English became the political successors to the Mughal Empire.
1.2DECLINE AND DISINTEGRATION OF THE
MUGHAL EMPIRE:
The Mughal Empire which had earned the admiration of
contemporaries for its extensive territories, military might and cultural
accompl ishments disintegrated after the death of Aurangzeb. Within a
short span of about 50 years, nine Mughal Emperors occupied the throne
in quick succession and were not able to provide any effective
government. Taking advantage of their weakness, many adventu rers
carved out independent principalities of their own and freed themselves
from the central control.
Aurangzeb had created more problems during his reign than he
was able to solve. It is true that some of them he inherited, but many of
them were his cre ation. Those together shook the Mughal Empire to its
very foundation. No wonder, the political and financial horizon at the timemunotes.in

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3of his death betokened the dark prospects of decline, decay and
dissolution. The glory of the Mughal Empire was becoming past h istory
and its tragic end was in the offing.
At the time of the death of Aurangzeb on 20 February 1707, the
Mughal Empire consisted of 21 Subahs (provinces): one in Afghanistan,
14 in North India and 6 in the Deccan. It embraced in the North Kashmir
andall Afghanistan from the Hindukush southwards to a line 36 miles
North of Ghazn i,on the West coast stretched in theory to the Northern
frontier of Goa and inland to Belgaum and the Tungabhadra river. No
Emperor of India since the death of Asoka had ruled over such extensive
territories.
At the end of Aurangzeb's reign, the Mughal Empire "was in a
state of hopeless decay; administration, culture, economic life, military
strength and social organization all seemed to be hastening to utter ruin
and dissolut ion".
Check your progress:
1.Trace the historical background of India in 18 th century.
1.3SUCCESSORS OF AURANGZEB:
For better understanding of the decline of Mughal Empire, the
subsequent chapters (kept under thefollowing headings) describe feeble
Mughal Emperors, their weaknesses, and faulty activities:
1.3.1 Bahadur Shah I (1707 -12)
On Aurangzeb's death, histhree sons fought among themselves for
thethrone. The 65 -year old Bahadur Shah emerged victorious. He was
learned, dignified, and deserving. He adopted amore tolerant attitude
towards theHindu chiefs and rajas. There wasnodestruction oftemples in
Bahadur Shah’s reign. Inthebeginning, he made an attempt to gain greater
control over the regional states through the conciliation; however,
dissensions developed among theregional kingdoms (including Rajput,
Marathas, etc.); resultantly, they fought among themselves as well as
against Mughal Emperor.
Bahadur Shah assembled armies against the Rajputs but at the
same time followed a pol icy of conciliation. The result was that Jay Singh
and Ajit Singh were restored to their former ranks. Bahadur Shah might
have taken action against the Rajputs but the situation in the Punjab
precipitated his departure. In his Rajput policy, Bahadur Shah w as firm inmunotes.in

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4suppressing the insurgents but he was not against a compromise with
them.
Bahadur Shah hadtried toconciliate therebellious Sikhs bymaking
peace with Guru Gobind Singh and giving him a high mansab (rank). But
after the death of the Guru, the Sikhs once again raised the banner of
revolt in Punjab under the leadership of Banda Bahadur. The Emperor
decided to take strong measures and himself led a campaign against the
rebels, soon controlled practically theentire territory between theSutlej and
theYamuna, andreached the close neighborhood of Delhi. Bahadur Shah
conciliated Chatarsal (the Bundela chief, who remained a loyal feudatory)
andtheJatchief Churaman, who joined himinthecampaign against Banda
Bahadur.
Asregards the Deccan poli cy of Bahadur Shah, it appears that he
was not able to formulate a clear -cut and decisive policy. After the death
of Kam Baksh, Zulfiqar Khan was appointed the Viceroy of the Deccan.
He favoured conciliation with the Marathas, but the Vazir Munim Khan
made a different approach. Bahadur Shah released Sahu, son of Sambhaji
and grandson of Shivaji. That was done on the suggestion of Zulfiqar
Khan. Sahu was given his former Mansab but the Emperor was reluctant
to recognise his claims to Chauth and Sardeshmukhi on the six Subahs of
the Deccan. This did not work and the Marathas restarted their plundering
raids. They ravaged even the Jag ir’s of Zulfiqar Khan. His representative
secretly concluded a pact with Sahu by which his claims were conceded
but that was not confirmed by the Emperor. The result was that the Deccan
remained a scene of confusion and lawlessness.
Bahadur Shah died on 27 February 1712 and with him disappeared
even the last semblance of the glory and greatness of the Mughals. He held
the reins of administration in his hand. His word was final in the state. He
rose high above party factions and court intrigues. Unlike his successors,
he cannot be said to have played the role of a mere puppet. In spite ofhard
efforts ofBahadur Shah, there was furth erdeterioration inthe field of
administration in Bahadur Shah's reign. The position of state finances
worsened as a result of his reckless grants and promotions. During
Bahadur Shah's reign, the remnants of the Royal treasure, amounting to
some total 13 crores of rupees in 1707, were exhausted. Bahadur Shah was
examining towards asolution oftheproblems besetting the Empire. He
might have revived the Imperial fortunes, but unfortunately, his death in
1712 plunged the Empire once again into civil war.
1.3.2Jahandar Shah (1712 -13)
The death of Bahadur Shah was followed by a civil war among his
four sons, Jahandar Shah, Azim -ush-Shan, Jahan Shah and Rafi -ush-
Shan. Jahandar Shah was about 52 years of age at the time of his accession
tothe throne. He cel ebrated his success by making new appointments and
distributing largesse’s to his supporters. Zulfiqar Khan became the Wazirmunotes.in

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5Minister. The friends of Zulfiqar Khan were introduced into other high
offices.
Jahandar Shah indulged in acts which for their im propriety,
indecency and even cruelty, were unprecedented and helped considerably
to bring down the prestige of royalty. The Emperor set the evil example of
a licentious and effeminate court life and vitiated the morals of the ruling
class. His influence m ade the recovery of the old imperial glory
impossible. He was reduced to a puppet. All authority was wielded by the
Wazir, Zulfiqar Khan and the ministers who passed on their duties to their
deputies.
The Emperor' was not alone in introducing chaos and d isaffection.
Zulfiqar Khan followed suit and left most of his official work to a
favourite, Subhag Chand, who by his overbearingness offended all and
sundry. A feud developed between Zulfiqar Khan and Khan Jahan
Kokaltash, the foster -brother of Jahandar Sh ah, who exploited the
affection of the Emperor for him to supplant the former in the minister
ship. All this was happening at the capital, aggravating the weakness of
the central authority.
Zulfiqar Khan was overtaken with senile decay. By delegating all
his authority to Subhag Chand, he lost all the influence he had built up. He
was bitterly hated like his master. With such persons at the helm of affairs,
the fate of the Empire can better be imagining than described.
When such was the state of affairs a t the capital, Farrukh -siyar, the
second son of Azim -ush-Shan, took advantage of it. He won over the
support of Sayyid Hussain Ali, the Governor of Patna and Sayyid
Abdullah, the Governor of Allahabad. He advanced with a large following
to contest the thro ne with his uncle. He overcame the opposition of his
cousin Azizud -din who blocked his way at Khajuha ,near Agra, he
confronted Jahandar Shah. Jahandar Shah deserted the army and fled from
the battlefield in the company of Lai Kanwar to Delhi in a bullock cart.
Zulfiqar Khan was already making fastforthecapital.
Jahandar Shah took protection with Asad Khan, the Vakil -i-
Mutlaq, who betrayed him to his enemies. For such an act of treachery,
Asad Khan and his son Zulfiqar Khan, had to pay dearly. Asad Khan
suffered disgrace and Zulfiqar Khan was put to death. Jahandar Shah was
alsoputtodeath on11 February 1713.
1.3.3 Farrukh -siyar (1713 -19)
At the time of his accession to the throne, Farrukh -siyar was a
young man of 30. When Farrukh -siyar ascended the throne, he appointed
Sayyid Abdullah as Prime Minister with the title of Qutb -ul-Mulk. He
appointed Husain Ali as Mir Bakshi with the title of Amir -ul-Umara.munotes.in

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6One of the greatest achievements of Farrukh -siyar was the defeat
of the Sikhs under Banda Bahad ur. He appointed Abdul Samad as the
Governor of Lahore in 1714 with specific instructions to crush the Sikhs.
In the meanwhile, dissensions occurred in the ranks of the Sikhs with the
result that a large number of Sikh soldiers withdrew their support from
Banda Bahadur. The Mughal Governor took full advantage of the new
development and compelled Banda Bahadur to evacuate Lohgarh and
retreat Gurdaspur. Even there he was not allowed to live in peace. The
place was stormed and Banda was forced to surrender in December 1715.
Along -with his 740 followers, he was taken prisoner and brought to Delhi
where he was brutally put to death.
Farrukh -siyar participated in three plots against the Sayyid
Brothers. When Husain Ali was deputed to lead the imperial forces to
quell the insurrection in Rajputana, secret letters were written to Ajit
Singh Rathor ,the rebel Raja of Jodhpur, promising him rich reward if he
did away with Husain Ali. However, the plot failed. Ajit Singh submitted
and passed on the letters of Farrukh -siyar to Husain Ali.
Another plot was hatched. Nizam -ul-Mulk, the Viceroy of the Dec -
can, was recalled and the province was put under the charge of Husain Ali.
When Husain Ali was on the way to the South, Daud Khan, Deputy
Governor of the Deccan was secre tly instigated to obstruct him. However,
Daud Khan was defeated and killed and the plot failed.
An attempt was made on the life of Saiyad Abdullah Khan under
the very nose of the Emperor. At the Nauroz ceremonies, the Wazir
Abdullah Khan was to be surroun ded and assassinated or imprisoned.
However, the plot miscarried. Abdullah Khan came to know of the trap
and overawed Farrukh -siyar by a large massing of the troop in advance.
The relations between the Emperor and the Sayyid Brothers were
very much strain ed. There was an improvement forsome time when Mir
Jumla, thefavourite oftheEmperor, wassent away toPatna and Husain
Ali left for the Deccan as the Subedar of the six Subahs of the Deccan.
However, the fire of misunderstanding was fanned to full fury again when
Mir Jumla came back join Patna and Nizam -ul-Mulk from the Deccan and
Inayatullah Kashmiri was appointed Diwan -i-Khalsa, much against the
wishes of Sayyid Abdullah Khan. He then sent express messages to his
brother Husain Ali in the Deccan aski ng him to return to Delhi as quickly
aspossible.
To provide against all eventualities, Husain Ali opened
negotiations with Peshwa, Balaji Vishwanath who demanded the
recognition of Sahu's succession to Shivaji's kingdom, the right of levying
Chauth and S ardeshmukhi on the six provinces of the Deccan,
confirmation of recent Maratha conquests in Berar, Gondwana, Karnatak
and the return of Sahu's mother and his family to the Deccan. In lieu of
those concessions, the Peshwa promised to pay a tribute or Peshku sh formunotes.in

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7Sardeshmukhi, to preserve and guard peace in the Deccan and in return for
Chauth place 15,000 Maratha horsemen at the disposal of Husain Ali. As
terms were advantageous to both the parties, the bargain was struck. When
those were placed before the E mperor, he rejected them.
When Husain Ali reached Delhi in 1719, he resolved to end the
sorry state of affairs. In his army were 11,000 Maratha troops led by
Peshwa Balaji Vishwanath, Senapati Khande Rao Dabhade, Santaji
Bhonsle and others. The city was thrown into a state of alarm and so was
the Emperor.
He made desperate efforts to undo the mischief by placating the
Sayyid Brothers, but they were impervious to tears and threats alike. The
Emperor was completely isolated. Even hisfather -in-law, Ajit Singh,
deserted him. Thefortandpalace inDelhi were cleared ofthe partisans of
the Emperor who had taken refuge in women's compartments. He was
overpowered, dragged out, blinded and confined in a "bare, dark
unfurnished hole". He was subjected to all so rts of tortures by his jailors.
Bitter and over -salted dishes were served to him. Even slow poisoning was
attempted for some time. However, he survived. At last, executioners were
sent and they strangled him to death on 28 April 1719. This was the first
instance of a Mughal sovereign losing his life at the hands of a noble and
the Sayyid Brothers had to pay for their crime with their blood.
It is worthy of notice that during the reign of Farrukh -siyar, the
Mughal Empire drifted towards dissolution. There w as disorder
everywhere. Chiefs, landholders and leaders of tribal bands began to defy
the authority of the Government.
1.3.4 Muhammad Shah (1719 -48)
After the death of Rafi -ud-Daulah, Muhammad Shah was put on
the throne by the Sayyid Brothers. He was the fourth son of Emperor
Bahadur Shah I. It is said of him that never before a more care -free
sovereign had sat on the throne of Delhi. He was a young boy of 17 who
had passed most of his time within the four walls of the palace, in the
society of eunuchs an d ladies of the harem. Though fairly intelligent, he
never attempted to make use of his wits. He was of a generous disposition.
Muhammad Shah took no interest in the affairs of the Government.
He spent his time in frivolous pursuits surrounded by favouri tes. He left
everything to his Wazir Qamar -ud-din Khan, son of Mir Muhammad
Amin Khan. Unfortunately, the Wazir was also an indolent,
procrastinating and pleasure -loving person.
Delhi was left without a Government. The provincial governments
got no help from the Centre in the hour of their need. When Nadir Shah
threatened Afghanistan and the Mughal Governor of Kabul asked for help,
nobody cared for his request. The leading nobles were jealous of the
power of the Wazir and intrigued against the Mughal Emp ire with itsmunotes.in

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8enemies. They shirked all military tasks involving any risk. None of them
was willing to face the Marathas.
They invented excuses when they were asked to proceed against
the Raja of Jodhpur. The results were disastrous. The Mughal Empire
began to disintegrate. Many provinces virtually became independent.
Murshid Quli Khan in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and Saadat Khan in
Avadh paid only nominal allegiance to the Mughal Emperor at Delhi. The
Nizam set up an independent dynasty of his own in the D eccan. In the
Doab the Rohillahas set up au tonomous chieftainships. The Marathas
occupied Gujarat, Malwa and a part of Bundelkhand. The Governors of
Kabul and Lahore were left to their own resources.
For full one year after his accession. Muhammad Shah re mained a
virtual prisoner in the hands of the Sayyid Brothers. Even after the
disappearance of the Sayyid Brothers, Muhammad Shah fell into the
clutches of Rahmat -un-Nisa Koki Jiu, eunuch Hafiz Khid -matgar Khan,
Shah Abdul Ghaffar and Turrabaz Raushan -ud-Daulah Zafar Khan
Panipati. In 1739, they were supplanted by Khan Dauran Samsamud -
Daulah and his brother Muzaffar Khan. After their death in 1739, they
were succeeded by Amir Khan, Muhammad Ishaq, Asad Yar and
Safdarjang.
Muhammad Shah spent most of his ti me in watching animal fights.
On account of his indifference towards public affairs and addiction to
wine and women, he was called Muhammad Shah "Rangila."
The reign of Muhammad Shah can be divided into two periods, the
dividing point being the invasion o f Nadir Shah in 1739. The main interest
in the political sphere centres round the steady expansion of Maratha
power and influence and its pressure on Mughal territory. They
dread the network of their activity from Gujarat to Bengal and from the
Narmada to the Jamuna, and even upto the river Ravi in the Punab. Their
leader was Peshwa Baji Rao I. It was under him that the Marathas cut
across the limits of the Deccan and carried their arms right to the very
heart of the Mughal Empire.
1.3.5 Nadir Shah's Invas ion of India (1739 )
One of the most important events of the reign of Muhammad Shah
was the invasion of India by Nadir Shah in 1739. Nadir Shah had become
the ruler of Iran in 1736. Nadir Shah used Qandhar as a vital base for his
Indian expedition. He arriv ed at Ghazni from where he marched to Kabul
which he occupied after a brief resistance. He professed his friendly
intentions towards the Mughal Emperor saying that his sole object was to
punish the rebel Afghans and he had no territorial designs. He sent a n
envoy to Delhi but he was killed at Jalalabad. Nadir Shah ruthlessly
avenged the murder and sacked the town of Jalalabad.munotes.in

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9Nadir Shah was attracted to India by the fabulous wealth for which
it was always famous. The visible weakness of the Mughal Empire made
such spoliation possible. Nadir Shah marched ontoDelhi andtheEmperor
Muhammad Shah wastaken as prisoner. A terrible massacre ofthecitizens
oftheimperial capital wasordered byNadir Shah as a reprisal against the
killing of some of his soldi ers. The greedy invader Nadir Shah took
possession oftheroyal treasury andother royal property, levied tribute on
the leading nobles, and plundered Delhi.
Unfortunately, rumours were spread in the city that Nadir Shah had
met with untimely death or had been seized or imprisoned by the orders of
the Emperor. Nobody cared to verify the truth. Mobs collected at various
places and attacked the Persian troops and about 3000 of them were killed.
At first, Nadir Shah refused to believe the reports of the dist urbance but
when he rode through the streets in Chandni Chowk, a bullet missed him
but killed one of his officers. Red with anger, he ordered a general
massacre of the inhabitants of Delhi. The Persian soldiers forced their way
into shops, and houses kill ing the occupants and looting everything.
Nadir Shah demanded the hand of a Mughal princess for his son
Nasrullah and a great grand -daughter of Aurangzeb was married to him.
To celebrate the occasion, Nadir Shah ordered illumination, display of
fire-works and other entertainments. All this was done when the people of
Delhi were in a state of mourning. The Peacock throne of Shah Jahan was
seized by Nadir Shah. Likewise, elephants, horses and precious stuffs
were seized.
Nadir Shah left Delhi after a stay of 57 days. Before his departure,
he put the crown on thehead of Muhammad Shah, the Mughal Emperor
who offered to Nadir Shah the provinces of the Mughal Empire West of
the river Indus from Kashmir to Sind and in addition the Subah of Thatta
and the f orts subordinate to it. The view of Sir Wolseley Haig is that die
departure of Nadir Shah left the Mughal Emperor and his courtiers
stupefied with the blow which had fallen on them. For two months,
nothing was done or proposed in regard to the state of aff airs in the
Empire. However, even this blow did not change the attitude of the
Mughal Emperor and his courtiers. On account of his continued war
against the Mara thas, the Mughal Emperor admitted his inability to meet
the demands of Nadir Shah. As regards t he effect of Nadir Shah's invasion
of India, it was in the nature of a holocaust. There was wholesale
destruction, plunder and rapine. It gave asevere blow totheMughal
Empire. It proved to the harbinger of future invasions of India by Ahmad
Shah Abdali.
The French, the English and the Dutch trading Companies were
also frightened. Peshwa Baji Rao was so alarmed that he asked Chimaji
Appa to give up his campaign against the Portuguese. He made peace with
his enemy in Central India. Raja Jay Singh of Ambe r sent his family to
Udaipur. By the invasion of Nadir Shah, the glamour and wealth of Indiamunotes.in

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10which had dazzled even die foreigners, was gone. Nizam -ul-Mulk was
called away to the Deccan to meet the Maratha pressure on his
possessions. Saadat Khan was dead. Qamar -ud-din Khan, on account of
his indolence and licentiousness, was like a broken reed. The young -men
who stepped into the political void were a band of self -seekers who were
unfit to discharge their responsibilities in the prevailing atmosphere of
strife and struggle.
Nadir Shah's invasion gave a severe blow to the already tottering
Mughal Empire and expedited the process of disintegration. The quick
victory of Nadir Shah demonstrated the hollowness of the authority of the
Mughal Emperor and encourage d the Governors of the provinces to assert
their independence. The Mughal Emperor surrendered to Nadir Shah the
territories lying to the West of the river Indus and that was a permanent
loss to the Mughal Empire. The Mughal Emperor lost not only the
provin ces of Western Punjab and Sind but also lost permanently Kabul
which was annexed to Afghanistan.
1.3.6 Invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdali (1748 -1767)
Ahmad Shah Abdali or Durrani was an important general of Nadir
Shah. After the murder of Nadir Shah on 9 June 1747 by some of his
nobles, all the Afghans proceeded towards Qandhar and chose Ahmad
Shah Abdali as their leader. On reaching Qandhar, they had to fight
against the local garrison which was captured.
Ahmad Shah Abdali was declared Emperor and coins were struck
in his name. After Qandhar, he occupied Ghazni, Kabul and Peshawar. All
that added to his personal glory and the morale of his troops. When Nadir
Shah had attacked India in 1739, Ahmad Shah Abdali was with him.
Ahmad Shah Abdali led as many as se ven expeditions against
India between 1748 and 1767. The weak and precarious condition of the
Mughal Empire encouraged him in his designs. Ahmad Shah Abdali
crossed the Indus and the Jhelum and invade the Punjab in 1748. Lahore
and Sirhind were occupied bu t he was defeated by the Mughal army near
Sirhind and was forced to withdraw.
Ahmad Shah Abdali was not prepared to put up with the insult and
he led another attack on India in 1749. Muin Khan, Governor of the
Punjab, resisted the advance of Abdali and a sked for reinforcements. As
he did not get any help, he agreed to pay Rs. 14,000 as annual tribute to
Abdali.
Ahmad Shah Abdali led thethird invasion ofIndia towards the
close of1751 as thepromised tribute was not paid to him. After defeating
the Gov ernor of the Punjab, Abdali advanced towards Delhi. The Mughal
Emperor offered to transfer Multan and Punjab to Abdali. The view of
some scholars is that Ahmad Shah Abdali also conquered Kashmir during
his third invasion and appointed his own Governor.munotes.in

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11Ahm ad Shah Abdali invaded India for the fourth time to punish
lmad -ul-Mulk who had appointed his own man as the Governor of the
Punjab. In 1753, after the death of Mir Mannu, his infant son, under the
Regency of his mother Mughlani Begum, succeeded him. Mughl ani
Begum invited lmad -ul-Mulk, the Wazir of Delhi and he appointed Mir
Munim as the Governor of the Punjab after imprisoning Mughlani Begum.
When Ahmad Shah Abdali came to know of these developments, he
decided to attack India. He came to India in Novembe r 1756. As soon as
he reached Lahore. Mir Munim ran away to Delhi. After capturing the
Punjab, Ahmad Shah Abdali marched towards Delhi. He reached Delhi on
23 January 1757 and captured the city.
After pillaging Delhi, the Afghan army marched out leaving at r a i l
of burning villages, rotting corpses and desolation. Crushing the Jats on
the way, they proceeded to Mathura, Brindaban and Gokul. The cry of
anguish which arose from Delhi, Mathura, Agra and a thousand towns and
villages in Northern India remained unheard. However, the outbreak of
cholera halted the Afghan army. The soldiers glamoured for returning
home. Abdali was forced to retire but not before he had collected a booty
estimated at 3 to 12 crores of rupees and inflicted unspeakable indignities
upon the Mughal Emperor.
Before his departure from Delhi, Abdali compelled the Mughal
Emperor to cede to him Kashmir, Lahore, Sirhind and Multan. He
appointed his son Timur Shah to look after the government of those
regions. Mughlani Begum was not given Kas hmir or Jullunder Doab
which had been promised to her. She was imprisoned, caned and
disgraced. Abd ali appointed Najib Khan Rohilla as Mir Bakshi and he
remained in Delhi as the agent of Ahmad Shah.
After the departure of Abdali, the situation in India be came critical.
Abdali sent Jahan Khan on the Punjab but he was defeated. When that
happened, Abdali himself attacked India. The Marathas could not stand
against him and were forced to withdraw from Lahore, Multan and
Sirhind. Before the end 1759, the Punja b was once again brought under his
control by Abdali.
It was under these circumstances that the third battle of Panipat
was fought on 14 January 17 61 between the Marathas and Ahmad Shah
Abdali. In spite of their best efforts, the Marathas were defeated. H olkar
fled and the contingents of Sindhia followed him. The defeat turned into a
rout and terrific slaughter ensued. On the battlefield, there lay the corpses
of 28000 men. Most of the officers were killed. Both Vishwas Rao, the
son of the Peshwa and Sadas iva Rao Bhau died fighting heroically.
After the battle of Panipat, Ahmad Shah Abdali recognised Shah
Alam II as the Emperor of Delhi. Munir -ud-Daulah and Najib -ud-Daulah
promised to pay a tribute of Rs. 40 lacs per annum to Ahmad Shah Abdali
on behalf o f the Mughal Emperor. After that Ahmad Shah Abdali leftmunotes.in

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12India. Ahmad Shah Abdali came to India for the sixth time in March 1764.
The Sikhs had increased their power in the Punjab. They had captured
considerable property and also killed Khawaja Abid, the Af ghan Governor
of Lahore. The object of Abdali's invasion was to punish the Sikhs. He
stayed in India only for about a fortnight. He had to retreat in view of the
possibility of a revolt among his soldiers. As soon as Ahmad Shah Abdali
left India, the Sikhs captured Lahore. They also captured Majha and
Central Punjab. However, Abdali was able to retain his control over
Peshawar and the countrv West of Attock.
The invasions of Abdali prepared the field for the British to
establish their authority because the Marathas and the Muslims had
considerably weakened each other on account of their deadly conflict.
Thus, the significant result of the invasions of Nadir Shah and Ahmad
Shah Abdali was the rise of the English power in India.
1.3.7 Ahmed Shah (1748 -1754)
The death of hisfather Muhammad Shah inApril 1748, Ahmed
Shah wasputonthe throne of Delhi. He was the only son of his father. He
was "a good -natured imbecile" who had received no training for war or
administration. From his infancy to the age of 21, he had been brought up
among the women of harem in neglect and poverty and often subjected to
his father's brow -beating.
The affairs of the state fell into the hands of "a cabal of eunuchs
and women" headed by the Queen mother Udham Bai, who before her
marriage with Muhammad Shah, was a public dancing girl. She promoted
worthless men into high offices, receiving large presents in money for
every appointment. No one cared for the administration and the Governors
and nobles misappropriated the royal revenue s. Their example was
followed by powerful landlords who usurped the lands of their weak
neighbours.
In the field of administration, the Emperor did many foolish things.
He appointed his 2 year old son Mahmud as the Governor of the Punjab
and named Muhamma d Amin, a one year old boy, as die Deputy under
him. The Governorship of Kashmir was conferred on Tala Said Shah, a
one year old boy and a boy of 15 years of age was appointed his deputy.
Those appointments were made at a time when the danger of Afghan
invasions was very great.
Delhi became ahotbedofintrigues andrival factions. Themost
important Minister atthecourt atthat time was Safdarjang, the Nawab
Wazir of Avadh. He became so arrogant that he began to give orders
without consulting theEmpero r. The Emperor retaliated by forming aurt
party headed by Javid Khan. When Javid Khan was assassinated, Mughal
Emperor chose Ghazi -ud-Din Imad -ul-Mulk, grandson of Nizam -ul-Mulk,
as his Wazir.munotes.in

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13There was a struggle for power between Imad -ul-Mulk and
Safdarjang. Ghazi -ud-Din convened the Mughal Dar -I are and proposed
the following resolution: "This Emperor has shown is unfitness for rule.
He is unable to cope with the Marathas. He is false and fickle towards his
friends. Let him be deposed and a worthier s on of Timur raised to the
throne". The resolution was passed and immediately acted upon. Ahmed
Shah was deposed and blinded and consigned to the state prison of
Salimgarh. Alamgir II was put on the throne.
1.3.8 Alamgir II (1754 -59)
Alamgir II was the sec ond son of Jahandar Shah. He was 55 at the
time of his accession to the throne. As he had spent almost all his life in
prison, he had practically no experience of administration. He Was a very
weak person and was merely a puppet in the hands of his Wazir G hazi-ud-
Din Imad -ul-Mulk. The Wazir was a man of no principles. He was
extremely selfish. He put all the royal revenues into his own pocket and
starved the royal family. He persecuted Ali Gauhar, the eldest son of the
Mughal Emperor. He tried to form an an ti-Maratha, coalition with a view
to drive out the Marathas from Northern India but he failed. The relations
between Alamgir II and Imad -ul-Mulk were not satisfactory and the latter
got him assassinated in 1759. His body was thrown out of the window and
was found lying stark naked on the banks of the river Jamuna.
1.3.9 Shah Alam II (1759 -1806)
Ali Gauhar was the son of Alamgir II. He became the Mughal
Emperor in 1759 and took up the title of Shah Alam II. At the time of the
death of his father, he was in Bihar. Although he was declared the Mughal
Emperor, he did not proceed to Delhi for 12 years. He reached Delhi in
January 1772 with the help of the Marathas. During that period, he tried to
conquer Bihar and Bengal but failed. He was defeated in 1764 in th e
Battle of Buxar and made a prisoner along with the Nawab Wazir of
Avadh.
In 1765, he gave the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the
English East India Company and the latter promised to pay him an annual
sum of Rs. 26 lacs. Throughout his long life , Shah Alam II remained a
puppet in the hands of his ministers, the Marathas and the British. The
Rohilla leader Najib -ud-Daulah and later on his son Zabita Khan and
grandson Ghulam Qadir ransacked the palace. The floors of the houses of
the grandees in th e city were dug out. The princesses were turned out and
their jewelry was snatched by Ghulam Qadir. Ghulam Qadir, also blinded
Shah Alam and deposed him and put Bidar Bakht on the Mughal throne.
However, the Marathas brought out Shah Alam from his captivit y and
stored him to the throne. Ghulam Qadir was defeated and hanged. In 1803,
the English captured Delhi and Shah Alam II became a pensioner of the
English East India Company and he died in 1806.
The Great Mughal Empire declined anddisintegrated during the
first halfofthe 18th century. The Mughal Emperors lost their power andmunotes.in

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14glory and their empire shrank to a few square miles around Delhi. In the
end,in1803, Delhi itself wasoccupied bythe British army andtheproud of
Mughal Emperor was reduced t o the status of a mere pensioner of a
foreign power.
Check your progress:
1.What are the achievements of successors of Aurangzeb?
1.4 SUMMARY
The political instability in the country after the death of Aurangzeb
had its effect on the social, r eligious and economic condition of the
people. For a long time, there was practically no authority, no
administration, no law and no security in vast areas of the country.
Anarchy was the order of the day. The strong prevailed over the weak.
The Indians ha d very bad time in every way.
V.P.S. Raghuvanshi writes, "Civilised life cannot flourish amid
conditions of insecurity and oppression. In the 18th century, the break -up
of the Mughal monarchy released forces of political disintegration and
anarchical cond itions which destroyed the creative and cooperative spirit
of man. They caused deterioration in every phase of national life. The
regions which suffered most from the ravages of the soldiery became the
scenes of uprooted humanity and epidemics. The period glorified war,
bred anarchy and held civilisation in terror.
Ghulam Hussain, a historian of Bengal, calls the 18th century as
“an age of senseless, slothful princes and of grandees, ignorant and
meddling.” He further writes, “It is in consequence of such wretched
administration that every part of Hind has gone to ruin and every one of its
discouraged than inhabitants have broken their hearts. Life itself has
become disgust. In the 18th century wars, invasions and other calamities
wrought havoc and cities l ike Lahore, Delhi, Agra and Mathura in the
North and were tracts of the country in the Deccan were destroyed.”
1.5 QUESTIONS
1.Examine the performances of Bahadur Shah I and Jahandar Shah.
2. Review the achievements of Farrukh -Siyar and Muhammad Sh ah
Rangeela.
3.Give an account of Nadir Shah's invasion on India.
4.Evaluate Ahmed Shah Abdali's invasion on India.munotes.in

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155.Asses the performances of Ahmad Shah, Alamgir II and Shah Alam II.
6.What are the achievements of successors of Aurangzeb?
1.6.ADDITIONAL READING
1.Athar Ali, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb.
2.Faruki Zahiruddin, Aurangzeb and His Times.
3.Frazer J., History of Nadir Shah.
4.Gupta Han Ram, Studies in the Later Mughal History of the Punjab.
5.Irvine Willi am, Later Mughals, Vols. I and II.
6.Keene H. G., The Fall of the Mughal Empire, 1887.
7.Majumdar R. C. (Ed.), The Maratha Supremacy, Bhartiya Vidya
Bhavan, Bombay, 1977.
8.Owen S.J., India on the Eve of the British Conquest, London, 1876.
9.Sarkar Sir Jadunath, The Fall of the Mughal Empire, 4 Vols.
10. Satish Chandra, Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, 1707 -40,
Aligarh, 1959.


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16Unit-2
B)POLITY
Unit Structure:
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introductio n
2.2 The South Indian states
2.2.1 Hyderabad
2.2.2 Carnatic
2.2.3 Mysore
2.2.4 Kerala
2.3 The North Indian States and Local Powers
2.3.1 Awadh
2.3.2 Rohikhand
2.3.3 Farrukhabad
2.3.4 B undelkhand
2.3.5 Bengal Subha
1. Murshid Quli Khan
2. Shuja -ud-Din
3. Sarfaraz Khan
4. Ali Vardi Khan
5. Siraj -ud-Daulah
6. Mir Jafar
2.3.6 The Rajput States
1. Marwar (J odhpur)
2. Amber (Jaipur)
3. Mewar (Udaipur)
2.3.7 The Jats
1. Churaman (1695 -1721)
2. Badan Singh (1722 -56)
3. Suraj Mai (1756 -63)
4. Jawahir Singh (1764 -68)
2.3.8 The Sikhs
2.3.9 Jammu and Kashmir
2.4 The Marathas
1. Balaji Vishwanath ( 1711 -20)
2. Baji Rao I (1720 -40)
3. Balaji Baji Rao (1740 to 1761)munotes.in

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172.5 Malwa
2.6 Gujarat
2.7 Summary
2.8 Questions
2.9 Additional Reading
2.0 OBJECTIVES:
After the completion of this unit the students will be able to
1. Know the polity of South Indian States in 18 th century.
2. Learn the political conditions of North Indian States in 18 th century.
3. Comprehend the political conditions of the Maratha in 18 th century.
4. Understand the political conditions o f the Malwa and Gujarat in 18 th
century.
2.1 INTRODUCTION:
The rulers of the South Indian states established law and order and
viable economic and administrative states. They curbed with varying
degrees of success. The politics of South Indian states were invariably
non-communal or secular. The motivations of their rulers were being
similar in economic and political terms.
The rulers of South Indian states did not discriminate on religious
grounds in public appointment; civil or military; nor did th e rebels against
their authority pay much attention to the religion of the rulers. None of the
South Indian states, however, succeeded in arresting the economic crisis.
The zamindars and jagirdars, whose had number constantly increased,
continued to fight over a declining income from agriculture, while the
condition of the peasantry continued to deteriorate.
While the South Indian states prevented any breakdown of internal
trade and even tried to promote foreign trade, they did nothing to
modernize the ba sic industrial and commercial structure of their states.
2.2THE SOUTH INDIAN STATES
Following were the important states of South India in 18th century:
2.2.1Hyderabad
Hyderabad was formed by the six Deccan Subahs of the Mughal
Empire. The Deccan was a newly conquered region in which Mughal
authority could not be consolidated on account of the struggle with the
Marathas. Zulfiqar Khan, the most powerful and reputed general of
Aurangzeb, formed plans to seize the Deccan Subahs after the death of
Aurangzeb. In order to achieve his aim, he entered into a secretmunotes.in

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18understanding with the Marathas. He was a Shia and his aim was to build
up Shia kingdom on the ruins of Bijapur and Golcunda. Another powerful
Mansabdar who aspired to set up an independent st ate in the Deccan was
Chin Qilich Khan who later on became Nizam -ul-Mulk Asaf Jah. Zulfiqar
Khan and Chin Qilich Khan belonged totworival factions intheMughal
court, Irani andTurani. Forsome years after the death of Aurangzeb,
Zulfiqar Khan and his f ather Asad Khan who had held the office of Wazir
under Aurangzeb, continued to exercise great influence in the Mughal
court. In 1708, Zulfiqar Khan managed to secure the vice -royalty of the
Deccan from Bahadur Shah I and held that post till 1713 when he wa s
murdered by Farrukh -siyar.
At the time of the death of Aurangzeb, Chin Qilich Khan was at
Bijapur and he observed neutrality during the war of succession among the
sons of Aurangzeb. Bahadur Shah removed Chin Qilich Khan from the
Deccan and made him the Governor of Avadh and Faujdar of Gorakhpur
on 9 December 1707. For some time, he retired from public service but
joined it again towards the close of the reign of Bahadur Shah. In 1713,
Farrukh -siyar appointed Nizam -ul-Mulk the Governor of the six Subahs
by investing him with the titles of Khan Khana and Nizam -ul-Mulk
Bahadur Fatehjang as a reward for his services having espoused his cause.
Nizam -ul-Mulk was extremely ambitious and he wanted to rule over the
Deccan independently of Delhi.
Nizam -ul-Mulk wa s an astute diplomat. He tried to check the
growing power of the Marathas by stopping the payment of Chauth and
instigating the self -seeking and ambitious Maratha leaders against Sahu.
The intrigues at the Delhi court led to Nizam -ul-Mulk's recall from the
Deccan by the end of 1715 and in his place, Husain Ali was appointed
Governor of the Deccan. Nizam -ul-Mulk was transferred to Murdabad and
subsequently it was decided to move him to Bihar. Before he could
assume charge of the new office, the regime of Far rukh-siyar came to an
end and Nizam -ul-Mulk was transferred to Malwa. He started for Ujjain
after receiving the pledge that he would not be transferred again. While in
Malwa, Nizam -ul-Mulk was able to lay the foundation of his future
greatness. His activit ies aroused the jealousy of the Sayyid Brothers and
he was recalled. Nizam -ul-Mulk decided to act in self -defence by the use
of arms. He occupied Asirgarh in May 1720 and three days later
Burhanpur fell. The Sayyid Brothers ordered Sayyid Dilawar Ali Khan
and Alam Ali Khan to oppose the march of Nizam -ul-Mulk. Dilawar Ali
Khan was defeated in June 1720. Alam Ali Khan was defeated and killed
in the battle. While Husain Ali was on the way to the Deccan, he was
stabbed to death on 8 October 1720. Sayyid Abdu llah was also defeated
and killed.
After the fall of the Sayyid Brothers, Nizam -ul-Mulk made himself
the master of the six Subahs of the Deccan and began his operations
against the Marathas. In February 1722, he was appointed Wazir of the
Mughal Empire an d he occupied that office upto 1724. He tried to putmunotes.in

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19things in order but he was unsuccessful onaccount of opposition from the
Emperor and hisflatterers. His strict discipline provoked dislike and
jealousy. He was extremely unhappy. As Wazir, he added Mal wa and
Gujarat tb the Subedari of the Deccan. When he found that he was not
liked in the court, he marched away to the Deccan without the permission
of the Emperor. That was not liked by the Emperor who appointed
Mubariz Khan as the Viceroy of the Deccan a nd directed him to send the
Nizam to the court, dead or alive.
Mubariz Khan was defeated and killed by the Nizam who sent his
head to the Emperor. Nizam -ul-Mulk defeated the son of Mubariz Khan
and took possession of Hyderabad by the beginning of 1725. Ni zam.ul -
Mulk correctly realised that the activities of Peshwa Baji Rao were
opposed to his own policy of establishing an independent kingdom in the
Deccan and hence he decided to oppose him. There are many Maratha
chiefs who were not satisfied with the Pesh wa and they joined the Nizam
against him. For five years, Peshwa Baji Rao had to fight against them
from 1727 to 1732. The Nizam was defeated it Palkhed in 1728 and his
ally Senapati Trimbak Rao Dabhade was killed in 1731. Nizam -ul-Mulk
decided to come to terms with the Peshwa who was also anxious to settle
with the Nizam so that he could carry on his campaigns in the North. A
compromise was arrived at in December 1732 by which the Nizam was to
be free to satisfy his ambition in the South and the Peshwa in the North.
After the sudden dash of Peshwa Baji Rao on Delhi, the Mughal
Emperor summoned the Nizam from the Deccan and he reached Delhi in
July 1737. The Mughal Emperor conferred the title of Asaf Jah on the
Nizam. The Nizam marched towards Malwa but he was defeated by
Peshwa Baji Rao near Bhopal and was compelled to conclude a
humiliating peace in January 1738. The Nizam promised to grant to Baji
Rao the Subedari of Malwa and rights over the territory between the
Narmada and the Chambal.
When Nadir Sh ah attacked India, the Mughal Emperor called
Nizam -ul-Mulk to Delhi to negotiate the terms of agreement with the
invader. The agreement was actually made by the Nizam but the same was
upset by Saadat Ali Khan. Nizam -ul-Mulk ruled the Deccan independently
till his death in 1748. He continued to profess his allegiance to the Mughal
Emperor. He rejected the offer of Nadir Shah to make him the ruler of
Delhi. Nizam -ul-Mulk was not only the foremost general of his time in
India and a careful and honest administr ator but also a master of statecraft
and diplomacy. He was universally regarded as the sole representative of
the spacious times of Aurangzeb. The rich provinces under his
administration prospered during his long reign. The refractory chiefs,
ambitious off icers and robber leaders were suppressed. The revenue
assessment was moderate. His taxation policy promoted trade. He
followed a policy of religious toleration. He appointed Puran Chand as his
Diwan.munotes.in

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20After the death of Nizam -ul-Mulk, there was a war of s uccession
which became linked with the Anglo -French conflict in the Deccan.
Political stability was restored in 1762 by the accession of Nizam Ali who
had a long reign of more than four decades. In the time of Lord Wellesley,
the Nizam entered into a subs idiary alliance with the English East India
Company and virtually became their subordinate ally.
2.2.2Carnatic
Carnatic was one of the Subahs of the Mughal Deccan and was
under the authority of the Nizam. As the Nizam became independent of
Mughal cont rol, the Deputy Governor of Carnatic, known as the Nawab of
Carnatic freed himself from the control of the Viceroy of the Deccan and
made his office hereditary. Nawab Saadatullah Khan of Carnatic made his
nephew Dost Ali his successor without the approval of his superior, the
Nizam.
The Peshwa wanted to occupy Carnatic but the Nizam was equally
determined to defend it as it was a part of the Deccan Subah. To begin
with, the Nizam tried to undermine the position of Raja Sahu by granting
Jagirs to those Mar atha officers who turned hostile to their master. The
Nizam also entered into a league with Sambhaji, the rival of Sahu .In 1727
when the Peshwa was proceeding to Carnatic, the Nizam wrote to Sahu
that until his dispute with Sambhaji was settled, he would not pay Chauth
and he must accept his mediation in it. Without waiting for reply, the
Nizam invaded the Maratha kingdom and did a lot of destruction. Peshwa
Baji Rao hit back and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Nizam in 1728 at
Palkhed. This defeat unne rved the Nizam and he sued for peace. After
1740, the affairs of Carnatic deteriorated on account of the repeated
struggles for its Nawab ship . That gave the British an opportunity to
interfere in Carnatic.
2.2.3Mysore
Another important state which e merged in South India was Mysore
under Hyder Ali.The kingdom of Mysore had prescribed its precarious
independence ever since the end of the Vijayanagar Empire. Haider Ali
born in 1721, in an obscure family, started his career as a petty officer in
the Myso re army. Though uneducated, he possessed a keen intellect and
was a man of great energy and daring and determination. He was also a
brilliant commander and shrewd diplomat. Cleverly using the
opportunities that came his way, Haidar Ali gradually rose in th e Mysore
army. He soon recognized the advantages of western military training and
applied it to the troops under his own command.
In 1761, Haidar Ali overthrew Nanjaraj and Devaraj and
established his own authority over the Mysore state. He took over Mys ore
when it was weak and divided state and soon made it one of the leading
Indian powers. Haidar Ali extended full control over the rebellious
poligars ( zamindars) and conquered the territories of Bidnur, Sunda, Sera,
Canara, and Malabar.munotes.in

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21Haidar Ali pr acticed religious toleration and his first Dewan and
many other officials were Hindus. Almost from the beginning of the
establishment of his power, Haidar Ali was engaged in wars with the
Maratha Sardars, the Nizam, and the British forces.
In1769, Haidar Alirepeatedly defeated theBritish forces and
reached thewalls of Madras. He died in 1782 in the course of the second
Anglo -Mysore War and was succeeded by his son Tipu. Sultan Tipu , who
ruled Mysore until his death at the hands of the British in 17 99, was a man
of complex character. He was, for one an innovator.
Tipu Sultan’s infantry was armed with muskets andbayonets in
fashion, which were, however, manufactured in Mysore. Tipu Sultan made
aneffort tobuild amodern navy after 1796. Forthispurpose, two dockyards,
the models of the ships being supplied. Tipu Sultan wasrecklessly brave
and, asacommander was, however, hasty in action and unstable in nature.
Tipu Sultan stood forth as a foe for the rising English power. The English,
in turn, t oo as his most dangerous enemy in India. In 1799, while fighting
the Fourth Anglo -Mysore War, Tipu Sultan died.
2.2.4Kerala
At the beginning of the 18th century, Kerala was divided into a
large number of feudal chiefs and rajas. The kingdom of Travancor e rose
into prominence after 1729 under King Martanda Varma , one of the
leading statesmen of the 18th century. Martanda Varma organized a strong
army on the western model with the help of European officers and armed
it with modern weapons. He also construc ted a modern arsenal.
Martanda Varma used hisnewarmy toexpand northwards andthe
boundaries of Travancore soon extended from Kanyakumari to Cochin.
Martanda Varma undertook many irrigations works, built roads and canals
for communication, and gave active encouragement to foreign trade. By
1763, all the petty principalities of Kerala had been absorbed or
subordinated by the three big states of Cochin, Travancore, and Calicut.
Haidar Ali began his invasion of Kerala in 1766 and in the end
annexed northern Kerala uptoCochin, including theterritories ofthe
Zamorin ofCalicut. Trivandrum, the capital of Travancore, became a
famous center of Sanskrit scholarship during the second half of the 18th
century.
Rama Varma ,the successor of Martanda Varma, was himself a poet,
a scholar, a musician, a renowned actor, and a man of great culture. He
conversed fluently in English, took a keen interest in European affairs. He
regularly used toread newspapers and journals published inLondon,
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22Check your progress:
1.Explain the polity of South Indian States in 18 th century.
2.3NORTH INDIAN STATES AND LOCAL POWERS
Following were the important North Indian States in 18thCentury .
2.3.1 Awadh
Awadh was a prosperous region, controlling the rich alluvial
Ganga plain and the main trade route between north India and Bengal. The
founder oftheautonomous kingdom ofAwadh wasSaadat Khan Burhan -
ul-Mulk who was appointed as Governor of A wadh in 1722. He w asan
extremely bold, energetic, iron -willed, and intelligent person. Burhan -ul-
Mulk was responsible for managing the political, financial and military
matters of Awadh. Burhan -ul-Mulk held the combined offices of subadari,
diwani and faujdari.
At the ti me of Burhan -ul-Mulk’s appointment, rebellious
zamindars had raised their heads everywhere in the province. They refused
to pay the land tax, organized their own private armies, erected forts, and
defied the Imperial Government. For years, Burhan -ul-Mulk h ad to wage
war upon them. He succeeded in suppressing lawlessness and disciplining
the big zamindars and thus, increasing the financial resources of his
government. Burhan -ul-Mulk alsocarried outafresh revenue settlement in
1723, ashewas asked to impr ove the peasant condition by protecting them
from oppression by the big zamindars.
He is the Mughal influence in the province by cutting down on the
number of jagirdars (office -holders) appointed by the Mughals and
appointed his loyal servants in the vac ant positions. Also, he allowed
moneylenders and bankers to be an active part of the state’s revenue
system. Basically, this was a big shift from the earlier mahajans and local
bankers. Before his death in 1739, Burhan -ul-Mulk had become virtually
independ ent and had made the province a hereditary possession.
Burhan -ul-Mulk was succeeded by his nephew Safdar Jang , who
was simultaneously appointed the wazir of the Empire in 1748 and granted
in addition the province of Allahabad. Safdar Jang suppr essed rebellious
zamindars and made an alliance with the Maratha Sardars so that his
dominion was saved from their incursions. Safdar Jang gave a long period
of peace to the people of Awadh and Allahabad before his death in 1754.munotes.in

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232.3.2Rohilkhand
The Rohilla first came into prominence under Baud, an Afghan
soldier of fortune, who came from Qandhar. He and his party of Afghan
adventurers hired themselves out first to the landowners and then to the
imperial Governor of that place. Daud "laid th e foundations of an estate."
On his death in 1721, his adopted son Ali Muhammad Khan obtained
command of his retainers and sought to implement his ambitious plans.
Ali Muhammad Khan was able to raise an army of his own. In
1727, he defeated a Khawajasara of the Mughal Emperor and seized all his
property. That raised his prestige and he took up the title of Nawab. In
1737, he got the title of Nawab from the Emperor. The adverse effects of
the invasion of Nadir Shah on the Mughal Empire emboldene dA l i
Muhammad Khan to seize territories right and left. He extended his
influence to Muradabad and occupied most of the region. His authority
extended to the whole of Bareilly and Muradabad and portions of Hardoi
and Badaun. He was appointed the Governor of Katehar by the Emperor.
In due course, he was able to occupy Pilibhit, Bijnor -and Kumaon. In
1745, the Emperor Muhammad Shah was persuaded by Safdar Jang to
lead an expedition against Ali Muhammad Khan. After three months
campaigning, it "achieved only a superficial and ephemeral victory and
that too more by persuasion than by compulsion".
Apprehending trouble during the ensuing rainy season, the Mughal
Emperor was persuaded to make peace with Ali Muhammad Khan who
agreed to dismantle the fo rtifications of Bangarh and to surrender the fiefs
reserved by him to the Mughal authorities. Soon he received a Mansab of
4000 and was sent to Sirhind as the Mughal Faujdar of that place. On
hearing of the capture of Lahore by Ahmad Shah Abdali and his in tention
to march towards Delhi, Ali Muhammad Khan left his post at Sirhind in
theModdie of February 1748 and returned to Rohilkhand with his full
contingent of Afghans and reestablished his authority by March/April
1748. In this way, the Mughal rule was e nded in Rohilkhand.
Ali Muhammad Khan died on 15 September 1748 and his
possessions were divided into three parts, to one of which Hafiz Rahmat
Khan succeeded as the leader. Shaikh Qutb -ud-Din tried to get back the
Faujdari of Rohilkhand whic h his grandfather had once enjoyed but he
was defeated in the battle at Dhampur near Muradabad. Wazir Safdar Jang
formed a new plan to suppress the Rohillas whom he considered as
serpents infesting his road to Delhi. Safdar Jang instigated Qaim Khan, the
Bangash chief, to drive out the Afghans by appointing him the Faujdar of
Rohilkhand. After some success at the beginning, Qaim Khan's army met
with disaster and he himself was shot dead. All the possessions of the
Bangash chief on the left or Eastern bank o f the Ganges were annexed by
Hafiz Rahmat. However, Hafiz Rahmat dissuaded his troops from crossing
the river and invading the territories of Qaim Khan's territories on the
West bank. The reason given was that the Afghans could not destroy one
another. Wit hin a few months, Safdar Jang became unpopular with themunotes.in

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24Bangash Afghans and was defeated at the battle of Ram Chatauni on 15
September 1750. He was also disgraced at the Delhi court. However, he
was able to reestablish his position and form an alliance wit h the Marat
has and fats for invading Rohilkhand. In April 1751, the allies von a
resounding victory over the Rohillas. When the Emperor heard of the
invasion of the Punjab by Ahmad Shah Abdali in early 1752. the Emperor
asked the Wazir to make peace with the Afghans of Rohilkhand.
Farrukhabad some other Mahals worth Rs. 16 or 22 lacs a year
were left to Ahmad. Ofother sons of Muhammad Khan Bangash while the
sons of Ahliammad Khan were confirmed in the possession of Mirabad
andsome their Mahals which they had seized after the death of Qaim Khan,
but were subjected to the payment of revenue for them. Safdar Jang kept a
few of the Places for himself. The Rohillas and the Bangashes merged
with very little permanent loss. By renderi ng good services to Ahmad
Shah Abdali in the third battle of Panipat in January 1761, the Rohillas
and the Bangashes made some gains. After that, Rohillas became
independent. For some time, they were able to capture Delhi also but they
had to vacate it on account of opposition from the Marathas and Nawib of
Avadh.
In the time of Warren Hastings, British troops were sent to
Rohilkhand to help the Nawab Wazir of Avadh to conquer Rohilkhand.
Hafiz Rahmat Khan was killed while fighting bravely. About 20,000
Rohillas were expelled beyond the Ganges. Their province was annexed to
Avadh. Only a fragment of it, together with Rampur, was left in the
possession of Faizullah Khan, son of Ali Muhammad Khan.
2.3.3Farrukhabad
Muhammad Khan Bangas h, an Afghan adventurer, established his
control over the territory around Farrukhabad, between Aligarh and
Kanpur, during the reigns of Farrukh -siyar and Muhammad Shah.
Muhammad Khan raised a band of Afghans whom he employed in
plundering raids and fighti ng the battle of local Jagirdars on payment. In
1713, he was appointed a courtier by Farrukh -siyar. In 1714, he founded
the town of Farrukhabad. He was able to acquire a large Jagir whose area
was about 75,000 square miles. His influence became so great th athewas
appointed the Governor of Allahabad and Malwa. He was so faithful to the
Emperor that he never thought of independence. When he died in 1743, he
was succeeded by his son Qayam Khan.
2.3.4Bundelkhand
Bundelkhand was an absolutely wild tract and difficult of access in
the rainy season. Its dense forests, rapid streams and steep hills shielded it
from all outside invaders.
Chhatra Sal fought well in the Purandhar campaign of I665 and
the invasion of Deogarh in 1667. However , Chhatra Sal did not feel happy
while serving the Mughals. He wanted to live a life of adventure andmunotes.in

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25independence like Shivaji. He visited Shivaji in 1670. However, Shivaji
advised him togo back to his own country and promote local risings
against Au rangzeb. The efforts of Chhatra Sal to win over the Bundela
leaders to fight against the Mughal Empire did not succeed.
However, Aurangzeb launched upon a| policy of temple destruction
which aroused universal indignation among the Hindus. T he Hindus of
Bundelkhand and Malwa made preparations to defend their places of
worship. When Chhatra Sal appeared in their midst to oppose the Mughal
army, he was hailed as the champion of Hindu faith and Bundela liberty.
He was elected their leader by th e rebels. Many petty chiefs joined
Chhatra Sal. As Aurangzeb became more and more entangled in the
Deccan, Chhatra Sal took, full advantage of the opportunity.
He captured Kalinjar and Dhamuni and even looted Bhilsa. He
extended his raids upto Ma lwa. In 1699 Chhatra Sal was defeated by Sher
Afghan. A year later, Sher Afghan was killed. There was none to oppose
Chhatra Sal.
In 1705, Chhatra Sal was made a Mansabdar of 4000 and he met
Aurangzeb in the Deccan. He returned, to Bundelkhand after the death of
Aurangzeb. For 14 years, Chhatra Sal fully cooperated with the Mughal
Empire. In May 1708, the sons of Chhatra Sal met Bahadur Shah and they
were given Mansabs. In April 1710, Chhatra Sal presented himself before
theEmperor and joined the Mug hal army which was marching against
Banda ,theSikh leader. He | participated in the assault on the Sikji
fortress of Lohgarh. He retained imperial favour during the reign of
Farrukh -siyar. On 21 January 1714, he got the rank of 6000 Zat. In May
1718, th ree of his sons and some grandsons attended the Imperial Court
and received presents. In 1720, the Bundelas revolted. They sacked
Kalpi and killed the local Amil. In a fierce fight on 25 May 1721 between
Chhatra Sal and his men with those of Dilir Kh an, 500 men of Chhatra Sal
were killed.
After the death of Dilir Khan, Chhatra Sal had to be suppressed. In
1723 Muhammad Khan was asked to lead an expedition into Bundelkhand
to check the growing power of Chhatra Sal. In May 1727, Muhammad
Khan enc ountered the entrenched position of the Bundelas at Ijoli in
Pargana Mahoba. Chhatra Sal and his party sought refuge in the fort of
Salhat. He was pursued by the enemy. Active hostilities were resumed in
April 1728. In December 1728, the fortress of Jai tpur fell in the hands of
the Mohammadans.
The Bundelas renewed their activities in February 1729.
Muhammad Khan met with difficulties and reverses. Chhatra Sal asked
the Peshwa to come to his help. Peshwa Baji Rao responded and he
attacked Muhammad Khan in March 1729. Muhammad Khan and his
troops suffered terribly. The Marathas defeated Qaim Khan who had come
to help Muhammad Khan. Muhammad Khan appealed to the Mughalmunotes.in

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26Emperor and the great nobles for help but without any success. On
account of the outbre ak of epidemic in the Maratha camp, the Marathas
raised the siege and returned to the Deccan. Chhatra Sal came to terms
with Muhammad Khan in August 1729. Muhammad Khan signed a
written agreement that he would not attack Bundelkhand as Chhatra Sal
died in December 1731 at the age of 82. His sons divided the state among
themselves.
2.3.5Bengal Subha
1.Murshid Quli Khan
When the Mughal Empire began to disintegrate, many provinces
virtually became independent. The Subah of Bengal was the first to
become auto nomous and the first to pass under British rule. It became
autonomous under Murshid Quli Khan, a South Indian Brahman convert
to Islam.
At the time of the death of Aurangzeb, Murshid Quli Khan was
Naib Nazim or Deputy Governor of Bengal and full Governor of Orissa
and Diwan of Bengal and Orissa. In February 1713, Farrukh siyar
conferred on him the Diwani of Bengal. In September 1713, he made him
also Deputy Governor of Bengal. On 6 th May 1714, he received
Subahdari of Orissa. In September 1717, he was ma de full Subahdar of
Bengal. Although he freed himself from central control, he continued to
send regularly his tribute to the Mughal Emperor .He succeeded in
bringing prosperity to the province of Bengal. He died in June 1727.
2.Shuja -ud-Din
When Murshid Qu li Khan died in 1727, without leaving any male
issue, his son -in-law Shuja -ud-din Mohammad Khan who had been
Deputy Governor of Orissa, ascended the Masnad of Bengal. He appointed
his friends and kinsmen to the principal offices of the Government. In
manag ing all important affairs of administration, Shuja -ud-din followed
the counsel of Ali Vardi Khan, of his brother Haji Ahmad, of Alam
Chand, a loyal officer and able financier and of Jagat Seth Fateh Chand,
the famous banker of Murshidabad.
3.Sarfaraz Khan
When Shuja -ud-Din died in March 1739, he was succeeded by his
son Sarfaraz Khan. He retained old officers like Haji Ahmad and Alam
Chand. Sarfaraz Khan was excessively addicted to debauchery and he did
not possess the essential qualities needed for the rul er of a state. He had to
pay a very heavy price by losing his life and the Masnad of Bengal. The
weakness of Delhi authority, inefficiency of Sarfaraz Khan and
machinations of Haji Ahmad excited Ali Vardi's ambition to seize the
Masnad of Bengal for himsel f.With that object, heleft Patna for
Murshidabad. Sarfaraz waskilled inthebattle ofGheria on 10 April 1740.
Ali Vardi Khan ruled Bengal from 1740 to 1756.munotes.in

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274.Ali Vardi Khan
Ali Vardi Khan rose gradually to higher and higher posts by dint of
his tact an d ability. In 1728, Shuja -ud-Din appointed him Faujdar of the
Chakla Akbarnagar. In 1733, Ali Vardi Khan appointed Deputy Governor
of Bihar and he restored peace in that was app vigorous steps and
measures of reconciliation. In 1740 Ali Vardi seized the Wa r of Bengal by
defeating and killing Sarfaraz Khan.
He had to subjugate Orissa by force of arms in 1741. However, the
Marathas were the greatest menace to Ali Vardi Khan. There were as
many as five Maratha invasions in 1742, 1743, 1744, 1745 and 1748.
Raghuji Bhonsle of Nagpur found in the rich province of Bengal a
profitable field for plunder and extension of his political influence. In
1742, his general Bhaskar Ram invaded Bengal and his troops ravaged the
Western Districts of Bengal and parts of Bihar a nd Orissa. In 1743,
Raghuji Bhonsle himself marched at the head of a large army on the plea
of realising the Chauth of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. At the same time,
Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao entered at the head of another Maratha army. Ali
Vardi Khan conciliate d the Peshwa by promising payment of Chauth to
Sahu and by making an immediate payment of Rs. 22 lacs. The allied
troops of the Peshwa and Ali Vardi Khan expelled Raghuji Bhonsle. The
Peshwa also left Bengal.
Bhaskar Ram invaded again in 1744. Ali Vardi Khan got rid of
him by treacherous murder and his troops fled. In 1745, Raghuji Bhonsle
again attacked Bengal, but he was defeated by Ali Vardi Khan and forced
to retreat to Nagpur. In 1748, a Maratha army from Nagpur, led by Janoji
Bhonsle, advanced into Bengal and the operations continued till 1751.
Worn out with incessant toil and weighed down with age at the age of 75,
Ali Vardi Khan concluded a treaty with the Marathas in May/June 1751.
The river Subarnarekha was fixed the boundary of the Bengal Subah and
the Marathas agreed never to cross it again. Orissa was ceded to the
Bhonsle ruler s. From October 1751, 12 lacs of rupees were to be paid
annually to the Marathas from Bengal revenues as the Chauth of that
Subah in two instalments on the condition that the Marathas would never
set their foot again in the Subah of Bengal.
Ali Vardi Khan governed Bengal ably and with prudence and
foresight. In his private life, he was free from the prevailing vices of the
ruling and aristocratic classes of those days. He was a tactful and strong
Governor who tried to infuse spirit and vigour into every branch of his
administration.
5.Siraj -ud-Daulah
Ali Vardi Khan died on 10 April 1756 and he was succeeded by
his grandson and heir -designate Siraj ud -Daulah. Siraj -ud-Daul ah's most
for midable enemy was Mir Jafar, the Commander -in-Chief of the army.
Soon after his accession, Siraj -ud-Daulah seized the huge wealth of
Ghasiti Begum. He removed Mir Jafar from the post of the commander ofmunotes.in

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28the army and appointed in his place Mi r Madan Mohan Lai was made
Peshkar of the Diwan -i-Khanah. Siraj -ud-Daulah defeated and killed
Shaukat Jung in October 1756.
On 4 June 1756, the English factory at Kasim Bazar was stormed
by the soldiers of the Nawab. The Nawab captured Calcutta on 20 June
1756. The story of "Blackhole" has been proved to be untrue. The Madras
Council sent reinforcement of troops under Admiral Watson and Colonel
Clive to recover Calcutta by the first week of February 1757. Adverse
circumstances forced Siraj -ud-Daulah to con clude a treaty with the
English on 9 February 1757 by which the trade rights and factories of the
English East India Company were restored to them and restitution and
compensation money were promised by the Nawab to the Company, its
servants and tenants. T he English were granted permission to fortify
Calcutta and coin Sicca rupees. In return for these concessions, the
English Company promised to help Siraj -ud-Daulah against the Afghans.
However, peace between Siraj -ud-Daulah and the English did not last
long. The Nawab was suspicious of the designs of the English Company
and the English Company was also convinced that the Nawab would try to
destroy them. The result was that the English decided to overthrow the
Nawab. A conspiracy was hatched and it was decid ed to put Mir Jafar on
the Masnad of Bengal. In pursuance of that conspiracy, the battle of
Plassey was fought on 23 June 1757 in which the English were victorious.
Siraj-ud-Daulah ran away from the battlefield but he was captured and put
to death. Mir Jaf ar was made the Nawab of Bengal .
6.Mir Jafar
Mir Jafar ruled from 1757 to 1760. He was merely a figurehead
and the real power was in the hands of Clive. Ultimately, in 1760 he was
removed by the English Company and Mir Qasim was made the Nawab in
1760. He r uled from 1760 to 1763. He was also removed in 1763 and
replaced by Mir Jafar. Mir Jafar remained the Nawab of Bengal for the
second time from July 1763 to February 1765. When Mir Jafar died in
1765, his second son Najamud -Daulah was put on the throne but all power
passed into the hands of the English Company. In 1765, Clive set up what
is known as Dual Government of Bengal which lasted up to 1772 when
the administration of Bengal was taken over directly by the English East
India Company.
2.3.6THE RAJPUT STATES
The Rajput states took advantage of the growing weakness of the
Mughal Empire and freed themselves from imperial control and in created
their influence in the rest of the Empire. However, the rulers of the Rajput
states were divided among themselves . Bigger Rajput states tried to
expand themselves at the cost of their weaker neighbours. Most of them
were constantly involved in petty quarrels and civil wars. At one stage, the
Rajput controlled the entire territory extending from South of Delhi to
Suraton the Western coast. However, they failed to consolidate their
position on account of their internal dissensions. Their outlook wasmunotes.in

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29essentially parochial. There was no longer imperial control over inter -state
disputes. Every state was free to strike at itsneighbours. Succession
disputes led to civil wars which often invited external intervention. The
situation was worsened by the expansionist policy of the Marathas. Instead
of using the Rajput princes as useful allies, the Marathas exploited them
for mo ney and fostered dissensions among them to serve their own
interests.
1.Marwar (Jodhpur)
The two leading Rajput clans at the beginning of the reign of
Bahadur Shah I were the Rathors of Marwar and Bikaner and the
Kachchhwahas of Amber (Jaipur). Aurangzeb's intolerance and
persecution had alienated the Rajputs. The result was that, the prominent
Rajput rulers like Ajit Singh of Marwar, Amar Singh of Mewar (Udaipur)
and Jay Singh of Amber sought to cast off their allegiance to the Mughal
Empire and assert thei r independence. When Bahadur Shah proceeded to
subdue them, Amar Singh sent his brother to Agra with a letter of
congratulations, 100 gold coins, one thousand rupees and some costly
presents. Bahadur Shah also brought Amber under hiscontrol and made it
over to Bijay Singh who was the younger brother of Ja ySingh. Ajit Singh
of Jodhpur also tendered submission. He received the title of Maharaja and
the rank of 3500 Zat and 3000 Sawar. In view of the Sikh rising in the
Punjab, Bahadur Shah adopted a policy o f conciliation. In relation to the
Rajputs between October 1708 and June 1710. In October 1708, Jai Singh
and Ajit Singh were restored to their ranks in die Mughal service.
Abhai Singh, the eldest son of Ajit Singh, ruled over Marwar till
his death in 174 9. He served as the Mughal Governor of Gujarat. His
invasion of Bikaner involved him in a struggle with Sawai Jai Singh of
Amber. Abhai Singh secured a complete victory in the battle of Gangwana
in 1741. With the death of Abhai Singh, Marwar lost its inter nal political
stability and the state suffered from a protracted civil war on the issue of
succession. During the long reign of Bijay Singh (1752 -92), Marwar came
to the verge of dissolution. For that sorry state, the Maratha invasions and
the growing powe r of the turbulent Rathor nobility were responsible.
2.Amber (Jaipur)
The greatest Rajput ruler of the first half of the eighteenth century
was Sawai Jai Singh of Amber (1699 -1743). Sawai Jai Singh died on 21
September 1743. Ishwari Singh's reign of seven years (1743 -50) was one
long struggle with his younger brother Madho Singh and his Rajput and
Maratha allies. Jagat Singh supported the claim of his nephew Madho
Singh and advanced towards Jaipur. However, with the support of the
Marathas, Ishwari Singh de feated the Rana in February 1745. The Rana
managed to secure the help of Malhar Rao Holkar.
In March 1747, a combined army consisting of the troops of
Marwar and Bundi assisted by Holkar's troops under his son Khande Rao
was defeated in the battle of Raj mahal. At the end of 1750, Jaipur had tomunotes.in

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30suffer from "a new and disastrous visitation of the Marathas" and saw a
revolution in its affairs. Ishwari Singh committed suicide in December
1750 and Madho Singh occupied the throne of Jaipur. In the war of
succes sion, the Marathas became the arbiters of Rajputana. After
ascending the throne of Jaipur, Madho Singh adopted an anti -Maratha
Policy.
3.Mewar (Udaipur)
In the eighteenth century, the weak rulers of Mewar were not able
to control the ambitious and factious nobility and resist external invasions.
Sangram Singh II ruled from 1710 to 1733. In his reign, symptoms of
internal disintegration came to the surface. Jagat Singh II ruled from 1734
to 1751. In January 1736, Peshwa Baji Rao I appeared at the Southern
frontier of Mewar. Jagat Singh welcomed him at Udaipur and signed a
treaty by which he promised to pay an annual tribute. Jagat Singh had no
strength of character.
In the reign of his successor Pratap Singh II (1751 -54), the
Marathas exacted large contribut ions from Mewar which was tormented
by disputed successions. During the reign of Raj Singh II (1754 -61), the
repeated invasions of his country by the Marathas so exhausted it that the
Rana was compelled to ask pecuniary aid from the Brahman Collector of
revenue, to enable him to marry the Rathor chieftain's daughter. Even after
1761, the Maratha raids into Rajasthan sucked its life -blood and added to
the woes of its unhappy people. The Maratha invasions resulted in
anarchy, plunder, economic ruin and humil iation of the Rajputs who
entered into subsidiary alliances with the English East India Company
during the Governor Generalship of Lord Hastings in 1818.
2.3.7THE JATS
The Jats lived in the region around Delhi, Agra and Mathura.
1.Churaman (1695 -1721)
Aleader of the Jats was Churaman (1695 -1721) who was the
younger brother of Raja Ram. Churaman started his career as a freebooter.
When Farrukh -siyar approached Agra to contest the throne, Churaman did
not render any help to Jahandar Shah and looted the ba ggage of both
parties. The Mughal Subahdar of Agra tried to subdue Churaman, but he
failed The Mughal Emperor did not approve of the attitude of Churaman
and deputed Sawai Jai Singh of Jaipur to punish Churaman. Sawai Jai
Singh besieged the fort of Thun in November 1716. Churaman made
proposals of peace to Sayyid Abdullah and offered to pay a tribute of 30
lacs of rupees to the Imperial Government and a present of 20 lacs of
rupees to Sayyid Abdullah. The proposal was accepted and Sawai Jai
Singh raised the siege. Churaman visited Delhi in April 1718. When
differences arose between Sayyid Abdullah and the Emperor Muhammad
Shah, Churaman took the side of Sayyid Abdullah. Churaman also entered
into an alliance with Ajit Singh of Jodhpur against the interests o f the
Imperial Government. He also helped the Bundelas against the Mughalmunotes.in

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31Governor of Allahabad. The Emperor Muhammad Shah ordered the
Governor of Agra to take action against Churaman. Churaman made a
mistake in having quarrels with his relations. He commi tted suicide.
2.Badan Singh (1722 -56)
Churaman was succeeded by Badan Singh (1722 -56) who was his
nephew. In 1752, he was created a Raja by the Mughal Emperor, Ahmad
Shah. He was a patron of architecture. He constructed a temple at
Brindaban, fine palaces i n the fort of Dig and palaces at Kamar and Sahar.
He was succeeded by his adopted son, Suraj Mai.
3.Suraj Mai (1756 -63)
During the latter half of the reign of his father, Suraj Mai had acted
as Regent on account of his inactivity and growing blindness. Duri ng that
period, he earned a name for himself as an able warrior, efficient leader
and able statesman. As a ruler, he extended his authority over a large area
which extended from the Ganges in the East to Chambal in the South, the
province of Agra in the West and the province of Delhi in the North. His
state included, among others, the Districts of Aera, Mathura, Meerut and
Aligarh.
4.Jawahir Singh (1764 -68)
Suraj Mai was succeeded by his son Jawahir Singh. He made
preparations against Najib -ud-Daulah in order to take revenge of the death
of his father. He marched to Delhi and laid siege to it. However, he could
not reap the desired benefit due to the faithlessness of Malhar Rao and
treacherous conduct of a section of the Jat officers. Jawahir Singh took
action against those influential and powerful Jat leaders whom he
considered to be refractory. He was involved in a quarrel with the
Marathas who had supported his brother Nahar Singh in his claim to the
throne of his father. He defeated his enemies in Marc h 1766 and captured
Dholpur. He also raided the Maratha possessions in Northern Malwa.
However, hebrought misfortune upon himself byhisquarrel with Madho
Singh, Raja ofJaipur. Madho Singh invaded the Jat territory and defeated
Jawahir Singh in 1768. He was assassinated by one of his soldiers.
Ranjit Singh entered into a defensive and offensive alliance with
the English in September 1803 and fought with them in the battle of
Laswari against Daulat Rao Scindia. However, in 1804. he joined
Yashwant Rao Ho lkar in his attack on Delhi against the English. The
English besieged Dig and captured it. They then laid siege to Bharatpur.
Ranjit Singh repulsed four successive assaults of General Lake. However,
he made peace with the English East India Company in Apri l 1805. He
promised to pay an indemnity of 20 lacs and desist from holding
communication with the enemies of the English or employing at European
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322.3.8THE SIKHS
The Sikhs were transformed into a militant and fighting
communit y under Guru Har Govind (1606 -1645). The execution of Guru
Teg Bahadur forced the Sikhs to fight against the Mughals. Guru Gobind
Singh (1664 -1708) showed considerable organisational ability and
founded the military brotherhood called the Khalsa in 1699. I ti s
contended that Aurangzeb was not keen to destroy the Guru and he wrote
to the Governor of Lahore to "conciliate the Guru". When the Guru wrote
to Aurangzeb in the Deccan apprising him of the events, Aurangzeb
invited him to meet him. Touards the end o f 1706, the Guru set out for the
Deccan and when he was still on the way, Aurangzeb died in 1707.
After the death of Aurangzeb, Guru Govind Singh joined Bahadur
Shah's camp as a noble of the rank of 5000 Zat and 5000 Sawar and
accompanied him to the Decca n where he was treacherously murdered in
1708 by one of his Pathan employees.
After the death of Guru Govind Singh, Banda became the leader of
the Sikhs. He had met Guru Govind Singh just before his death and he was
sent to the Punjab to continue the str uggle against the Mughals. When
Banda arrived in the Punjab, he called upon the Sikhs to join him telling
them that he would punish Wazir Khan who had cruelly murdered the sons
of Guru Govind Singh and chastise the Hill Rajas who had fought against
the Gur u for many years. The Sikh peasantry took up arms and marched
under the leadership of Banda in the direction of Sirhind. Banda had with
him about 40,000 well armed Sikhs.
He overpowered the Mughal authorities in the neighbourhood of
Sirhind and captured Sirhind for wreaking vengeance on Wazir Khan who
was the murderer of the sons of Guru Govind Singh. Wazir Khan was
killed by a musket -shot. Banda committed great atrocities at Sirhind.
After invading the Gangetic Doab and occupying a large tract in
the S aharanpur area, Banda retreated to the Jullundar Doab where his
presence provoked a general rebellion of the Sikhs against Mughal
authorities. By the end of 1710, Jullundar and Hoshiarpur were occupied
without striking a blow. The Sikh rising spread to Cen tral Punjab and took
the form of a religious crusade. The Manjha fell into the hands of the
Sikhs who carried their arms to the very gates of Lahore.
The Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah was alarmed by the reports
relating to the movements of Banda and he hast ened to the Punjab. Banda
was besieged in the fort of Lohgarh, but he managed to escape with many
of his followers to the hills of Nahan .The Sikhs won temporary successes
and the Mughal Government tried to crush them. When Bahadur Shah
reached Lahore, he died there on 28 February 1712. The happenings in the
Mughal court after the death of Bahadur Shah offered a favourable
opportunity to Banda to restore his control over the lost territories. He
occupied Sadhaura and Lohgarh.munotes.in

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33Under the orders of Farrukh -siyar, Abdus Samad Khan and his son
Zakariya Khan, Governor of Lahore and Faujdar of Jammu respectively,
started operations against the Sikhs who were obliged to evacuate
Sadhaura and Lohgarh in October 1713. Banda retreated from post to post.
He fought vali antly and inflicted heavy losses on the Mughals. However,
he was compelled to shelter himself in the fort of Gurdaspur. He was
besieged by the Mughal army and was not able to collect provisions. His
troops suffered terribly on account of hunger. In eight m onths, about 8,000
of them died. The remaining fighters were reduced to skeletons. When the
Mughal troops entered the fort, Banda and his famished followers were
taken prisoners on 17 December 1715. Banda was kept in an iron cage.
His own son was killed be fore his eyes. He himself tortured to death on 10
June 1718.
Tara Singh Van and his 21 followers were killed by the Mughal
troops. Zakariya Khan appealed to Muslim fanaticism and the Haidari flag
was hoisted. In 1742, Haniqat Rai was put to death. Mahtah Singh ,Buta
Singh and Bhai Taru Singh were executed. The Sikhs also hit back. They
attacked Sialkot and murdered all those Qazis and Mullahs who had a
hand in the execution of Haqiqat Rai. They plundered Gondlanwala and its
Faujdar was killed. Tassa Singh Ahluwalia raided Kasur with the help of
other Sikh chiefs. However, they were defeated near Basoli hills and about
7,000 of them were killed and 500 were taken prisoners. This happened in
1746 and is known as the first Ghalughara (Great Holocaust).
After the death of Zakariya Khan in 1745, intrigues of the rival
parties in the Mughal Court prevented immediate appointment of a
Governor of the Punjab. The result was that disorder broke out.
Yahya Khan lost power in 1747 and a year later Mir Mannu
became th e Governor. The Sikhs took full advantage of the political
confusion in the Punjab created by the struggle for the Governorship of
Lahore, dissensions among nobles in Delhi and the invasions of Ahmad
Shah Abdali. They occupied Amritsar and elected Jassa Si ngh Ahluwalia
as supreme commander of Dal Khalsa in 17 48.
When Abdali attacked India in 1748, the Sikhs pursued the
retreating Afghan army upto the banks of the Indus and plundered the
baggage of Abdali. Ahmad Shah Abdali invaded the Punjab again in 175 0.
Mir Mannu stopped his advance by promising to pay him 14 lakhs of
rupees. In 1752, the Punjab ceased to be a part of the Mughal Empire as a
result of the third invasion of India by Abdali. Mir Mannu became the
Governor of Lahore and Multan on behalf of Ahmad Shah Abdali. After
the death of Mir Mannu in 1753, power was seized by his widow
Mughlani Begam. There was complete chaos in the Punjab. Ahmad Shah
Abdali invaded India for the fourth time in 1756 -57 and placed the
provinces of Lahore, Sirhind, Kashm ir, Thatta and Multan in the charge of
his minor son Taimur with the title of Shah. He plundered Amritsar, andmunotes.in

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34demolished the sacred buildings and the tank. The Sikhs pounced upon his
tents and looted his baggage without engaging in any pitched battle.
During the administration of Mir Mannu and Taimur Sha h, Adina
Beg played a dubious role. Though he was outwardly opposed to the
Sikhs, he was not prepared to crush them because that would reduce his
own importance in the eyes of his Mughal and Afghan suzerai ns. He
hoped to make himself the master of the Punjab by driving out the
Afghans with the help of the Marathas. He invited Raghunath Rao die
Maratha chief, who was stationed near Delhi with a large army and
promised to pay him a liberal financial subsidy. Raghunath Rao advanced
to the Punjab and occupied Sirhind and Lahore in March -April 1758. He
was helped by Adina Beg in the Sikhs. Raghunath Rao left Lahore
immediately leaving the government incharge of Adina Beg in return for
an annual tribute of 75 lak hs. Adina Beg died within four months and the
Marathas took charge of the Punjab early in 1759. By that time, the Sikhs
had established themselves in a commanding position.
Ahmad Shah Abdali invaded India in October 1759. He defeated
the Marathas in the third battle of Panipat in January 1761. In the course
of his return journey, Abdali was harassed by the Sikhs who began to
plunder the stragglers. Ahmad Shah Abdali could do nothing as his army
was loaded with plunder. The Sikhs followed him all the way u pto Attock.
When he crossed the Attock, the Sikhs returned to blockade Lahore.
Ahmad Shah Abdali appointed one Governor after another to hold
charge of the Punjab, but the Sikhs made a bold bid for sovereignty. They
occupied Lahore. Jassi Singh jhluwalia was proclaimed king with a title of
Sultan -ul-Qaum. He coined money in the name of the Guru. Practically
the whole of the Punjab from the Indus to the Sutlej passed into the hands
of the Sikhs. Only a few pockets remained. In the sixth invasion of Ahmad
Shah Abdali, the Sikhs suffered fearful carnage in a pitched battle in
February 1762. This is known as Wadda Ghalu ghara (Second Great
Holocaust). Amritsar was occupied the sacred temple was blown up with
gunpowder. The sacred tank with desecrated and fille d up with refuse and
debris. A wholesale massacre, of the Sikhs was ordered. However, the
Sikhs regained their prestige by defeating Ahmad Shah Abdali in the
battle of Amritsar and the latter was obliged to run away.
After the departure of Abdali in Decem ber 1763, the Sikhs set out
under different leaders to make conquests in different areas. Sirhind
occupied, plundered and devastated in January 1764. In 1764, the Sikhs
assembled at Amritsar and struck there the first coins of good pure silver
with the ins cription "Degh, Tegh, Fateh". This was the first public
proclamation of the establishment of the sovereignty of the Sikh
community. Realising that his agents would not be able to suppress the
Sikhs. Abdali invaded India for the seventh time in October 1764 .H e
ravaged and plundered the country and placed Ala Singh of Patiala in -
charge of Sirhind and left for Afghanistan. (1765).munotes.in

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35The Sikhs occupied Lahore, extended their territories in the
Punjab, plundered the territory of Najibuddaula and entered into an
alliance with the Tat chief Jawahir Singh and raided the territory of Madho
Singh of Jaipur. Abdali came to India for the eighth time in 1766 -67 and
tried to crush the Sikhs. He came twice again, up to the Chenab in 1768
and upto Peshawar in 1769, but he ha d to retreat on account of the
rebellion of his own troops. Abdali died in 1772. On the final retreat of
Abdali from the Punjab, the Sikhs reappeared in their full strength. Lahore
was reoccupied and also the entire open country. Between 1767 and 1773,
theSikhs extended their power from Saharanpur in the East to Attock in
the West and from Multan in the South to Kangra and Jammu in the
North.
2.3.9Jammu and Kashmir
Jammu was under the rule of a Hindu Rajput dynasty. Farrukh -
siyar appointed Zakariya Khan as the Faujdar of Jammu in 1713. Banda
had recovered Lohgarh by that time. He held his ground for 6 months and
then escaped to the bills. Zakariya Khan pursued him, captured a number
of Sikhs and sent their heads to Delhi where they were produced before
Farrukh siyar on 13 December 1713. Zakariya Khan was given a robe of
honour and the rank of 3,000 Zat and 1,000 Sawar. Zakariya Khan was
present in the siege of Banda at Gurdas Nangal near Gurdaspur. Banda
faced the Mughal army for 8 months and surrendered o n 17 December
1715 along with 740 followers.
With the decline of the Mughal Empire, the Raja of Jammu began
to assert his, independence. In about 1746, he started paying tribute to the
Mughals. Jammu was under Raja Ranjit Deo from 1750 to 1781. He took
full advantage of the confused political condition in the Punjab and
extended his authority over all the hills between the Chenab and Ravi and
over some of those lying to the West of the Chenab. Ranjit Deo was a
dependable ally of Ahmad Shah Abdali. He help ed him in conquering
Kashmir in 1752 and again in 1762. In April 1757, Ahmad Shah Abdali
granted him three Parganas of Zafarwal, Sankhatra and Aurangabad.
During the third invasion of India by Ahmad Shah Abdali in 1751 -
52. Mir Mannu sent his family and tr easures to the care of Raja Ranjit
Deo. In about 1770, Ranjit Deo submitted to Jhanda Singh Bhangi and
agreed to pay tribute. Ranjit Deo died in 1781. He was succeeded by his
son Brij Raj Deo. During his reign, the Jammu state came completely
under the con trol of the Sikhs.
As regards Kashmir, Abdus Samad Khan was the Governor of
Kashmir under Bahadur Shah and Jahandar Shah. He was transferred to
the Punjab by Farrukh -siyar. The decline of the Mughal Empire after
Aurangzeb affected the political condition of Kashmir which remained
disturbed upto 1752. No Mughal Emperor visited Kashmir after
Aurangzeb. Ahmad Shah Abdali conquered Kashmir in 1752 and the
Afghan rulelasted for67years upto 1819. TheAfghan kings were mainlymunotes.in

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36interested ingetting annual tribu te and so long as that was paid, the kings
left the Governors with full powers and did not care how they ruled,
whether ably or tyrannically. There were 28 Governors during the Afghan
rule and only one of them was a Hindu. Sukhjiwan took charge of the stat e
and conveyed his submission to Ahmad Shah Abdali. Ahmad Shah Abdali
confirmed him and appointed another person as his deputy. Ahmad Shah
Abdali demanded from Sukhjiwan to ten limes the revenue of the country.
Sukhjiwan ignore the demand as it was beyond his capacity. He offered
allegiance to the Mughal Emperor Alamgir II (1754 -59). In June 176 0
Ahmad Shah Abdali sent an expedition against Sukhjiwan but it failed.
Another expedition was sent and the Afghan forces entered Kashmir.
Sukhjiwan was captured, bl inded and sent to Ignore where he was
trampled to death by horses.
In 1793, Mir Hazar Khan sewed up Hindu leaders in gunny bilges
and threw them into the Dal Lake to be drowned. Abdullah Khan
(17961800) collected one crore of rupees as his personal wealth .
Muhammad Khan forcibly seized petty girls to satisfy his lust. There was
great unrest in the province. It was conquered by Ranjit Singh in 1819.
Check your progress:
1.Review the political conditions of North Indian States in 18 th century.
2.4THE MARATHAS
The most important challenge to the decaying Mughal Empire
came from the Marathas who produced a number of brilliant commander
and statesmen at that time. However, they lacked unity and hence failed in
replace the Mughals. They waged a con tinuous war against the Mughal
Empire till it was completely destroyed.
When Aurangzeb died in 1707, Sahu was a prisoner since 1689.
He was released in 1707. A civil war broke out between Sahu at Satara
and Tara Bai, widow of Raja Ram, at Kohlapur. The Ma ratha chiefs sided
with one party or the other. They took full advantage of the situation and
increased their influence by bargaining. Many of them even intrigued with
the Mughal Viceroys of the Deccan. A new system of Maratha
Government was evolved under the leadership of Balaji Vishwanath who
was the Peshwa of Sahu.munotes.in

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371.Balaji Vishwanath (1711 -20)
Balaji Vishwanath rose to power step by step. He rendered loyal
and useful service to Sahu and suppressed his enemies and rivals. He
excelled in diplomacy and wo n over many Maratha chiefs in the side of
Sahu. Inrecognition ofhisservices, Sahu made him hisPeshwa.
Gradually, Balaji Vishwanath consolidated Sahu's hold and also his own
over the Maratha chiefs. The Peshwa concentrated all power in his office.
As a matter of fact, Balaji Vishwanath and his son Baji Rao made the
Peshwa the functional head of the Maratha Empire.
Balaji Vishwanath took full advantage of the internal conflicts of
the Mughal officials and increased the Maratha power. He induced
Julfiqar Khan to pay Chauth and Sardeshmukhi of the Deccan. He signed
a pact with the Sayyid Brothers. All the territories which had formed the
kingdom of Shivaji, were restored to Sahu who was given the right to
Chauth and Sardeshmukhi of the six provinces of the Deccan. In return,
Sahu recognised Mughal suzerainty. He agreed to place a body of 15,000
cavalry at the service of the Mughal Emperor to prevent rebellions and
plundering in the Deccan. He was also to pay an annual ribbeite of Rs. 10
lakhs. In 1719 Balaji Vishwanath accompanied Sayyid Delhi at the head
of a Maratha force .
2.Baji Rao I (1720 -40)
Balaji Vishwanath was succeeded as Peshwa by his son Baji Rao I.
He defeated the Nizam in the battle near Bhopal in 1738. By the time of
his death in 1740, the Marat has had established their control over Malwa,
Gujarat and parts of Bundelkhand. The Maratha families of Sindhia,
Holkar, Gaekwad and Bhonsle came into prominence. Baji Rao changed
the character of the Maratha state. From the kingdom of Maharashtra, it
wastransformed into an Empire expanding in Northern India.
3.Balaji Baji Rao (1740 to 1761)
Baji Rao was succeeded by Balaji Baji Rao and he was Peshwa
from 1740 to 1761. He was as able as his father, but not so energetic.
When Baji Rao I died in 1740, the wo rk of management of the affairs of
the state fell into the hands of the Peshwa who became the official head of
the administration. He shifted the Government to Poona. He extended the
Maratha Empire in different directions. Maratha armies overran the whole
of Northern India. Maratha control over Malwa. Gujarat and Bundelkhand
was consolidated. Bengal was repeatedly invaded. In 1751, the Nawab of
Bengal had to give Orissa to the Marathas.
From Delhi, the Marathas turned to the Punjab and brought it
under th eir control after expelling the agent of Ahmad Shah Abdali. This
brought them into conflict with Ahmad Shah Abdali. A struggle for
supremacy over Northern India started. Ahmad Shah Abdali formed an
alliance with Najib -ud-Daulah of Rohilkhand and Shuja -ud-Daulah of
Oudli. Both of them had suffered in the hands of the Marathas.munotes.in

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38On 14 January 1761 fought the third battle of Panipat in which the
Marathas were defeated. Vishwas Rao, Sadashiv Rao Bhau and many
other Maratha Commande rsdied in the battlefield. A bout 28,000 soldiers
were killed. When the Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao heard the news of the
defeat of the Marathas he died in June 1761.
2.5MALWA
The old province of Malwa which is now merged into Madhya
Pradesh was the connecting link between the Deccan an d Hindustan
proper. Malwa was first conquered by Humayun and then by Akbar and it
enjoyed peace for more than a century, but that peace was disturbed by
Aurangzeb's policy of religious persecution. The result was that the
provincial administration lost it s efficiency. The discontented Rajput
chiefs, Zamindars and their Hindu subjects refused to cooperate with the
Mughal Subedar and they welcomed the Maratha invaders, gave them
secret information about rivers, forts and mountain passes and facilitated
heirinvasions.
In 1703. Nemaji Sindia burst into Malwa and plundered and burnt
the villages. The Mughal Emperor had to dispatch a special force to stop
his advance. Maratha raids were repeated with greater boldness in the next
decade.
When the Mughal Emperor granted the right of Chauth and
Sardeshmukhi to the Marathas in 1719, Khandesh and Malwa were
assigned I the Peshwa for making collection. The Peshwa looked upon the
possession of Malwa as the best guarantee for the security of Maratha
Motion land and the Deccan. Peshwa Baji Rao invaded Malwa in February
1723 and May 1724, He collected Chauth. Nizam -uI-Mulk who was the
Governor of Malwa at that time. In June 1725, Girdhar Bahadur was
appointed the Subedar of Malwa. The new Subedar was a man of strong
character and he refused to compromise with the Marathas and chased
them beyond the Narmada. It was after the defeat of Nizamul -Mulk at
Palkhed in February 1728 that the Peshwa was able to lake action against
Girdhar Bahadur. A big army led by Peshwa's brother Chimnaji Appa
invaded Malwa. Girdhar Bahadur was defeated .
'I'he policy of Muhammad Khan Bangash failed and Sawai Jai
Singh was again appointed the Subedar of Malwa in 1732. He pursued his
old policy of appeasing the Marathas. The Mughal campaigns in 17 34-36
failed to keep Malwa free from the aggression of the Marathas. The policy
of appeasement was not successful and fresh concessions called forth fresh
aggression.
In 1738, after his defeat at Bhopal, Nizam -ul-Mulk offered to the
Peshwa the whole of Malwa and the complete sovereignty of the
territory between the Narmada and the Chambal. The Nizam was not able
to secure the approval of the Mughal Emperor and the matter remainedmunotes.in

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39unsettled. In 1741, Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao advanced to Gwalior and a
settlement was made with the Mughal Emperor through the mediation of
Sawai Jai Singh who was then the Subedar of Agra. Emperor Muhammad
Shah bestowed the Deputy Governorship of Malwa on the Peshwa. This
was merely a device for saving the face of the Emperor as otherwise
Malwa ceased to be a part of the Empire of Delhi.
2.6GUJARAT
Internal strife among the Mughals in Gujarat gave the Marathas a
chance to fish in troubled waters and establish themselves firmly in that
province. Civil war among the Mughals b egan in 1721 when the Nizam
was replaced by Sarbuland Khan as the Subedar of Gujarat. At that time,
Hamid Khan, the uncle of the Nizam, was acting as the Deputy of the
Nizam in Gujarat. Sarbuland Khan himself stayed at Delhi and sent his
Deputy Shujat Kh an to take charge from Hamid Khan. Hamid Khan also
wanted to become the rider of Gujarat and got the support of the Marathas
by conceding them the right to collect Chauth and Sardeshmukhi. With
the help of Kanthaji, Hamid Khan defeated and killed Shu jat Khan and
his brother Rustam Ali who came from Surat.
Sarbuland Khan himself marched to Gujarat and expelled Hamid
Khan; but he could not expel the Marathas. In 1727, Sarbuland Khan
agreed to pay the Marathas Chauth and Sardeshmukhi in Gujarat. The
Mughal Emperor did not approve of the arrangement, recalled Sarbuland
Khan and sent Raja Abhay Singh as the Governor of Gujarat with orders
to turn out the Marathas from Gujarat. In order to overawe the Marathas,
Abhay Singh got Pilaji Gaikwa d, a Maratha lea der,killed.
That resulted in a widespread upheaval among the local
population. Damaji, the eldest son of Pilaji, renewed the struggle,
recovered Baroda and harassed Abhay Singh so much that the latter left
for Jodhpur without any success. Damaji even inv aded Jodhpur. Gujarat
was finally lost to the Empire hi 1737.
Check your progress:
1.Discuss the political conditions of the Maratha and Gujarat in 18 th
century.munotes.in

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402.7 SUMMARY
The political instability in the country after the death of Auran gzeb
had its effect on the social, religious and economic condition of the
people. For a long time, there was practically no authority, no
administration, no law and no security in vast areas of the country.
Anarchy was the order of the day. The strong pre vailed over the weak.
The Indians had very bad time in every way.
V.P.S. Raghuvanshi writes, "Civilised life cannot flourish amid
conditions of insecurity and oppression. In the 18th century, the break -up
of the Mughal monarchy released forces of politica l disintegration and
anarchical conditions which destroyed the creative and cooperative spirit
of man. They caused deterioration in every phase of national life. The
regions which suffered most from the ravages of the soldiery became the
scenes of uprooted humanitv and epidemics. The period glorified war,
bred anarchy and held civilisation in terror.
Ghulam Hussain, a historian of Bengal, calls the 18th century as
“an age of senseless, slothful princes and of grandees, ignorant and
meddling.” He further wr ites, “It is in consequence of such wretched
administration that every part of Hind has gone to ruin and every one of its
discouraged than inhabitants have broken their hearts. Life itself has
become disgust. In the 18th century wars, invasions and other c alamities
wrought havoc and cities like Lahore, Delhi, Agra and Mathura in the
North and were tracts of the country in the Deccan were destroyed.”
2.8 QUESTIONS
1.Explain the polity of South Indian States in 18 th century.
2.Review the political conditions of North Indian States in 18 th century.
3.Discuss the political conditions of the Maratha in 18 th century.
4. Review the political conditions of the Malwa and Gujarat in 18 th
century.
2.9ADDITIONAL READING
1.Athar Ali ,The Mughal Nobility under Aurangz eb.
2.Faruki Zahiruddin ,Aurangzeb and His Times.
3.Frazer J. ,History of Nadir Shah.
4.Gupta Han Ram ,Studies in the Later Mughal Histo ry of the Punjab .
5.Irvine William ,Later Mughals, Vols. I and II.
6.Keene H. G. ,The Fall of the Mughal Empire, 1887.
7.Majumdar R. C. (Ed.) ,The Maratha Supremacy, Bhartiya Vidya
Bhavan, Bombay, 1977.munotes.in

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418.Owen S.J., India on the Eve of the British Conquest, London, 1876.
9.Sarkar Sir Jadunath ,The Fall of the Mughal Empire, 4 Vols.
10.Satish Chandra ,Parties and Politics at the Mughal Cour t, 1707 -40,
Aligarh, 1959.
11.Srivastava A. L. ,The First Two Nawabs of Oudh.
12.Srivastava A. L. ,Shuja -ud-Daulah.
13.Qanungo. K. R.,History of the Jats.
14.Sardesai. G. S. ,New History of the Marathas, 3 Vols., 1950 .
15.Sinha N. K. ,Rise of the Sikh Power.
16.Srivasta va A. L. First Two Nawabs of Oudh, 1933.

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42Unit-3
SOCIETY
Unit Structure :
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Social Structure
3.2.1 The Hindu Family
1. Four Caste
2. Status of w omen
3.Custom of sati
4. Dowry System
5. Polygamy
6. Polyandry
3.2.2 Muslim Family
3.3. Slavery
3.4 Education
3.5 Literature
3.6 Art
3.7 Science
3.8 Religio us Condition
1. The Hindu
2.The Muslims
3.9 Fasts and Festival
3.10.Untouchability
3.11 Human Sacrifices
3.12 Summary
3.13 Questions
3.14 Additional Reading
3.0OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this u nit the student will be able to
1.Perceive the social structure of India in 18 th century.
2.Understand the status of women of India in 18 th century.
3.Know the education and literature of India in 18 th century.
4.Learn the Religious life of India in 18 th c entury.munotes.in

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433.1INTRODUCTION
The political instability in the country after the death of Aurangzeb
had its effect on the social, religious and economic condition of the people.
For a long time, there was practically no authority, no administration, no
law a nd no security in vast areas of the country, Anarchy was the order of
the day. The strong prevailed over the weak. The Indians had very bad
time in every way.
Social life and culture in the 18th century were marked by
stagnation and dependence on the past. There was, of course, no
uniformity of culture and social patterns all over the country. Nor did all
Hindus and all Muslims form two distinct societies. People were divided
by religion, region, tribe, language, and caste. Moreover, the social life
and culture of the upper classes, who formed a tiny minority of the total
population, was in many respects different from the life and culture of the
lower classes.
3.2SOCIAL STRUCTURE
3.2.1The Hindu Family
1.Four Castes
Caste was the centr al feature of the social life of the Hindus. The
Hindu society was divided into four parts, viz. the Brahmans, Kshatriyas,
Vaisyas and Sudras. The Brahman was the priest, the sole exponent of
religion as well as the teacher and guide. Both the ignorant and the
educated were superstitious and the Brahmans exploited the innate human
fear of the unknown. The hereditary occupation of the Kshatriyas was to
wield temporal power. The kings, ministers and soldiers generally
belonged to this class. The Vaisyas were the community of businessmen.
They had two broad divisions. One branch took to trade and the other to
agriculture. They were the usurers and the sole aim of their life was to live
on the interest of the money that they gave as loans. The Shudras
comprised the mass of the people. They included the aborigines admitted
to the Hindu community. Their salvation was supposed to lie in the direct
and indirect service rendered by them to the three upper classes.
The Brahmana ,Kshatriyas and Vaisyas were all divide d and sub -
divided into a large number of castes and sub -castes. Each caste formed an
endogamous group and it was only in this endogamous group that inter -
dining was permissible. Restrictions on marriage, food and occupation
distinguished and defined his, s ocial status. Any deviation from the
customs of a locality was considered to be a sin and one who was guilty of
such an offence was liable to be excommunicated. The caste Panchayat
did not readmit him in his caste until the humbled himself publicly. The
marriage had to be in the same caste in order to prevent the intermixture of
blood and maintain the purity of descent.munotes.in

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44In the eighteenth century, the people were very sensitive about the
concept of Roti (bread) and Beti (daughter). Inter -dining among the peo ple
of different castes was non -existent. Only the Sikhs had their institution of
Langar which was open to all. People of different castes could worship the
same gods, observe the same manners and customs, but would not eat
together. As a matter of fact, n o one could ever think of it as the threat of
excommunication was an effective deterrent .
The question of permissible and forbidden food was an important
one. As a rule, the Brahmans had to abstain from meat and intoxicating
liquors. The caste prescribed different codes for different groups. Meat
was not a staple diet in India. Abstinence from meat was general practiced
in the areas dominated by Jain influence. The classes that came into
contact with them were generally vegetarian, while the others took me at as
a luxury and delicacy. Vegetarianism and non -vegetarianism were
determined not so much by caste as by the religious sect to which an
individual belonged. The Kshatriyas, Rajputs, Jats and other lower classes
all ate meat.
Occupation was another deci sive factor in the formation of caste.
In spite of the general taboos, social and economic exigencies necessitated
contacts between the twice -born and the artisan classes and the creation of
relationship between the higher and lower castes. Those who pract iced the
professions of barber, weaver, embroiderer, dyer, printer, gardener, potter,
ivory -worker etc., were sometimes paid directly for the services rendered
by them. More often, their remuneration was a fixed quantity of grain at
the harvest time, or so me money or clothes on occasions of celebration in
the family.
There were certain occupations which were open to all. Caste was
a major/ division force and an element of disintegration in the India of the
eighteenth century. It often split Hindus living i n the same village or
region into many social atoms. However, it was possible for a person to
acquire a higher social status by the acquisition of high office or power as
was done by the Holkar family in the eighteenth century. Sometimes, an
entire caste s ucceeded in raising itself in the caste hierarchy.
The family system in the eighteenth century was primarily
patriarchal. The family was dominated by the senior male member.
Inheritance was through the male line. However, in Kerala, the family was
matril ineal. Outside Kerala, women were subjected to nearly complete
male control. They were expected to live as mothers and wives only.
Check your progress:
1.Review the social structure of India in 18 th century.munotes.in

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452. Status of women :
Women of that time possessed little individuality of their own.
However, Ahilya Bai administered Indore with great success from 1766 to
1796. Many other Hindu and Muslim women played an important role in
the politics of that time. The status of a women in the family depended
entirely on her capacity to give births to sons and hence they were
prepared to make any sacrifice for that purpose. A mother wielded
tremendous influence in all important matters of the household. A
daughter occupied a peculiar position in the family. Al though theoretically
she was considered Lakshmi (the goddess of prosperity) but her birth was
not welcomed. She had no share in her father's and brother's property. If
there were many daughters, they became a galling responsibility.
The custom of female infanticide was very much prevalent among
the Rajputs and much in all the cases. Child marriage was prevalent in
society. Child marriage was more for social security than as a sign of
backwardness. The instability in the eighteenth century created great
anxiety among the parents about the honour of their daughters and hence
they were married at an early age. Women were excluded and the Purdah
became an established custom both among the Hindus and Muslims. The
general Insecurity and lawlessness prevailing at that time made their
exclusion tighter and that deprived the women of any opportunity to
acquire education. Their physical and mental health also suffered.
The custom of Sati mostly prevailed in Bengal, Central India and
Rajputana. In the South, it was uncommon. The Peshwas discouraged Sati
in their dominion with limited success
Polygamy prevailed among the Kulin families of Uttar Pradesh and
Bengal. Remarriage of widows was generally looked down upon thought
prevailed in some places. The Peshwas impos ed a tax called Patdaru on
remarriage of widows. The lot of the Hindu widows was usually pitiable.
There were all sorts of restrictions on their clothing, diet, movements etc.
They were expected to give up all the pleasures of the earth and serve
selflessl y the members of her husband's or brother's family. Raja Sawai Jai
Singh of Amber and the Maratha General Par -shuram Bhau tried to
promote widow remarriage but failed. Untouchability was prevalent in
society. The untouchables were denied certain basic priv ileges of living.
In some cases, one could drown oneself in a river in order to
escape a disease. In other cases, life could be taken by way of
mortification and penance. Under peculiar conditions, parents took vow to
offer their first -born child to the Ganges. Another superstitious lite was
self-torture. Many devotees pierced their tongues and arms with pointed
rods.
3. Custom of sati
In Maharashtra, it was curbed to some extent by the energetic steps
taken by the Peshwas. Two great social evils of th e 18th century India,munotes.in

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46apart from the caste system, were the custom of satiand the harrowing
condition of widows. Sati involved theriteofaHindu widow burning
herself (self-immolation) along with the body of her dead husband.
Satipractice was mo stly prevalent in Rajputana, Bengal, and other
parts of northern India. In the South it was uncommon and the Marathas
did not encourage it.Even in Rajputana and Bengal, it was practiced only
by the families of rajas, chiefs, big zamindars, and upper caste s.
Widows belonging to the higher classes and higher castes could
not remarry, though insome regions andinsome castes, forexample,
among non-Brahmins in Maharashtra, the Jats and people of the hill -
regions of the North, widow remarriage was quite common.
4.Dowry System
Ordinarily dowry is the property which a man receives when he
marries, either from his wife or his family. Dowry is the amount received
by the groom’s party and the chief evil of this system lies in the
compulsion that is employed t o extract these things from bride’s party,
much against to their capacity, willingness and desire.
4.Polygamy
Besides, ordinarily there was no polygamy. Dubios note
significantly "polygamy is tolerated amongst persons of high rank.
Nonetheless plurality of wives amongst the great is looked upon as an
infraction of law and custom, in fact, as an abuse. Only of one case in
which a man can legally marry a second wife, his first wife being still
alive, and that is when, after he has lived for a long time with h is wife, she
is certified to be barren, or if she has borne only female children. But
polygamy had become a regular and notorious 235 practice among those
who were regarded as kulins in Bengal. Among the kulins family pedigree
was like a marketable commodi ty.
5.Polyandry
At the same time polyandry was exceptionally practised in Indian
society. Buchanan writes that polyandry prevailed among the Tiyahs in
Malabar. Similarly, as early as in 200 A.D. widow remarriage was
prohibited for being a sin against the d eparted soul of husband. But widow
remarriage was widely prevalent among the non -Brahmins of Maharashtra.
Even the Peshwa collected a tax called patdam on the remarriage of
Widow.
3.2.2Muslim Family
In the eighteenth century, it became difficult to diff erentiate
between the practices of a Muslim family and a Hindu family. Muslims
were nolessdivided byconsiderations ofcaste, race, tribe, andstatus, even
though their religion enjoined social equality. The Shia and Sunni (two
sects of Muslim religion) nobles were sometimes at loggerheads on
account of their religious differences.munotes.in

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47The Irani, Afghan, Turani, and Hindustani Muslim nobles, and
officials often stood apart from each other. A large number of Hindus
converted to Islam carried their caste i nto the new religion and observed
its distinctions, though not as rigidly as before.
Moreover, the sharif Muslims consisting of nobles, scholars,
priests, and army officers, looked down upon the ajlaf Muslims or the
lower -class Muslims in a manner simi lar to that adopted by the higher
caste Hindus towards the lower caste Hindus.
A polygamous household was the fashion among the royalty and
the nobility and all those who could afford it. The individual Muslim, man
or woman, was a complete and self -sufficient unity of society. Marriage
was a civil contract and the family found legal recognition only in
connection with inheritance. The first wife enjoyed the privileges of
seniority. She was considered to be the head of the female establishment
and she was given precedence over all the other wives. However, the
children of the subsequent wives enjoyed equal status.
The mother in a Muslim family had a status of her own. The father
was the head of the family but he did not have absolute power in a Muslim
family. The Muslim woman had the right to give or withhold her consent
to marriage, but she could not exercise her right in the eighteenth century.
In certain cases, a marriage in Islam could be even a temporary contract
(Muta), having no higher motive than s exual gratification. The son in a
Muslim family was the source of much more pleasure than a daughter on
account of the patriarchal form of society. The reason was mainly
economic as the father of girls was considered to be a poor man.
Muslim women were ke pt in seclusion. The seclusion of women,
both among the Muslims and Hindus, was mainly confined to the higher
classes. Women of the lower classes had to appear in public because they
had to work and earn. As they had to work like chattels for their menfolk ,
they could not be kept veiled.
Celibacy did not find any recognition as a virtue in Muslim
society. Pairing the princesses of the royal family and sometime the Sufi
saints, marriage was an obligation to be fulfilled by even Muslim. The
concept of the p rohibited degree in marriage seems to have been
obligatory on the Muslims in the eighteenth century. Among the orthodox
Muslims, there was a prejudice amounting to prohibition in regard to
marriages between Sunni Muslims and Shiahs.
Islam permitted plural ity of wives upto four, but alongwith that it
was enjoined that the wives should be treated in a very equitable manner.
The number of wives almost determined the social status of a man. The
leading noblemen kept regular harems while the lower classes were
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48No age limit was fixed for marriage bin Muslims generally
favoured early marriages. That may be due to the influence of Hinduism.
Almost as a rule, boys were not allowed to see the girls before t hey were
married. Manned writes, "Among the Mohammedans, it is the practice not
to see their brides beforehand, but to marry upon reports, interests or
respect."
The Mehr formed an important part in a Muslim marriage. It was
usually fixed before the marri age. However, in the eighteenth century, in
most of the cases, it was more form than reality. Mehr could be payable as
soon as possible or its payment could be deferred. Match -making among
Muslims was generally the business of women except when the marriag e
took place for political reasons. Occasionally, there were inter -communal
marriages.
3.3 SLAVERY
Slavery prevailed in the country. Broadly speaking, slaves could be
divided into two parts, domestic slaves and serfs tied to the land. The
second catego ry of the slaves were transferred with the sale of the land to
the buyer. In some cases, economic distress, natural calamities, extreme
poverty and famines compelled parents to sell their children. The Rajputs,
the Kshatriyas and Kayasthas usually kept sla ve women for domestic
work. Slaves in India were treated better than the slaves in Europe and
America. They were usually treated as hereditary servants of the family
and were allowed to marry among themselves.
The practice of slavery increased with the co ming of the Europeans
in India, particularly the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English. The
European Companies purchased slaves in the open markets . There were
reports of Europeans at Surat, Madras and Calcutta purchasing Abyssinian
slaves and employing th em for domestic work.
Check your progress:
1.Trace the status of women of India in 18 th century.
3.4 EDUCATION
The educational system of both the Hindus and Muslims was
unprogressive and hence both of them were equally backward
educationally. The education imparted in 18thcentury India was still
traditional which could not match with the rapid developments in the West.munotes.in

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49The knowledge was confined to literature, law, religion, philosophy, and
logic and excluded the study of physical and natural sciences, technology
and geography. In due to over -reliance placed on ancient learning, any fact,
original thought got discouraged. Elementary education among the Hindus
and the Muslims was quite widespread. The education was confined to
reading, writing, and arithmetic. Children from the lower caste sometimes
attended the schools, but female presence was rare.
The Hindu schools were divided into two water -tight
compartments. One section imparted elementary education. The schools
catered for the needs o f those pupils who would follow agricultural and
commercial pursuits. The teachers largely belonged to the writer castes. In
Murshidabad, out of 67 teachers in the same number of schools, 39 were
Kayasthas, 14 Brahmanas and 14 members of other castes. In S outh Bihar,
there were 285 schools and the same number of teachers. Out of these, 278
were Kayasthas and 7 came from other castes. None belonged to the
Brahman caste.
The pupils in the primary schools spent from five to ten years in
completing their cours e which included elements of reading, writing and
arithmetic. The aim was to learn letter -writing and composing business
correspondence, petitions, grants, leases etc. In arithmetic, the main object
was to acquire proficiency in accounting, either agricult ural or
commercial. The emphasis was on tables such as multiplication, weights
and measures etc. Education was purely utilitarian and extremely narrow.
It did not awaken the mind and also did not free it from the trammels of
tradition.
The condition of t he higher schools of learning was even worse. In
those institutions, both the students and the teachers were Brahmanas
because their courses were predominantly theological. Three main types of
courses were taught, viz., grammar and general literature, law and logic.
Studies extended from 2 to 12 and even 22 years. Most of the schools
were in the house of the teacher.
Elementary education was widespread. Hindu elementary schools
were called Pathshalas and those of the Muslims were called Maktabs. The
school s were not attached to temples or mosques. The students were given
instruction in the three R's of reading, writing and arithmetic. Moral
instruction with emphasis on truth, honesty and obedience found a place in
the school curriculum. Education was mainly popular with the higher
castes. Female education received very little attention.
The students of law devoted 8 to 23 years in mastering the various
branches of Hindu law and rites. In Bengal, the treatises of Raghunandan
and Jimutavahan were studied. Man u and
Mitakashara were taught in other schools. The study of logic
required 12 to 22 years. In medicine and astronomy, studies were based onmunotes.in

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50the ancient texts and their commentaries. These prolonged studies made
the students narrow in their outlook. The disciplines of grammar, law and
logic were largely formal and verbal.
The educational system of the Muslims was not very much better
than that of the Hindus. It was intended only for the upper classes and did
not any instruction to the Muslim masses. Ther e were three types of
instruction for the Muslims. The first type study was of memorising the
verses of the Quran without understanding the meaning. The second type
of instruction was given in Persian schools. It mainly with literature,
grammar, computatio n and arithmetic. In Poetry Firdausi, Sadi, Hafiz,
Urfi, Jami, Khaqani etc., were taught. In prose, Gulistan, Waqai Nimat
Khan Ali, Bahar -i-Danish etc. taught. Rules of arithmetic and geometry
were included in the course.
The teaching of rational science s, including medicine and
astronomy, was wholly bookish. Laboratories and observatories were not
available. The experimental method was not employed in study. The main
emphasis was on theology and law and the authority of the great teachers
of the past was held in great esteem. The Muslim mind was soaked in
medievalism and it was intellectually quite unprepared to withstand the
attack from the West.
Centres of higher education in Sanskrit literature were called
Chatuspathis or Tols in Bengal and Bihar. Nad ia, Kas, Tirhut and Utkala
were reputed centres for Sanskrit education. Institutions for higher
education in Persian and Arabic were called Madrasahs. As Persian was
the court language, it was learnt both by the Muslims and the Hindus.
Azimabad (Patna) was a great centre of Persian education.
3.5 LITERATURE
During the eighteenth century, Urdu spread to all corners of India.
Urdu literary circles were established in every province of India. When the
British dominion extended over Northern India, Urdu was employed by
polite society of the Muslims and the Hindus.
The literature produced during this period was not of high order.
Both Hindi and Urdu poets of this period were virtuosos. They were so
much absorbed in their pursuit that they almost lost the awa reness of the
meaning of life and higher purpose of literature. It is worthy of notice that
behind the diversities of language, race and creed, a deep cultural unity
pervaded die whole of India.
Heer Rahjha, the famous romantic epic in Punjabi, was writte nb y
Warns Shah. For Sindhi literature, the eighteenth century was a period of
enormous achievement. Dr. Sitapati writes about Telugu literature that
"good poetry vanished and a period of decadence prevailed."munotes.in

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51However, during this period appeared a large number of masters of
rhetoric, style and diction who possessed supreme authority over
language. They refined and developed the languages in which they wrote
and made them instruments fit to meet the demands of the future. Their
literary output indicates t he cultural unity of India.
It was during the 18th century that the Christian missionaries set
up printing -presses in India and brought out vernacular editions of the
Bible. Ziegenbelg, a Danish missionary, composed a Tamil grammar and
published a Tamil v ersion of the Bible. The missionaries also compiled a
Tamil dictionary. The Baptist missionaries like Carey, Ward and
Marsnman set up a printing press at Serampur and published a Bengali
version of the Bible.
3.6 ART
As there was a lack of patronage a t Delhi, the artists migrated to
the state capitals like Hyderabad, Lucknow, Murshidabad, Jaipur etc. In
1784, Asaf -ud-Daula built the great Imambara. It has no pillars or
supports. The view of Percy Brown is that it is a work of "outward show
and tawdry p retense" whose style has no spiritual values. The Palace of
Suraj Mai at Dig, the capital of Bharatpur, was planned to rival in imperial
palaces at Agra. Work on its construction was started in 1725 but the
construction was left unfinished.
Many painters of the Mughal school migrated to Hyderabad,
Lucknow, Kashmir and Patna and flourished there. New schools of
painting also achieved distinction. The paintings of Kangra and Rajput
schools revealed new vitality and taste. Music continued to develop and
flour ish in the 18th century, particularly in the reign of Muhammad Shah.
3.7 SCIENCE
Throughout the 18th century, India remained far behind the
Western countries in the spheres of science and technology. The Indian
rulers of the 18th century did not show a ny interest in the developments in
science and technology in the West except in weapons of war and
techniques of military training.
Check your progress:
1.State the progress of education and literature of India in 18 th century.munotes.in

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523.8 RELIGIOUS C ONDITION
1.The Hindu
The Hindus believed in the trinity of Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh
the three major powers of creation, sustenance and destruction. The
worship of Brahma was not popular because he was alleged to have been
cursed by a god on account of s ome sin.
Siva and Vishnu, alongwith their female counterparts Parvati and
Lakshmi claimed the devotion of almost entire Hindu society. Their
worship represented three distinct forms of belief and practice.
The Rajputs were predominantly the followers of Siva. They built
temples dedicated to Siva even outside Rajasthan, Gujarat and
Bundelkhand. The image of Siva in the form of Lingait was carved out of
stone and water was poured over in to give bath to the god. Vishnu was
the ideal god for the householder . He was the god recommended to him by
the priestly class. Both Siva and Vishnu held very prominent positions in
the religious naught of the Hindus.
The religion of Devi and her designations were much more
prevalent in the Eastern provinces of Northern I ndia. Their worship was
fairly widespread. The worship of the Vam Marg comprised the use of
wine, meat, fish, various postures of the body and sexual intercourse.
Their shrines could be the centres for bloody sacrifices and sensual
obscenities. All over No rthern India, the goddesses were worshipped as
the Great Mothers.
The Rajputs took their inspiration and courage from Shakti, Durga,
Bhawani who had their shrines all over Rajasthan where the rulers were
generally the followers of Siva. She was addressed by such names as
Mahamaya, Kali Mata, Chamunda, Sakrai, Rai Mata, Naguechian, Sitala
Mata, Karniji etc. In addition to Siva, Vishnu and the female
personifications of divine power, the Hindus also worshipped Ganesa or
Ganpati as god of luck and good fortu ne and the Sun. This five -fold
reverence was called Panchayatan Puja and was the most popular form of
worship.
The worship of Surya or the Sun was also prevalent in the 18th
century. The Sun being a very potent factor in their life, Sun worship was
in the blood of the Hindu people. Every morning the Sun was saluted and
offered water in the form of Arghya by the householders who prayed for
his liberation in the event of an eclipse. The famous Gayatri Mantra was
the invocation of the Sun god for bestowing h is glorious brightness to
sharpen the intellect of his worshippers.
The worship of nature had a very strong hold over the pastoral and
agricultural people. They had always to go through the extremities of
weather and were very susceptible to the effects o f heat, cold, rain or
drought. The rivers, Ganga and Yamuna, were revered as the Great
Mothers. Their entire course in the plains was dotted with holy cities. Treemunotes.in

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53worship was very common. Pipal was regarded as the Brahman among
trees. Tulsi plant was held very sacred by the Hindus. Spirit worship was
another major element in Hindu belief.
2.The Muslims
The beliefs and practices of the Muslims in the 18th century were
influenced by three main factors viz., the decline of the Mughal Empire,
the wide preva lence of the doctrine of Wahdat -ul-Wujud (Unity of
Existence or Immanence) and the influence of Hinduism. The Muslim
state was supposed to be Islamic state and Muslim rulers were responsible
for the maintenance of the Shariat.
The doctrine of Wahdat -ul-Wujud encouraged an attitude of
indifference towards moral laxity although its main aim was to establish a
kind of positive tolerance of the beliefs and practices of non -Muslims, on
the ground that God is immanent in His creation and Muslims and non -
Muslims . Islam and other religions, are all one.
There was opposition to the doctrine of Wahdat -ul-Wujud. Shaikh
Ahmed of Sirhind declared that those who believed in Wahdat -ul-Wujud
were evading or undermining the Shariat, the concept of which was higher
and cou ld be realised through a spiritual awareness of the unity of
phenomena.
Shah Walliullah (1703 -1763) brought about the intellectual
reconciliation of the two doctrines through his own spiritual experience.
According to him, the two doctrines were the diff erent stages on the road
to spiritual knowledge. Shah Waliullah was also a religious reformer. He
tried hard to bring Islam to the masses of India by translating the Quran
into Persian.
The orthodox Muslims were involved in acute sectarianism. The
party s ystem at the Mughal court was strongly influenced by Shiah -Sunni
differences.
3.9 FASTS AND FESTIVALS
The people believed in fasts of varying rigour and duration. The
Nirjala Ekadasi was a rigorous fast as the devotee was not to take even a
sip of water. The Janmashtmi fast was also popular. It was connected with
the birth of Lord Krishna. Nagapanchmi was a day of fasting in honour of
theNagas. Shivaratri was observed in honour of Siva. It was a dayof strict
fasting and vigil. The full moon inspi red the people to observe fast and
worship Sat yaNarayan, that is, Vishnu.
The people also celebrated Rakshabandhan, Bhaiduj, Teej etc. Holi
was a very popular festival. It was celebrataed best in Mathura and
Brindaban. It was celebrated both by the Hi ndus and the Muslim.
Dussehra and Diwali were also celebrated by the Hindus.munotes.in

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54Islam being a puritanical religion, the Muslims had very few
festivals. Id -ul-Azha or Id -i-Qurban was the most important festival. Barat
was a Muslim festival. Houses were illumin ated alongwith display of
frameworks.
3.10 UNTOUCHABILITY
Untouchability was prevalent in society .The untouchables were
denied certain basic privileges of living. They could not use tank wells,
inns or schools meant for upper class people, not to sp eak of places of
worship or public institutions .The outraging of human Peached its high
watermark under it. But the extent of untouchability varied from place to
place. The depressed classes demarcated from the upper caste Hindus by
certain mental social oppression and disabilities common to them hove all,
untouchability had basically economic foundation and the untouchables
were the most poverty -stricken section of the Todian people. Their low
social position accentuated their anomic exploitation and thei r economic
conditions tended to stabilize their low status. Among the upper classes,
the evil customs of incurring heavy expenses on marriages and of giving
dowry to the bride prevailed.
3.11 HUMAN SACRIFICES
The people performed many superstitious ritu als.Theupper -class
Hindus resorted to human sacrifices on certain occasions. I twas believed
that the Goddess Kali requires human blood or heads and for the
gratification of the Devi, a human victim was slaughtered. Self -
immolation was another form of hu man sacrifice. In some cases, one
could drown oneself in a river in order to escape a disease could be taken
by way of mortification and penance. In some cases, one's child was
sacrificed. Under peculiar conditions, vow to offer their first -born child to
the Ganges. Another superstitious title was self -torture. Many devotees
pierced their tongues and arms with pointed rods.
Check your progress:
1.Give an account of the Religious life of India in 18 th century.
3.12 SUMMARY
There were pronounc ed social disparities. The higher classes and
castes were over -conscious of their supremacy and superiority. The entiremunotes.in

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55wealth of the country was concentrated in the hands of the higher classes
while the masses lacked the barest necessities of life. The Mu slim concept
of equality and fraternity had vanished so completely that a Muslim Sharif
could not bear to see a Muslim Radhil trying to come in any way near him
in social status. The different castes among the Hindus were jealous of
their rights and each c aste and every group was isolated within its own
customs and social traditions. Any deviation from established laws and
conventions resulted in excommunication. The people were so much
absorbed in the celebration of marriages, feasts, festivals and other f amily
ceremonies that they had no urge to create new social values.
The social system in the eighteenth century had two aspects. One
aspect was a grading on the basis of official power and position. The
second aspect was an ordering based on religion and the traditional
divisions of society. The first was a reflection of the political system. The
second comprised the castes and sub -castes among the Hindus and a rigid
grading in Muslim society on the basis of Kufr.
3.13 QUESTIONS
1.Review the social struc ture of India in 18thcentury.
2.What was the status of women of India in 18thcentury?
3.State the progress of education and literature of India in 18thcentury.
4.Give an account of the Religious life of India in 18thcentury.
3.14 ADDITIONAL READING
1.Craufurd Q., Sketches Chiefly related to the History, Religion,
Learming and Manner of Hindus , London, 1790.
2.Habib Irfan, The Agrarian System of Modern India, Bombay, 1963.
3.Ojha P.N., Some Aspects of North Indian Social Life, Patna, 1961.
4.Orme R., Historical Fragments of the Mughal Empire, London, 1805.
5.Owen S.J., India on the Eve of the British Conquest, London, 1876.
6.Raghuvanshi V.P.S., Indian Society in the Eighteenth Century.
7.Sarkar J.N., Fall of the Mughal Empire.
8.Stavorinus John Splinter, Voyage to the East Indies (1668 -71), London,
8641.
9.Suri Pusipa, Social Conditions in Eighteenth Century Northern India,
University of Delhi, 1977.
10. Williams Monier, Religious Thought and Life in India, London, 1883.
11.Wilson H.H., Religious Sects of the Hindus, London, 1861 -62.
12. Wilson John, History of the Suppression of Infanticide in Western
India Bombay, 1899.
munotes.in

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56Unit-4
ECONOMY
Unit Structure:
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Agriculture
4.3 Status of peasant
4.4 State of Village economic life
4.5 Beginning of the disruption of Village economy
4.6 Factors responsible for disruption of village economy
4.7 State of Urban industries and Handicraft
4.8 Karkhanas or Workshops
4.9 Trade
4.10 Restrictions on imports from India in Europe
4.11 Industry
1. Important Centres of Textile Industry
2. Ship -building Industry
3. Other Industries
4.12 Class of Financiers
4.13 Loss in Customs duties
4.14 Monopoly killed the skill
4.15 Effect of British conquest on Indian industries
4.16Consequences of British rule on economic life
4.17 Summa ry
4.18 Questions
4.19 Additional Reading
4.0 OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this unit the student will be able to
1. Comprehend the Agriculture and Trade of India in 18 th century.
2. Review the Industries of India in 18 th century.
3. Analyse the consequences of British rule on economic life of India in
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574.1INTRODUCTION
India of the eighteenth century failed to make progress
economically, socially or culturally at an adequate pace. The increasing
revenu e demands of the state, the oppression of the officials, the greed and
rapacity of the nobles, revenue -farmers and zamindars, the marches and
counter -marches of the rival armies, and the depredations of the numerous
adventurers roaming the land made the li fe of the people quite despicable.
India of those days was also a land of contrasts. Extreme poverty
existed side by side with extreme riches and luxury. On the one hand,
there were the rich and powerful nobles steeped in luxury and comfort, on
the other, backward, oppressed and impoverished peasants living at the
bare subsistence level and having to bear all sorts of injustices and
inequities.
India had a flourishing foreign trade with many countries of Asia
and Europe. Indian imports included mainly bu llion, raw silk, horses,
metals, coral, precious stones, ivory, amber, velvets, brocades, perfumes,
broad -cloth, Chinese porcelain, African slaves and drugs. Customs duties
were not very high but no trader was allowed to carry bullion out of India.
Even Eu ropean merchants much as the English and the Dutch had to bring
bullion into India in order to purchase articles for export.
However, during the latter part of the reign of Aurangzeb,
economic decay set in and industry and trade began to suffer. His cons tant
wars ruined agricultural and normal economic life, including trade and
commerce, became difficult. Bengal, the richest province of his kingdom
had to bear the brunt of the cost of the Deccan wars. After the coming of
the English, their unscrupulous po licy and their greed and private trade
affected Bengal adversely.
From 1757, the export of bullion from Bengal and the Company's
monopoly of trade in certain essential commodities such as salt, betel -nut
and tobacco caused a great drain of wealth. The co llapse of the political
power of the Nawab of Bengal and the disbanding of his army led to
further confusion for the troops, now unemployed, turn to robbery. All
these added to the general state of lawlessness on the land and uncertainty
of life.
4.2AGRICULTURE
Indian agriculture during the eighteenth century was technically
backward and stagnant. The techniques of production had remained
stationary for centuries. Agriculture was the main industry of Mughal
India and the most important source of income . The crops cultivated were
much the same as those of modern times. Tobacco, brought to India by the
Portuguese, was introduced first in Gujarat during the reign of Jehangir;
Bengal and Bihar yielded sugar; Indigo was produced mostly in northernmunotes.in

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58and centra l India; opium in Malwa and cotton and silk in different parts of
the country.
In spite of the effor tsof Akbar to introduce a stable revenue system
farmer in many parts of the country were oppressed by local officials. The
most important item of agricul tural produce was food grains. In the
Deccan, wheat and gram, rice and millet were the crops grown. Khafi
Khan states that Jowar and Bajra were the main support of the people of
the Deccan and were extensively grown. In the North also, millets
supplied the major part of the articles of food of people and formed the
principal crop. Wheat was not an important crop in Uttar Pradesh at that
time. Next to food grains, cotton and sugar were the most widely grown
crops. Tobacco, opium and indigo were the other com mercial crops.
The country was not free from the danger of famines. Not less than
24 famines and deaths occurred over a period of 200 years from 1595 to
1792. Famines in those days were caused by the non -availability of food
in the affected area although there may be surplus in some other parts of
the country. This was partly due to the lack of efficient means of transport
at that time.
There were wide variations of prices of food grains. Generally,
food-grains were cheaper in Bengal than Northern India. Those were
cheaper in Northern India than in Gujarat. The prices of commodities of
daily consumption were very low.
Every region and even every village tried to be sell -sufficient in
food supply. If the rains were deficient and crops failed, he could not
supplement his stock from outside except at ruinous prices. The margin of
fluctuations in prices in the same locality from year to year was very wide.
The price level was a matter of great importance to the wage
earners. In die 18th century in India, wage labour was exclusively an
urban phenomenon. In the villages, the menials and the agricultural
labourers and artisans were remunerated for their work by giving them a
share in the produce of the farm on which they worked. Money wages
were paid to ordinary and skilled labourers employed in the town. By the
middle of the 18th century, the prevailing rate of daily wages in Calcutta
was six pice for ordinary labourers and ten pice for skilled workers.
4.3STATUS OF PEASANT
Theview ofDr.Tara Chand isthatthepeasant in the18th century
wasbetter offthan hissuccessor in the 19th century. This was so not only
in respect of the larger size of his holding, but also because the average
productivity of land was higher at that time. The peasant tried to ma ke up
for technical backwardness by working very hard. He, in fact, performed
miracles of production; moreover, he did not usually suffer from shortage
of land. But, unfortunately, he seldom reaped the fruits of his labour. Evenmunotes.in

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59though it was his produce t hat supported the rest of the society, his own
reward was miserably inadequate. The state, the zamindars, the jagirdars,
and the revenue -farmers tried to extract the maximum amount from him.
This was as true of the Mughal state as of the Maratha or Sikh ch iefs or
other successors of the Mughal state.
4.4STATE OF VILLAGE ECONOMIC LIFE
India had been mainly an agricultural country. Ninety percent of
the population lived in the villages. The village community in India has
always remained self -sufficient, despite political upheaps . All economic
needs were commonly met in the village itself, except salt or luxury
articles, spices and the currency which could be procured from other
places. The carpenter, the black -smith the barber, the weaver, the potter
andall other artisans were servants of the village and their chief source of
income was a fixed share or e produce a farmer gave to them every year
for their services. The artisans followed their hereditary professions and
their services were always availabl e to the village community.
The state of these industries was backward for want of competition.
The lack of proper communication and transport from village was another
factor that led to this self -sufficiency. By and large such village industries
remain ed unaffected by British rule during the earlier decades, except in
Bengal and Assam.
4.5BEGINNING OF THE DISRUPTION OF VILLAGE
ECONOMY
But the introduction of the land revenue system and the judicial
and administrative reforms by the British changed the self -managed
village Panchayat organisation and this brought about the disintegration of
the old socio -economic frame -work of village life.
Charles Metcalfe was full of praise for the village organisation of
India and said that "Like little Republics they had every -thing and were
almost independent of outside help. He deplored the disruption of this
village community and wrote: “the union of village communities, each one
forming a separate little state in it. self, I conceive, contributed more than
any other to the preservation of the people of India through all revolutions
and changes which they have suffered, and it is in a high degree conducive
to their happiness and to the enjoyment of a great portion of freedom and
independence. I wish, therefore, that the village constitutions may never
be disturbed, and I dread everything that has a tendency to bream them
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604.6FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR DISRUPTION OF
VILLAGE ECONOMY
But with the growth of governmental control, the development of
railways, r oads and better means of communication, the growth of
population and the increasing demand for cash crops, the little republics
could not remain unaffected. The basis of village economic life underwent
transformation, for instance, agricultural crop instea d of satisfying the
needs of the village came to be adapted to meet the needs of the external
markets. They began to produce more cash crops and the emphasis on the
production of food grain was reduced.
A farmer's income now came to depend on a number of factors
such as the prices of agricultural produce in the other markets and draught
conditions. In order to pay the revenue demanded by the government and
to satisfy his other needs the farmer began to sell his produce soon after
the harvest. Thus, the se lf-sufficiency of the village in matter of food
grains was adversely affected. The farmer was gradually drawn into the
money economy the age -old system of barter economy. Up to this time, all
service had been paid for in the form of grains and money was no t
required even for the payment of taxes. The farmer also suffered because
his small holdings and the heavy revenue assessment by the new revenue
system introduced by the British.
Village industries and crafts were not spared and because of the
openin g of the village market to foreign imports, the artisan lost the
market for his wares because of competition. Gradually the same fate
befell the weavers. Village artisans having lost the source of their income
from hereditary occupations began to work as l andless labourers.
This in turn disrupted the social and family bonds of the villagers.
The joint -family system began to disintegrate. Social groups which had
lived happily as one self -sufficient economic and political unit in the
village began to break up Competition instead of co -operation, envy and
jealousy instead of affection and tolerance marred village life in general
and individualism replaced a corporate village life.
Check your progress:
1.Explain the condition of Agriculture of India in 18 th century.munotes.in

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614.7STATE OF URBAN INDUSTRIES AND
HANDICRAFT
In the 18th century, the organisation of industry and crafts bore no
resemblance at all to the European form of capitalism and factory system.
In Europe, much before the Industrial Revoluti on began in elementary
form of capitalism had developed and most cities had grown into centres
of industry and trade. In India also there were number of towns, some of
which were as large as those of Europe but only a few of them owed their
existence to in dustry and trade. Economic affairs did not form the basis of
the civic life of Indian owns as they did in Europe. The Indian merchant
class did not play the same vigorous role in the social and political spheres
of their country as did their counterparts i n 18th century Europe. It was
mainly the merchant class or the middle class in Europe that was
responsible for the social, economic and political changes in their
countries.
In India, towns grew at capitals, at places of pilgrimage or
commerce. The exi stence of industries was not the cause for the growth of
towns as in our own times. There were certain industries common to all
towns, while some industries were confined to certain owns.
Indian industries were meant to satisfy two kinds of demands, viz
the needs of the common man and the needs of the aristocracy. Normally,
village industries satisfied the needs of the common man the goods
manufactured to meet this demand were generally primitive.
The industries and crafts meant to satisfy the needs o f the upper
class, which included landlords, rich merchants, nobles and princes,
produced luxury articles. These included cotton, silk and woolen cloth,
metal ware, jewelry, diamonds and a variety of costly handicrafts.
4.8KARKHANAS OR WORKSHOPS
Though there was no industrial organisation of the Europe type,
there were signs of the development of large -scale industry units in some
places. Bernier, writing in the seventeenth century describes these
industrial halls or Karkhanas (workshops). Saen “In one hall embroiders
are busily employed, superintended by a master. In another you see the
goldsmiths; in a third, painteresque a fourth, varnishers in lacquer -work; in
a fifth, joiners, turners, and shoe makers; in a sixth, manufacturers of silk,
brocade a fi ne muslin. The artisans repair every morning to their
respective Karkhamas, where they remain employed the whole da yand in
the evening return to their homes. In this quiet and regulome manner their
time glides away: no one aspiring after any improvident i n the condition of
life wherein he happens to be born. T he embroiderer brings up his son as
an embroiderer, the son of the goldsmith becomes a goldsmith, and the
physician in the city educate his son for a physician. ”munotes.in

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62Tavernier, another traveler, speaks h agio-of the well organised
diamond industry. Shipbuilding and salt making industries were also well -
developed. Craft guilds Some of these industries were well organised by
craft-guilds, where crafts were hereditary occupations and the craftsman
member of each of his own particular caste. The administrative functions
of the guilds were performed by the castes and by the concede panchayats.
Evidence of existence of such well organised of guilds mostly refer to
Gujarat localised industries The following were famous centres where
certain industries were localised.
The upper classes in India demanded luxury articles. Its volume
was considerable. The rich created a great volume of demand for luxury
goods as they loved good things of life and desired expensive ar ticles of
fine make. The producers of high-quality luxury goods worked in their
homes or in the state Karkhanas (workshops) in the towns. Some village
artisans who had acquired special skill in their respective crafts also
contributed to the supply of thes earticles.
As most of the craftsmen were poor, they had to work for
merchants who advanced them money through brokers or dealt with them
through agents. Money was paid to craftsmen for implements and raw
materials and advance wages were given in return f or finished goods. The
finished articles were usually collected and placed in the market by
middleman. Sometimes the nobles held direct dealings with the artisans.
4.9TRADE
On account of being self -sufficient in handicrafts and agricultural
products, India did not import foreign goods on a large scale. On the other
hand, its industrial and agricultural products were in good demand in
foreign markets. Hence its exports were more than its imports; trade was
balanced by import of silver and gold. India w as known as a sink of
precious metals.
The Indian merchants were well established all along the ports of
the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. They were also met inconsiderable
numbers inQandhar, Kabul, Balkh, Bukhara, Kashghar etc.inAfghanistan
and Cent ral Asia. Peter, the Great wrote, "The commerce of India is the
commerce of the world and he who can exclusively control it is the
dictator of Europe," Indian goods found their way into the East -Asian
countries viz., Burma, Malaya, Indonesia, China and Japan.
India imported pearls, raw silk, wool, dates, dried fruits, and rose water
from the Persian Gulf region; coffee, gold, drugs, and honey from Arabia;
tea, sugar, porcelain, and silk from China; gold, musk and woolen cloth
from Tibet; tin from Singapor e; spices, perfumes, attack, and sugar from
the Indonesian islands; ivory and drugs from Africa; and woolen cloth,
metals such ascopper, iron, andlead, andpaper from Europe.munotes.in

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63India's most important article ofexport wascotton textiles ,which
were famo us all over the world for their excellence and were in demand
everywhere. India alsoexported rawsilkandsilkfabrics, hardware, indigo,
saltpeter, opium, rice, wheat, sugar, pepper and other spices, precious
stones, and drugs. Constant warfare and disru ption of law and order, in
many areas during the 18th century, banned the country's internal trade
and disrupted its foreign trade to some extent and in some directions.
Multan in the Punjab and the three Sing towns of Bukkur, Sukkur
and Rohri were import ant centres of inland trade in the North West.
They had a flourisihng community of merchants comprising
mostly of Khattris, Lohanas and Rhatias. Lahore, Delhi and Agra were
also great centres of commercial activity in Northern India. Malda,
Rangpur and Ka simbazar were important trade centres in Bengal. In
Rajasthan, Ajmer, Jodhpur, Pali and Jaisalmer were old centres.
Ahmedabad in Gujarat and Poona and Nagpur in the Maratha country rose
in importance after 1750. Hyderabad, Bangalore and Tanjore were
flouri shing centres of trade and commerce.
Many trading centers were looted bytheIndians aswell asby
foreign invaders. Many of the trade routes were infested with organized
bands of robbers, and traders and their caravans were regularly looted. The
road between thetwoimperial cities, Delhi andAgra, wasmade unsafe by
the marauders. With the rise of autonomous provincial regimes and
innumerable local chiefs, the number of custom houses or chowkies grew
by leaps and bounds.
Every petty or large ruler tri ed to increase his income by imposing
heavy customs duties on goods entering or passing though his territories.
The impoverishment of the nobles, who were the largest consumers of
luxury products in which trade was conducted, also injured internal trade.
The decline of internal and foreign trade also hit the industries hard
in some parts of the country. Nevertheless, some industries in other parts
of the country gained as a result of expansion in trade with Europe due to
the activities of the European tra ding companies.
The impoverishment of the nobles, who were the largest
consumers of luxury products in which trade was conducted, also injured
internal trade. Other historians believe that the effect of political changes
and warfare on internal trade has generally been exaggerated. The impact
on foreign trade was also complex and differential. While sea trade
expanded, overland trade through Afghanistan and Persia was disrupted.munotes.in

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644.10 RESTRICTIONS ON IMPORTS FROM INDIA IN
EUROPE
England as well as oth er European countries, with the exception of
Holland, either prohibited or imposed prohibitive import duties on Indian
textiles. In the meantime, the English textile industry was developed
rapidly and by the middle of the 18th century English was so well
developed that fewer Indian goods were in demand. The restrictions on the
import of Indian goods and the development of English industries affected
Indian industries adversely. It was not, however, until the British Conquest
of India real damage was done to Indian industries for even in 1760
calicoes amounting to 988,709 pieces and 51,108 pieces of wrought silk
from Bengal and many other varieties of cloth from other parts of the
country were exported to England.
India’s most important article of export was its cotton textiles
which were famous all over the world for their excellence and were in
demand everywhere. India also exported raw silk and silk fabrics,
hardware, indigo, saltpeter, opium, rice, wheat, sugar, pepper and other
spices, precious stones, a nd drugs.
Since India was on the whole self -sufficient in handicrafts and
agricultural products, it did not import foreign goods on a large scale. On
the other hand, its industrial and agricultural products had a steady market
abroad. Consequently, it exp orted more than it imported and its trade was
balanced by import of silver and gold. In fact, India was known as a sink
of precious metals.
Check your progress:
1.Explain the development of Trade of India in 18 th century.
4.11 INDUSTRY
1.Important Centres of Textile Industry
There were many textile manufacturing centres in India. Dacca and
Murshidabad in Bengal; Patna in Bihar; Surat, Ahmedabad, and Broach in
Gujarat; Chanderi in Madhya Pradesh; Burhanpur in Maharashtra; Jaunpur,
Varanas i, Lucknow, and Agra in U.P.;Multan and Lahore in Punjab;
Masulipatam, Aurangabad, Chicacole, and Vishakhapatnam in Andhra;
Bangalore in Mysore; and Coimbatore and Madurai in Madras. Kashmir
was a center of woolen manufactures.munotes.in

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65The whole region from Oris sa to East Bengal was like enormous
cotton factory. Dacca produced Muslin -world -renowned for its finest .T h e
manufacture of silk cloth was an important industry and the fine silks of
Murshidabad and the flowered brocade of Benares and Ahmedabad were
in gre at demand for export. Woolen shawls of Kashmir, Ludhiana,
Amritsar were in great demand in France.
The flourishing state of the cotton and silk industries in India can
well be understood from an account given by Bernier, a French traveler
who came to Ind ia in the 17th century -who observed : "There is in Bengal
such a quantity of cotton and silk, that the kingdom may be called the
common storehouse for those two kinds of merchandise, not of Hindustan
or the Empire of the Great Moghul only but of all the ne ighbouring
kingdoms, and even in Europe."
2.Ship-building Industry
Maharashtra, the Andhra region and Bengal were the leaders in
ship-building. Indian shipping also flourished on the Kerala coast at
Calicut and Quilon. The Zamorin of Calicut used the Muslim Kunjali
Maraikkars (who were well known for their seafaring ability) for his navy.
Shivaji Bhonsle's navy put up a good defense on the west coast against the
Portuguese .
Merchant ships in the port towns and boats playing on the
country's rivers were all manufactured in the country. There was a
flourishing boat building industry at Dacca, Allahabad, Lahore, Thatta,
Masaulipatam -Pulicat, Calicut, Surat, Bassein and Goa. In the art of ship -
building, India was ahead of European nations. According to Bipan
Chandra, the European companies bought many Indian -made ships for
their use. Parkinson writes, "In ship -building, they probably taught the
English far more than they learnt from them."
3.Other industries
The making of brass, copper and bell -metal ware was common in
Bombay state, Hyderabad and Tanjore. Other industries included
enameling, bidri work, ornamentation of arms, enameled jewelry. Stone
carving and a variety of handicrafts.
Dyeing and printing also were popular and Bengal had almost the
monopoly of the silk trade. Shawls and woolen industries in the north and
saltpeter industries in many parts of India, especially in Bihar, were highly
developed. Besides, there were a number of smaller industries and
handicrafts, but there was no industri al orgnisation in the modern sense of
the term. The artisan, the weaver or the carpenter, who produced articles
were financed in most cases entirely by middle -men and these did not
hesitate to exploit the poor workers. Hence, the general condition of the
worklets’ was not a very happy one.munotes.in

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66Particular group of artisans undertook distinct processes of
production and the specialists worked in coordination to produce finished
goods. Specialization promoted skill and Indian workmanship reached a
perfection unr ivalled in those times in the world. In industrial organisation
and techniques, India was more advanced than the Western countries. The
products of Indian industry fulfilled not only the needs of Asian and
African countries but there was also a great deman d in the markets of
Europe. They reached the Western countries by sea and land routes.
4.12 CLASS OF FINANCIERS
The trade and industry of India was organised and financed by
Indian merchants. They were not confined to port towns but were spread
in all cities and towns all along the trade routes of the country.
In addition to the merchants, there was a class of financiers, both
big and small. The Jagat Seths of Bengal, the Nathjis of Gujarat and the
Chettis of the South were famous financiers. The Jaga t Seths possessed a
capital of 10 crores of rupees in the first half of the 18th century. During
'heir first invasion of Bengal, the Marathas carried away from their Kothi
too crores of Arcot rupees but even that loss did not affect their resources
appreci ably. The Nathjis in Surat had similarly vast resources. The single
family of Nathu Kothari Chettis monopolised business and was regarded
the richest. Their business extended to Burma, Malaya and the Eastern
Islands. The Chettis acted as bankers and suppli ed the British merchants
with cash for their bills of exchange on Madras, Bombay and Calcutta.
They had regular agencies in the Presidencies. The big bankers performed
all the functions of a modern bank viz., receiving deposits, giving loans
and issuing H undis. There were small bankers who gave loans to artisans
and other producers. Every village had its' own moneylender who
advanced loans for agricultural operations and also to meet their other
requirements. If the resources of all the bankers, financiers and
moneylenders in India in the 18th century are taken into account, the
aggregate capital resources of the country were substantial, though they
were scattered.
The tradesmen, bankers and moneylenders constituted the Indian
mercantile community. They u tilised their income in giving loans to the
members of the ruling class. However, they lacked the spirit of enterprise.
Pyrard has written about the greatness and originality of Indian industry
and culture. To quote him, "I have never seen men of wit so fi ne and
polished as are these Indians; they have nothing barbarous and savage
about them, as we are apt to suppose." Again, "No people in the world
know so much about pearls and precious stones; and even at Goa, the
goldsmiths, lapidaries and other workmen occupied with the finer crafts,
are all banias and Bramenis (Brahmans) of Cambay and have their own
streets and shops."munotes.in

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674.13 LOSS IN CUSTOMS DUTIES
The Company had secured from the Governor of Bengal the
exemption from the payment of Customs duties in 1656 in return for a
yearly payment of Rs. 3,000. The English were obliged to rescuer the
concession from the Emperor Farruk -shiyar in 1717, when the Bengal
Governor Murshid Quli Jafar Khan refused to continue the concession.
Murshid Khan however agreed o n the condition that the dastaks or
concession should not be used for internal trade and that it should cover
the imports on articles intended to be exported by sea. The promise was
not honoured by the company servants. The officials used the dastaks for
the benefit of their own private trade and sometimes they even sold them
to the Indian men chants who could use them to evade customs duties. The
abuse of this privilege resulted in heavy losses to the Bengal government .
It was Mir Kasim who strongly protes ted to the Council in Bengal but to
no effect. He abolished inland duties altogether in order bring all traders
on a par. But his bold stand cost him his throne.
4.14 MONOPOLY KILLED THE SKILL
English traders grew bolder as their political power inc rease and
did not hesitate to harass the poor skilled weavers. They developed a
system by which they were assured of a regular and plentiful supply of
Bengal textiles.
The Company employed agents known as gomasthas most them
on monthly wages. Each gom astha accompanied by a clerk and a cashier
visited the weavers in the villages to purchase cloth from them. The
gomasthas grew so powerful that they defied the authority of the
Zamindars and local Rajas and acted as magistrate and law -givers. The
poor weav ers were defrauded and made to enter into forward contracts to
supply certain quantities of cloth by fixed dates.
The consent of the weavers was not considercd necessary, for the
gomasthas when employed on the Company's investment frequently make
them sign what they please; and upon the weavers refusing to take the
money offered, it has been known they have had it tied to their girdles and
they have been sent away with a flogging. The names of several weavers
were registered in the Company's books.
Weavers were compelled to sign agreements they could not hono ur
and were paid less than their normal price. The same policy as followed
with the silk industry. The weavers could not tolerate the oppression and
many of them had to give up their age -old profe ssions. Thus, the
irresponsible conduct of the Company's servants helped to ruin the cotton
and silk industries of Bengal. The effect of the Industrial Revolution on
the Bengal textile industry is discussed elsewhere. What was true in case
of the trade and industry of Bengal was true in a general way of the rest of
India.munotes.in

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68Check your progress:
1.Review the progress of Industries of India in 18 th century.
4.15 EFFECT OF BRITISH CONQUEST ON INDIAN
INDUSTRIES
With the advent of the English, mo st of these industries declined
for one reason or the other
(i) The disappearance of the Indian Royal Courts which patronised them.
(ii) The establishment of British Rule and European influence also must
have discouraged the existence of some of them.
(iii) Indian products failed to compete with the cheaper products of
mechanised industries.
(iv)Many of articles of handicrafts, prices of decoration were normally in
demand in the courts of the nawabs and princes. With the
disappearance of this class the d emand for luxurious goods declined
though it did not stop suddenly.
(v) Some of these industries continued to exist and for some time
flourished in the courts wherever the princes continued to exist and for
some time flourished in the courts wherever the princes continued to
rule as in Hyderabad, Rajputana and other princely States.
(vi) Handicrafts were not encouraged by the new educated professional
classes and European officials who had replaced the old class of the
nobility. However there continued to be some demand by European
tourists, at this was negligible.
British rule by its administrative changes and indirect control of
guilds weakened these organisations and in the absence of proper control
former standards of quality could not be maintained.
4.16 CONSEQUENCES OF BRITISH RULE ON
ECONOMIC LIFE
The British conquest produced adverse effects on India's
economic life. Indian industry, and trade suffered and India became amunotes.in

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69poorer nation. The consequences of the conquest were: the self -suffici ent
economic life of the Indian village was disrupted; industries and
handicrafts were disorganised; agriculture received no encouragement and
foreign trade declined and the situation was further aggravated by the
drain of wealth.
Mir Jafar and Mir Kasim had to pay very heavy amounts to the
Company and its officers to retain power over Bengal. Both of them paid
more than 5 million sterling pounds to English between 1757 and 1765.
After Diwani rights were a cquired in 1765, the surplus revenue received
by the Company was vested in purchasing articles for export, which meant
that much money was lost to Bengal. Until then, bullion had been
imported into Bengal but now it was sent out of it. Besides, the large we
amassed by the Company’s servants in Bengal foun d its way England. It is
estimated that between 1757 and 1780, Bengal nearly 35 million sterling
pounds, and this certainly crippled economically.
While discussing the economic condition of the people in the 18th
century, a reference may be made to what was done by the English East
India Company in India in the second half of the 18th century. The
servants of the English Company penetrated into all parts of the country
and compelled the handicraftsmen to deal exclusively with them. The
prices of the monop olised goods were arbitrarily fixed by the officials and
the producers were fleeced mercilessly. The weavers were compelled to
enter into engagements towork fortheEnglish Company andforabreach
ofthecontract, they were punished with fine, imprisonme nt, flogging etc.
Even the highest officials of the Company were engaged in private trade
which brought them huge sums of money. Even the Directors of the
English Company admitted that "the vast fortunes acquired in the inland
trade have been obtained by a scene of the most tyrannical and oppressive
conduct that was ever known in any age or country. Vansittart tells us that
the English compelled the natives to buy or sell at just what rates they
pleased on pain of flogging or confinement. It was estimated t hat between
1757 and 1766, the English East India Company and its employees
received £ 6 million from Indians as gifts. Clive himself was guilty of this
offence. Trade monopolies, political corruption and exorbitant land taxes
enabled the English Company t o transfer large sums of money annually to
Great Britain. There was a regular drain of wealth from India to Great
Britain. Sir John Shore wrote in 1797. "The Company are Merchants as
well as sovereigns of the country.
In the former capacity, they engross its trade, whilst in the latter
they appropriate the revenue.
The remittances to Europe of revenues are made in the
commodities the country which are purchased by them. Whatever
allowance we may make for the increased industry of the subjects of the
state, owing to the enhanced demand for the produce of it, there is reason
to conclude that the benefits are more than counter -balanced by evilsmunotes.in

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70inseparable from the system of a remote foreign dominion." Lord
Cornwallis wrote in 179o "The consequences of the heavy drain of wealth
from the above causes, with the addition of that which has been
occasioned by the remittances of private fortunes, having been for many
years past and are now severely felt, by the great diminution of the current
specie and by the lan guor which has thereby been thrown upon the
cultivation and the general commerce of the country."
Check your progress:
1. Analyse the consequences of British rule on Indian industries and
economic life of India in 18 th century.
4.17 SUMMARY
Political factors which hurt trade also adversely affected urban
industries. Many prosperous cities, centres of flourishing industry, were
sacked and devastated. Delhi was plundered by Nadir Shah; Lahore, Delhi
and Mathura by Ahmad Shah Abdali; Agra by th e Jats; Surat and other
cities of Gujarat and the Deccan by Maratha chiefs; Sarhind by the Sikhs,
and so on.
Similarly, in some areas artisans catering to the needs of the feudal
class and the court suffered as the fortunes of their patrons declined,
leading to the decline of cities like Agra and Delhi. The decline of internal
and foreign trade also hit them hard in some parts of the country.
Nevertheless, some industries in other parts of the country gained
as a result of expansion in trade with Europe o wing to the activities of the
European trading companies. Moreover, the emergence of new courts and
local nobility and zamindars led to the emergence of new cities such as
Faizabad, Lucknow, Varanasi and Patna and the recovery, to some extent,
of productio n by artisans.
Even so, India remained a land of extensive manufactures. Indian
artisans still enjoyed fame all the world over for their skill. India was still
a large -scale manufacturer of cotton and silk fabrics, sugar, jute, dye -stuffs,
mineral and met allic products like arms, metal ware, and saltpeter and oils.
In fact, at the dawn of the eighteenth century, India was one of the
main centres of world trade and industry. Peter the Great of Russia was led
to exclaim: “Bear in mind that the c ommerce of India is the commerce of
the world and … he who can exclusively command it is the dictator of
Europe.”munotes.in

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71Once again, historians disagree whether there was overall
economic decline as a result of the decay of the Mughal empire and the
rise of a lar ge number of autonomous states or whether trade and
agricultural and handicraft production continued to grow in some parts of
India while they were disrupted and declined in others, with overall trade
and production not suffering any sharp decline.
But, i n fact, the question is not of some progress here and some
decline there but of basic economic stagnation.
On the other hand, there was a definitely declining trend. At the
same time, it is true that there was less economic distress or decline in
agricult ural and handicraft production in the Indian states of the eighteenth
century than what was to result from the impact of British colonialism in
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
4.18 QUESTIONS
1. Explain the conditions of Agriculture of India in 18thcentury.
2. Explain the development of Trade of India in 18thcentury.
3. Review the progress of Industries of India in 18thcentury.
4.Analyse the consequences of British rule on economic life of India in
18thcentury.
4.19 ADDITIONAL READING
1.Craufurd Q. ,Sketches Chiefly related to the History, Religion,
Learming and Manner of Hindus , London, 1790 .
2.Habib Irfan, The Agrarian System of Modern India, Bombay, 1963.
3.Ojha P.N. ,Some Aspects of North Indian Social Life, Patna, 1961.
4.Orme R. ,Historical Fragments of the Mughal Empire, London, 1805.
5.Owen S.J. ,India on the Eve of the British Conquest, London, 1876.
6.Raghuvanshi V.P.S. ,Indian Society in the Eighteenth C entury.
7.Sarkar J.N. ,Fall of the Mughal Empire .
8.Stavorinus John Splinter, Voyage to the East Indies (1668 -71),London ,
8641 .
9.Suri Pusipa, Social Condit ions in Eighteenth Century Northern India ,
University of Delhi, 1977 .
10.Williams Monier ,Religious Thought and Life in India, London, 1883.
11.Wilson H.H. ,Religious Sect sof the Hindus, London, 1861 -62.
12.Wilson John ,History of the Suppression of Infanticide in Western
India Bombay, 1899 .
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72Module -II
Unit -5
IDEOLOGIES OF THE RAJ
Unit Structure :
5.1 Introduction
5.2 The Orientalist Images: The Genesis of The Ideology of Empire
5.3 Evangelicalism And The Civilising Mission
5.4 The Utilitarian Scale of'Happiness'
5.5 The Romantic Spell
5.6 The Liberal Project: Re -Making India as The Replica ofB r i t a i n
5.7 Positivism as A Tool of Knowing The Colonial Society
5.8 Humanis mand The Colonial World
5.9 Summary
5.10 Questions
5.11 References
5.1 INTRODUCTION
The process of territorial acquisition in India by a body of British
merchants, had transformed the East India Company into a ruling power.
The resultant 'colonial encounter was not a simple process as a large
number of indigenous rulers lost their power. At the same time, the
cultural elements present in the coloniser's society per &eated the
recipient colonial society in the context of a superordinate -subordinate
relation. The colonisers possessed superior technology and military force,
which could be us ed to crush any form of opposition. However, the sordid
and seamy side of colonialism necessitated that an ideological justification
of the colonial rule also be provided. The co -relation between ideology
and policy -making had further complications because of the size and
diversity of India. Political exigencies and the fact that the British
preferred to utilise their energies in gathering information than
immediately pursuing their grand designs of political domination added to
the complications. In this U nit, an attempt has been made to investigate
the direct and indirect ways in which the imperial ideologies influenced
the Indian political scene.munotes.in

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735.2 THE ORIENTALIST IMAGES: THE GENESIS OF
THE IDEOLOGY OF EMPIRE
The 'East' or 'Orient' was described in t he medieval Christian
iconography as an exotic land of miracles and monsters. The rationalist
and secular conceptions of Enlightenment modified these images of the
'East' as the land of monsters and demons. But still these lands and people
were perceived a s different, from a secular category of development and
civilisation. They were seen as 'inferior' and 'culturally backward' as
compared to the European societies. This perception became the basis of
categorising the colonisers as well as their colonial su bjects.. According to
Thomas R. Metcalf, "As the British endeavoured to define themselves as
'British', and thus 'not Indians', they had to make of the Indian whatever
they chose not to make of themselves" (The New Cambridge History of
India: Ideologies of the Raj). Thus, the British defined themselves as
honest, laborious, masculine, rational and the enlightened ones. As a
natural corollary Indians were depicted as deceitful, lazy, feminine,
irrational, superstitious and so on. By and large, these early or ientalist
images persisted for long. Yet, to govern and rule such a different land and
its people required sufficient knowledge of the colonial society. As a
result, Warren Hastings directed considerable energies and resources
towards building such institu tions of learning that would help in
understanding India's past. He believed that such knowledge would be
very useful to the needs of the colonial state. The aim was to create an
orientalised elite competent in Indian languages and responsive to Indian
traditions. Motivated by such a vision, orientalist scholars -cum-
administrators like William Jones, H.T. Colebrooke, William Carey, H.H.
Wilson and James Princep made their contribution in the field of
philology, archaeology and history. They 'invented' a go lden age and
dramatically and metaphorically contrasted it with the degeneration and
stagnation of contemporary Indian society, which fostered Sati, female
infanticide, caste -prejudices, idolatry and superstitions of all kinds. This
is apparent from what William Jones wrote, "... how degenerate and
abased so ever the Hindus may now appear, that during early age they
were splendid in arts and arms, happy in government, wise in legislation
and eminent in various knowledges". Learning of indigenous languages -
both classical (Persian, Arabic, Sanskrit) and 'Vernaculars' became a
prerequisite for gaining knowledge in all other fields. This linguistic
competence, according to Bernard S. Coh, was essential "to issue
commands, collect taxes, maintain law and orde r and to create other forms
of knowledge about the people they were ruling. This howledge was to
enable the British to classify, categorise and bound the vast social world
that was India so that it could be controlled" (Colonialism and its
Fo~mation of Kno wledge). In short, running the colonial -administration
knowledge of the history and culture of the people. Asiatic Society of
Bengal (1784) took a major leap in this direction by translating Indian
works and by doing research on Indian society and religion . Some of the
early dictionaries, works related to grammar and teaching aids weremunotes.in

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74William Jones' Grammar of the Persian Language (1771), William Carey's
grammar of Vernaculars, and . Natheniel Halhed's Grammar of Bengali
(1788). John B. Gilchrist, a medica l practitioner became professor of
Hindustani literature and Languages department at Fort William College.
Hastings's principle of governance was that India should be governed by
the Indian principles, particularly in relation to law. William Jones, H.T.
Colebrooke, Halhed and other legal scholars all shared a suspicion about
the integrity of Indian scholars and wished to develop a direct
understanding of the canons of authoritative texts. This, they believed,
would help in the: codification of Indian law a nd enable the British
officials in the task of governing India. Knowledge contained in a Law
digest (such as that of Jones,1798) would effectively, they believed, keep a
check on the Indian subordinates and Pundits or Maulais so that they
would not lead th e British astray. However, Hindu and Muslim Legal
advisors remained attached to the British Indian Courts until the 1860s.
The knowledge of Indian languages facilitated intervention in the social
sphere. This is evident from the career of Jonathan Duncan, who had
persuaded the Raj Kurnars of Benaras to stop female infanticide when he
was the Resident there in 1789, Later on he rose to the position of
Governor of Bombay (1795 -181 1) on the basis his linguistic proficiency.
The foundation of Fort William Coll ege (1806) at Calcutta by Lord
Wellesley served the practical task of training and orienting would -be-
administrators. This was done by providing them skills in Indian
languages and making them familiar with Indian culture and history in a
more concrete fas hion. This function was subsequently taken up by the
Haileybury College. The category of 'oriental despotism', the idea of
unchecked, absolute power of a despotic emperor, ruling through an
administrative elite and supported by the labour of slaves, was us ed by
orientalists to comprehend Indian states of the past. Alexander Dow
(History of Hindustan, 1770) and Robert Orme (Government and People
of lndostan, 1753) used such notions to understand pre -colonial Indian
state-structures. The British found, parado xically, implicit justification for
their own authoritarian rule in the subcontinent through the use of such
analytical categories. The tropical climate, religions of India especially
Islam were cited by them as the reasons that had their own formative
influence in fostering such despotism. For them "Muslim family structure
too represented 'private species of despotism; Muslim rule derived its
strength f rom the sword; and the native Hindus were represented as
ineffectual, submissive and effeminate in charac ter." The process of giving
coherence to a congeries of religious practices is well marked in J.Z.
Holwell's (Tenets of Gentoos, 1767) and in Jones' and Colebrooke's
description of the Indian belief systems. N.B. Halhed tried to decipher the
precise legal prescriptions from the Sanskrit sacred texts with the help of
the Brahmin pandits and published them as A Code of Gentoo Laws,
1776. The Orientalists further differentiated I ndia from Europe by their
insistence upon the primacy of religion as a pre -eminent marker of Indian
identity. Art and architecture were also conceived as being derived from
and expressing the religious ethos. Hence we find the conflation of all
Ancient art with Hindu or Buddhist category and description of allmunotes.in

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75medieval art as Islamic ar t. In the field of law also, separate realms of
Hindu and Muslim laws were established.
5.3 EVANGELICALISM AND THE CIVILISING
MISSION
In the last decades of the eighteenth century, evan gelicalism
emerged as a strong Protestant Christian movement in England
emphasising improvement in the moral values of the communities in
Britain. It coincided with the advancing industrialism and the rise of new
middle class in England. Evangelicalism bec ame the moral agency that
disciplined rampant individualism and provided 'respectability' with its
stress on personal experience and individual reading of the gospel.
Evangelicalism as a faith relied upon individual resurrection, a process of
conversion, a kind of 're -birth', instead of depending on the agency of
priests and performance of religious rites. The experience of being saved 1
from sin was to be one of sudden illumination. They also emphasised on
work, frugality, and perseverance as concrete mean s of furthering the
kingdom of God on earth. Evangelicalism also laid stress on education as
a pre -requisite for conversion and salvation because the knowledge of God
was possible only through individual reading of the revealed word or the
Bible.
John Sho re and Charles Grant, who were part of the East India
Company's 1 at establishment in India, after their return to England,
founded the Clapham sect ,A along with Wilberforce, Zachery, MacauIay,
Henry Thorton and John Venn. It had great influence on the E vangelical
opinion. The Clapham sect demanded the abolition of slave trade and
opening of India to missionary enterprise. Some Evangelical missionaries
such as David Brown, Claudius Buchanan, Henry Marty and Thomas
Thompson were sent to India. A large meas ure of freedom for missionary
activity was provided in the Charter Act of 1813. The Evangelical
missionaries demanded legal protection for Christian converts, the
abolition of Sati and female -infanticide. They also demanded that British
government in Ind ia should not support Hindu and Muslim shrines.
Charles Grant's treatise entitled Observations On the State of Society
Among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain, Particularly with respect to
Morals; and on the Means oflmproving it, was a severe condemnat ion of
Indian society and culture;, which was seen as superstitious, barbaric and
despotic. He believed that mere legislation would be powerless to change
human character. Grant's remedy for the ills of India was the liberation of
Indians from the tyranny of Brahmanical priesthood. This could' be
achieved by a process of "Evangelicalising or proselytising" through
education. He believed that civilising the 'barbarians' would also bring
about their material prosperity, which will, in turn, serve the original
British design of extension of commerce. The Evangelicals were generally
hostile to Indian religions and culture. This is apparent from Wilberforce's
speech on June 22, 1813 in the British parliament:munotes.in

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76"The Hindu divinities were absolute monsters of lust, injustice,
wickedness and cruelty. In short, their religious system is one grand
abomination." (Quoted in Eric Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India,
p.31) The Serampore missionaries, as cited by Kopf (British Orientalism,
p. 53) also wanted to end "t he current degeneration" of Indian society but
they wanted to do it quietly, respecting Indian traditions through
"cultivation of friendship."
The Evangelicals were not alone in devaluing Indian languages,
customs, sentiments and religions. The Liberals a nd Utilitarians also
shared the belief of the need for the upliftment of the Indians. A powerful
alliance of free trade, other ideological currents and Christianity all stood
together for an ultimate transformation of Indian society in the image and
likene ss of England. To 'civilis and 'improve' the 'half -devil' and 'half -
child' Indian, i.e., to anglicise Indian society, it was felt, would serve the
colonial interests better in the country. Warren Hastings and Lord
Cornwallis did not intend to interfere in the religious traditions of the
Indians. However, Evangelicals took a lead in the campaign against Sati
and they exposed its horrors to force the British in India to support
Evangelicalism. The suppression of the 'barbaric' and 'inhuman' practice of
Saticould make an affirmation of British superiority, and with it, that of
Christian civilisation. The ideological basis of Sati was an extreme form of
'self-renunciation' on the part of women by burning themselves on their
husbands' pyre. The Evangelicals and those believing in Victorian
ideology also stressed on similar virtues of 'self -renunciation' among the
women. Moral purity and self -sacrifice were twin virtues of the British
ideology at home. But for them, as described by Metcalf (Ideologies of the
Raj, p. 98) the appropriaten mode of self -sacrifice was as 'angels in the
house', not as 'victims upon the pyre.' Moreover, it is interesting to note
that Bentinck disallowed unethical intent to convert Indians to Christianity
and sought authority for the supp ression of Sati in the Brahmanical
scriptures. The British approached various pandits, and from them secured
interpretations of select Sanskrit texts, which were evoked to support the
claim, that the irrational practice of Sati was not an integral part of Hindu
social system. In fact, the colonial state generally demonstrated the posture
of neutrality and non -interference in the religious matters of its Indian
subjects. The Christian missions saw caste as a major obstacle in their task
of conversion. They, therefore, urged the state to adopt an interventionist
line vis -his caste. However, the events of 1857 and its aftermath
compelled the colonial state to re -affirm its non -interventionist stance and
support caste -distinctions. The success of the missionarie sc a m ei nt h e
1860s and 1870s when there was an upsurge in the number of converts
due to group -conversions among the so called 'untouchable' castes. The
powerful incentives for conversions was material relief provided by the
missions during famines, and above all restoration of dignity and self -
respect by Christian patrons who treated the lower -caste persons as equals
and instilled a sense of ability to choose one's own destiny among them
(Duncan B. Forrester, "The Depressed Classes and Conversion to
Christ ianity", in G.A. Oddie, (ed.), Religion in South Asia, p. 65 -94).munotes.in

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77Check your Progress :
1)What is the meaning of Evangelicalism?
5.4 THE UTILITARIAN SCALE OF 'HAPPINESS'
Utilitarianism as developed particularly by Jermy Bentham defined
utility as pleasure or happiness, and everything that turn on these mental
satisfactions. This statistics of pleasure ignored individual freedom, the
fulfilment or violation of recognised ri ghts and other non -utility concerns
such as quality of life. They stressed the sum total of utilities and showed
no sensitivity to the ' actual distribution of utilities, the emphasis was on
the aggregate utilities or the happiness of everyone taken togeth er as is
evident from the phrase 'the greatest happiness of the greatest number.'
The Utilitarians were intimately connected with Indian affairs. James Mill
and his son John Stuart Mill were part of East India Company's
establishment. Like Evangelicals, th ey were critical of Indian society at
the root of which they saw 'primitive barbarism', 'despotism' and an
encompassing religious tyranny. However, whereas Evangelicals laid
stress on the role of education and self -revelation in a changing society,
the Uti litarian emphasis was on legislation, the might of law and its
commands. James Mill made happiness of Indians contingent upon the
nature of laws, the form of government, and the mode of taxation. The
Utilitarians rejected the liberal conception of separati on of powers and
wanted to make the legislature as the sovereign body with the judiciary
and executive as mere executants of its will. The Utilitarian idea that
happiness and not liberty was the end of government, and that happiness
was promoted solely by protection of individual in his person and
property, suited the colonial establishment. It found expression in the'
maxim that good government and laws were a substitute for self
government. While they believed that the means to ensure good
government was representative democracy, they would not accept it in
Indian conditions. The Utilitarians criticised the Permanent Settlement of
Cornwallis for not defining and recording the proprietary rights of
cultivators. They favoured a detailed recording of landhold ings and rights
in the form of 'records of rights' as part of the settlement procedure. This,
they believed would give a fixed, written, and legal status to the property
rights in soil in place of existing vague, unwritten, customary, and
ambiguous rights. The peasant would acquire a clear title to property,
which he could freely sell, mortgage, or transfer by inheritance. The
security of this private property in land was to be achieved through laws,
scientifically designed, and embodied in a written form o f codes.
However, this could only be attained in a system like ryotwari where the
state entered into direct administrative relations with the mass ofmunotes.in

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78cultivators. The law of rent, first propounded by Malthus in 1 b;15, and
subsequently refined by Ricardo and Say, became the basis of Utilitarian
remoulding of Indian revenue system. As Eric Stokes in his book The
English Utilitarians in India points out that 'Rent constituted the
differential advantage enjoyed by all soils of higher fertility than the last
taken into cultivation. On the last quality of lands, at the margin of
cultivation, the capital employed merely replaced itself and yielded the
normal prevailing rate of profit. But lands of higher fertility yielded a
surplus or rent beyond this. Rent could , therefore, be exactly calculated by
subtracting the cost of cultivation and the ordinary rate of profit on the
capital employed from the total or gross produce. An alternative term for
rent was the net produce". Ricudo, the propounder of Utilitarian econ omic
doctrine, demonstiated that rent is a monopoly value, which arose because
land was limited in quantity and variable in quality and could be
appropriated by landlords as private property. The landlords performed no
useful service and lived as parasites . In England, rent property was in the
hands of the powerful aristocracy and it was not possible to advocate even
taxing this rentier class. In India, the East India Company acting as the
supreme landlord, however, could claim the entire economic rent. The re
were, however, other. practical problems in implementing this Utilitarian
idea in India. It required a minute and efficient enquiry into the yields of
the different soils, the cost of production, and the history of agricultural
prices. It also pre -suppo sed a highly efficient system of administration,
and information about the local agrarian conditions.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the local agrarian conditions of India during British East
India Company?
5.5 THE ROMANTIC SPELL
The Romantics in India included administrators like Thomas
Munro, John Malcolm, Mountstuart Elphinstone and Charles Metc alfe.
They were opposed to the Cornwallis system of impersonal laws and
limited government. They stressed on a personal style of rule an d believed
in conserving the long -lasting social -institutions of India's past. The
Romantics favoured a simple. Paternalistic government for the Indian
peasants. They wished to make the collector, in place of Cornwallis' judge,
the key figure in Indian adm inistration, who would act as the
compassionate father and mother for the peasants. Such a notion meant
rejection of landed intermediaries between the state and peasants.
Stressing the need to preserve the age -old institutions, Munro wrote: "It ismunotes.in

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79time tha t we should learn that neither the face of the country, its property,
nor its society, are things that can be suddenly improved by any
contrivance of ours, though they may be greatly injured by what we mean
for their good; that we should take every country as we find .it." (Quoted
i-Stokes, p. 19).
This, however, contradicted the type of land settlement Munro
himself advocated. Ryotwari settlement required more detailed surveys,
more state officials, and a more interventionist form of government.
Moreover , the Romantics were also committed to the values of the rule of
law, property and notions of 'improvement' like other British
administrators. For example Charles Metcalfe tried to preserve around
Delhi the distinctive features of the idealised village com munity, derived
from his romantic imagination. In 1830, defending the award of revenue
collecting right to the village communities, rather than to landlords or
cultivators, he wrote: "The village communities are little republics, having
nearly everything t hat they can want within themselves, or almost
independent of any foreign relations. They seem to last where nothing else
lasts. Dynasty after dynasty tumbles down; revolution succeeds to
revolution; Hindu, Pathan, Mogul, Maratha, Sikh, English, are all ma sters
in turn; but the village community remains the same." (Quoted in
Metcalfe, p.25). Later on Henry Maine used this image of the Indian 'self -
sufficient' village, existing as a kind of living fossil in a timeless zone, in
his evolutionary scheme. The 'u nchanging' Indian villages with their
patriarchal clans and 'communal land -holdings' were marked out as the
earliest phase of an evolutionary process. This reinforced the earlier notion
of a 'backward' and 'stagnant' Indian ' society.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the concept of ‘Self sufficient village?
5.6 THE LIBERAL PROJECT: RE -MAKING INDIA AS
THE REPLICA OF BRITAIN
The early Whig conception of separation of powers that would
secure the liberties of individual and check arbitrary power found
expression in Cornwallis' appointment of a separate district judge and
collector. For most of the liberals, however, private pro perty in land was
necessary for an enduring social order. Cornwallis, guided by the principle
which sought to make private property secure, transformed the zamindars
into owners of their estates. The zamindars are only the revenue -collectingmunotes.in

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80intermediaries in the earlier times. The purpose was to make them
'progressive' landlords who would indulge in productive investments. The
results were just opposite. The zamindars, their revenues fixed
permanently, emerged as a rentier class exacting ever -greater rent from
their tenants. Under the intellectual influence of people like Adam Smith
and Jermy Bentham, liberalism remoulded English society. Its main aim
was to secure the 'liberties' of the individuals and their fundamental natural
rights to property and life. As a manifesto of reform, it did not have any
coherent ideological position. But broadly it wanted to free individuals
from their bondage to the clergy, despotic rulers and feudal aristocracy.
This social change was to be achieved gradually by the establi shment of
free trade, rule of law, reforms in .education and administration and
establishment of elective principle and parliamentary democracy. They
wanted to transform a society, which conferred patronage and status on the
basis of birth into a society w here individual achievement became the sole
criterion of a person's competence and status. In English society,
liberalism found expression through the Reform Acts of 1832 and 1867,
the repeal of Corn Laws, reform of labour legislation, establishment of
new local administrative bodies such as municipal corporations and
elected county councils, reform of civil laws, 'and the introduction of
modern 'secular' education, etc.
The liberal view of Indian society found its fullest expression in
James Mill's Histo ry of British India (1 8 18). In this book, he envisaged
a programme to free India from stagnation and decay and set it on the road
to progress. This aim was to be achieved through 'light taxes and good
laws'. The liberal programme meant flowering on India n soil of such
institutions, which were representative of English society and culture. The
chief among these were private property, the rule of law, the liberty of the
individual, education in the western scientific knowledge and at the core
of it all the representative institutions and modern politics of mobilisation.
The principle of private property was made sacrosanct in India. The spirit
of 'rule of law' found expression in the codes of civil and criminal
procedure proposed by Macauly's Law commission and enacted in the
1860s. Codification of the procedural law introduced predictability and
transparency in the sphere of law. The legal system of colonial India,
however. accommodated both the assimilative ideals of liberalism
(through the codes of procedu res) and the insistence upon variation in
Indian personal laws (defined in terms of being a part of Hindu or Muslim
community).
In the field of education, Macauly's minute on education (1835)
tried to transform an Indian into an Englishman, or to create n ot just a
category of Indians educated in the English language, who might help the
British in administration, but one "English in taste, in opinions, in moral
and in intellect". However, this project of Anglicisation had its limitations.
There was shortage of funds for education. The colonial state's fiscal
constraints meant that only a few selected natives could reap the benefits
of this education and it was believed that from these elitist groupsmunotes.in

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81education might "filter down" and 'percolate' to the lower ranks. The basis
of imparting the new education remained 'selective', elitist throughout the
colonial rule. Secondly, schooling in early Victorian England was
religious in nature. The Christian sects generally ran the schools, though
endowed with grants -inaids from the government. The mission societies
in India followed the same pattern of education as religious conversion
was a part of their strategy. The colonial state, however, never introduced
the teaching of Christianity in the state -sponsored schools due to fear of
intense hostility it would have provoked. The ideal of secularism and
neutrality, however, did not prevent the colonial state to play an active,
interventionist role in re -making religious and caste -identities through the
use of sectarian a nd communal electorates.
Thus, despite liberal attempts to re -model India in the image of
England so as to create 'so many happy England's (This in fact was the
aim of colonialism as per Gladstone in 1855), the empire itself was a
negation of the liberal ideals. The inconsistencie s in the liberal design for
India and other colonies resurfaced again and again. James Mill denied the
representative government to India on the utilitarian ground that happiness
and not liberty was the end of government. John Stuart Mill, son of James
Mill, while recognising the intrinsic value of liberty per se, also made it
clear that representative government was not appropriate to all people.
Moreover, there was a conviction that in colonies and their governance a
strong and decisive executive action w as necessary in order to secure
order. Many rebels were summarily shot dead, blown from the guns and
hanged to crush the Kuka uprising in the Punjab (1872). This was a sort of
precursor to the infamous Amritsar massacre (1919). India was also
provided, on the model of Irish police organisation (1836), a quasi -
military instrument of policing in the 1840s for maintaining order and
assisting a fragile political authority. Easy mobility, a clear and firm
hierarchy, a direct and formal link with the military and a highly
centralised command marked this police organisation. Sir Charles Napier
provided the lead in creating such a force in Sind province. This was a
time when the lonely, untrained village constable was still the instrument
of law enforcement over mos t of rural England. The Vernacular Press Act
of India (1878) was a piece of repressive legislation to muzzle the critical
Indian Press. It contained provisions for proceedings against 'seditious
papers' with a minimum of legal fuss, a certainty of being co nvicted and
almost universal censorship. Such legislation could never be visualised in
a liberal England. The Liberal ideology was institutionalised in India
during 1860s and 1870s in the municipalities and district boards with
elected members. Seats in th ese local bodies, however, were allotted
between precisely defined trading and religious communities. They
increased the government's revenue by raising local taxes. The colonial
state was also able to integrate powerful local groups in the governance.
Although the aim of these reforms was to train Indians in 'selfrule'; it led
to proliferation of communal electorates. Despite these weaknesses, the
English -educated Indians did take advantage of these political reforms.
The Ilbert Bill Controversy (1882 -83)around the piece of legislation thatmunotes.in

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82sought to empower the Indian Magistrates in the rural areas to try British
subjects, also brought out inconsistencies in the imperial governance. The
Bill itself was based on the liberal idea of equality before law. The
opponents of the law argued that India's social and legal institutions being
different from Europe, such legal equality could not be ensured.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the Ilbert bill centroversey?
5.7POSITIVISM AS A TOOL OF KNOWING THE
COLONIAL SOCIETY
The British usually steered clear of grand political theories in
favour of methods based on empirical observation. John Locke had
insisted upon the experimental modes of understanding and this became
handy and convenient in investiga ting the conquered lands and their
people. Empiricism is the knowledge acquisition through the use of senses
as we observe and experience life. Such observation and measurement of
facets of social life, of course, can never be neutral as we mentally proces s
information deploying already existing notions, concepts and ideas.
Positivism as a theory of knowledge, as it grew in the nineteenth century
Europe, was merely an extension of the established notions of empiricism.
It was characterised by .the verifiabl e or empirical measurement and the
notion of predictability of the relationship between the measurable discrete
phenomena.
The colonial state and its officials used in their operations what
Bernard S. Cohn calls 'investigative modalities'. An 'investigative
modality' is used to obtain the information that is needed. It includes the
procedures to gather this information, its or dering and classification, and
then how it is transformed into usable forms such as published reports,
statistical tables, histories, gazetteers, legal codes and encyclopaedias. The
colonial rulers required help of the Indians: in this "conquest" through
knowledge. These Indians were known by such titles as akund, dalal,
gomastah, dubashi, pandit, vakil, etc. The first type of historical modality
were the 'enquires' in the 1770s about land revenue assessment and
collection, and later land settlement reports , which also contained
information about the customs and local histories related to land revenue.
The second type of historical modality included the British writings on the
Indian past and civilisation, of writers such as Alexander Dow, Robertmunotes.in

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83Orme, Willi am Jones, James Todd, etc. The third type of writings were
about the activities of the British in India. The results that were produced
can be categorised as:
1) The observational -cum-travel modality produced images of India that
casual travellers recorde d and found significant.
2) The Survey modality explored the natural and social landscape of
India. It included the mapping of India, measurement of its lands,
collection of botanical specimens, etc. Colin Mackenzie, Francis
Buchanan Hamilton and William Lambton conducted some of the
important surveys in India.
3) The Enumerative modality sought to see India as a vast collection of
numbers expressed in lists of products, prices of prod ucts, duties, weights
and measures. An important category of the enumerative project were the
censuses conducted at regular intervals after 1857 and designed to reveal
the population number, its demographic and social indexes, economic data
of all kind and so many other things. The censuses also objectified social,
cultural, religious and linguistic differences among the people of India.
4)The Museological modality treated India as a vast museum, a source
of collectibles. Colin Mackenzie collected a large number of artefacts,
texts and manuscripts during his survey of South India. Alexander
Cunningham, an army engineer, urged Lord Canning to establish the
Archaeological Survey of India, which recorded the past by excavating
and preserving sites and collect ing archaeological specimens.
5)The Surveillance modality was an instrument to control those defined
as beyond' the civil bounds. A special Thagi and Dacoit department was
established in 1835 to investigate and punish gang -robberies and murders.
W.H. Sle eman's The Ramaseena or Vocabulary of Thug literature,
exemplified this modality. Later on an increasing number of people,
groups, tribes, communities were stigmatised as the 'criminal tribes' or
'criminal castes' following the model of Sleeman.
5.8 HUMAN ISM AND THE COLONIAL WORLD
Humanism placed man at the centre of everything. Such an
intellectual trend was a product of Enlightenment in Europe and its victory
was assured by the rise of industrial capitalism and scientific discoveries.
Popular 'represent ative governments, equality of opportunity, the free
market &id the ability to control the creation of knowledge accompanied
the rise of such a "rational man". Humanism as a philosophy developed,
therefore, within the context of an emergent capitalism, new class
relations, a new human -centred framework for comprehension of reality.
Now, man was privileged and seen as a unified, stable, coherent, self -
acting human agent. This 'human' subject was supposed to be endowed
with the will, the ability, and the free dom to make rational choices, i.e., he
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84Liberal humanism also defined man as the engineer, the maker of history,
the creator of empires, the founder of modern nations, and the conqueror
of backward people, the Master of Science and technology. Question
arises where would this humanism place the people who did not make
progress, who lagged behind time, who were technologically backward
and who did not develop modern nations and democracies? Su ch colonial
subjects were written out of historical evolution, out of modernity and into
a timeless primitivism, i.e., endemic, simple and fixed. Initially, India was
construed as a land of 'unchanging village communities' and feudal
principalities. India' s decline was traced to Aryan decline. Technological
supremacy of West was proclaimed. The 'effeminacy' of India was
stressed. Men were depicted as strong, active, intellectual possessing self
control and discipline while females were fragile, passive, sen timental
exhibiting tenderness of feelings according to the British ideology of
gender distinction. British imperial experience, therefore, brought into
prominence the 'masculine' virtues of the master race and devalued
'feminised' colonial subjects. Moreo ver, the categories that denoted India's
distinctiveness such as those of caste, community and tribe were given
undue weightage in shaping the Indian identities. Having no place in the
process of historical evolution, the people of India were described as
possessing unchanging racial and cultural identities. The most important
of these was caste which was defined by a set of characteristics such as
endogamy, commensality rules, fixed profession, and common ritual
practices. India was depicted as an ethnogra phic museum. As time went
on Indian ethnography, as evolved by the British, asserted its rigorous
scientific claims. Its categories, embedded in censuses, gazetteers and
revenue records, became ever more closely tied to the administrative
concerns of the c olonial state. The valorisation of castes which were
considered as fixed and immutable found its most striking expression in
the creation of the notion of 'criminal tribes' and 'martial races'. The nation
that certain castes and tribes practiced crime as a hereditary profession
stigmatised those outside sedentary society, hence they were believed to
challenge British efforts to order and control their Indian dominions. Its
final outcome was the Criminal Tribes Act (1 871). Similarly, in the years
after the 'mutiny' (1 857), a perceived sense of distinctive martial fitness
came to distinguish certain people of the northern India as imbued with
martial skills from others. The army in India was organised into units
based on caste or ethnicity by the 1880s.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the structure of Army in India during British Rule?munotes.in

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855.9 SUMMARY
We have seen how the multiple strands of imperial ideology
converged to justify and legitimate the British rule in India. Edward W
Said has given this I collective ideological formation the name of
'Orientalism'. According to him, the various western techniques of
representation that make the 'orient' visible and subordinate it to the west
had some common features despite subtle variations. The way the 'orient'
was created, it encompassed complex phenomena of power, of
domination, and of varying degrees of hegemony. The 'orient' was created
as a kind of collective abstraction, which was unequal with the west, and
endured without existential human -identities. Therefore a reassessment of
the 'others' was essential to define their own western identities and also
this served as an accessory to sustain the empire. However, we should not
neglect the historical context of the changing political and administ rative
policies and ideologies that shaped them. The justification of the colonial
rule was not sought in monolithic, unitary terms but found expression in
multiple ideological discourses. Moreover, the colonised people did not
accept the western dominatio n without overt or covert resistance. The
multiple voices of the colonised people, which sometimes subverted the
discursive mode, amended it and re -applied the amended stereotypes of
this discourse to the British rule in India.
5.10 QUESTIONS
1)Explain the utilitarian point of view in the development policies in
India.
2)Trace the efforts of British historian and thinkers in in re -making India
as the replica of Britain.
3)Describe positivism as a tool of knowing the colonial society in India.
5.11REFERENCES
1.The New Cambridge History of India, Volu me III.4: Ideologies of the
Raj,Thomas R.Metcalf ,Cambridge University Press ,November 1995
2.Eric Stokes, The English Utilitarian and India
3.The History of British India, James Mill, London: Baldwin, Cradock and
Joy, 1826

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86Unit -6
ARMS OF COLONIAL STATE -ARMY,
POLICE AND LAW
Unit Structure :
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Nature of The Colonial State
6.3 The Political Economy of The Colonial State
6.4 Instruments of Control
6.5 Sources of Legitimation
6.6 Summary
6.7 Questions
6.8 References
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The political structure which evolved in India under the British
during the initial phase of their rule was civil in nature due to the East
India Company's stress on trade and commerce. However, war and
conquest followed soon with the aim of establishing a territorial empire.
The British introduced various Acts between 1773 and 1858 to establish
parliamentary control over the government in India. After 1858 the
administration of the East India Company was dissolved and the Crown
was directly empowered to exercise control over the administration. The
political authority of the colonial state relied upon many instruments for
preserving and enforcing its power which was a pre -condition for the
formulation of colonial policy. The frontiers and territorial boundaries had
to be demarcated for security which was a prerequisite for the growth and
developmen t of colonial state and policy. Certain developments in Britain
found expression in policy making in India.
The laissez faire ideology was responsible for the progressive rise
of parliamentary control in government and centralisation which led to
politica l integration in India. The philosophy of liberalism eliminated from
the doctrine of laissez faire. The influence of liberal ideas was reflected in
the administrative and legislative endeavours of Governor General
William Bentinck. The British policy at th is stage was an attempt to devise
a balance between the traditional Indian society and the British Capitalist
system based on rule of law. In Britain the ideology of laissez faire gave
impetus to industrial capitalism in economy and democracy in politics.munotes.in

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87The new social and economic exigencies influenced the abolition of the
company's trade in 1833 and the Indian market was opened to British
industrial manufactures. Thus it became necessary to introduce reforms in
administration and decree fresh laws in the changed scenario of the arrival
of an increasing number of European settlers (immigrants) in India. The
European settlers constituted a group which disapproved of the highly
centralised executive administration. They wished to promote their
interests thro ugh a separate legislative authority which paved the way for
the growth of representative government in India. The Indian Councils Act
of 1861 tried to create a counterpoise between the representative
government and the executive bureaucratic administratio n.
The new Indian middle class of English educated elites who were
the support base of the government and the new landed aristocracy joined
hands with the European business interests to curtail the power of the
executive by pressing for representative le gislative authority.
Representative government meant an accountable political system
controlled by the socially dominant which acted as a link between the
bureaucracy and the masses. In the legislative councils the Zamindars,
planters and lawyers pursued t heir own interests. This gave rise to agrarian
distress. Therefore the executive government was forced to introduce
agrarian reforms to protect the interests of the Raiyats. As a consequence
of British policy political associations were constituted (to giv e opinion on
legislation) and the urban middle class elites pressed for the introduction
of .representative government through this platform. The Indian Councils
Act of 1892 accepted the elective principle in practice but in the guise of
recommendation. Th e legislative councils were a forum for getting
information regarding the popular reaction to various legislations. The
views of the Indian representatives which were aired in these councils
were revoked by the press and could be used to justify British po licies.
The Morley -Minto Reforms (Indian Councils Act of 1909)
accepted the criteria of representation on the basis of classes, races,
communities and interests which was in accordance with India's pluralistic
society but later separate electorates were u sed to create divisions between
Hindus and Muslims. Minto had acknowledged the principle of a special
separate electorate for Muslims in 1906. This was done to offset the
influence of the middle class professionals in representative bodies. To
ensure the i mplementation of the principle of election an electoral system
had to be formulated. The growth and development of the legislative
system led to the rise of an alternative system of governance carried out by
the people of India themselves through their ele cted representatives.
Based on these introductory comments this Unit discusses the
nature of colonial rule. Further, it goes on to explain the political economy
of the state along with the various instruments of control adopted by the
British. It also di scuss the sources that were used by them to legitimise
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88Check your Progress :
1)How was the political economy during the British Rule in India?
6.2 NATURE OF THE COLONIAL STATE
The British
Colonial State
The Battle of Plassey (1757) marks a significant break in the
modern Indian history. The East India Company, whose original purpose
was commercial gain, transformed itself into a ruling territorial power by
acquiring all the attributes of the state. It cou ld wage war, make peace,
raise taxes and administer justice in the conquered territories like any
other sovereign power. As a private enterprise, it administered its
territories for the profits of its shareholders, but the ultimate source of
sovereignty la y with the British Parliament and Crown, the twin
institutions that regulated its governance before taking over direct
administration of the Indian Empire in 1858. After 1858, some
modification was introduced in the institutions and administrative
machiner y founded by the Company Raj, but the basic fabric of the state
and its purpose remained unaltered. Some scholars argue that the early
colonial state and its edifice was built on the foundations of the existing
pre-colonial institutions and identities.
They refuse to acknowledge any sharp break in the nature of polity
after assumption of power by the British. But while acknowledging the
forces of continuity, we must also understand that colonialism refashioned
the existing indigenous political arrangemen ts, social -structures and
relations in a qualitative way. As the colonial state was the key actor in
bringing about all these socio -economic changes, we now turn to the
analysis of some important aspects of colonial state.
The colonial state was qualitati vely different from the pre -colonial
Indian states especially in the manner in which it marshalled military force
and extracted resources from India. The colonial state in a subtle way
combined the radical method of social transformation with the use of
conciliatory means to appease various social groups. Being an alien force,
the final sanction for the maintenance of colonial rule in India was
necessarily physical force and repression. It was the conviction of the
colonial rulers that in colonies and in th eir governance, a strong and
decisive executive action to secure order was necessary. For instance, to
crush the Kuka uprising (1872) in Punjab, many rebels were shot dead,
blown from guns and hanged. We all know the notorious Amritsar
massacre at Jalianwa la Bagh. In other words. army was the instrument for
maintaining the coercive apparatus of the colonial state. However, evenmunotes.in

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89the most autocratic regimes require some sort of legitimisation. The
British used various means and ideological strategies to justi fy their rule in
the eyes of the Indian people. The State, even though armed with an
efficient bureaucracy and a huge amount of information about Indian
society and people at its disposal, lacked the financial resources and
sufficient military might to rul e so vast and turbulent a land by force
alone. The colonial state was a product of historical circumstances and
was shaped by the British ideologies. The British ideologies projected the
state established by the British in India as an engine of modernisati on.
They laid stress on the positive virtues of colonial rule such as
establishment of rule of law, modem education system and an impersonal
'rational' bureaucracy that improved and made more efficient the work of
maintaining law and order. Despite its sel ective administrative
intervention for initiating changes in the social sphere, the colonial state
was to a large extent guided by the basic liberal principle: establishment of
the principle of private. Proprietorship of land. But the principle of private
proprietorship can be implemented only if contracts are guaranteed, and if
law protects contraits and property rights. The liberal ideology of the
colonial state emphasised that the state should enable markets to function
freely and act as the guarantor an d protector of market by introducing the
necessary laws and legal institutions. The Romantic patemalist strand of
colonial -ideology, however, feared that unregulated markets would disrupt
indigenous institutions such as the village community and harm certa in
social groups in a manner that could jeopardize political stability It is
difficult to measure the degree of colonial state's reliance on the consent of
the people and the ideological precepts for justifying its rule in India. The
colonial state sought the consent of the Indian people in various ways and
attempted to legitimise its rule. For example, it acquired to some extent the
image of a public authority responsible for maintaining social -order and
justice. But although, the rhetoric of the 'rule of law' and 'individual
freedom' decorated its claims to legitimacy, in practice the colonial state
maintained its domination by the use and demonstration of force. which
reflected the very nature of colonial state in India.
At the same time it is also tru e that naked force was used only in
case of crisis whereas the demonstrative aspect was always there. The
British state upheld the theoretical principle of equality before law. This
formal, legal equality of all citizens was absent in the pre -colonial
admi nistrative system of the Indian rulers. Peshwas, for instance upheld
the principle of hierarchy and scale of worthiness according to caste and
birth in deciding the exact nature of penalty to be imposed in case of
crime. The British colonial state, in its enactment of the Indian penal code,
standardised personal law separately for Hindus and Muslims. The
colonial administrators prepared Compendia of the customary laws for
each region, but the underlying thrust of the colonial state was towards
codification of law and uniformity in respect of the law. The upper caste
customs were codified and applied to all the Hindus. The colonial state
based itself on formal legal equality guaranteed by rules and procedures
that were to be followed by the police and the cou rts. These imposed
partial checks on the arbitrariness of the rulers despite the drawback thatmunotes.in

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90they reflected colonial needs and were not framed by a democratic
procedure by the Indian people. The laws were often repressive, like, The
Vernacular Press Act (1878) enacted to muzzle the critical Indian Press. It
contained provisions for proceedings against 'seditious papers' with a
minimum of legal fuss, a certainty of conviction and almost complete
censorship. In the field of justice, the Ilbert Bill Controve rsy (1882 -83)
reflected the racial prejudices of European administrators in India. The
Bill was based on the liberal principle of equality before law and sought to
empower Indian Magistrates in the rural areas to try British subjects. The
British opponents of the Bill argued that India's social and legal
institutions were different from Europe, hence such a legal equality could
not be granted. Similarly, representative self -government was denied to
the Indian people on the pretext that Indian people were no t competent and
intellectually mature to establish representative and accountable
government –a complete negation of traditional Indian local governance.
The colonial state institutionalised the liberal ideology during 1860s and
1870s through the creation of municipalities and district boards with
elected members. Seats in these local bodies, however, were precisely
allotted to specified trading and religious communities. The basic purpose
was to increase the government's revenue by raising local taxes and to
integrate the powerful indigenous groups in governance. Although the
alleged aim of these 'reforms' was to train the Indians in 'self -rule', they
initiated the process of the establishment of communal electorates. Despite
these drawbacks, the colonial state unconsciously did provide such
knowledge that was utilised by the Indians in fighting for self -governance
and independence.
The problem of seeking legitimacy was also related' to the issue of
accommodating alien concepts and doctrines within the tra ditional
structure of Indian society. The colonial state's anxiety to legalise existing
rights and privileges of the powerful and the dominant groups (Indian
intermediaries, e.g., Taluqdars in Oudh) often subverted and undermined
their own ideals as in the case of the Permanent Settlement in Bengal. The
practical need to accommodate powerful indigenous social groups often
grew out of the colonial state's requirement to maintain political stability.
The social policies of the colonial state had to be devised to appease the
dominant and the powerful social groups. Hence, reinforcing caste system
through the Census classification of social hierarchy and legitimising the
authority of the Brahmins, etc. were some of the methods used in this
regard.
Check your Pr ogress :
1)What was the basic principles of Ilbert bill?munotes.in

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916.3THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE COLONIAL
STATE
The early colonial state's chief concern was to ensure the smooth
appropriation and collection of land -revenue (the main source of its
income). A variety of land -settlements were introduced in different parts
of the country to achieve this aim. The Permanent Settlement of
Cornwallis (1 793) assigned the right to collect revenue, as an i nheritable,
transferable right of ownership of the estates to the Zamindars of Bengal.
The revenue demand was fixed in perpetuity. The Zarnindars were
expected to collect rent from the cultivators and remit a part of it as
revenue to the Company's treasury . The revenue assessment was initially
very high. Many Zamindars defaulted and sold their Zamindaris to other
landlords and usurers. In the early nineteenth century. therefore, the
colonial state empowered Zamindars with extra -economic coercive
powers such as the right to imprison and evict peasants. In parts of Madras
Presidency that were acquired from Mysore agrarian magnates had already
been squeezed dry by Tipu Sultan's policies. This facilitated a direct
settlement between the colonial state and the cu ltivators.
The Utilitarian ideology also stressed the maximum appropriation
of net produce from the peasants. In Madras and Bombay Presidencies,
about two -thirds of the agricultural lands were under Ryotwari settlement.
In the later settlements, the colo nial state also retained the right to enhance
revenues periodically, usually at a thirty years interval. The early
Company rule was, in fact based on the direct plunder of the Indian
revenues. These were 'invested' in the purchase of Indian manufactured
goods especially cotton textiles, which were further sold in the European
markets. With the expansion of the territorial empire of the Company, the
revenues also soared from about 3 million in 1765 to 22 million in 181 8.
The heavy -reliance of the colonial state on the doctrine of private
property removed the customary safeguards that shielded the Indian
peasants and the state laws greatly strengthened the new class of property
owners. India's textile manufactures lost their edge in the world -market
due to the emergence of the industrial organisation and mechanised
techniques of production in the English factories. The British industrialists
of Lancashire and Manchester also demanded the abolition of the
Company's monopoly over Indian trade. The Charter Act of 1813 ended
the Company's monopoly of trade in India. China's tea and silk now
substituted Indian textiles as the most profitable item of the Company's
trade. The East India Company financed its China trade by forcing Indian
cultivators to grow indigo an d by establishing a state monopoly over
opium cultivation in India. With the smuggling of huge amounts of Indian
opium into China it was no more necessary for the Company to export
bullion to finance their China trade.
Although India's markets were opened up for the British industrial
goods from the beginning of the nineteenth century, it was only in the
second half of the century that India was systematically transformed into amunotes.in

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92typical colonial economy exporting agriculture based primary products
such as cotton, jute, tea, wheat and oilseeds. The colonial state unilaterally
transferred resources from India to England to meet an array of Home
Charges. India received no equivalent value of goods and services in
return for a rising export surplus. Home Charge s included the cost of the
secretary of state's establishment in London, costs of war at home and
abroad, purchase of military provisions, pensions far British military and
civilian bureaucracy in India, etc. It also included a guaranteed 4.5 to 5%
annual interest to the British Railway Companies that helped in the
construction of the Railways in India. The interest payments on public
debt raised by the colonial state in London money markets was also a part
of this visible resource transfer. The Home charg es amounted to $17 -18
million at the turn of the century. In addition to this, the other means of
'drain' of Indian resources were private remittances by British officials,
merchants and the 'invisible' charges for services accruing to British
shipping, ba nking and insurance companies. The silver rupee of India was
equal to 2 shillings in 1872 but depreciated against the pound sterling and
was equal to 1 shilling and 2 pence in 1893. The depreciation in the value
of Indian currency meant that there was incr ease in the real burden of
India's payments to England. The British denied that there was any drain
of resources from India and maintained that they received only a 'fair'
return on the capital invested in India and payments for various services
rendered t o India's colonial subjects. However. the nationalist critique of
Colonialism stressed that the wealth drained away from India represented
a potential investible surplus, which would have contributed to economic
development of India if it had remained with in the country. The transfer of
resources from India took place through the council bills of the Secretary
of State. British buyers of Indian goods paid pound sterling for council
bills. These council bills were exchanged for rupees (obtained from the
government of India's revenues) in the branches of the exchange banks in
India by the British trading firms. The rupee currency was then used to
finance the production and trade of export commodities. The rupee profits
accruing, due to the exchange rate being favourable for the British, could
subsequently be used to buy sterling bills at the local branches of the
British -owned exchange banks. Pound sterling could be obtained against
these bills in England, which could be again used to buy council bills. The
cycle was repeated year after year.
The main aim of the colonial state was to facilitate the expansion
of the markets in India for the manufactured products of the Metropolitan
country. The low purchasing power of the agricultural population in India,
as ref lected in a very low per -capita income, hindered this expansion.
Therefore, the emphasis shifted on the production of commercial crops,
introduction of irrigation canal networks in certain areas and moderation
of revenue demands. In such circumstances, the main channel of
appropriating the agrarian surplus *was credit mechanism. The traders and
moneylenders advanced money to the peasants for the production of
commercial crops that were to be exported by the export companies.
Although, expanding commercialis ation of Indian agriculture did create
some brief periods of boom, one example was the cotton boom of earlymunotes.in

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931860s during the American Civil War, it also increased dependence of
Indian peasants on usurers and resulted in a spate of devastating famines,
especially in the 1890s. The imperial interests mostly determined the
financial and political needs of the colonial state. The Indian railways.
often seen as the great modernising force of colonialism leading to social
mobility and internal unification of mark ets, were constructed and
designed to serve the economic and military interests of the British. They
facilitated movement of the army, the dispersal of the British industrial
goods, served as channels for extracting the agriculture based primary
products a nd their transportation from the Indian bazaars to the ports. It
was a profitable source of investment for the British capital while the risk
was, primarily the responsibility of the colonial state in the form of
guaranteed interest payments, whether the r ailways made profits or not.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the main aim of the colonial state?
6.4 INSTRUMENTS OF CONTROL
In this section, we will discuss the major instruments of control
used by the colonial state. The colonial army and police were the means
through which the political authority of the colonial state was exercised
while the judiciary and the bureaucracy impl emented laws framed by the
colonial state policy makers. We have omitted the ideological and
educational apparatus of the colonial state here as they have been
discussed in other Units in greater detail.
The Colonial Military Apparatus
The colonial army w as the mechanism used by the colonial state to
maintain its paramountcy. Its emergence can be traced to the
establishment of the Bengal army under the command of Calcutta
Presidency. The increasing financial power of the East ,India Company
derived from it s monopoly over trade and supplemented by the Diwani or
the power to collect taxes enabled it to directly recruit and pay the sepoy's
instead of hiring soldiers through the indigenous chiefs. Europeans utilised
the power of the infantry, organised on the b asis of strict command and
training pattern. The collective, coordinated musket fire wielded by these
troops proved very effective. But creation of such an army required
professionalization i.e. the army had to be separated from the civil society
for a lon g period so as to train and discipline the soldiers as professionals
who could act in a cohesive. coordinated manner on the battlefield.
Military parade and close -order drill and manoeuvres were not merely
ceremonial performances; they were rather means to create professional
soldiers. This professionalization also required regular payments and amunotes.in

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94system of reward and security, such as promotion system, linked to the
length of service and performance and a pension system for long -serving
sepoys. The linguist ic and caste -divisions of the Indian society were used
by the British to create socially segregated inward looking groups thinking
only in terms of their own regiment and divorced from the civil society.
Sepoys were grouped into companies and battalions an d were commanded
at the lower unit level by Indian officers from the sepoy's own social -
group.
The East India Company's army consisted of the Bengal army and
the armies of Bombay and Madras Presidencies, each with a different type
of internal organisation and level of professionalization. The sepoys of the
Bengal army generally hailed from the high -caste (Brahmin and
Kshyatriya) Hindu families of Oudh and Bihar. They maintained the caste
and village ties even in their 'military villages'. The ties with the ir original
villages were however, slackened but not snapped. The Bombay and the
Madras army recruits belonged to the Punjab, Oudh, and Rajputana and
hailed from different castes. There was an influx of Maratha soldiers after
the Anglo -Maratha war. These a rmies consisted of different ethnic groups
and castes and were organised on professional basis, e.g.,n Mer Corps.
They were further distanced from the civil society and made proud of their
regiments. They generally helped the British during the 1857 revolt as
loyal professional soldiers. The British armies also professionalized
logistics by routine purchase and stockpiling of non -perishable goods so as
to attain mobility without resource problems and without resorting to
plunder. The colonial state, also to ok special care to deny the Indian rulers
the access to resources to prevent them from organising similar
professional armies. The annexation principle was applied in territories of
the Princely States where succession lapsed. The system of subsidiary
alliances with the Indian rulers was initiated with the aim of liquidating
the local military and even the quasi -military forces so as to achieve
almost complete "de -militarization" of the Indian kingdoms.
The revolt of 1857 necessitated certain reforms in the organisation
of colonial armed forces. The Royal Peel Commission (1 859) spelt out
the proportion which was to be maintained between the number of British
and Indian soldiers in India. The ratio was fi xed as 1 British: 2.5 Indian
sepoys. The mobile artillery was completely controlled by the British and
the Arms Acts were passed to deny the possession of weapons in the
hands of 'unlawful' elements. The colonial state also evolved the ideology
of martial -fitness of certain castes and races. The ideology of martial -race
was an attempt by the colonial state to utilise ethnicity for promoting
imperial interests. The territorial nomenclature of the armies was
abandoned and now the Bengal army was re -organised by absorbing
soldiers from the so called "martial race such as the Sikhs", the Jats, the
Muslims, the Punjabis, the Pathans and the Dogras. Nepali Gorkhas
acquired such an importance in the British military organisation that they
constituted 116'~ of the a rmy in 1914. This powerful instrument of
colonial power was commanded by the King's commissioned officers from
Sandhurst in the beginning and subsequently by the officers from themunotes.in

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95Military Academy in Dehradun to obey the hukm -i-sahiban alishar (the
orders of the Great Sahibs).
The total strength of the Company's standing army was 1,55,000 in
1805 and it was a unique feat in the history of the growth and development
of the state institutions in India. Although the colonial state professed that
the maintenan ce of public order was ordinarily the duty of police, troops
were frequently summoned to deal with disturbances. This policing role of
maintaining public order remained a major function of the colonial army
even till 1947. Besides maintaining the 'internal frontier' of India, the
colonial army safeguarded the global strategic interests of the empire. The
colonial army was used in many places to protect imperial interest such as
in Ceylon, Java, Red Sea, Egypt, China and Afghanistan. During the First
World W ar, it played a crucial role in the defence of the Suez Canal and
the sea -route through the Red Sea which was so important for Persian -
Gulf supplies. In East Africa, Indian troops were used for the liquidation
of the German colony of Tanganyika. And, a muc h larger rolewas played
during the Second World War.
The Police Organisation
The colonial state in its early phase used the indigenous institutions
for controlling crimes. Warren Hastings, for example, retained the post of
thefauzdars and utilised the po licing functions of the Zamindars during
the early phase of Company rule. Finding this arrangement inadequate, he
also appointed Magistrates in the districts and each district was divided
into smaller sub -units, each under the charge of a darogah who heade da
group of 20 -30 armed policemen and supervised the village watchmen
who was in charge of 20 -30 villages. The darogahs functioned under the
over-all control of the Magistrates. Regulation XXII of 1793 abolished the
policing right of Zamindars. In the sys tem of administration, evolved by
Cornwallis, District Collectors combined the duties of revenue -collection
and the police duties as Magistrates. These functions were separated
briefly at the recommendation of the Bird Committee (1 808 -1 2) when
separate D istrict Superintendents of Police were appointed However, in
1844 the functions of the Collector, the Magistrate and the Police were
again combined to tackle, the problem of the increasing incidences of
property crimes.
The Police organisation emerged as an autonomous organ of the
colonial state in the North -West -Frontier Province in the 1840s as a quasi -
military instrument for maintaining order and assisting a fragile political
authority. Sir Charles Napier modelled,'his' Police in the Sind Province on
the pattern of Irish Police Organisation (1836). Easy mobility, a clear and
firm hierarchy, and direct and formal links with the army and a highly
centralised command marked this Police organisation. In his scheme, the
posts of lieutenant of police and an ad jutant in the district, both were to be
manned by the British army officers. Thanedars orCommissioned
officers of the mounted police were in charge of each division of a district.
By 1859, there was a complete network of about 345 Thanas in Sind. This
type of police organisation was later recommended by the Policemunotes.in

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96Commission (1860) and enshrined in the Police Act of 1861. The Act was
applied to various provinces except Bombay and Madras. However,
separate Police Acts were framed for these two provinces. Th e Police
organisation thus emerged as a distinct department of government, with
some degree of military discipline. In some cases, the District Magistrates
had initially resisted the move to divest the in of policing powers. The
British officers dominated the superior posts in the police. In 1887, a
system of completition for higher appointments was introduced but it was
ineant only for the British citizens. A few posts of Assistant
Superintendent of Police were thrown open to the selected Inspectors. The
Andrew Frazer Police Commission (1902 -03) recommended that there
should be an Imperial Service Branch in which recruitment was to be
conducted in England and a Provincial Service Branch in which
recruitment was done entirely in India. The issue of Indenisat ion of an
alien bureaucracy came before the subsequent Police Commission.
Gokhale and Justice Abdur Rahim expressed their concern regarding the
substitution of indigenous for alien police officers as members of the
Police Commission (1 9 12). In the twenti eth century, the Indianisation did
take place at a gradual pace. The proportion of the Indian police officers of
Assistant Police Superintendent and above rank was about 10% in 1924
but it reached 30% by 1946.
Another important aspect of the Police organi sation within the
colonial state was its military character in its administrative and
organisational form. Although the colonial state attributed the
responsibility of the maintenance of public law and order to the police,
however the army was frequently u sed to deal with 'disturbances'. Its
military character influenced even its perception of dealing with crime and
the problem of violation of social norms. These were seen primarily in
terms of rebellion and disorder and as aspects of public safety and poli tical
stability rather than simply as matters related to lawlessness and security
of property and persons. The laclc of financial resources and political will
forced the police to rely on selective control, i.e., identification of
particular social groups as their targets. The police also remained poorly
armed, inefficient, lacking in proper training and highly corrupt. Even
Curzon found all tliese weaknesses and defects in the police organisation.
In the 1920s, an armed contingent of the police was establi shed to avoid
over-deployment of the army but the colonial policy makers always
mistrusted this agency of administration. There was the lurking fear of
revolt, of taking sides or of their sympathising with the crowds. The police
organisation of the colonia l state was also inhibited by the power of the
racial ideology and by the fact that it was aligned with the power full
dominant landed groups. So much so that in most parts of the countryside
it was the daroga and the local landlord who mattered as governm ent for
the peasants and labourers or to say for every section of the rural society.
The Judiciary and Law
The colonial state inherited an autocratic judicial setup governed
by ill -defined and outdated laws. In the indigenous judicial system
criminals were punished according to their caste -status. After an initialmunotes.in

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97recognition of the caste -hierarchy, the colonial state attempted to
incorporate the element of formal equality in the legal system. However,
the sys tem of legal equality adopted by the colonial state was limited in
scope and ambiguous in its nature. British rulers considered the principle
of racial discrimination and privilege as the cornerstone of the colonial
judicial system. The legal inequality in herent in the earlier system with
regard to the various social groups was sought to be removed but the racial
distinctions were preserved as a privilege for the British subjects.
However, after 1836, the British subjects could be tried in the same courts
as the Indians in the civil matters. The other special privileges granted to
the British subjects were abolished in 1836, but an Indian judge could still
not try them in the criminal cases. The early Company courts followed the
principle of justice by the e xecutive head with the Governor -in-Council
deciding the legal cases of the English subjects. Warren Hastings
established two types of courts at the district -level diwani adalats (civil -
court) and nizamat adalats (courts for criminal cases). The British
Collector enjoyed both revenue and judicial powers in a district whose
boundaries followed the pattern of pre -existing revenue units called the
Sarkars. Pandits and Moulvis were associated with these courts to assist
the European judges. The Governor -in-Counc il acted as the court of
appeal in both criminal and civil cases.
In India, the British found that laws were generally based on
traditions recorded in memory and customs embedded in a variety of
usages. Hastings believed that the knowledge of Indian laws as embodied
in the textual traditions of India was relevant for developing the judicial
set-up. The traditional Indian legal interpreters, the Pandits and the
Moulvis, were seen as the upholder, expositors and interpreters of the
legal tradition and hence they were associated with the courts as experts in
this area. The British, however. distrusted Indian subordinates due to their
own racial ideology. They wanted to acquire a complete knowledge of the
canons and the authoritative legal texts. They wanted to codify the Indian
laws. This, however, could be done only with the help of Indian assistants,
whose integrity the British doubted. The British scholars hoped that this
would remove the dependence of the future British officials on Indians
subordinates. N. B. Halhed's "ACode of Gentoo Law" (1776) and H.T.
Colebrooke's "The Digest of Hindu Law on Contracts -and
Succession"(l798) were early attempts to codify the laws concerning
property. Inheritance, marriages, castes and succession, etc. The attempt to
stand ardise and codify the laws remained the basic concern of the colonial
rulers. The Utilitarian ideology emphasised this need to remove the
vagueness and diversity in legal practices in order to dismantle the
structure of 'despotic' rule in India. Macaulay w as appointed as
chairperson of the First Law Commission (1834) to achieve this objective.
A series of enactments established the colonial "rule of law". The Indian
Penal Code (1860) codified laws and sought to eliminate social inequality.
The Codes of Crim inalProcedures (1872) settled the quality and quantity
of evidence required for proving or disproving facts related to offences.
The Indian laws (indigenous), were seen as changeless and immutable. In
the case of Hindu law, the upper caste customs were co dified and appliedmunotes.in

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98to all castes in the name of legal equality, whereas, the English law system
was based on the historical precedents and was responsive to historical
change. Such an element of flexibility and the principle of multiple
interpretation was reintroduced in the procedure of the working of the
High Courts in India subsequently. The High Courts established in 1861 at
Calcutta, Madras and Bombay and later at Lahore and Allahabad, with
original and appellate jurisdiction, took cognition of the ear lier judicial
decisions. The colonial state could also conveniently use the principle of
non-interference to justify the existing oppressive practices or it could
seek the justification for continuation of customary practices, despite
references to its rep udiation in certain "ancient customs and traditions". At
the same time, the different social category and groups could also
articulate their specific interests and pressurise the colonial 'state to
modify the existing law or enact new laws to protect their legal rights. The
examples of such legal enactment were tenancy acts and the land
alienation acts. After 1858, in many areas the judicial powers were also
given to the big landlords, say like the Talukdars of Oudh, to further
enhance the colonial control over the countryside.
The Bureaucracy :The Steel Frame of the Raj
Apart from the armed forces and police the colonial state also
created a hitherto unknown centralised bureaucracy. The colonial
bureaucracy maintained its racial exclusiveness, although Ind ians
occupied the lower rungs of administration. The structure and logic of the
bureaucracy guaranteed unquestionable dominance of the British.
Cornwallis formed a code of rules to guide executive actions. The
Company's civil servants were paid in the form of commission on the total
amount of revenue collections. The system of appointment was based on
patronage and nomination by the Court of Directors. The College of Fort
William (1 800) at Calcutta was established to provide training to the
Company's civil servants but was soon abolished. Later on a college was
established at Hertford in 1805 for the same purpose which was shifted to
Haileybuy in England in 1809. It provided training in Oriental languages
literature and history.
The charter Act of 1853 sub stituted the system of patronage by a
competition through public examination. The Haileybury College for
training civil servants was abolished in 1858 and recruits to the civil
service were to be affiliated to the different universities and colleges. In
1892, the Covenanted Civil Service continued be the higher administrative
service in which recruitments were to be made in Britain while a lower
executive service called the Provincial Civil Service was dominated by
Oxford and Cambridge graduates, with an ed ucational background of the
so called 'public schools'. However, there were a fair number of recruits
from the Irish universities as well. The bureaucracy provided the 'steel
frame' to support the Raj and the upper echelons of the Covenanted Civil
Service were exclusively British in composition. The educated Indians
demanded a simultaneous examination in India but despite its acceptance
by the government in principle, the system of simultaneous examination in
India was implemented only after World War I. Ev en then the selectedmunotes.in

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99Indian candidates were excluded from a particular category of posts
especially in the judicial services. The Indian recruits also received lower
pay and allowances. The Indian nationalist leaders resented this kind of
racial discrimina tion and the Indianisation of the bureaucracy was one of
their main demands. After the World War I, the pace of the Indianisation
of the bureaucracy intensified. By the time of the Quit India Movement,
nearly half of the civil servants were Indians. Since higher education in the
colonial system was confined to the upper castes and middle classes of
India, the process of Indianisation by itself did not make the The British
bureaucracy truly Indian in character. The bureaucracy retained the power
andColonial State privileges of the colonial era even after Independence.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the importance of bureaucracy during British India?
6.5 SOURCES OF LEGITIMATION
During the initial years of Company rule, the social policies of the
colonial state were guided by the principle of minimising the disruptive
influence and retention of many of the indigenous institutions and
ceremonial trappings of indigenous ideology. The puppet Mughal emperor
was treated with reverence and respect. Even coins were struck bearing the
Emperor's name. Persian was retained as the official language until 1835,
which ensured a continued livelihood for the Hindu and Muslim service
gentry. While certain modifications were introduced in the judicial
institutions and procedures, the Mughal legal system was not completely
dismantled. The qazis, muftis and pandits continued to be associated with
the British judiciary till 1861. Even when intervention was made in the
sphere of the indigenous customs as in the case of the abolition of Sati
(1829), sanction for taking such a step was sought in the Indian scriptures.
All these attempts were meant to establish a semblance of legitimacy by
appropriating the cultural symbols and markers that were s ources of
authority in the indigenous culture. After the "rebellion" of 1857, the
colonial state transformed the princes into a reliable base of support for the
empire. The preservation of the ceremonial aspects of indigenous
sovereignty together with a me asure of internal autonomy to the Indian
princes was a major step of the colonial state to seek the sanction and
legitimacy through persons of higher order invested with authority.
Similarly landlords and taluqdars were nurtured as the potential allies of
the colonial state. This attempt to seek Indian allies was further evident in
the institutions such as the municipal and local boards of the 1880s. This
was an attempt to distribute social patronage to various groups and raise
indirect taxes through the co nsent of the Indian non -official members. The
colonial state used law as the most important source of constituting its
legitimacy. The appropriation of revenue, forest and natural resources wasmunotes.in

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100not to be seen as arbitrary unjustified exaction but was repre sented as the
legal right of the state. The colonial state also used law as an arbiter of
social -relations between the different social groups. Laws relating to
tenancy, land -alienation and payment of rent and interests became
contentious issues due. to th e divergence of interests between various
groups such as Zamindars and Raiyats. The instruments that were used by
the colonial state to justify domination and exploitation were now used by
certain social groups to articulate their specific interests after
modifications in the structure of the administration. The ideology of
improvement -moral, intellectual and material was used to selectively
introduce certain 'reforms' in the Indian society and this became a
powerful vehicle of manoeuvring in the social sp here by the colonial state
to sustain its rule in India. While upholding the principle of hierarchy and
caste distinction, in many instances, the colonial state also brought with it
the ideological currents of science, reason and modernity. The promotion
of western education through the medium of English (see unit 26 for
details) by the colonial state and the creation of the Indian urban middle
class stemmed from the motive of creating a support base for their rule.
However, Indian intellectuals did not alw ays support the reformist,
progressive zeal of the colonial state. They questioned the right of the
colonial state to interfere with the Indian social customs as in the case of
the Age of Consent Bill (1 891), which raised the legal age of marriage for
girls from ten to twelve. There was also violent protest against the
intrusiveness of the colonial state seeking to impose western medical
system during the plague epidemics of late 1890s. But this did not mean a
complete rejection of the potential benefits o f the colonial rule, western
science, medicine or rationality. Even a reformist institution within
Hinduism like the Arya Samaj working within the framework of the
assertion of Aryan supremacy and Vedic infallibility, adopted colonial
curriculum in its DAV schools.
Check your Progress :
1)How British rule interfere in the Indian Social Customs?
6.6 SUMMARY
The purpose of this Unit was to make you understand the various
facets of the British colonial power in India. After reading this Unit you
should have understood the nature of the colonial state and its economic
compulsions as well as the logic and organis ation of the various
instruments of control such as the army, the police, the bureaucracy etc.
that safeguarded the imperial interests. Lastly, you would have also known
something about the ideological categories that were used by the British to
justify th eir rule in India.munotes.in

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1016.7QUESTIONS
1)Explain the nature of colonial state in India during the British rule.
2)Describe the economic measure in colonial rule with the special
reference to the land settlement schemes.
3)Trace the administrative frame under the British colonial rule ..
6.8 REFERENCES
1)The History of British India, James Mill, London: Baldwin, Cradock
and Joy, 1826
2)B.L. Grover, Alka Mehta, yash Pal, Adhunik Bharat ka Itihas, Ed
Naveen Mulyankan (Hindi), S. Chand & company Ltd., 2011.
3)Sumit Sarkar, Modern India 1885 -1947, Macmillan, Madras, 1996.

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102Unit -7
EDUCATION: INDIGENIUS AND MODERN
Unit Structure :
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Education in The Pre -Colonial Period
7.3 Modern Education System
7.4 Summary
7.5 Questions
7.6 References
7.0 OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this unit the student will be able to -\
1)Understand the Indian Education System in the pre -colonial period.
2)Study the Modern Education Syst em introduction by British Govt.
7.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter endeavours in outlining the development and spread
of formal education in India during the colonial era. In order to explore
gender bias in curriculum it is necessary to study the foundation of present
day curriculum. I have divided this chapter into two subsections. Focusing
on the development of mainstream educational system during colonial
period, Section -A studies the British educational policy from the late 18th
century to the first hal f of 20th century. In Section -B the focus is on
expansion of women’s education during British rule (from mid 19th
century to first half of 20th century).
7.2 EDUCATION IN THE PRE -COLONIAL PERIOD
Present day formal institutionalized education, was almost absent
during pre -colonial era and even at the dawn of 19th century. Access to
indigenous education was restricted among upper caste Hindus and
Muslims. Hindu boys used to visit village pathshalas for lessons in
elementary reading and accounting. Tols were centre for higher learning in
Sanskrit grammar, lexicography and literature. For Muslims there was
maktabs and madrassas. Gurus or pundits and maulavis were vested with
the responsibility of impar ting knowledge. There was a parallel system of
home education where teacher used to visit or stay at the pupil’s house.
Female education was by and large informal, infrequent, recreational andmunotes.in

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103almost non -existent. Some upper class women received lessons on
classical or vernacular literature and simple accounting. Instruction on
household arts was an integral part of female education. Ghosh272
identifies three distinct stages of development of British education in India
during 1757 to 1857. This was also the period of consolidation and
expansion of British power in India and conversion of British people from
merchants to rulers. Initially British approached education lackadaisically
and apathetic way. They lacked any formal educational policy for Indian
peopl e. However some British enthusiastic due to their admiration for
traditional Indian culture undertook the first initiative. There was some
politico -administrative motive also. Governor General Warren Hastings, a
passionate admirer of Indo -Persian culture, found the Calcutta Madrassa in
1781. Under his patronage Sir William Jones set up Asiatic Society of
Bengal (in 1784). It aimed at learning indigenous history, science and arts.
With the intention to preserve and cultivate laws, literatures and scriptures
of the Hindus , Jonathan Duncan, with the permission of Lord Cornwallis
(then Governor -General), created a Sanskrit College (in 1792) in Banaras.
Later Lord Wellesley established Fort William College (in 1800) at
Calcutta to train British civilians as proficient administrators equipped
with Oriental knowledge. Indigenous pundits or scholars were appointed
to teach Oriental knowledge.
There was also a group of British officials who were dismayed at
the degeneration of Indian society . In their view practice of sati (self -
immolation), infanticide, caste inequality, distorted interpretation of
religious, scriptures fostered corruption and societal decadence. They
encouraged missionary activities. Charles Grant was one of them. Initially
his idea was discarded by higher authority, but with Wilberforce’s advice
he wrote the first draft of Observations on the State of Society among the
Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain, particularly in the respect to Morals:
and on the means of improving it in 1792. He avowed for the smooth
spread of English among indigenous people by replacing the official
language (Persian). Instruction in English would ensure access of
European knowledge among Indians. William Cabell justified the political
advantages of Grant’s proposal. He opined a common language will
facilitate communication between British and Indian people and at the
same time' will successfully transmit western scientific knowledge.
However Grant’s ideas were interpreted as an attempt of converting
indigenous people by sending missionaries. It was discarded by the East
India Company. The spread of political turmoil in the aftermath of French
Revolution in Europe deter the Company from causing any unfavorable
political consequence in India. Hence the Charter Act of 1793 prohibited
entrance of missionaries in India. However in the late 1790s, William
Carey, a Danish Baptist missionary opened a free boarding school at
Dinajpore. Sanskrit, Persian, Bengali, as well as doctrines of Christianity
were instru cted there. Later he was joined by J. Marshman and W. Ward
in 1800. They together worked for disseminating education and principles
of Christianity among inhabitants of Bengal. However the Charter Act of
1793 was revised and renewed in 1813. Wilherforce, Z achary Macaulay,
Grant and many others presented numerous petitions to the Parliament tomunotes.in

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104ensure unrestricted passage of European missionaries. In response to their
persuasion Charter Act of 1813 granted some privileges. The Act,
particularly the section 43 is significant in the history of education in
India. It empowered Governor -General to spend; a sum of not less than
one lakh rupees each year from excess revenue. Its aim was to rejuvenate
traditional knowledge and literature and promote education in Indi a. It
encouraged Indians to learn western sciences. However the clause was
imprecise in certain ways. It did not state the acceptable maximum amount
of expenditure in educational sector. In addition it did not form any
department to officiate the disbursin g of fund. However the Charter Act of
1813 is historically significant as the first formal educational policy of
East India Company. Through this Act the Company undertook the task of
spreading education in India.
Despite the Act was passed in 1813, the s urplus revenue was
available only in 1823. For the dissemination of the fund a General
Committee of Public Instruction consisting ten members came into being.
Most of them support Oriental learning and promoted Sanskrit and Arabic
literature. Introduction of Western education was disapproved due to
dearth of books and trained teachers. But the utilitarian’s and newly
educated Indians opposed them. Utilitarian like James/John Mill published
History of British India in 1817. Basing his ideas on missionary acc ounts
he found nothing appreciable in Indian society and culture. He criticized
Indian culture and literature as defunct, illogical and stagnant. Mills
proscribed traditional learning and justified moral superiority of the West.
For him western scientific knowledge is the only path to progress. Even
newly educated enlightened Indians considered traditional learning as
futile and advocated the diffusion of western education in India.
Rammohan Roy was one of them. In association with David Hare he
planned to set up an English institution in Calcutta. Later he quit. But Hare
opened the school in 1817 with 20 scholars. Establishment of the college
mark an important era in the history of education in India. It was the first
spontaneous desire manifested by Indian s for instruction in English and
European literature.
In 1823, Roy appealed the Governor -General to discard the
establishment of Sanskrit college in Calcutta. He proposed an alternative
education system “promoting more liberal and enlightened system of
instruction embracing mathematics, natural philosophy, chemistry,
anatomy, with other useful sciences”276. Meanwhile with the diligent
effort by Christian missionaries since 1813, Calcutta School Book Society
and Calcutta School Society came up in 1817 and 1819 respectively.
These institutions were set up to promote education in India.
Being unable to arrive at a unanimous decision the General
Committee of Public Instruction split into two groups, Anglicist/Modemist
and Orientalist. The Orientalists promote vernacular education embedded
in indigenous traditional culture and civilization. Anglicists campaign for
English medium Western education. Soon after the split some old
members retired or died and were replaced by new ones inspired bymunotes.in

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105utilitarian ideas. After several debates and deliberations, both groups
decided to present their argument to Governor -General. At that time son of
Zachary Macaulay, was the President of General Committee of Public
Instruction. He accepted and executed overriding Anglicist pr opositions.
Macaulay prepared a minute supporting English education and forwarded
to Governor -General Bentinck. Education in modem India owes its origin
to Macaulay’s Minute of 1835. He condemned indigenous education as “a
single shelf of a good European l ibrary was worth the whole native
literature of India and Arabia”277. He defend initiation of Western
education in India as it would aid British rulers by supplying educated
officials mediating between them and ordinary people, ensuring smooth
governance. Bentinck’s inclination in education in India is discernible
when he permit Alexander Duff to establish General Assembly of the
Church of Scotland Institution, (later renamed as Scottish Church College)
Calcutta in 1830. Prior to Macaulay’s Minute in Februa ry 1835, Bentinck
undertook two important decisions. He appointed William Adam to report
on the state of vernacular education in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. And
following European system of medicine and surgery he also resolute to
establish a Medical College in Calcutta. His intention was to spread
European as well as vernacular education among the masses. Bentinck
states ‘object of British Government should be the promotion of European
literature and science among Indians. The funds appropriated for the
purpose of education would be best employed on English education alone.
However he was not ignorant about indigenous education. Limited
available educational fund and Charter of 1833 compelled him to
undertake decision favouring utilitarian Anglicists and Maca ulay. To curb
the administrative expenditures of East India Company the Charter of
1833 made it mandatory to employ Indians in responsible official
positions. It necessitated the creation of docile officials acquainted in
English language and British ideol ogy. Available resource was usurped for
promoting English education and preparing English educated native
officials. Bentinck’s landmark decision ‘paved the way for emergence of
English as the most important and powerful language s’.
Check your Progress :
1)Who was the author ‘History of British India in 1817’?
7.3 MODERN EDUCATION SYSTEM
English education opened the door of West to East rendering great
impact in communicating social and political ideas. Missionaries,
utilitarians and some devoted Indians worked hard in spreading education.
English education became popular and demanded in c ities. English
became the official language (Act XXIX of 1837 abolished Persian as themunotes.in

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106court language) in British administration. English education was a
gateway to British administrative job, a tool for individual socio -economic
advancement. It was break away from age old impenetrable caste barrier.
Widespread dissemination of western education generated the myth of
moral superiority of British power and inferiority of Indians. Western
science, philosophy and rationality were contrasted with Indian
traditi onalism. Demand for higher education and university education
increased to a great extent. In 1845, F. J. Mouat, secretary of General
Committee of Public Instruction, submitted a plan for university education
to the Court of Directors. The consecutive year s experienced rapid
expansion of education all over India. Governor -General Dalhousie gave a
cohesive and systematic form to British educational policy. He reformed
Calcutta Madrassa and Hindu College (renamed it as Presidency College)
and planned to set u p an institute of technical learning. He is accredited as
the first Governor -General providing official support for the cause of
female education in India. After Bethune’s demise .
Dalhousie took charge of Hindu Balika Vidyalaya (later renamed
as Bethune S chool). The renewal date of the Charter of the East India
Company was approaching. As a result, debate on structure of Indian
education once again hit the British Parliament. The debates led to the
formation of a despatch in 1854. Charles Wood was vested w ith the
responsibility to formulate a comprehensive educational policy conducive
of Indian society and British administration. Wood’s Educational
Despatch, the Magna Carta of Indian education reached India in October
1854. It embodied the education policy of British Parliament. It aimed at
diffusing European knowledge of arts, philosophy, literature and science
through the use of English and vernacular. It consisted of 100 paragraphs
classifiable in three groups: i) machinery for the managing the department
of education, ii) establishment of university, and iii) institution of grants -
in-aid . The dispatch made suggestions for forming Departments of Public
Instruction under the Director of Public Instruction. By 1855 a supervisory
department was constituted a nd each Governor appointed a director of
public instruction. It also proposed a scheme to set up universities in India.
Hence a separate committee was constituted to frame the scheme of
establishing universities at Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. Universities
were founded in 1857. Consequently secondary education ceased to be an
independent course of study, but a step or medium to university education.
University education started dominating the content and scope of
secondary education. The latter became rote learning missing link with
real life situation. Provision for technical and vocational courses and
teachers training was absent. Instruction through mother tongue remained
neglected. Secondary education suffered stagnation till 1882. 1882 is
another remark able year in -the history of education in India. The Indian
Education Commission (Hunter Commission) met for the first time under
William Hunter. Lord Ripon appointed the commission to review the
effective implementation of Wood’s Despatch of 1854, to rect ify the
earlier educational policies and make more provision for primary
education and female education. The Commission recommended gradual
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107of higher learning281 and secondary educa tion. Surveying the secondary
education it recommended diversified vocational, technical and academic
courses. The former was for professional or vocational career pursuits, the
later for university entrance examination. However in spite of these
recommend ations, the report was neither appreciated nor valued. In the
hands of colonizers education was an instrument spreading ruling
ideology. They prepared controlled and transmitted knowledge consistent
with maintenance of then prevalent socio -political framew ork.
Championing British sovereignty, rationality, superiority and advancement
the colonial education preserved and reproduced colonial regime.
Opposing colonial intellectual hegemony contesting attitude in the
educational realm developed gradually among I ndian intelligentsia. From
1880 onwards new discourse on national education emerged.
National education is “the process of learning and imparting
political culture of citizenship as opposed to the culture of acquiescent
subjection to foreign rulers. The f orging of nationhood involved the
transformation of subjects into citizens if a nation state that would emerge
in future”282. Problematizing the asymmetrical relation between
hegemonic authoritarian colonial rulers and the ruled, the movement
challenged tr aditional hegemonic unequal social relations. It rendered
attention on caste and gender inequalities as well. These social inequalities
were conditioning and constraining the access to education and
educational benefits among privileged section. For Aurobi ndo Ghose
national education ‘begins with the past and making full use of the present
build up a great nation’283. The common agendas of national education
movement are demand for authority of Indians in influencing the decision
making process in education , promoting Indian regional languages
through spreading vernacular education and including as well as
inculcating patriotic values through study program. Objective of the
advocates of national education was to create an alternative to colonial
education. I t was difficult to defy the cultural authority of colonial
education. It was an unequal contest between national education and a
globally dominant hegemony. It was difficult to enter the realm of
education as a medium of socio -cultural reproduction. Englis h Education
was the key to jobs, professions and social mobility and at the same time
an instrument in producing conditions of colonial dominance.
Rejuvenation and restoring national culture and instilling civilizational
identity through curriculum was the main objective of campaigners of
nationalist education. Gandhi criticizes colonial education as enslaving
and retrogressive; Tagore condemns it as alms bowl of knowledge
affecting individual self -respect. However discourse on national education
was not a homogenous one. It was variant and contradictory. Concept of
secular education constitutes a diverging premise. While Poona Sarvajanik
Sabha appreciates British policy of not interfering in religious beliefs,
National 'tQA Council of Education and B. G. Ti lak favour denomination
specific religious instructions . Lajpat Rai condemns such instruction as
narrow and sectarian. In his view, curriculum must portray general social
life of people. Advocates of national education were troubled by the
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108Governmental expenditures. It was adversely affecting the spread of
education. They opposed racist practice in appointing officials in
educational services. British officials enjoyed higher branches and hi gher
emoluments and Indians were placed in lower grade positions. Mass
education through vernacular received enormous attention among different
sections of the population. Numerous petitions and memoranda justifying
the immense importance of vernacular as medium of instruction were
presented to the government. Some passionate individuals and
associations voiced for mass and vernacular education. They include Arya
Samaj in Punjab, Sri Guru Singh (Sikh National) Association, the Brahmo
Samaj, Bhasha Sabha in Hoshiarpur district, Aligarh Bhasha Improvement
Society, the Satya Dharmavalambini Sabha at Aligarh, the Gujarat
Vernacular Society of Ahmadabad, the Muhammedan Association of
Meerut, the Shastris of Poona, Shastris of Ahmadabad, Nagari Pracharini
Sabha of Banaras and so on. However some of them had diffident attitude
regarding primary education for the masses. They pressurized for more
governmental funding in primary education but refrained from questioning
the internal hegemony (caste and gender dispariti es) within education.
They opposed cultural imperialism of the west. But they were indifferent,
sometimes hostile regarding disparities in social inequalities and
disparities in access to education within indigenous society. Colonial
education materialized social mobility by assuring jobs. But traditional
hegemonic structure remained almost unaffected. Issue of mass education
became a national agenda when G. K. Gokhale framed Compulsory
Primary Education Bill in 1911. However British legislative council
dismissed his proposal. In response to growing demand for mass education
the Government issued an Education Resolution in 1913 comprising of
three key principles: i)raising the standard of extant educational
institutions in place of increasing their number, i i) diversion of primary
and secondary education to more practical aims, and iii) creating provision
for higher studies and research in India285. Although the Resolution was
promising but the outbreak of World War I put halt in its implementation.
Education Resolution of 1913 adapted mass education program and
illiteracy eradication. Bombay Legislative Council passed a similar Bill in
1918. Successively similar Bills were passed in Punjab, United Provinces,
Bihar, and Orissa in 1919 and in Central Provinces and Madras in
1920286. Initiating scientific and technical education was another agenda
of national education movement. Primarily the business community (S. S.
Bengali, Ambaidass, Jamshetji Tata and many others) made demand for
technical education. S. R. M udaliar stirred the first resolution on technical
education in the Indian National Congress in 1887. Criticizing prevalent
technical education ersas insufficient and inadequate Congress made
demand for a holistic scientific and technical curriculum with la rge scale
governmental ftmding. Later this initiative was taken over by major Indian
scientists like Sir J. C. Bose and Sir P. C. Roy, and the prominent
nationalist leaders like G. K. Gokhale and Madan Mohan Malaviya.
In order to assess the condition and progress of Indian universities
and reorganizing university administration Universities Commission was
set up in 1902 and Indian Universities Act was passed on 1904. Themunotes.in

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109Commission’s report resulted in increased control of universities on
secondary educati on. Schools required mandatory recognition by the
universities. Boards of Secondary Education were set up in certain states
to prepare syllabus, conduct examinations and issue well furnished
Secondary School Leaving Certificate to the pupils at the complet ion of
course. Under the chairmanship of Sir Michael Sadler Calcutta University
Commission (Sadler Commission) was formed in 1917. It attempted
improvising secondary' education in order to develop university education.
It recommended287, i) the dividing li ne between secondary and university
courses should be properly drawn at the intermediate examination, not at
Matriculation, ii) the Government should develop independent
intermediate educational institutions (either attached to high schools or
independent) to instruct in Arts, Science, Medicine, Engineering, Teaching
etc, iii) criteria for university admission should be the passing of
intermediate examination, and iv) a separate Board of Secondary and
Intermediate Education should be set up to administer an d control
secondary education. During the subsequent years secondary education
expanded to a great extent both in rural and urban areas. But problems
relating to teachers training, salaries and provision for technical education
continued. With the passage of Government of India Act 1919 education
became a transferred responsibility of the Provincial Government There
on each Provincial Governments appointed Minister of Education
supervising educational projects and providing suggestions to the
government. In order to assess the development of education in the
country the Hartog Committee came into existence in 1929. The
committee prescribed diversification in secondary school curricula to
persuade, particularly the boys to opt for vocational, industrial and
commerce courses. In addition, it also noticed and understood the service
condition of teachers and their training. U.P. Government appointed Sapru
Committee in 1934 to inquire the reasons behind rising rate of
unemployment. It observed that the formal scho oling was ineffective in
ensuring an occupation. Prevalent education awarded degrees and
certificates but was ineffectual and inadequate in the job market. Hence
the Committee suggested i) introducing diversified courses at the
secondary level, one of them leading to universities, ii) abolishing
intermediate stage and extension of secondary level by another one year,
iii) introducing vocational training at the end of lower secondary level and
iv) initiating three years degree course in the universities.
Inthe year 1935 Government of India set up Central Advisory
Board of Education (CABE) to assist educational planning. In 1936 -37
two experts, Abbot and Wood were invited to advice on the problems of
educational reorganization and vocational education. A lar ge number of
university graduates in spite of possessing the requisite qualification,
failed to secure vocation. Hence the experts suggested establishing
hierarchical vocational institutions parallel the hierarchical educational
institutions. In response t o Abbot -Wood Report a new type of technical
institution, the Polytechnics came into being and various technical,
commercial and agricultural schools were established in all provinces. In
1937 the Congress Ministry organized an All India National Educationa lmunotes.in

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110Conference at Wardha. The Conference made declarations like nationwide
compulsory and free education for a period of seven years and use of
mother tongue as the medium of instruction. While presiding the
conference Gandhi recommended a curricula embedded in environment
and integrating manual and productive work. The Conference appointed
Zakir Hussain Committee (popularly known as Wardha Scheme) to
prepare a plan of education. It suggested i) including basic craft education,
that is imparting the entire ed ucation through some industry or vocation,
ii) an educational scheme covering teachers’ salaries and rendering the
pupils self -supporting at the completion of the course, iii) including
manual labour to teach the child to be able to earn a living in later life, and
iv) close coordination of child education with the environment and village
crafts. CABE submitted a comprehensive report proposing post -war
educational development scheme in 1944. It is also known as Sargent
Report. It proposed universal, compuls ory, free education for all between
6years to 14years. The Sargent Committee planned an effective all round
education preparing pupils for their future role. It recommended initiating
variety of courses at the completion of middle stage, that is, after 11 years
of age. It proposed two types of high schools, technical and academic and
increased the duration of high school course to 6 years, beginning at 11
years of age.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the recommendation made by Sargent Committee?
7.3SUMMARY
There was also a group of British officials who were dismayed at
the degeneration of Indian society. Initially British approached education
reluctantly and apathetic way. They lacked any formal educational policy
forIndian people. However some British enthusiastic due to their
admiration for traditional Indian culture undertook the first initiative.
There was some politico -administrative motive also. Governor General
Warren Hastings, a passionate admirer of Indo -Persian culture, found the
Calcutta Madrassa in 1781.English education opened the door of West to
East rendering great impact in communicating social and political ideas.
Missionaries, utilitarian and some devoted Indians worked hard in
spreading education. English education became p opular and demanded in
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1117.4QUESTIONS
1)Explain Education in the Pre -Colonial Period in India.
2)Enumerate the British initiatives in the modern educational policy in
India.
7.5REFERENCE
1)Grover B.L. and Grover S., A New Look At Modern Indian History ,S .
Chand, Delhi, 2001.
2)A. R. Desai, Social Background of Indian nationalism, Popular
Prakashan, Mumbai, 2005.
3)Bipin Chandra, History of Modern India, orient Blackswan, 2009.
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112Module -III
Unit -8
DEINDUSTRIALIZATION AND
COMMERCIALIZATION OF
AGRICULTURE
Unit Structure :
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Deindustrialization of the Indian Industries
8.3 Causes of the Decline of Native Industries
8.4 Impact of Deindustrialization
8.5 Commercialization of Agriculture
8.6 Causes of the Commercialization of Agriculture
8.7 Impact of the Commercialization o n Agriculture
8.8 Commercial Crops
8.9 Summary
8.10 Questions
8.11 Reference
8.0OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this unit the student will be able to
• Explain the concept of deindustrialization.
• Grasp the various impact of deindustrialization
• Comprehend the policy of commercialization of agriculture
• Understand the impact of commercialization on the agriculture
8.1INTRODUCTION
The British rule had a drastic impact on Indian economy. The
commercialization of agricult ure, excessive land revenue demands, growth
of Zamindar class (landlords), rising indebtness and the impoverishment
of the cultivators made the Indian economy stagnant. British rule
considerably affected the political, socio and economic structure of India .
The various economic policies adopted by them resulted in poverty and
misery of the masses. The British followed a policy of the extinction of the
self-sufficient village economy in India. The earlier leadership was keen
on the growing economic problems of the peasants under the British
authority. The earlier Indian leaders were ardent to show the economic
exploitation of the cultivators and workers due to the British imperialism.munotes.in

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1138.2DEINDUSTRIALIZATION OF THE INDIAN
INDUSTRIES
The early decades of the nineteenth -century witnessed a heavy
decline in the production and export of Indian industrial products. H. H.
Wilson points out that British employed the arm of political injustice to
keep down and ultimately a strange competitor which he could not co uld
not have contended on equal terms. B. D. Basu mention the list of
measures adopted by the British authority to ruin Indian industries for
their benefit -1) Imposing heavy duty on Indian manufactures in England
2) The export of raw material from India 3 ) Offering special privileges to
British in India 4) Compelling Indian artisans to reveal their trade secrets.
Dr. D.R. Gadgil mentions three principal causes which operated in the first
half of the 19thcentury in bringing the rapid deindustrialization in India
with the special reference of the decline of craft industry -The
disappearance of native ruling power, the establishment of an alien rule
and the competition of a more developed machinery .
The policies adopted by the Government were very harmful for
indigenous industries. For example,, British goods were allowed to come
to India without any duty or barrier. On the other, hand Indian exports of
manufactured goods had to pay heavy customs duti es. Many such
instances of the British policy can be quoted. The simple consequence of
this policy was that Indian industries suffered. Ultimately many of them
closed down. Industrial Revolution was booming in England and other
western countries. However, simultaneously ly in rich India industries
began to decline. In other words process of ‘deindustrialization’ of India
began. The industrial labour was rendered unemployed. It increased the
pressure on land. Land was divided and subdivided into smallholding s.
Agricultural productivity fell down and agriculture thus became a
backward industry. Before the British rule India had a well -organized
industry. With the arrival of the British, Indian industry began to decline.
The process of decline began as early as the end of 18th century. It
became very steep towards the middle of 19th century.
Check your Progress :
1)What is the concept of Deindustrialization?
8.3CAUSES OF THE DECLINE OF NATIVE
INDUSTRIES
1)There was a sudden collapse of the urban handicraft industry. It was
caused by cheaper imported goods and British imperialist policy. Themunotes.in

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114Indian artisans and craftsmen were patronized by the native ruling states.
Organized industry in India produced chiefl y luxury and semi luxury
articles. Nobles generally purchased these. With the establishment of
British rule in India, native rulers began to disappear. In the process of the
expansion of the British rule in India, these native states were annexed to
the Br itish Empire. Hence the artisan lost the patronage earlier they
received. Their courtiers and officials became jobless. Their disappearance
meant the closure of the main source of demand for the products of these
industries. The craft industry lost its cus tomers for their commodities like
jewelry, utensils and many others. The artisans became jobless due to the
lack of demands for their production. They turned to the cultivation.
2)The British commercial policy ruined the artisans and craftsmen. The
British pressurizes farmers in India to take cash crops needed to their
industries. Hence the native craftsmen and artisans could not get raw
material for their industry. The British used many techniques to destroy
native industry. They bring pressure on many a rtisans to stop their work.
The small -scale industry of India was the pillar of its foreign trade and
prosperity. As soon as the Company established its political supremacy in
Bengal, it began to exploit the artisans of cotton and silk cloth. As a result,
the cloth trade did not remain a source of profit for the artisans and the
cloth industry of Bengal disintegrated. This kind of exploitative measures
were adopted British for their own benefit at the cost of native industry.
3)The British witnessed the growth of industries with modern technology
in the eighteenth century. This industrial revolution required raw material
for production and marked for finished goods. England utilized the raw
material from India for the industries and sold the manufactured goods in
India. England imposed a heavy duty on the goods to be exported from
India. It patronized the British industry. On the other hand, the
government of India imposed a minimum duty on the goods imported into
India so that these could be sold in the Indian market easily. The industrial
production was superior an in quality and cheaper as the British levied less
tax on it. This made Indian product costlier hence they began to lose
market share fast. Thus, it affected the Indian trade and industry from both
sides and resulted in the ruin of trade and industry.
4)The British rule affected handicrafts in another way also. Urban
artisans and craftsmen were organized in the form of guilds. The guilds
supervised the quality of the products. They also regul ated the trade. With
the entry of British traders, these guilds lost their power. As soon as
supervising bodies were removed, many evils began to appear. These
were, for example, the adulteration of materials, shady and poor
workmanship etc. This at once l ed to a decline in the artistic and
commercial value of the goods produced.
5)The competition from the European manufacturers was responsible for
the decline of the local industry. The construction of roads and railways
made it possible to distribute the goods to every corner of the country. Themunotes.in

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115opening of the Suez Canal reduced the distance between England and
India. English goods in large quantities were sent for sale in India. Among
these goods textiles were the most important item. The quality of thes e
clothes was poor as compared to Indian clothes. However, they were
cheap. They were within the reach even of the poor man. Hence, these
imported clothes and other machine made goods came to be demanded in
large quantities. Local handicraft lost their dem and.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the important cause to decline the native industries?
8.4IMPACT OF DEINDUSTRIALIZATION
The vast amount of resources and capital which flowed from India
into England naturally enabled the people of England to live a better
standard of life. The drain also made possible rising investments in
English agriculture and industry after 1750. These i nvestments were partly
responsible for the agricultural revolution in England in the eighteenth
century and also industrial revolution which commenced after 1750. Karl
Marx, has cited the impact of the deindustrialization process. According to
him, it was the British rulers who broke up the Indian handloom and
textile handicrafts. England broken the cotton industry in India and then
introduced its cotton product manufactured in England. This was caused
by the disappearance of native rulers who patronized h andicrafts, the
establishment of alien rule and the competition of highly developed
technology from of machine industry.
1) The migration of the people from the old towns to the new trading
centers was the most important impact of the British rule in Ind ia. These
trading centers were situated in the cities. Thus many new cities
developed. However, at the same time, many important towns began to
decay. Among these important towns were Mirzapur. Murshidabad,
Malda, Santipore, Tanjore, Amritsar, Dacca etc. A mong the important
cities that developed were Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Bangalore,
Nagpur Karpura and Karachi, Lahore (now in Pakistan) Chittagong
(Bangladesh), Rangoon (Burma) etc. These cities grew in importance as
great commercial towns.
2) The decay of urban handicrafts following the disappearance of the royal
courts brought about a decrease in the population of the old Indian towns.
As the craftsmen lost their occupations, they turned to agriculture.munotes.in

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1163) Introduction of railways in India by t he Britishers opened up new means
of transportation. Some of the old towns were prosperous because they
were located on some important trade routes. For example,Mirzapur was
an important trading center because of its location on the River Ganga.
With the i ntroduction of railways, old routes and old means of
transportation lost their importance. Hence the old towns also began to
lose their significance.
4) The ruin of the Indian art and crafts industry greatly affected the
artisans and craftsmen in India. The unemployed artisans left with no
choice but to work in cultivation. The agricultural sector was exhausted
already due to the British commercial policy towards it. It was not capable
enough to accommodate the artisans it. The hidden unemployment
increas ed due to this.
5) Most of the old towns had become stagnant. These were vulnerable to
diseases. Recurrent eruption of epidemics 1ike plague and cholera was a
common feature. Such epidemics took a heavy toll of the urban
population. These, therefore, als o drove a large population from the urban
areas. In this way, many old towns lost their importance. However,
simultaneously commerce and trade encouraged the growth of new cities.
6) Modern India witnessed the growth of large scale industries
The machine age in India began when cotton textile, jute and coal
mining industries were started in the 1850s. Most of the modern industries
were owned or controlled by the British capitalist class. Foreign investors
were attracted to Indian industry by the high profi t. Labour were cheaper,
raw material was easily available, India and neighbor countries were ready
market for them. The colonial government was willing to provide
investors necessary help. The textile industry laid down the foundation of
the industrializat ion of the country. According to Jawaharlal Nehru ,“ T h e
history of cotton and of textiles is not only the history ofthe growth of the
modern industry in India but in a sense, it might be considered the history
of India”. Mumbai (known as Bombay at that t ime) became the center of
the textile industry. The mid -nineteenth century marked the emergence of
textile industry in Mumbai. The nineteenth -century witnessed the growth
of plantation industries such as indigo, tea and coffee. These industries
were owned by European. Indigo was used as a dye in textile manufacture.
Indigo planters oppressed the peasants. The invention of synthetic dye
proved to big blow to this industry. The tea industry developed in Assam,
Bengal and south India after 1950. It was also f oreign -owned. The British
government gave it all the necessary impetus. The plantation industry had
not served the purpose of development for Indian people. The profit out of
these industries went to England. Around 1920 the pressure of the rising
national ist movement and the Indian capitalist class, the government of
India granted favourable incentives to the Indian industries. However
Indian owned industries like cement, iron and steel were denied protection
or given inadequate protection. On the other ha nd, foreign industries were
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117Check your Progress :
1)How commerce and Trade encarraged the growth of new cities?
8.5 COMMERCIALIZATION OF AGRICULTURE
Introduction of new land re venue policy and commercialization of
agricultural remained the chief features of the British policy towards the
agricultural sector in India. The British policy of commercialization was
followed by the need of British industries and trades. It had no conc ern
with Indian peasants. The various economic policies followed by the
British led to the rapid transformation of India's economy into a colonial
economy whose nature and structure was determined by needs of the
British economy. One important aspect of Br itish economic policy was the
commercialization of agriculture. The commercialization of agriculture
means that the crops and goods are produced by the peasants for sale in
the market and not for their own consumption. Commercialization of
agriculture in I ndia began during British rule. The commercialization of
Indian Agriculture took place not to feed the industries of India as India
was far behind in industrial development as compared to Britain, France,
and many other European countries of the eighteenth century.
The commercialization of agriculture had many results. It was
beneficial to the British planters, traders and manufacturers, who were
provided with the opportunity to make huge profits by getting the raw
material products at a ch eaper rate. The commercialization of Indian
agriculture also partly benefited Indian traders and money lenders who
made huge fortunes by working as middlemen for the British.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the structure of commercialization of agricul ture in India?
8.6CAUSES OF THE COMMERCIALIZATION OF
AGRICULTURE
1) The land revenue systems initiated by the British demanded rev enue in
cash instead of kind. The farmers could not get enough money from the
production of traditional crops like food grains. To pay taxes, in cash itmunotes.in

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118became obligatory for them to cultivate cash crop and get money to pay
the higher taxes.
2) The com mercialization of agriculture was inevitable because of the
British industrial policy in India. The agricultural products were used by
Indian for livelihood. The food grain were composed the main part of
agricultural production. The Indian small scale indu stries utilized
agricultural raw material but their usage was limited. The agricultural
production was dominated by eatables. The British wanted to utilize
Indian agricultural products for their industries. Hence, it became the key
factor for the commercia lization of agriculture. The new crops as cotton,
tobacco, indigo and tea cultivated as these crops were essential for their
industries.
3) The infrastructural developments like railways, shipbuilding and roads
led to favourable environment for business es. Many employment
opportunities became available because of this. Many people lost their
traditional work of cultivation due to the British policy of new land
settlements. Those who still engaged into cultivation tried to get
commercial crops to sell it to the market as it was more in demand.
4) The British tried to create a wealthy class in India which could help
them or remain loyal them in difficult time. They created landlord or
Zamindar class in Bengal and moneylenders in western India. These rich
sawkars started offering loans to the farmers for cash crop. The traditional
crop did not need big amount but the cash crop needed investment.
5) Another boosting factor for the commercialization of agriculture in
India was the gaining of speed of Indus trial Revolution in England. This
led to factor in commercialization as more and more agricultural goods
were produced to satisfy the demand for raw materials by the British
industries. The enlargement and expansion of international trade and the
entry of British finance capital also belted commercialization of
agriculture.
6) The world events like opening of Suez Canal and the American civil
war also speeded the commercialization of the agricultural. Due to the
civil war in America, the cotton demand in I ndia increased around 1850.
The farmers tried to encash this opportunity. Many farmers cultivated
cotton instead of food grains as the civil war disrupted the supplies of
cotton from America and thereby increased demand for Indian cotton.
Further, the Brit ish policy of one -way free trade also acted as sufficient
encouraging factor for the commercialization as the manufactured items in
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1198.7IMPACT OF THE COMMERCIALIZATION ON
AGRICULTURE
1) The growing commercialization helped the money lenders to exploit the
cultivator. The peasant was forced to sell his produce just after the harvest
and at whatever price he could get as he had to meet in time the demands
of the government, the landlord and the money -lender.
2) High revenue demands led to the devastation of the Indian agricultures
as it led to poverty and the deterioration of agriculture in the 19th century.
It forced the peasant to fall into the clutches of the money -lender. As a
resul t the moneylenders provided them money and made huge profit. It the
poor farmers fail to repay the loans the land was confiscated. The
commercialization proved beneficial only to the British industrialists,
trades and moneylenders. The Indian people were r uthlessly exploited in
this. Because of the reduction in cultivation area the prices of food grains
increased, It also became chief cause of the famines.
3) A commercialization of agriculture was one of the cause of famines in
India. The famines occurred in Uttar Pradesh in 1860 -61 and cost more
than 2 lakh lives. In 1865 -66 famines near twenty lack people died in
Orissa, Bengal and Bihar. The worst famine occurred in 1876 -77 in
Madras, Mysore, Hyderabad and western Uttar Pradesh where many
people died. Ac cording to Bipin Chandra, these famines were not natural.
They were man made. The natural resources of India ruthlessly exploited.
The growing population could not get enough food to sustain as a result of
commercialization of the agricultural.
4) India n money lenders advanced Cash advances to the farmers to
cultivate the commercial crops and if the peasants failed to pay him back
in time, the land of peasants came under ownership of moneylenders. The
misery was further enhanced became the population of India was
increasing every year, fragmentation of land was taking place because of
the increasing pressure on land and modern techniques of agricultural
production were not introduced in India. The poor peasant was forced to
sell his produce just after ha rvest at whatever prices he could get as he had
to meet in time the demands of the government, the landlord, the money
lender and his family members' requirements. This placed him at the
money of the grain merchant, who was in a position to dictate terms a nd
who purchased his produced at much less than the market price. Thus, a
large share of the benefit of the growing trade in agricultural products was
reaped by the merchant, who was very often also the village money lender .
5) It affected adversely the poor people of India; it became difficult for
them to get sufficient food. The net result of the commercialization of
Indian agriculture was that most of Indian farmers failed to produce even
that much food crops which could provide them even two meals a day.
Most importantly the life of the Indian peasant was tied to the highlymunotes.in

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120fluctuating national and international market. He was no longer a deciding
factor in agricultural practices. Further, by making agricultural land a
tradable commodity, the peasant lost his security feeling. High land
revenue demand forced him to take loan from the money lender at high
interest rates. Failure to pay debt in time meant loss of land to the money
lender at high interest rates. It led to land alienation and increase in t he
number of agricultural labourers whose conditions especially in plantation
industry was pathetic.
6) Most of the Indian people suffered miserably due to the British policy
of commercialization of Indian agriculture. It resulted in reduced area
under cu ltivation of food crops. The net result of this change was that
Indian failed to produce that much food crops which could provide two
time meals to its population. The commercialization of agriculture was a
new phenomenon in Indian agriculture scene introd uced by the British.
The worst effect of commercialization was the oppression of Indian
peasants at hands of European. This found expression in the famous
Indigo revolt in 1859. Moreover, commercialization of Indian agriculture
got manifested in series of famines which took a heavy toll of life.
Check your Progress :
1)What the impact of commercialization of agriculture in India?
8.8COMMERCIAL CROPS
The commercialization of India agriculture was initiated in India
by the British through their direct and indirect policies and activities. A
several efforts were made to increase the production of cotton in India to
provide raw and good quality cotton to the cotton -textile industries of
Britain which were growing fast after the Industrial Revolution in Britain.
Therefore, cotton growing area increase in India and its production
increased manifold with gradual lapse of time. Indigo and more than that,
tea and coffee plantation were encouraged in India because these could get
commercial market abroad. Most of the plantations for commercial crops
were controlled by the English.
Jute was another product that received the attention of the English
company beca use the jute made products got a ready market in America
and Europe. Moreover, crops like cotton, jute, sugarcane, ground nuts,
tobacco etc. which had a high demand in the market were increasingly
cultivated. The beginning of the plantation crops like Tea, coffee, rubber,
indigo etc heralded a new era in agricultural practices in India. These were
essentially meant for markets and thus commercialization of agriculture
took to new heights with the expansion of British rule.munotes.in

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1218.9SUMMARY
The drain of wealth from India to England led to the
industrialization of England and deindustrialization of India. The Indian
artisans and craftsmen were patronized by the native ruling states.
Organized industry in India produced chiefly luxury and semi -luxury
articles. No bles generally purchased these. With the establishment of
British rule in India, native rulers began to disappear. In the process of the
expansion of the British rule in India, these native states were annexed to
the British Empire.
8.10QUESTIONS
1)What factors were responsible for the deindustrialization in India
during British rule
2)Trace the growth of large scale industries in Indian under British rule.
3)Account for the decline of urban handicraft under the British rule.
4)Make assessment of the per manent settlements system of land revenue.
5)Examine the causes and the effects of commercialization of
Agriculture in India
8.11REFERENCES
1) R.C Dutt, The Economic history of India Under early British Rule, and
Economic History of India in the Victo rian Age, Delhi, 1960.
2) BipinChandra , the Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India
New Delhi, 1984.
3) B.N. Ganguli, Indian Economic Thought -Nineteenth Century
Perspectives, New Delhi 1977. 4) Dadabhai Nauraoji, Poverty and Un -
British Rule in India, London, swan sonnenschein & co., 1901.
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122Unit -9
TRANSPORT, INDUSTRY,
URBANIZATION AND AGRARIAN
CHANGES
Unit Structure :
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Transport: Shipping
9.3 Industry in Modern India
9.4 Urbanization
9.5 Agrarian Changes
9.6 Summary
9.7 Questions
9.8 Reference
9.0OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this unit the student will be able to
Comprehend the development of transport in modern India.
Grasp the growth of industry and urbanization
Understand the important agrarian changes
Realize the process of industrial development and urbanization
9.1INTRODUCTION
The wind of change began to bl ow in India when the new rulers
began to introduce new techniques and sophisticated means of transport
and communication. England had reveled in the new confidence when
Industrial Revolution began in England in the middle of the 18th century.
England had e merged victorious from the Napoleonic wars in Europe and
had become the undisputed “mistress of the seas”. England began to
stabilize her position after defeating Napoleon and a treaty with her old
colonies in America that is the U.S.A. The Steamship, rail ways and postal
services made great strides in the home country along with the expansion
of industrial products. Consequently, the new rulers started sharing some
of the benefits of their inventions, discoveries and new techniques with
their subjects in In dia, always keeping in view the prospects of
commercial profits and consolidation of their political power.munotes.in

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1239.2TRANSPORT: SHIPPING
English and American inventors and engineers had successfully
harnessed steam power to propel ships and carriages. Steam -boats and
locomotives had become a reality in Europe and America by the end of the
first quarter of the nineteenth century. Navigation was in a primitive stage
in India. However, the ship “Trimali’ built by Wadia brothers In Bombay
Mumbai (known as Bombay a t that time)in 1817 had clearly demonstrated
what the Indians could accomplish even with the old techniques.
Incidentally, this is the only ship preserved by the British Government in
the naval dockyards at Portsmouth (England) as the artifact of nineteent h
century craftsmanship. It used to take time for a vessel or a ship with sails
from London to Bombay. In 1828 the first steam -ship arrived in Bombay
Port. Earl of Clare, Governor of Bombay was the first governor to arrive
in Bombay by a steam -ship in 1831 . It became convenient for the British
rulers to establish speedy contacts with Eden and other middle -eastern
ports because of steam -ships. Bombay acquired a pre -eminent position not
only in the Western Coast but also became a great midpoint of trade and
commerce after the introduction of steam -ships.
Road Transport
A network of road transport and maintenance of roads in good
repair was absolutely necessary for movement of troops, military goods
and wheeled carriages. The Deccan plateau posed many difficul ties in
linking the cities and important towns with Bombay, the headquarters of
the Presidency the Sahyadri Mountain stood as a great barrier between the
Konkan and the mainland of Maharashtra.
In 1824 the commissioner of the Bombay Deccan called for the
opinion of the collector of Ahmednagar regarding the opening of Thal or
PimpriGhat for road transport. The Commissioner of Pune was also
interested in the building of a new road from Kalyan to the ThalGhat and
also showed keen interest in the construction of roads in the vicinity of
Dhulia. More than twenty -passes in the Sahyadri could be used to connect
Konkan with the rest of Maharashtra by construction of roadways.
Important passes in the Ghats are Par, Malsej, Diva, Ramghat, Nana, Thal,
Bor and Balaghat . The Commissioner of Pune was more interested in the
Thal and Bor Ghats for vehicular traffic.
The repairs and maintenance of the existing roads was also
important. The roads in the rainy season with big pot -holes were of little
use. The mending of roads , metalled roads with the use of tar which had
been in vogue in Europe was a far cry. The Bombay Government however
could do very little to improve the condition. The military insisted on
quick supply of goods for its use and also demanded services of men to
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124Railway
In the home country of the British rulers steam -propelled ‘Rocket’
had made a successful run in 1 830. Inthe period of the next ten years about
800 mile -long rail -roads were built in England. The railway service
became a reality in England. Most of the European countries followed
England’s example. The business community in Bombay was enthusiastic
forsuch a revolutionary transport. However, the British Government was
not enthusiastic about it. The Government thought in terms of profit and
loss. They also hesitated to make heavy investments in this adventure. In
1840 Jagannath Shankar Sheth and other bu sinessmen seriously mobilized
public opinion and opened talks with some British industrialists. They
formulated plans and brought pressure on the Bombay Government to start
a Railway Company as a speedy movement of goods and passengers by
railway trains wo uld be of immense help to the people of India and also to
the East India Company’s Government. In 1843 “Great Eastern Railway
Company was established in Bombay. Among the promoters the
outstanding businessmen were Nana Shankar Sheth and Jamshetji
Jeejibhoy .
The demand for railway in India took a concrete shape when
Erskine Perry the Chief Justice of the Company’s Supreme Court assumed
leadership in presenting a memorandum to the Government of the East
India Company on July 13, 1844. This attracted the atte ntion of British
investors and statesmen. The investors wanted to utilize huge amounts that
were lying idle with them and the British statesmen wanted to use rail -
roads to fortify the expanding Empire in India. English capitalists
established ‘Great Indian Peninsular Railway’ incorporated in England.
They brought pressure on the hesitating Directors of the East India
Company, the rulers of India and secured their assent for starting such a
venture. The Government granted permission to construct rail -road fr om
Bombay to Kalyan a distance of 57 km (35 miles) in July 1848. The actual
construction work started on October 31, 1850.
As no Indian contractor could undertake such a big work the
famous Fabil and Fowler Company of England took up the work. The rail -
road between Bombay and Thane was completed on August 16, 1853
under the able supervision of the famous engineer James Berkeley. The
section between Thane and Kalyan was completed on May 1, 1854. G.D.
Madgaonkar has given the details of the historic journey of Lord
Elphinstone (nephew of Mountstuart Elphinstone) the Governor of
Bombay with officials, businessmen and prominent citizens.
Later on, plans for linking Pune with Bombay by rail -road was
undertaken. As already stated linking the ‘Konk an’ with the ‘Desh areas
even by roads was a formidable task; to construct railroad by cutting many
tunnels was a stupendous performance. The challenge of the BorGhat was
ably met by English engineers, technicians with full co -operation from
Indian laboure rs. The first railway train from Bombay arrived at Pune on
March 23, 1864. A new era in transport and communication began. Themunotes.in

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125volume of trade and commerce between Bombay and Pune increased
tremendously. Before the construction of railway, the movement of goods
was slow. Pune was then regarded as a big “P lace” for loading and
unloading of goods from Ahmadnagar and Satara. The rail link between
Bombay and Pune changed the whole Scenario. In the beginning doubts
were expressed by the business community in Pun e that their interest
would be ruined by such a trade link. They were proved wrong. In a matter
of few years, Pune and neighbouring cities and towns began to make a
roaring business thanks to the quicker movement of goods.
Check your Progress :
1)How tra de and commerce between Bombay and Rome?
9.3INDUSTRY IN MODERN INDIA
The British rulers constructed roads, railways, post offices,
irrigation works, banking, insurance for keeping their hold on India. Yet it
paved the way for industrializatio n in modern India. An important
development in the second half of the nineteenth century was the
establishment of large scale machine base industries in India. The machine
age in India began when cotton textile, jute and coal mining industries
were started in the 1850s. Most of the modern industries were owned or
controlled by the British capitalist class. Foreign investors were attracted
to the Indian industry by the high profit. Labours were cheaper, raw
material was easily available, India and neighbor c ountries were a ready
market for them. The colonial government was willing to provide
investors necessary help.
Textile Mills
The textile industry laid down the foundation of the
industrialization of the country. According to Jawaharlal Nehru , “The
history of cotton and of textiles is not only the history of growth of the
modern industry in India but in a sense, it might be considered the history
of India”. Bombay became the center of the textile industry. The mid -
nineteenth century marked the emergence of textile industry in Mumbai.
The textile industry influenced every aspect of life in Mumbai, its
migrations, social relation, housing, municipal administration and above
all its economy making Mumbai the commercial capital of the country.
According to R. Chandavarkar, in 1914, “Mumbai received over 87
percent of the value of Indian capital investment which accounted for
nearly half the total value of private industrial investment centered in the
city.” Mumbai had become the bastion of not onl y Indian Capital but also
provided employment to lakhs of people in the textile mills and relatedmunotes.in

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126industries. In the textile industry alone there were 153,000 workers. By
1931 according to an estimate, half the population must have been
economically relian t on this industry alone. Textile mills flourished in
Mumbai even after independence. From 1947 to 1960, Mumbai witnessed
the growth of cotton production due to textile mills.
Rise of Cotton Mills
“Bombay Spinning and Weaving Company” was the first mil l
founded in 1854 with the help of 50 leading businessmen in the city. By
1862 four mills were added and this number grew in course of time. “The
Oriental Spinning and Weaving Company”, floated in 1855 under the
leadership of M. N. Petit, BeramjiJijibhai, Varjivandas Madhavdas, E.
Sassoon and two Europeans, started functioning in 1858. M. N. Petit's
entry into the mill industry marked the transition of his family from trade
to industry.
Besides the men of amazing commercial career mentioned above,
the oth er pioneers of industry in Bombay included, Dinshaw Petit, Nusser -
wanji Petit, BomaiyiWadia, DharamseyPunjabhai, David Sassoon,
Merwanji Pandey, KhatauMakanji, TapidasVarajdas, James Greaves,
George Cotton, MorarjiGokuldas, MancherjiBanaji, MuljiJetha,
ThackerseyMoolji, Jamshetji Tata and many more. MorarjiGokuldas
established a mill that bears his name even today, in 1870.
ThackerseyMoolji floated the ‘Hindustan Spinning and Weaving
Company’ in 1873. This was followed by the mills of David Sassoon in
1874 and of KhatauMakanji in 1875. In 1875, the Mumbai mills employed
almost 2,50,000 workers in more than 52 mills. The progress of the
industry was particularly rapid from 1875 to 1885. The Greaves Cotton
and Company and the firms of D. M. Petit and the Thack ersey family
expanded their textile ventures by establishing many new mills. The
number of mills in the city increased to 70 in 1895. By the end of the 19th
Century Mumbai had become, with its over eighty textile mills, India’s
largest textile center. It w as the largest employer of workers.
World War I brought wealth to Mumbai by the opening up of
Africa and West Asian markets, which all till then had depended on
German textiles and manufactures. The raw cotton exports fetched another
eight crores. In 191 9, the textile industry alone accounted for a huge profit
of nineteen crore rupees in addition to the large profits that accrued due to
the heavy increase in import and export trade. At the time of World War I
British Empire received generous support from Mumbai. Mumbai so far
known as the textile capital of India began to turn into an industrial city. In
1919, as soon as the British government removed the ban on starting
Indian companies nearly 208 old partnership companies were converted
into Limited Comp anies, and within two years 272 new companies were
registered.
The textile industry regained its 1927 level of production in 1937,
the year when the Congress formed its first ministry in Mumbai under themunotes.in

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127provisions of Provincial Autonomy. Import and expo rt trade rose and the
Mumbai Port Trust showed a surplus of 24 lakhs of rupees in 1937.
During the Second World War, textile mills of Bombay witnessed
unprecedented growth which further led to the growth of island city. It
provided employment opportunitie s to thousands of village men,
especially from Konkan. Number of other industries was also established
related with textiles industry. By the end of the Second World War,
Mumbai was truly emerging as the industrial center of India with 477
metal industries , 210 printing presses, 75 chemical and 94 other industries,
while there were still 184 textile mills in operation.
British industrialist enjoyed close connection with the British
suppliers of machinery, marketing agencies and government officials. The
government also followed a conscious policy of favouring them.
Plantation industry
The nineteenth -century witnessed the growth of plantation industry
such as indigo, tea and coffee. These industries were owned by Europeans.
Indigo was used as dye in texti le manufacture. Indigo planters oppressed
the peasants. The invention of synthetic dye proved to big blow to this
industry. The tea industry developed in Assam, Bengal and south India
after 1950. It was also foreign -owned. The British government gave it a ll
necessary impetus. The plantation industry had not served the purpose of
development for Indian people. The profit out of these industries went to
England. Most of the technical staff was foreign. Only unskilled jobs were
given to the Indian.
Steel an d Iron Industry
Tata worked in his father's company until he was 29. He founded a
trading company in 1868. He bought a bankrupt oil mill at Chinchpokli in
1869 and converted it to a cotton Mill, which he renamed Alexandra Mill .
He sold the mill two years l ater for a profit. He established Tata iron and
Steel Company in 1907 at Sakchi.
Around 1920 the pressure of the rising nationalist movement and
the Indian capitalist class, the government of India granted favourable
incentives to the Indian industries. However Indian owned industries like
cement, iron and steel were denied protection or given inadequate
protection. On the other hand, foreign industries were given desired
incentives and protection.
Check your Progress :
1)Which industry in colonial India was given desired incentives and
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1289.4URBANIZATION
By the middle of the nineteenth century these settlements had
become big cities from where the new rulers controlled the country.
Institutio ns wereset up to regulate economic activity and demonstrate the
authority of the new rulers. Indians experienced political domination in
new ways in these cities. The layouts of Madras, Bombay and Calcutta
were quite different from older Indian towns, and the buildings that were
built in these cities bore the marks of their colonial origin.
Madras, Bombay and Calcutta were the Anglicizednames of
villages where the British first set up trading posts. They are now known
as Chennai, Mumbai andKolkata respect ively. From the mid -eighteenth
century, there was a new phase of change. Commercial centers such as
Surat,Masulipatnam and Dhaka, which had grown in the seventeenth
century, declined when trade shifted to other places. As the British
gradually acquired pol itical control after the Battle of Plessey in 1757,and
the trade of the English East India Company expanded, colonial port cities
such as Madras, Calcutta and Bombay rapidly emerged as the new
economic capitals. They also became centers of colonial adminis tration
and political power. New buildings and institutions developed, and urban
spaces were ordered in new ways. New occupations developed and people
flocked to these colonial cities. By about 1800, they were the biggest cities
in India in terms of popula tion.
By the eighteenth century Madras, Calcutta and Mumbai had
become important ports. These settlements that came up here were
convenient points for collecting goods. The English East India Company
built its factories there and because of competition among the European
companies, fortified these settlements for protection. In Madras, Fort St
George, in Calcutta Fort William and in Bombay the Fort marked out the
areas of British settlement. Indian merchants, artisans and other workers
who had economic dealings with European merchants lived outside these
forts in settlements of their own. Thus, from the beginning, there were
separate quarters for Europeans and Indians, which came to belabelled in
contemporary writings as the “White Town” and “Black Town”
respectively. Once the British captured political power these racial
distinctions became sharper. From the mid -ninetee nth century the
expanding network of railways linked these cities to the rest of the
country. As a result the hinterland –the countryside from where raw
materials and labour were drawn –became more closely linked to these
portcities. Since raw material w as transported to these cities for export and
there was plentiful cheap labouravailable, it was convenient to set up
modern factories there. After the 1850s, cotton mills were set up by Indian
merchants and entrepreneurs in Bombay, and European -owned jute mills
were established on the outskirts of Calcutta. This was the beginning of
modern industrial development in India. Although Calcutta, Bombay and
Madras supplied raw materials for industry in England, and had emerged
because of modern economic forces li ke capitalism, their economies weremunotes.in

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129not primarily based on factory production. The majority of the working
population in these cities belonged to what economists classify as the
tertiary sector. There were only two proper “industrial cities”: Kanpur,
speci alizingin leather, woolen and cotton textiles, and Jamshedpur,
specializing in steel. India never became a modern industrialized country,
since discriminatory colonial policies limited the levels of industrial
development. Calcutta, Bombay and Madras grew into large cities, but this
did not signify any dramatic economic growth for colonial India as a
whole.
Check your Progress :
1)Which two industrial cities was set up during colonial rule in India?
9.5AGRARIAN CHANGES
The introduction of new land revenue policy and
commercialization of the agricultural remained the chief features of the
British policy towards the agricultural sector in India. The British policy
of commercialization was followed by the need of British industries and
trades. It had no concern with Indian peasants. The various economic
policies followed by the British led to the rapid transformation of India's
economy into a colonial economy whose nature and structure were
determined by needs of the British economy. One important aspect of
British economic policy was the commercialization of agriculture. The
commercialization of agriculture means that the agricultural crops and
goods are produced by the peasants for sale in the market and not for their
own consumption. Commerciali zation of agriculture in India began during
British rule. The commercialization of Indian Agriculture took place not to
feed the industries of India as India was far behind in industrial
development as compared to Britain, France, and many other European
countries of the eighteenth century.
The commercialization of agriculture had many results. It was
beneficial to the British planters, traders and manufacturers, who were
provided with the opportunity to make huge profits by getting the raw
material prod ucts at cheaper rate. The commercialization of Indian
agriculture also partly benefited Indian traders and money lenders who
made huge fortunes by working as middlemen for the British.
The specific results of commercialization are bound up with the
struc ture of land relations consolidated by British revenue and tenancy
policies. The evolution of the zamindari and raiyatwari systems falls
outside the scope of the present volume; here we need only note a few
long-term trends. British agrarian policies were moulded basically by amunotes.in

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130combination (in changing and sometimes conflicting proportions) of greed
for more revenues (producing recurrent tendencies towards over
assessment) and desire to encourage certain types of agricultural
production for export; while th e need to win or retain political allies,
administrative convenience, and changing ideological assumptions also
played a certain role at times. A recurrent pattern of reversal of intentions
is clearly noticeable. Thus the belief of the makers of the Perman ent
Settlement that 'the magic touch of property ... would set a certain
productive principle in operation' was never realized, as Bengalzamindars
never developed into improving landlords of the eighteenth -century
British type. Left virtually free to extor t as much rent as they liked while
revenue remained perpetually fixed (and therefore became progressively
less of a burden despite initial problems of over -assessment), they
naturally preferred feudal and usurious exploitation to risky investments in
capit alist farming. Enhancement of rent was easy. The Bengali zamindars
and tenure -holders were being hit hard by rising prices, diminishing
employment opportunities in government services or professions, and
some restrictions on rent -enhancement. But their lan ded income remained
parasitic in nature. This helped to create a curious amalgam of radicalism
and social inhibitions which we shall see to be basic for the understanding
of nationalism in Bengal.
British policies after the 1850s di d occasionally try to administer
into existence a dass of enterprising rayats on the model of English
yeomen farmers. Once again the colonial situation led to a paradoxical
outcome. The privileged minority of occupancy rayats', given legal
protection in 18 59 and 1885 from arbitrary eviction or rent -enhancement,
seldom were, or remained. The actual cultivators, as the same pattern of
shifting the burden and risks to groups below them (under -tenants or
sharecroppers) soon asserted itself. Thus the direct prod ucer was too
oppressed to go in for improvements, while above him had developed a
hierarchy of renters with no need to go in for entrepreneurial risks and
consequently no capacity for innovation.
Raiyatwari tenants became a growing category whose woes wer e
enhanced by the fact they were unknown to and therefore unprotected by
the law. Recent detailed studies have revealed significant regional
variations here: Tanjore with its powerful raiyatwari Landholders
employing agricultural labourers; the less numero us and more scattered
tiny elite of rich peasants in the interior dry zone of Tamilnadu and
Rayalseema, dominating the mass of cultivators through usury and trade;
and the significantly different broad 'middle peasant' development of the
Andhra delta.
Plantations and mines, jute mills, banking, insurance, shipping and
export -import concerns -promoted through a system of interlocking
managing agency firms which usually combined financial, commercial
and industrial activities -alI undoubtedly implied significa nt innovations.
How far they contributed to the progress of India is quite another matter,munotes.in

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131since the tendency was at best towards creating capitalist enclaves under
foreign control which really inhibited the development of the rest of the
economy. 'Export of capital' takes on a rather special meaning in the
Indian context when we remember that in the 1870s, for instance, interest
payments abroad regularly exceeded annual capital inflows. Above alI,
some recent studies of regional variations have revealed ho wB r i t i s h
control over the decisive sec tors of the economy inhibited indigenous
capitalist growth throughout this period.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the main features of British Policy towards the agricultural
sector in India?
9.6SUMMARY
A network of road transport and maintenance of roads in good
repair was absolutely necessary for movement of troops, military goods
and wheeled carriage for the swift movement. The textile industry laid
down the foundation of the industrializati on of the country. The network
of roads and transportation let to the rise of urbanization in India. By the
middle of the nineteenth century these settlements had become big cities
from where the British controlled the country. The British policy of
commer cialization was followed in accordance with the need of British
industries and trades.
9.7QUESTIONS
1) Explain the development of transport system in modern India.
2) Narrate the growth of industry and urbanization
3) Explain the important agrarian changes
9.8REFERENCES
1) Grover B.L. and Grover S., A New Look At Modern Indian History ,S .
Chand, Delhi, 2001.
2) Sumit Sarkar, Modern India 1885 -1947, Palgrave Macmillan, 1989.
3) Bipin Chandra, India’s struggle for independence 1857 -1947, Penguin
Book.
munotes.in

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132Unit -10
DRAIN OF WEALTH
Unit Structure :
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Precursor of the Drain Theory
10.3 Drain Theory of Dadabhai Nauroji
10.4 External Drain
10.5 Internal Drain within India by the British Government
10.6 Effects of the Drain of Wealth
10.7 Summary
10.8 Questions
10.9 Reference
10.0OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this unit the student will be able to
Comprehend the Drain theory.
Grasp the internal and external drain of the Indian economy.
Explain the important consequence of the drain of Indian economy.
Realize the internal and external dr ain of wealth
10.1INTRODUCTION
The British exploited Indian resources to develop their trade and
industries at the cost of the Indian economy. It resulted in the exploitation
of the peasants and depletion of the resources. The land revenue
settlements introduced by them drained the wealth to England. There was
a sudden collapse of the urban handicrafts industry due to the cheaper
imported goods and British imperialistic measures towa rds the Indian craft
workers. The Indian artisans and craftsmen were patronized by the native
ruling states. Organized industry in India produced chiefly luxury and
semi-luxury articles. Nobles generally purchased these. With the
establishment of British r ule in India, native rulers began to disappear. In
the process of the expansion of British rule in India, these native states
were annexed to the British Empire. Hence the artisan lost the patronage
earlier they received. The British rule drastically affec ted the political -
socio -economic structure of India. The result of the various economic
policies adopted by them resulted in poverty and misery of the masses.
The British followed a policy of the extinction of the self -sufficient villagemunotes.in

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133economy in India. The constant flow of wealth from India to England for
which India did not get an adequate economic return became the chief
cause of growing poverty in India.
10.2PRECURSOR OF THE DRAIN THEORY
Bhaskar Pandurang Tarkhadkar (1816 -1847)
Bhaskar Tarkhadkarwas younger brother of Dadoba Pandurang
Trakhadkar. He was educated at the Elphinstone Institute like his brothers
Dadoba and Dr. Atmaram. He did not enter Company Government Service
but sought employment in the firm of Jamshetji Jeejibha i. His writings
revealed his analytical mind and an in -depth study of the subject he
discussed. He wrote eight articles in the Bombay Gazetteer from July to
October 1841. He exposed the ugly features of their political and
economic policies and trade pract ices.
The economic nationalism of a kind was evident through his
articles on the trading policy and practices of the company. He said the
worst feature of their trading policy was discrimination against Indian
goods and Indian traders. The rulers talk abo ut ‘Free Trade’ when it suited
their object. The imports into India from England are lightly taxed but the
Indian goods especially textiles are not allowed free movement into
England as heavy custom duties were imposed. Industrialized England did
not encou rage mechanization of means of production in India. The
company’s Government had ruined handicrafts in the villages and dumped
machine -made goods into India. Many cultivators had lost their lands and
craftsmen were thrown out of their jobs. The country was getting poorer
every day. Dadabhai Naoroji, later on, developed the ‘Drain Theory’.
While addressing a meeting of English elite in England in 1887;his subject
was ‘Englishman’s duties to lndia’. He referred to the groundwork that
some Bombay economists li ke Bhaskar Tarkhadkar had done which
became very useful for his Drain Theory.
Ramkrishna Vishwanath
He was a contemporary of Bhaskar Tarkhadkar. Ramkrishna
Vishwanath was forthright in his assessment of the economic policy of the
East India Company’s Gove rnment in India. He condemns the colonial
mentality of the British rulers. He cites the example of cotton purchases of
cheaper rate in India and the sale of cotton cloth in India at exorbitant
rates. He says the company purchases cotton at the rate of one anna for a
pound of cotton which was equal to 1.25 pence of England’s currency.
After manufacturing cotton cloth it sold it at a little more than Rs. 2/ -per
pound (The old one anna was equal to 1.25 pence, 12 pence make one
shilling and twenty shillings m ade one pound”). In weight, one pound is
equal to 0.454 kg. Thus in this example, a twenty paisa worth of cotton
could fetch Rs. 8/ -per kilogram of manufactured cloth from that cotton.munotes.in

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134In his monograph, he states that the prosperity of England depends
on the sale of goods manufactured in England. The ‘Industrial Revolution’
had given an advantage to England over other European countries.
England’s colonies are captive markets for its manufacture. The British
Government in India deliberately discourages i ndigenous industries. The
Company’s directors say Indian cotton had to be refined so that good cloth
could be manufactured. The textile mills in the U.S.A. are functioning
with the locally produced cotton and they do not send it to England for
refinement. The Company’s Government has placed so many restrictions
on the export of Indian goods. The Government imposes a heavy -duty on
Indian textiles which had a world market before the Company’s rule. The
same Company allowed imports from England without any dut y. The
market for British goods in India has ruined the Indian cottage industries
and handicrafts.
The Government, he says, has not only ruined the native
handicrafts by importing machine -made goods from England but has
violated the provisions of the Char ter Act of 1833. The Company has
entered into an illegal trade in salt and opium. He also criticized the
Government for discrimination of native in respect of recruitment to
Government service and administration of justice. A white man was paid
many times more salary than a native. He complained that the avenues for
promotion for natives were blocked. He says, in the past a clerk in the
Government service used to get Rs. 50/ -per month, now he gets Rs. 12/ -
per month. 50 At this rate he would get RS. 5/ -per month in the next few
years. On the contrary, the salaries of the white men are progressively
increasing. The Governor -General of the Company’s Government wasnot
satisfied with Rs. 40,000/ -as his salary.
Bhau Mahajan (1815 -1890)
The British Colonial E mpire was being consolidated and India was
getting poorer day by day. The Industrial Revolution in England and the
improvement in transport and communication had affected indigenous
industry and trade. He asked through the columns of his periodicals why
India was getting impoverished when England was prospering as a result
of the Industrial Revolution. Bhau Mahajan along with Bhaskar
Tarkhadkar and Ramakrishna Vishwanath was in fact the fore -runners of
the Drain Theory -developed by Dadabhai Naoroji in the 1870 s. Bhau
Mahajan had thrown light on the financial aspect of the unnecessary
Afghan War (1830 -40) and how Lord Auckland was responsible for the
drain of India’s wealth. That was one instance of bad government that
resulted in the suffering of the Indi an people.
Mahatma Phule (1827 -1890)
The economic exploitation of the country attracted heavy criticism
of contemporary Indian thinkers. Ramkrishn Vishvnath, Dadabhai
Naouraji, Mahatma Jotirao phule have described in detail about this.
Ramk rishna Vishvnath, Dadabhai Noraoji and many others criticized the
British authorities about their overall exploitation of the country. Theymunotes.in

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135systematically studied the economic exploitation and exposed it through
their writings whereas Phule’scondemnation o f the British policies was a
result of his first -hand experience with peasantry and artisans. His booklet
cultivators whipcord makes an analysis of the cultivators’ and artisans
problems caused by the British rule.
Phule felt that British rule had only w orsened the problems of
poverty and indebtness among the cultivators. He criticized British
economic policies and their effects on rural society in his writings. He
stated that there were frequent and excessive increases in land revenue
demands, the depres sion of Indian crafts and manufacturer, the import of
British goods, and enormous debt charged on Indian debt. All these
actions of the British government increased the pressure on the land under
cultivation.
While tracing the root cause of the impoverish ment of the
handicraft in India, Phule shares that all over India noblemen, horse riders,
soldiers, elephant riders, camel men and other craft workers were in
service of Indian rulers. Hence they did not have much problem of paying
land tax to the governm ent as one of the member war working with the
government. The introduction of the British government rule in India
made these people jobless. Hence they found it difficult to pay the higher
land tax to the government.
While exposing the miseries of the c raft workers, he states that the
craftsmen from England had started selling their machine -made goods at
cheaper rate. Goods like bread, biscuits, sweet pickle, small needles,
knives, scissors, sewing machines, stoves, colour glassware and many
other finish ed goods flooded Indian market. Because of this
impoverishment, many workers engaged themselves in cultivation which
was already troubled due to British land revenue system
Check your Progress :
1)What was the Drain Theory?
10.3DRAIN THEORY OF DADABHAI NAUROJI
The earlier leadership was keen on the growing economic
problems of the peasants under the British authority. They were ardent to
show the economic exploitation of the cultivators and workers due to the
British imperialis m. This exploitation was sensed by Dadabhai Naoroji, R.
C. Dutt and many other economists in India. The constant flow of wealth
from India to England for which India did not get an adequate economicmunotes.in

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136return became the chief cause of growing poverty in India . Dadabhai
Naoroji propounded the ‘Drain theory’ to expose the exploitation of India
through British authorities. He used phrases such as the material and moral
drain, the deprivation of resources the bleeding drain etc. The economic
exploitation of India and Adam Smith’s book An Enquiry into the Nature
and Causes of Indian Poverty led to propose Drain Theory in his book
entitled ‘Poverty and Un -British Rule in India’ published in 1901. ‘Drain
Theory’ propounded by Dadabhai Naoroji became the economic basis of
Indian nationalism. Dadabhai recited B ritish officers at every step to
convince the British rulers about exploitation of India.
Various scholars have given account of drain of wealth from India
to England. However, their estimate about drain, differs depending on the
period under review or the method of calculations employed. George
Wingate estimated the drain 4,222,611 pounds per year for the period
from1834 to1851. William Digby estimated it somewhere around 500 to
1000 million from 17 57 to 1815. In 1897 Dadabhai Naoroji reckoned the
drain figure at Rs. 359 crores for the ten years from 1883 -92. Dadabhai
described the drain of the wealth as evil of all evils and the main cause of
Indian poverty.
10.4EXTERNAL DRAIN -
Dadabhai Naoroji traced that India was getting poorer and poorer
every day because of low national income, the low import, the low
standard of living of people, and the low revenue returns of the
government. He thought that this existing poverty was the di rect result of
the British rule in India. Dadabhai attributed the poverty of India to the
heavy drain on the resources of the country.
Dadabhai and his precursors sensed the external and internal nature
of drain. It was an instrument that exhausted resour ces of India and the
surplus generated through a complex process was drained out of the
economy through the process of external trade, the dynamics of which was
supplied by the unilateral transfer of funds in an equally complicated way.
According to Dadabh ai, the functioning of this transfer of resources was
uniquely determined by following factors.
1) India was a colony governed by British though their officers. 2) India
was burdened with an expensive civil administration and equally
expensive army of occ upation. 3) India was a strategic base of operations
that had to bear the burden of empire building not only in India but also
beyond her borders. 4) The public expenditure out of the proceeds of
taxation and loans failed to generate domestic employment in India.
The plunder of Indian wealth
The basic economic situation in India was radically transformed
after 1757, fallowing the British victory in the battle of Plassey which laid
the foundation of the British power in India. The drain of wealth frommunotes.in

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137Beng al began in 1757 when the company’s servants began to carry home
immense fortunes extorted from Indian rulers, Zamindars and common
people. They sent home nearly six million pounds between 1758 and
1765. This amount was four times bigger than the total lan d revenue
collection from Bengal. After the battle Plassey, India exported goods
mainly silver bullion to pay tribute to Britain. Britain itself wished to use
revenues from this trade to buy tea and silk from chine. For this silver
worth of 58 lakh rupees had been exported to England from India. The
opium trade became an instrument of profit making. The surplus had been
transferred to England. This had attracted the attention of Dadabhai’s
predecessors whom he quoted in defense of the drain theory. Dadabhai
Naoroji quoted British administrators of a much earlier period in support
of his drain theory. Lord Cornwallis in his minute of 1790 had specifically
referred to the heavy drain of wealth. According to him the causes of
external drain were large annual in vestment in Europe and remittances of
private fortunes for many years past, the impact of which was severely
felt, at the time or writing, in the form of the scarcity of specie for current
transactions and the consequent depression in India’s agriculture a nd
internal trade. Dadabhai Naoroji traced that economic drain was carried by
two ways -annual charges in India and annual charges in England.
Remittances to England from India
1) Remittances to England by European employees for the support of
families and education of children a feature of the colonial system of
government.
2) Remittances of savings by employees of the Company, as most
employees preferred to invest at home
3) Remittances for the purchases of British goods for the consumption of
British employees as well as purchases by them of British goods in
India.
4) Government purchase of stores manufactured in England.
Annual charges in England
1)The East Indian Com pany had piled up a public debt to dislodge Indian
rulers from their Principalities. By 1900 the public debt had risen to £
224 million. Only part of the debt was raised for productive purposes
i.e., for construction of railways, irrigation facilities and public works
2)Dividend to the shareholders of the East India Company
3)Civil and Military charges included payments towards pensions and
furloughs of British officers in the civil and military departments in
India, expenses on India Office establishment in London, payments to
the British war office etc. All these charges were solely due to India’s
subjection to foreign rule.
4)The Secretary of State and the Government of India purchased stores
for the Military, Civil and Marine Departments in the Englis h market.munotes.in

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138The annual average expenditure on stores varied from 10% to 12% of
the Home charges between 1861 -1920.
5)The opium trade with China played an interesting role in the external
economic drain. The East India Company transferred its revenue
surplus and its corrupt officers their savings and secret gains via
China. All the profits of opium went the same way of the drain to
England.
Check your Progress :
1)What is the meaning of external economic drain?
10.5 INTERNAL DRAIN WITHIN INDIA BY THE
BRITISH GOVERNMENT
The external economic drain was the counterpart of the internal
economic drain. The internal transfer was as much of an economic drain
as the external transfer.
1) Resources abstracted from internal production through taxation took the
form of commodities which, in real terms, were the equivalent of the
transfer of income abroad.
2) The internal economic drain was a ‘drain because of one -sided exports,
which did not bring any return in the form of imports.
3) Dadabhai pointed out that Indian public finance lacked the vitality and
utility for Indian economy. As the railway and road transportation
could not bring desired prosperity to India as they served the
imper ialistic purposes.
The view of Dadabhai Naoroji was shared by liberal minded
Englishmen in the middle of the nineteenth century who had a sympathetic
understanding of the reality of the Indian economic situation. The views of
Dadabhai Naoroji on public e xpenditure had crystallized as early as 1871
in his papers called commerce of India andFinancial Administration .
10.6 EFFECTS OF THE DRAIN OF WEALTH
1)Dadabhai Naoroji was of the opinion that the drain was the principal
and even the sole cause of India’s poverty. He wrote that the India has
been exploited in rude manner. The British invasion continuous and the
economic plunder goes right on. He pointed o ut that the drain represented
not only the spending abroad of certain portion of national income but also
the further laws of employment and income that would have been
generated in the country, if the drain would have been spent internally.munotes.in

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1392)It is impos sible to accurately measure the amount of drain which in the
form of resources and gold bullion flowed from India into England during
the long British rule over India. With the available information, it was
calculated that one -fourth of all revenue derived in India came to be
annually remitted to England as Home Charges. According to Dadabhai
Naoroji between 1814 and 1865 about 350 million pounds went to
England by way of drain.
3)The vast amount of resources and capital which flowed from India into
England naturally enabled the people of England to live a better standard
of life. The drain also made possible rising investments in English
agriculture and industry after 1750. These investments were partly
responsible for agricultural revolution in England in the eighteenth century
and as also industrial revolution which commenced after 1750.
4)This drain took the form of an excess of exports over the imports for
which India got no ec onomic or national return. According to the
nationalist calculations, this chain amounted to one -half of the government
revenues more than the entire land revenue collection and over one -third
of India’s total savings.
5)Retired British officials had the leisure and money to devote their
attention to new inventions, construction of roads, canals and railways and
bring rapid changes in all sectors of the economy. The drain provided the
foundation of English economic prosperity.On the other hand the effects
of the drain on Indian economy and on its people were disastrous. The loot
and plunder and the enormous profits which were taken out of India year
after year meant a continual drain of Indian resources and a dead loss.
These resources and gold which could have been available for investment
in India were siphoned off to England.
6)The nationalist leaders also saw drain as so much loss of capital rather
than toss of wealth. They were aware that the drain was harmful chiefly
because it resulted in the deple tion of productive capital. The drain
resulted in Industrial retardation as it produced shortage of capital. The
nationalist leaders, thus, tried to analyze and show the effects of the drain
on income and wealth, capital, industrial development, land reven ue, the
terms of trade and on the poverty of the Indian people. Through the drain
theory, the nationalist writers, especially Dadabhai Naoroji effectively
brought out the highly exploitative nature of British rule in India.
7)For the early nationalists t he drain also took the form of colonial pattern
of finance. The nationalists of the twentieth century were relying heavily
on the main themes of their economic critique of colonialism. These
themes were then to reverberate in Indian villages, towns and cit ies. Based
on this firm foundation, the later nationalists went on to stage powerful
mass agitations and mass movements. The drain theory thus laid the seeds
for subsequent nationalism to flower and mature.munotes.in

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140Check your Progress :
1)What was the effects of Drain of wealth in India?
10.7SUMMARY
The British rule had drastic impact on Indian economy. The
commercialization of agriculture, excessive land revenue demands, growth
of Zamindar class (landlords), rising indebtness and the impoverishment
of the cultivators made Indian economy stagnant. The extent of poverty
increased due to the economic exploitative policies of the British
authority. The various land revenue systems, the drain of wealth and
deindustrialization of the Indigenous industries had profound impact on
India. Industrialized England did not encourage mechanization of means
of production in India. The company’s Government had ruined handicrafts
in the villages and dumped machine -made goods into India. Many
cultivators had lost their lands and craftsmen were thrown out of their
jobs. The country was getting poorer every day. Dadabhai Naoroji, later
on, developed the ‘Drain Theory’ exposing the economic drain of India.
10.8QUESTIONS
1)Discus the contribution of Dadabhai Nouraji on the drain of wealth
from India during the British rule.
2)Write a detailed note on drain theory.
10.9 REFERENCES
1) Grover B.L. and Grover S., A New Look At Modern Indian History ,S .
Chand, Delhi, 2001.
2)Dadabhai Nauraoji, Poverty and Un -British Rule in India, London,
swan sonnenschein & co., 1901.
3) J.R. Melane, Indian Nationalism and the early Congress, Princeton,
1977.
4) Bipin Chandra, History of Modern India , Oriental Blackswan, 2009.
munotes.in

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141Module -IV
Unit -11
ADVENT OF PRINTING PRESS AND ITS
IMPLICATION: REFORM MOVEMENTS -
NATURE AND ISSUES
Unit Structure :
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Emergence of the press in different parts of the country
11.3 Important role of the newspaper and periodicals
11.4 British Governments Response to the Press
11.5 Reform Movements: Nature and Issues
11.6 Brahmo Samaj
11.7 Prarthana Samaj
11.8 Arya Samaj
11.9 The Ramakrishna Mission
11.10 The Theosophical society
11.11 Satyashodhak Samaj
11.12 Reform movement among the Muslims
11.13 Impact of reform movements
11.14 Summary
11.15 References
11.16 Questions
11.0 OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this unit the student will be able to
Understand the Advent of printing press and its implication.
Explain the development of the press in various parts of the country.
Note the role played by the press in the a wakening of the masses.
Understand the role of the press in the reform movements.
Comprehend the different types of reform movements in India.
Understand the impact of reform movements in India.
11.1 INTRODUCTION
Indians were well versed in the oral tradition of learning.
Nevertheless, the written accounts were rarely available to the masses. Butmunotes.in

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142with the arrival of the British, the new chapter of mass awakening began
in the form of printed books, newspapers and Jo urnals. It was Portuguese
who first introduced the printing press in India. The Portuguese and
British started Journals initially but very soon educated Indians took lead
and dedicated themselves in this field. The advent ofthe press let to the
social, cul tural and nationalistic awakening among the people. In the
initial stage, social and cultural retrospection and remedies were traced by
the press. After few years the press also started creating a national
awakening. The Portuguese were the first to reach India and colonies some
part of it. Consequently, thy initiated the beginning of the press in
established colonies. Goa was one of it. The press became a vehicle to
spread the nationalistic and reformative zeal among the people.
11.2 EMERGENCE OF THE PRE SS IN DIFFERENT
PARTS OF THE COUNTRY
11.2.1 Goa
Juan De Bustamante, Spanish by birth brought to Goa a printing
press from Portugal in 1556. Father Stephens composed the first Marathi
book, the Khrista Puran in 1616. After that, the missionaries made use o f
the press to propagate their views and to spread Christianity. Dr. William
Carey was the first European who provided the impetus to the Vernacular
language. Carey used the Modi script for some of his books.
11.2.2 South India
Ambalakkadu in Cochin was a lso a center of early Indian printing.
But no books can be found printed in this place. Another altogether
separate volume on Doctrine on Christ was printed at Cochin in 1579.
Printing actively continued unabated in Goa till 1674 but gradually it
declined due to the demoralization of the missionaries and their apathy to
learn Indian languages. The decree of 1684 replaced Portuguese
abandoning local languages in Goa and thus discouraged the growth and
development of Indian printing. As the Catholic missionar ies, the Danish
Protestant mission’s work to introduce printing in India is very important
to propagate their faith. All these things except the printer arrived next
year. The Press started functioning at Tranquebar (Madras) on June
11th,1713 with the assi stance of a German printer who was already
working with a Danish company. Another Danish missionary Christian
Frederick Schwartz who acted as a teacher of the enlightened Tanjore
ruler Sarfoji Bhonsle (1799 -1833) impressed the ruler to establish a press
into publish Sanskrit and Marathi books.
11.2.3 Madras
The first printing press of Madras was started at Vapery and later
this press became famous as the Deccan Press. The Tamil types were the
first cast in Madras and used at Vapery till 1870. Madras Cou rierwas
started by Richard Johnston in 1785. The Kannada printing developed
with the help of the Christian Missionaries of Bellary, Bangalore and
Mangalore and a blacksmith of Mangalore. The College St.George,munotes.in

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143Madras was established in 1812 and the press attached to the college took
the responsibility of publishing books in Telegu and Kanada languages.
11.2.4 Bengal
James Hickey established the first newspaper the Bengal Gazette at
Calcutta in 1780. The newspapers and printing presses were subjected to
various restrictions in the earlier phase. The newspapers had to follow the
approval of the Government.
The East India Company took the direct responsibility of running
the administration of Bengal since 1765 As a result of this transfer of
power the civi l servants of the many who were entrusted with the
administration started learning the language of the province. This zeal for
learning Bengali was directly responsible for the growth and development
of printing. Journalism The East India Company of Englan d had
established its political authority in Bengal in the middle of the 18th
century. Many British journalists published weeklies or monthlies and
expressed their opinions on the current topics.
11.2.5 Vernacular and indigenous Press
The awakening and Growth of National consciousness among the
Indians gave rise to the vernacular and indigenous Press. From 1815
onwards Raja Ram Mohan Roy was involved in to reforming superstitious
and decaying Hindu society in India. Ganga Kishor Bhattac harya and
Haracahdra Roy thought of propagating the ideas if Rajaram Mohan Roy.
They started a paper Vangal Gazette in Bengali it was countered by
Baptist Missionaries by using Press for spreading Christianity. In 1821 he
started Sambad Kaumudi, in Bengal i and Mirat -ul-Akhbar in Persian in
1822. These Weeklies aimed at inspiring the people to fight against socio -
religious malpractices, to get oriented with western culture and to inform
both public and Government about the real situation on the country.
11.2.6 Maharashtra
In Bombay, the ‘Telegraph’, ‘Courier’, ‘Bombay Gazetteer’
‘Bombay Times’ and the ‘Times of India’ had been in circulation among
the English reading public but there were no Marathi periodicals. Bombay
Harold was the first newspaper in Mum bai (1789). It was also known as
Bombay Gazette. Fardunji Marzban founded Bombay Samachar in 1822 ,
the first vernacular newspaper. It was in the Gujrathi language. It is the
oldest vernacular newspaper in western India. In 1836 Naoraji Dorabji
started Mumb ai Vartman . Dadabhai Nauroji, the Grand old man of India
added an important addition in the history of Journalism by starting Rast
Goftar . Balshastri Jambhekar was the pioneer in the Marathi press. The
first Anglo -Marathi periodical was edited and publish ed by Bal Gangadhar
Shastri Jambhekar better known as Balshastri Jambhekar in 1832. It was
modelled after the Anglo Bengali periodical ‘Samachar Darpan’ which
appeared in 1818. The name of the Anglo -Marathi periodical edited by
Balshastri was ‘Mumbai Darpa n’. It opened the way for a whole series of
periodicals, magazines and books in the next two decades. The first
printed Marathi monthly was edited and published by Raghoba Janardanmunotes.in

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144Gavankar -Vasaikar in 1840. In 1841 Govind Vithal alias Bhau Mahajan
publi shed his weekly ‘Prabhakar’. This weekly was issued every Sunday
and it held the central stage.
Marathi Journalism was working during this time with certain
objectives such as the spread of knowledge among the people and the
eradication of orthodoxy. The y tried to create an awakening among the
people. The journalists of that era tried to import scientific and liberal
ideas. Secondly, the newspapers tried to create and guide public opinion.
Thirdly, most of the newspapers favored the social reforms in soci ety.
They made good use of the press to create consciousness among the
people they wanted to check the activities of Christian Missionaries.
Following are some of the prominent publications and journals of that era
published in Western India.
The American Mission set up a printing press at Bhendi Bazar in
Bombay in1813. Thomas Graham was the manager. He printed books in
Marathi and Gujarathi to propagate Christianity. The Americans also set
up Lithopress at Harne in Ratnagiri district. In the American Pres sa t
Bhendi Bazar a Bhandari youth Ganpat Krishnaji learnt the technique and
opened his own press at Bori Bandar. He printed ephemeris (panchang)
and religious books in Marathi and Gujarathi. The Brahmins would not
touch the printed books for fear of getti ng contaminated by the printed ink
mixed with animal fat. Ganpat substituted ghee for the fat and made
moulds for the types himself. His example was followed by others.
Check your Progress :
1)Where did the American mission was set up printing press at B ombay
in 1813?
11.3 IMPORTANT ROLE OF THE NEWSPAPER AND
PERIODICALS
Bhau Mahajan wanted to present thoughts even on such sensitive
matters as conversion to Christianity. He showed great courage to allow
Baba Padamnji, the famous compiler of dictionary and a literary
personality who had embraced Christianity, to explain his position through
the columns of ‘Dhumketu’. The efforts of Balshastri Jambhekar to
enlighten the people were ably undertaken by Bhau Mahajan in his
monthly journal ‘Digdarshan’. This magazine provided knowledge on
many subjects. It was a monthly encyclopa edia and the objective was to
create a sense of enquiry among the readers. In 1854 he started a quarterly
magazine ‘Dnyanadarshan’. The mouthpiece of Christian Missionaries
was ‘Dnyanodaya’ in Marathi which was started in 1842 and survived tillmunotes.in

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145the middle of the 20th century. There were some periodicals to counteract
the Christian propaganda but such periodicals were short -lived. The focus
of Marathi journals and periodicals was on spreading knowledge and also
enlightening the Government on matter of public interest.
Before 1818 many English journals conducted by Englishmen
freely criticized the Company’s officers. The Supreme Court of the
Company in Bengal checked such criticism through English journals
issued from Calcutta, Madras and Bombay. In 1835 Sir Charles Metcalf
who held office of Governor -General granted freedom of the Press which
continued for the next forty years or so. In the first fifty years under
British Rule and educated middle class in Maharashtra concentrated on
social matters. They admi red Western Science and literature. They hardly
criticized the foreign government.
Through his article in the Nibandhmala andKesari Vishnushastri
left a deep impression not only upon his contemporaries but also on the
future generations of writers, jour nalists and men of public affairs like
Tilak. He is regarded as the one who inspired and promoted modern
Marathi. They hail him as the representative and spokesman of the 19th
Century Maharashtra. But Some others regard him as a literary genius but
leader of Hindu reactionaries. Vishnushastri was the first Marathi writer to
introduce scientific literary criticism, including criticism of great classIcal
writers like Kalidasa, Bana, Subandu and Dandi.
11.3.1 Journalism of downtrodden
Journalism played a sig nificant role in the socio -religious
revolutionary movement. The orthodox and high castes reformative
newspapers did not give much importance to the grievances of peasants
and workers. The social reform movement initiated by them was limited
up to the high er castes. It aimed to bring social reforms within the
educated class of society. Hence Satyashodhak Samaj needed to launch
radical periodicals to bring the reform within large strata of society.
Jotirao Phule, the founder of Satyashodhak Samaj expressed his
radical views in the contemporary press. When he declared his intention to
dine with any person without taking consideration of his caste through a
letter, no Hindu paper including social reformers paper was ready to
publish it. Eventually, it was publ ished in Christian magazine named
Shubhvartmandarshan Churchsambanthi Nanavidh Sangrah on 1st
February 1873. Dnyanoday was one of the periodicals which supported
Phule’s movement by publishing his letters and other works.
Satyashodhak Samaj launched a so cial revolutionary movement
under the leadership of Phule. Deenbandhu was the mouthpiece of
Satyashodhak Samaj. The newspaper was extremely important to
understand the Satyashodhak Programme and its ideology. It was started
on 1stJanuary 1877 by two broth ers, Krishnrao Pandurang Bhalekar and
Ramchandraro Bhalekar in Pune. Krishnrao Bhalekar was a close
associate of Jotirao Phule. He started Deenbandhu independently. In thismunotes.in

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146venture, he states that, he had to face many difficulties including loss of
his hou se and agricultural land. Phule played a prominent part in relieving
the distress caused by famine. He wrote many articles in the Deenbandhu
urging the government to give the people work and food. N. M. Lokhande
andDeenbandhu played a significant role in seeking the lacunas in the
mild factory act of 1881. In comparison to England, cheap labours were
easily available in India. This led to the formation of various mills in
Bombay around 1875 -1882.
Check your Progress :
1)Who founded Satyashodhak Samaj?
11.4 BRITISH GOVERNMENTS RESPONSE TO THE
PRESS
11.4.1. The censorship of the press act 1799
Lord Wellesley imposed this act to curb down the independence of
the press. The newspapers to clearly print every issue in the name of the
printer and the publisher to submit all material from pre -censorship to the
government. Breach of these rules was pun ishable offense.
11.4.2 Licensing regulation 1823
It was enacted by John Adams. According to this regulation, the
press without a license was a penal offense. The restriction was directed
mainly to Indian language newspapers or those edited by the Indians.
11.4.3 The Liberation of press: act of 1835
Metcalfe (Governor -General 1835 to 36) repealed the obnoxious
1823 ordinance and was named, “liberator of the Indian press”This act
imposed licensing restriction and the right to stop publication and
circulation of book, newspaper or printed matter reserved with the
Government.
11.4.4 The Vernacular Press Act of 1878
Lytton favoured the conservative view and passed the Vernacular
Press Act, in 1878 and suppressed the Freedom of Press. Lord Lytton,
howev er did a great service. The restrictions imposed by the Act of 1878
inspired the indigenous journalist to come together and condemned the act
unitedly. It was opposed vehemently by the Indian Journalist and declared
as a draconian piece of legislation. Acc ording to this Act various
restrictions were imposed on the indigenous press and Districts Magistrate
orders were final. It was discriminatory in nature as it was only against
Vernacular Press. The vernacular press like Somprakash, Themunotes.in

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147Daccaprakash, The Sa machar faced the punitive action by the government
authorities
11.4.5 The Newspaper Incitement to offenses Act, 1908
Through this act, Magistrate was empowered to confiscate any
printed material which contained inflammatory matter even with slight
doubt h e could summon the Press and asked for an explanation.
11.4.6 The Indian Press Act, 1910
The new act was more oppressive than the newspapers act of 1908.
It compelled the publishers to deposit Rs. 500/ -with the Magistrate as the
security. The Magis trate was empowered to increase the amount of
security up to 10 times as well as forfeit the security without assigning any
reason. It contained the definition of the term objectionable and seditious.
Check your Progress :
1)Who passed the Vernacular Press act of 1878?
11.5 REFORM MOVEMENTS: NATURE AND ISSUES
The socio -religious reform movement, also known as the Indian
Renaissance was the spiritual character of the national awakening. It was
the expression of the rising national consciousne ss. These movements
increasingly tended to have a national scope and programme. Their aim
was the reconstruction of the social, religious and cultural life of the
people. Religious reform aimed at the rejection of elements that were
considered incompatible with the original faith. Several schools of thought
arose both among the Hindus and Muslims. In spite of their outward
differences, they showed similar trend, i.e., a vivid consciousness of the
need for religious reconstruction and moral reform and an att empt to unite
all those professing the same faith.
The socio -religious reformers believed that their political failure
and the resulting misfortune were due to the moral decline and social
degeneration which was the consequence of the neglect of true rel igion.
The spirit of reform embraced almost the whole of India beginning with
the efforts of Raja Ram Mohan Roy in Bengal leading to the foundation of
the Brahmo Samaj in 1828. Besides the Brahmo Samaj which had its
branches in several parts of the country , the Paramahansa Mandali and the
Prarthana Samaj in Maharashtra and the Arya Samaj, in Punjab and North
India were some of the important movements among the Hindus, There
were several other regional and caste movements like the Kayastha Sabha
in Uttar Pra desh and the Sing Sabha in Punjab.munotes.in

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14811.6 BRAHMO SAMAJ
Like the Christian Missionaries, Raja Ram Mohan Roy attacked
polytheism and idolatry. He pointed out that polytheism and idolatry were
completely antagonistic to the monotheistic spirit of the Upanishads. He
found that most orthodox Hindus could not justify the idolatry they
practiced. To emphasize the fact that idolatry was not sanctioned by the
highest religion Raja Ram Mohan Roy went back to the Vedas. Though
Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s social reforms were manifold and of great
importance, it was in religion that his contribution had the most far
reaching effect. In 1828, he founded the Brahmo Samaj, a theistic society
opposed to polytheism, mythology and idolatry. The Brahmo Samaj was
initially conceived by Raja Ram Mohan Roy as a universalistic church. He
was a defender of the basic and universal principles of all religions the
monotheism of the Vedas and the Unitarianism of Christianity and at the
same time attacked polytheism of Hinduism and Trinitarianism of
Christianity.
11.6.1 The Principles of Brahmo Sama j
1) God is a personal being with sublime moral attributes.
2) God alone existed in the beginning.
3) He is intelligent, infinite, benevolent, eternal and governor of the
universe.
4) God never incarnates.
5) God hears and answers prayers.
Throughou t the long history of the Brahmo Samaj it remained
theistic and opposed to idolatry and always advocated progressive social
reforms. While its roots have been grounded deep in the Hindu religion,
Raja Ram Mohan Roy as well as the early founders of the Brah mo Samaj,
derived inspiration and stimulus from keen intellectual controversies with
the Christian missionaries. Infact the impulse which proved more creative
in Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s mind was the desire to found a form of religion
capable of meeting the mi ssionaries attacks on Hinduism in a manner that
would conform to the scientific spirit of the age. After the death of Raja
Ram Mohan Roy in Bristol, England on 27 September 1833, Dwarkanath
Tagore gave some financial support to the Samaj.
Check your Progr ess :
1)Who was the founder of Brahamo Samaj?
2)When did Prarthana Samaj was established by Atmaram Pandurang?munotes.in

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14911.7 PRARTHANA SAMAJ
Under Keshab Chandra Sen the Brahmo Samaj movement spread
outside Bengal. His tour of the Presidencies of Bombay and Madras made
the Brahmo Samaj something like an all -India movement. In Maharashtra,
the reformers desired to have an organization similar to that of the Brahmo
Samaj. In 1867, the Prarthana Samaj was founded by Atmaram
Pandurang. R.G. Bhandarkar and M.G. Ranade, who were its prominent
members. Justice M.G. Ranade was one of the most active members of the
Prarthana Samaj.
11.7.1 The Principle s of Samaj
1. God has created the universe. He is perfect and the infinite.
2. Idol worship is a folly.
3. The universe is God’s creation and is real.
4. The praise and worship of God can be done through prayer. For the
progress of human be ing asceticism, a donation to gurus and belief
in miracles are unnecessary.
5. All men and women are equal and it is the supreme duty of man to
love the man and love God with devout.
The Prarthana Samaj was deeply rooted in Hinduism. By nature, it
waslike a protestant reform movement among Hindus. Members of Samaj
always looked upon themselves as reformers in Hindu society. One of the
chief beliefs among the member of the Samaj was the ‘fatherhood of God’
and ‘brotherhood of man’. Like contemporary so cial reform organizations,
the Prarthana Samaj attempted to purify Hinduism from the age -old
useless and futile traditions. The Samaj tried to make religion more simple
and spiritual. It stood for universalism and rationalism. Ranade, who was
the chief for ce behind the activities of Samaj, believed that in course of
time all the religions and cultures will be dissolved into the universal
religion.
11.7.2 Activities of the Samaj
The Prarthana Samaj had undertaken numerous social works. It
took over the mana gement of the institutions including the ‘Home for the
Homeless’ and ‘orphanage at Pandharpur’ in 1881. The Prarthana Samaj
also established Arya Mahila Samaj in 1882 in Mumbai for the upliftment
of women. The members of the Samaj tried to enlighten women by
arranging lectures on various social issues. Ramabai Ranade, R.G.
Bhandarkar and other members made great efforts to organize many social
activities. The Prarthana Samaj also founded ‘sangat sabha’ (friendly
association to attract youths). The activitie s of the Prarthana Samaj were
regional in character. As it did not have definite, well defined principles,
the Samaj could not launch a nationwide movement. Its activities were
restricted to Maharashtra. Its leaders were men of moderate views and
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15011.8 ARYA SAMAJ
The Arya Samaj, founded in 1875 by Swami Dayananda
Saraswati, was more conservative and aggressive than the Brahmo Samaj.
The Brahmo Samaj and the Prarthana Samaj were largely products of
ideas associated with t he West and represented Indian response to Western
rationalism. They were inspired by western learning and western religions.
Whereas the reform movement initiated by Swami Dayananda Saraswati
was inspired by India’s past and derived its basic principles f rom India’s
ancient scriptures and religion, especially those of the Vedic Age.
Swami Dayananda Saraswati whose original name was Mul
Shankar name from conservative Gujarat. He was not touched by western
learning or thought, neither was he influenced by the monotheistic
religions, Christianity and Islam. He was of the opinion that the Hindus’
required no new religious knowledge and no external spiritual aid. He
insisted that they should rely on the Vedas -alone. As he studied the Vedas
deeper, Dayananda wa s convinced that the Vedas -were the source of all
truth and supreme knowledge. It was in the Vedas that he found the
doctrine of Monotheism and devotion to one formless God. He regarded
the Vedas infallible and eternal. in a book entitled ‘Satyartah Prakas h’,
Swami Dayananda Saraswati laid down his own interpretation of the
Vedas. Though Dayanand was revivalist in religious matters, he was a
reformer in social matters. He attacked polytheism, idolatry, superstitions,
caste system, child marriage, sati, forc ed widowhood and ban on foreign
travel. According to him qualification should determine their caste or class
rather than birth. He disregarded the authority of the Being influenced by
the teachings of Swami Virajananda, Dayananda strongly took his stand
onthe Veda. He denounced superstition, caste, untouchability, child
marriage, forced widowhood, neglect of women’s education and ban on
foreign travel.
Check your Progress :
1)Arya Samaj was founded in which year?
11.9 THE RAMAKRISHNA MISSION
Ramakrishna (1836 -86) was born in a highly orthodox Brahmin
family in a small village in the Hoogly district of Bengal. He did not have
any formal education. Even as a child he had mystic vision. Ramakrishna
tried to understand and practice not only the re ligious tenents of Hinduism
but also those of Islam and Christianity. He went to Muslim and Christian
mystics and lived with them for years. Ultimately he came to the
conclusion that Krishna, Allah and Jesus were but different names of God,munotes.in

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151and that the pr actice of all religions would lead to the same goal.
Ramakrishna was a simple man with no western education However,
many highly educated, skeptical and westernized Indians mostly from
Calcutta came to him and found faith, serenity and strength that they
locked.
Keshab Chandra Sen, the Brahmo leader often visited
Ramakrishna. Among the visitors who became the most famous of his
disciples was a young graduate of the Calcutta University named Narendra
Nath Dutt, later popularly known as Swami Vivekananda (1 863-1902).
After the death of Ramakrishna in August 1886, Vivekananda took charge
of his disciples at the Baranagore ashram. However, in 1888 he took up
the life of wandering monk and travelled throughout the country. He
carried with him only the Gita and Thomas A. Kempis ‘Imitation of
Christ’. For nearly five years he travelled to different parts of the country,
mostly on foot.
In 1893, Swami Vivekananda attended the famous ‘Parliament of
Religions’ at Chicago, U.S.A. He electrified the world by his addr ess at
this congregation, by his directness, simplicity and brilliant eloquence.
The ‘New York Herald’ wrote that Vivekananda was undoubtedly, the
greatest figure in the Parliament of Religions. After his return from
abroad, Swami Vivekananda established t he Ramakrishna Mission on 5
May 1897, which was to be more than a mere religious organization. Its
main objectives were -(1) to propagate the teachings of Ramakrishna
Paramahansa. (2) To spread the meaning of Vedantic spiritualism far and
wide. (3) To str ive for a synthesis and harmony among various faiths.
Check your Progress :
1)Where did Swami Vivekananda attended famous parliament of
Religious?
11.10 THE THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
The Theosophical Society, like the Arya Samaj stimulated the
spirit of cultural nationalism among the Indians. The Theosophical Society
was founded by Madame Blavatsky, a Russian and Colonel Olcott an
American in New York (U.S.A) on 17 November 1875. Both the founders
of the Theosophical Society 108 repudiated Christianity and both of them
were converted to Buddhism. Colonel Olcott emphasized on the majesty
and sufficiency of eastern scriptures and appealed to the sentiments of
patriotic loyalty of Indians to uphold the religion of their forefathers. He
also pleaded for the revival of Sanskrit learning and of the ancient
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152Blavatsky and Colonel Olcott came to India in 1879 and transferred the
headq uarters of the Theosophical Society to Adyar, near Madras.
Gradually, branches of the society were established in different parts of
India.
11.10.1 The chief aims of the Theosophical Society were –
1) To form a nucleus of universal brotherhood.
2) To encourage the study of comparative religions, philosophies and
sciences.
3) To investigate the complex and unexplained laws of nature and the
power hidden in man.
4) To strive for women’s welfare, upli ftment of depressed classes and the
promotion of ‘Swadeshi’.
Theosophists were of the opinion that promotion of a spirit of
brotherhood at all levels, international, national, inter -religious, inter -
communal and individual is the answer to many problems of the world.
The most important propagator of Theosophical movement in India was
Annie Besant, an Irish lady. She renounced Christianity and came under
the influence of Theosophy. She joined the Theosophical Society in 1889.
After the death of Madame Blav atsky in 1891, Annie Besant took over the
leadership of the society and came to India two years later. She guided the
society for nearly fifty years and infused a new life into the Theosophical
movement and attracted many Indians towards the society.
11.11 SATYASHODHAK SAMAJ
Satyashodhak Samaj was one of the most significant and
influential movements in modern Maharashtra. It was the first
organization in modern India that worked for the common toiling masses.
The aim and objectives and the programmes o f the Satyashodhak Samaj
had more concern with the cultivators, workers, landless labourers and the
downtrodden. Unlike the other social reform movements, Satyashodhak’s
involved themselves in the radical social reforms like removal of
untouchability, wido w remarriage, imparting the education to the women
and creating awareness among the masses. It aimed at social religious and
economic reforms. Having started the social revolutionary movement in
Maharashtra, he decided to launch a movement in Maharashtra f or the
liberation and uplifting the downtrodden. The Satyashodhak Samaj was
established by Jotirao Phule and his associates on 24 September 1873 to
infused courage among the masses against the poverty and social injustice.
11.11.1 Objectives of the Satyas hodhak Samaj
Many scholars and historians regarded Theosophical society,
Ramkrishna Mission, Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj and Prarthana Samaj as
religious reformative movements. They ignored the activities of
Satyashodhak Samaj. These two movements were radica l in nature. They
were basically religious reformative movement aiming at removing social
evils such as caste distinctions, forced widowhood, untouchability, childmunotes.in

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153marriage and supremacy of priestly class.Despite of reformative work,
these movements were n eglected because they did not offer too much
importance to spiritualism or the concept like Atma, Brahma and
Parabrahma.
The main objective of the Samaj was to liberate ‘Shudras’ and
‘Atishudras’ from the social and religious bondage and to prevent their
exploitation by the Brahmins. All members of the Samaj were required to
treat all human being as ‘children of God’ and worship the creator without
the help of any mediator. Membership was open to all, irrespective of
caste and religion. Satyashodhak Samaj was the manifestation of the
Jotirao’s ideals of liberalism and rationalism. He refused to regard the
Vedas as God’s creation. He opposed the custom of worshipping before
idols and denounced the caste system. The Samaj made no distinction
between non -Brah min and untouchables. Irrespective of the caste and
creed it attracted membership from all the sections of the society,
including Brahmins, Matangs, Mahars, Jews and Muslims. It was an
organization of the masses and for the masses. Jotirao was elected as t he
first President and treasurer of the Samaj and Narayan Meghaji Lokhande
as its first secretary. Much later after the death of Jotirao in 1890, the goal
of the Samaj was summarized as follows:
1.All men are the children of one God.
2.There is no need o f mediator for the worship of God.
3.Anyone who does accept the principles can become member of samaj.
4.The Samaj believed in the Fatherhood of God and brotherhood of men.
The Samaj held its weekly meetings in which various issues like
compulsory educa tion, encouragement to swadeshi goods and removing
the superstitions were discussed.
11.11.2 Satyashodhak Samaj and Social Reforms
With the foundation of the Satyashodhak samaj, the systematic
struggle against the injustice began. Jotirao used his positio na sa
nominated member of the Poona municipality to help the famine -stricken
areas of Maharashtra. The Victoria Orphanage was founded under the
guidance of the Satyashodhak Samaj. Jotirao’s book Sarvajanik
Satyadharma became the chief inspiration for the Satyashodhak Samaj.
His main work was to arouse the exploited and suppressed masses from
age-old slavery. In the matter of widow remarriage, the practice of
untouchability, social equality, the evil of caste system, the established
organization could not e radicate the existing social problems. Jotirao
began to arrange the marriage according to the Satyashodhak ceremony.
The leaders of the Samaj were mass leaders. Though Satyashodhak Samaj
lacked the support of major intellectual, its philosophy was simple a nd
honest. The leaders of Samaj were moved to social actions by their hearts.
Their language of communication was simple; their places of publicity
were the common gathering places of the people. The Satyashodhak
Samaj was the first institution to launch a social revolutionary movement
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154Check your Progress :
1)What was the mouthpeace of Satyashodhak Samaj?
11.12 REFORM MOVEMENT AMONG THE MUSLIMS
The most effective mo vement among the Muslims in favour of
English education was initiated by Syed Ahmad Khan. He began his
career as an official in the British government. He used his position for the
upliftment of the Muslim community. His chief aims were to bring about
an understanding between the English and the Muslim community and
introduction of modern education among the Muslims. Syed Ahmad Khan
formulated an educational scheme for the Indian Muslims. He made an
appeal to the higher and middle class Muslims to learn Eng lish and adopt
westernization to some extent. He regarded the western Knowledge
through the English language as the foundation of all real progress among
the Muslims, Sayed Ahmad Khan established an English School at
Gazipur and the Scientific Society for translating useful English books
into Urdu. He established the Muhammadan Anglo -Oriental College at
Aligarh. The college provided liberal education in arts and sciences
through the medium of English. Later the college was developed into the
Aligarh Muslim University. The reform movement in the Muslim
community initiated by Syed Ahmad Khan came to be known as the
Aligarh Movement which played an important role in bringing about
awakening among the Muslims. It aimed at spreading Western education
among the Mu slim without weakening their allegiance to Islam. The
movement appealed to the Muslims to adopt Western culture and interpret
the Quran in a rational manner and in accordance with the needs to the
Muslims to restructure their social system on more or less democratic
basis. Syed Ahmed Khan endeavored to remove backwardness among the
Muslims.
11.13 IMPACT OF REFORM MOVEMENTS
1) Spirit of Reforms -The reform movements drew the attention of the
people towards the evils from which different religious communit ies in
India were suffering. To some extent these helped in removing ignorance,
illiteracy and superstitions. It created among all religious communities a
sense of pride for their past cultural heritage and thus saved them from the
inferiority complex from which these societies were suffering. The work
done by the reformers significantly contributed in the spirit in which
freedom struggle was fought.
2) Eradication of social evils -It was due to the movements of social
reformers that people of India thought of removing their social evils bothmunotes.in

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155with the help of government and independent of that. Female education
received encouragement and sati system was banned. Evils of cast system
were highlighted and the system of polygamy received great set back.
Several bad religious practices and evils were ended and 200 religion was
purified to some extent. A new outlook started developing in the society.
3) Spread of Modern Education -Whether through English medium or
Vernacular medium, the Reform movements gave top p riority to the
spread of modern education. Most of the reformers were basically teachers
and sometime or the other had taught in schools or colleges. Some of them
had even prepared textbooks, while many of them had started schools and
colleges. The modern education libraries and reading rooms. Different
reform movements started imparted by them was scientific, rational,
logical, objective, liberal, useful and open to all. Because of these efforts,
the educational monopoly of certain classes was broken. The spread of
modern education introduced educated Indians to Western thoughts and
culture. It opened new fields of knowledge in science and literature and
this had a profound influence in shaping the ideas of educated Indians.
4) Influence of Press -Since P ress was the only medium of mass
communication, practically every social reformer and every reform
institute started their own newspapers. These papers appeared in English
as well as in vernaculars. Some reformers fought for the freedom of Press.
Some news papers were devoted to the cause of women, some to workers,
while some were dedicated to the eradication of untouchability.
5) Emancipation of Women -Today women are working shoulder -to-
shouler with men and are shining in every field of life, and have eve n
excelled men in some fields. But, this transformation is not a sudden one.
It is the result of sustained efforts by several reformers and reform
movements. It also took great efforts to educate women and create self -
confidence among them.
6) National and Political awakening -Due to the work done by the social
reformers, the task of political awakening and political leadership became
considerably easier. National Movement in India on all India basis could
be 201 possible only due to socio -religious movements. The Indians began
to feel the need of having increased share in the administration of their
own country. They wanted to have broad based franchise system and
Indianising of the whole administrative system.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the important features of emancipation movement of
womens?munotes.in

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15611.14 SUMMARY
The British conquest and the subsequent insemination of colonial
culture and ideology had led to an inevitable introspection about the
strengths and weaknesses of indi genous culture and institutions. The spirit
of the reform embraced almost the whole of India beginning with the
efforts of Raja Ram Mohan Roy in Bengal leading to the foundation of the
Brahmo Samaj in 1828, the Paramhansa Mandali and the Prathana Samaj
inMaharashtra, the Arya Samaj in Punjab, the Ramkrishna Mission in
Bengal, The Theosophical Society in Madras were some of the prominent
movements. The Satya Shodhak Samaj, Shri Narayan Dharma Paripalana
Sabha etc. Although religious form was their major con cern, none of them,
were exclusively religious in character. They were strongly humanist and
their attention was focused on worldly existence.
11.15 REFERENCES
1) B.L. Grover, Alka Mehta, yash Pal, Adhunik Bharat ka Itihas, Ed
Naveen Mulyankan (Hindi), S. Chand & company Ltd., 2011.
2) A.R.Desai. Social Background of Indian nationalism, Popular
Prakashan, Mumbai, 2005.
3) Bipin Chandra, History of Modern India, orient Blackswan, 2009.
4) Rosalind O’Hanlon, Caste Conflict And Ideology: Mahatma Jotirao
Phule And Low Caste Protest in Ninetieth Century Western India,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985.
5) Sumit Sarkar, Modern India 1885 -1947, Macmillan, Madras, 1996.
11.16 QUESTIONS
Q.1. Trace the origin and growth of Press in India in the nineteenth
century.
Q.2. Evaluate the role of British authorities & indigenous people in the
development of Press in India?
Q.3. Explain the various Press acts of enacted in India during the period of
your study?
Q.4. Analyze the role Brahm o Samaj in socio -religious reform movement
in India.
Q.5. Describe the work of Satyashodhak Samaj in the social reform
movement
Q.6. Discuss the various reform movement in India.
munotes.in

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157Unit -12
SOCIAL CHANGE -CASTE, CLASS AND
GENDER
Unit Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Caste -Class -Gender Consciousness
12.3 Caste
12.4 Efforts of reformers to solve caste problems
12.5 Class Issues
12.6 Gender
12.7 Reformers efforts in gender sensitization -from emancipation to
equality
12.8 References
12.9 Questions
12.0 OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this unit the student will be able to
Understand the nature of caste system and the efforts of social
reformers to eliminate it. .
Explain the development of class struggle with the rise of modern
Industries.
Note the role played by anti -caste movement.
Understand the contribution of Social reformers in creating equality in
Indian society
Comprehend the progress of gender emancipation to equality.
12.1 INTRODUCTION
Inequality is an endemic feature of human societies.
Notwithstanding, the growing acceptance of the ideal of equality, liberty
and fraternity and democratic forms of government the inequalities have
continued to persist and grow. Older forms of inequality have been
changes its nature but they have not been ended. The contemporary world
has also seen a manifold increase in newer forms of inequalities based on
class caste and gender. Caste system in India remained virtually
unchanged over centuries. Hindu soc iety was caste -ridden. With themunotes.in

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158process of westernization, unleashed during the British colonial period and
after independence the system to be changed its nature as it is considered a
crime to observe it openly.
12.2 CASTE -CLASS -GENDER CONSCIOUSNESS
Bharat Patankar states that if we look to consciousness related to
class -caste conflict, or class conflicts and caste conflict, then it many times
is revealed as a mixed consciousness. Which aspect of the consciousness
is going to dominate at a particular po int of time depends on the social
relations or social events in which the person is participating at a particular
juncture. Many times it is said and also empirically found that people get
united in the factory or the factory gates as a working class, abst racting
themselves from their gender and caste existence. Their class
consciousness dominates, subduing their caste and gender consciousness.
When the same persons go to their residential areas and to their homes
their caste and gender consciousness become s dominant. But this doesn’t
mean that when the person’s existence as a class comes to the fore other
aspects of consciousness are completely wiped out, or that other aspects of
consciousness don’t affect the dominant aspect as a class as they always
coexi st and affect each other, shape each other.
Mahatma Jotirao Phule proposed an alliance between all exploited
castes for abolishing slavery and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar said that the
“caste division of labour” is in fact for exploited castes a division of
labourers “and he proposed to abolish this division of labourers as a
precondition for the creation of consciousness which transcends caste -
class and gender divisions among stthe exploited people.
12.3 CASTE
Before colonization, Indian society was a ca ste-ridden and it
practiced systems like bonded Labour.The Hindus were divided into many
castes and sub -castes. The caste system was unequal in inflicting
punishments to members of the lower castes. It never allowed the lower
castes to invoke any law for t heir protection or welfare because they were
treated as good as criminals. The word caste derives from the
Portuguese casta , meaning breed, race, or kind. Among the Indian terms
that are sometimes translated as caste are varna or jati. Many castes are
traditionally associated with an occupation, such as high ranking
Brahmans; middle ranking farmer and artisan groups, such as potters,
barbers, and carpenters; and very low -ranking ‘Untouchable’
leatherworkers, butchers, and .
12.3.1 Caste Distinctions
Tradi tionally, it is believed that Aryan society or society in India
followed the Chaturvarnya system. The society was divided into four main
classes. There was the caste hierarchy consisting of the Brahmin at the
upper level, followed by the Kshatriya, the Vai shya, the Shudra and themunotes.in

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159Ati-Shudra. The Marathas also supported their claims to ascendency in the
social scale by favouring infant marriages, forbidding the marriages of
widows and wearing the sacred thread. Those who were forced to live
outside the villa ge were labelled as the fifth class or the untouchables. The
fate of Shudratishudras (downtrodden) was the worst. The caste system
was complicated since Hindu society consists many castes and sub castes.
Manusmruti and other religious texts highlighted it.
In the early nineteenth century, each caste had its own code of
conduct and customs. The notion of caste superiority thus infiltrated
downward carrying its stigma of ‘being superior to someone else.’ The
status of a man born in a particular caste was det ermined by the rank of
that caste in this hierarchy. Once born in a particular that caste, the status
of a person was permanent and determined. The Shudratishudras itself
indicated many castes and sub castes. The caste was totally based on an
accident of b irth. A person could not make a choice of his profession. He
was not permitted to have conjugal relations with other castes. The
untouchables were not allowed to enter the worshiping sacred places like
temples or monasteries. In this way, it is clear that, the caste system in
Indian society was extremely autocratic and totalitarian.
The untouchables were not allowed to use the public streets. They
were required to have a black thread either on their wrist or around their
neck as a sign or a mark to p rotect the upper caste Hindu from getting
polluted by his touch by mistake. In Pune, the capital of Peshwa, the
untouchable were penalized even for small mistakes. The untouchables
were assigned the lowest duties like removing the dead animals from the
village. They were socially and legally prohibited from employing
themselves in any other profession. They had no right to study religious
scriptures. They had to live in a separate and restricted areas. Hence,
eradication of the untouchability became the mai n agenda of the social
reform movements in its initial stage.
Check your Progress :
1)What was the main agenda of social reform movement in its initial
stage?
12.4 EFFORTS OF REFORMERS TO SOLVE CASTE
PROBLEMS
12.4.1 Jotirao Phule
Jotirao initiated radical social reform movement in modern India to
oppose the caste system and caste discrimination. The most virulent
opposition came from the lower caste movement initiated by Phule. Theremunotes.in

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160were many mythical or scriptural justification of the ca ste system. The
division of society into a number of groups describes the actual reality of
the caste system. Jotirao presented his thought on caste distinction and its
origin. He was troubled to find that the toiling section of the society was
suffering a t the hands of the upper caste only because of the accident of
birth. According to him British had a fear in their minds that if a large
section of the population of Shudratishudras were educated they will
revolt against the British. The British government accepted the Brahmins
as the natural leader of the large population. They were aware that in the
name of religion the members of the upper castes enjoyed tremendous
influence on the masses.
Jotirao’s radicalism towards the caste system attracted heavy
criticism from the orthodox forces and social reformers as well. According
to him, the institution of Caste system had no existence among them
originally. The caste system was invented by the Brahmins to keep
Shudratishudras divided to keep their cultural su premacy intact. Jotirao
vehemently opposed Manu due to his inhuman approach to the lower
castes. The caste system existed long before Manu. He was upholder of it.
His work ended with the codification of the existence of caste rules and
the preaching of cas te dharma or the duties of each caste. Jotirao’s
assessment of the origin of the caste system was a strategic move to
counter the arrogance of the higher castes. He consciously sought to bring
together the major peasant castes like Kunabi, Mali and Shepher ds
alongwith the untouchables to fight against the Brahminical dominance in
society.
12.4.2 Self -Respect Movement by E.V. Ramasamy
E.V. Ramasamy, popularly known as Periyar is regarded as the
‘Father of Modern Tamil Nadu.’ Periyar was a social activist, politician
and a thinker who was way ahead of his time. He was the pillar of the
Dravidian framework and philosophy that went on to shape the politics of
Tamil Nadu. The Self -Respect Movement is also known as the Dravidian
Movement. Self-Respect Movement was not a mere social reformist
movement. It aimed at destroying the existing Hindu social order in its
totality and creating a new, rational society without caste, religion and
God. So it was considered a socially revolutionary movement that had
been des troying and creating, i.e., creative destruction or creation through
destruction. E.V.R had fully explained the meaning of Self -Respect and
the reasons for its emergence. “The Self -Respect Movement was
inaugurated not for talking ill of a particular commun ity or sect, but to
destroy the social evils as a whole. The motive behind the inauguration of
the Self -Respect Movement was nothing but E.V.R.’s contempt for the
caste system and its evils. His bitter experiences in Congress were also
responsible for its emergence. E.V.R.’s break with Congress in 1925 came
essentially as a result of his confrontation with the Brahmin Leaders who
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161Objectives of this movement
This movement aims to do away with such a social structure of the
society where one class of people claim to be superior to others and some
men claim to be of higher birth than others. b) It aims to work for getting
equal opportunities for all people, irrespective of their communities it will
strive to secure equal status for w omen along with men in life and
according to law. c) All people should be given equal opportunities for
growth and development. d) Friendship and fellow feeling should be
natural among all the people. e) It aims to completely eradicate
untouchability and t o establish a united society based on brotherhood and
sisterhood. f) To establish and maintain homes for orphans and widows
and to run educative institutions. g) To discourage people from building
new temples, mutts, chlorites or Vedic Schools. People shou ld drop the
caste titles in their names. Common funds should be utilized for
educational purpose.
Caste Eradication Programme in its caste eradication programme,
the movement insisted on the removal of caste marks and caste names. No
one in the movement w as allowed to wear the sectarian caste marks of
faith on his forehead. The propaganda of the Self -Respect Movement
against the practice of using caste names such as Pillai, Naidu and
Mudaliar resulted in the discontinuance of such appellations among the
educated and enlightened people. Along with Self Respect Movement he
conducted number of Movements to reform society till his death.
12.4.3 Reform movement by Narayan Guru
Shree Narayana Guru (1856 –1928), also known as Shree Narayana
Guru Swami, was a Hi ndu saint and social reformer of India. The Guru
was born into an Ezhava family, in an era when people from backward
communities like the Ezhavas faced social injustice in the caste -ridden
Kerala society. Gurudevan, as he was known among his followers, led
Reform movement in Kerala, revolted against caste system and worked on
propagating new values of freedom in spirituality and social equality
which transformed the Kerala society.
Fight against casteism
Casteism was practiced in Kerala during the nineteen th and early
twentieth centuries and the lower caste people and the untouchable castes
likeParaiyars ,tribals andPulayars had to suffer discrimination from the
upper caste people such as Brahmins. It was against this discrimina tion
that Guru performed his first major public act, the consecration of Siva
idol at Aruvippuram in 1888. Overall, he consecrated forty five temples
across Kerala and Tamil Nadu. His consecrations were not necessarily
conventional deities; a slab inscribe d with the words, Truth, Ethics,
Compassion, Love, a vegetarian Shiva, a mirror and a sculpture by an
Italian sculptor were among the various consecrations made by him. The
social protest of Vaikom Satyagraha was an agitation by the lower caste
against untouchability in Hindu society of Travancore. It was reported that
the trigger for the protest was an incident when Narayana Guru was
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162upper caste person. It prompted Kumaran Asan andMuloor
S.Padmanabha Panicker , both disciples of Guru, to compose poems in
protest of the incident. T. K. Madhavan , another disciple, petitioned
theSree Moolam Popular Assembly in 1918 for rights to enter the temple
and worship, regardless of the caste. A host of people including K.
Kelappan andK. P. Kesava Menon , formed a committee and
announced Kerala Paryatanam movement and with the support
ofMahatma Gandhi , the agitation developed into a mass movement which
resulted in the opening of the temple as well as th ree roads leading to it to
people of all castes. The protest also influenced the Temple Entry
Proclamation of 1936.
12.4.4Dr B. R. Ambedkar
Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was aware that education was the only
remedy for the upliftment of the lower strata of society. “Educate, agitate
and organize” was the slogan of Dr Ambedkar’s Bahishkrit Hitakarini
Sabha which was established in 1924. Through Bahishk rit
HitakariniSabha, Dr Babasaheb Amedkar established a number of schools,
hostels and libraries. In 1945, he established the ‘Peoples Education
Society’ in Mumbai. This society established Siddhartha College in
Mumbai in 1946 and Milind College in Auranga bad in 1950.
Mahad Chavdar Lake Satyagraha (March 1927)
By 1927, Dr. Ambedkar decided to launch active movements
against the practice of untouchability. The problems of the downtrodden
were centuries old and difficult to overcome. Their entry into temple sw a s
forbidden. They could not draw water from public wells and ponds.
Mahad Satyagraha was launched to establish the right of Dalits to obtain
water from Chavdar Lake in Mahad. Dr Ambedkar’s march to the
‘Chavdar Lake’ in Mahad in 1927 was really a histo ric event. He had
presided over a conference at Mahad in Raigad district where he said: “We
can attain self -elevation only if we learn self -help and regain our self -
respect.” On 20thMarch 1927, Ambedkar led the peaceful march at Mahad
to establish the r ights of the Dalits to taste water from the Public Chavdar
Lake, traditionally prohibited to them. He knelt and drank water from it.
After he set this example, thousands of others became courageous enough
to follow him. They drank water from the lake and m ade history andthis
marked the beginning of an anti -caste movement in India.
Burning of Manusmriti (25 December 1927)
Dr Ambedkar held Manusamriti as responsible for the social
inequality and the oppressive conditions of the Dalits. In order to liberate
Dalits from the age -old slavery of caste -ridden Hindu society, Dr
Ambedkar decided to burn Manusamriti which was the symbol of tyranny
and injustice. It was supported by Ambedkar’s upper caste activists.
Manusamriti was burnt publically at Mahad on 25 Dece mber 1927 along
with thousands of his followers. This event was symbolically rejecting the
rules so specified and the doctrine of inequality at birth on which the caste
system was based. It was a historic event which denied the unequal social
stratificati on and demanded social norms based on modern humanitarianmunotes.in

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163principles. This ended the thousand years of slavery and freed the Dalits
from the shackles of virtual bondage.
Nashik Kala Ram Temple Entry Satyagraha (1930 -1935)
Dalits had always been forbidden to enter Hindu temples. Dr.
Ambedkar used Satyagraha against the restriction on the entry of Dalits in
the temples to establish their right to equality in society. In order to
establish the right to enter into temples, Dr Ambedkar launched the temple
entry Satyagraha on 2ndMarch 1930 at the Kalaram Temple, Nashik. It is
another landmark in the struggle for human rights and political and social
justice. This satyagraha was lasted up to 1935 but orthodox Hindus didn’t
open the gates for the Dalit’s. Finally, Dr Ambedkar summoned a
conference of untouchables on 13thOctober 1935 at Yeola near Nashik.
Babasaheb told the conference; “We have not been able to secure the
barest of human rights. I am born a Hindu. I couldn’t help it, but I
solemnly assure you that I will not die as a Hindu.” In this conference, he
exhorted the depressed classes to leave Hinduism and embrace another
religion. He also advised his followers to abandon the Kalaram Temple
entry Satyagraha. Babasaheb summoned a number of conferences to
spread the message of his conversion. This has shaken the very foundation
of Hindu religion. However, Hindu people did not change their approach
and attitude towards the Dalits. They continued their restrictions and evil
social practices. Finally, Dr. Ambedk ar embraced Buddhism on
14October 1956 at Nagpur.
Check your Progress :
1)Kalaram Temple located at which place is Maharashtra?
12.5 CLASS ISSUES
Indian society was marked with the presence of caste system and
caste discrimination. Nonetheless, with the industrialization in 19thcentury
led to the growth of class distinction and class struggle as well. The
beginning of the class struggle did not freed them from the yoke of caste
stigma, on the contrary, they had to face class struggl e while entrapped in
caste bondage. The people. The foundation of modern industries in India
was laid between 1950 and 1870. Lord Dalhousie’s railway minutes of
1853 started the process of the introduction of machinery. The
development of industries direct ly or indirectly connected with Railways
became invertible. The coal industry developed fast and a large working
force employed into it. The first cotton mill was set up in Bombay in
1854. The Indian working class suffered the exploitation from the
empl oyers such as low wages, long working hours, unhygienic andmunotes.in

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164hazardous working conditions, employment of child labour and the
absence of basic amenities.
The Jute mill was set up in Calcutta at the same year. The tea
industry also greatly developed. The I ndian working class suffered from
all forms of exploitation -low wages, long working hours, unhygienic
conditions, employment of child labour axles of amenities. Meanwhile the
government formed a commission in 1875 to look into the issue of the
Factory A ct to take care of the workers. The members of the Mill Owners’
Association opposed the Act and thus the government did not take any
further action
12.5.1 Labour commission
Owning to the constant demands from the mill workers, in 1879
the Factory Bill wa s once again brought before the government for review.
Few intellectuals supported the bill. The Rast Gofter andIndian Spectator
supported the bill. At the same time from Bombay N.M. Lokhande started
publishing the Deenbandhu which took up the cause of the workers and
supported The Factory Act. N. M. Lokhande, the satyshodhak follower
and close associate of Maharma Phule played significant role in seeking
the lacunas in mild factory act of 1881. In comparison to England, cheap
labours were easily available in India.
Under the leadership of N.M. Lokhande the workers started united
agitating for their rights. In Bombay, along with the rich and intellectual, a
third united front was launched -that of the mill workers. They attracted a
number of intellectuals towards their cause, people who started supporting
them in their struggle. With this the demand for The Factory Act became
stronger. Finally after a long struggle, under Governor Generals Law
Council “The Factory Bill” was approv ed. The Bill outlined that any
industry which worked for more than four months and which had more
than hundred workers, was bound by this Act. The age of the child
workers was fixed at not less than 7 years for children who worked part -
time and between 7 a nd 12 for children who worked full time. Owing to
the opposition from the mill owners, when the Bill was passed it was very
mild and limited in its scope.
Narayan M. Lokhande criticized the mild form of the Bill. He
wrote in the Deenbandhu on 14thAugust 1881” that the minimum age
limit for children to be employed in the factories should be set at least 16,
as the work pressure in the mills could retard the growth of the children;
the government should at least take responsibility for the education of
those children who are working in the mills; workers should be given
better remuneration and the workers need to get enough rest”
12.5.2. The Bombay Mill Hands’ Association:
With the cooperation of the workers, N.M. Lokhande established,
“The Bombay Mill Ha nds’ Association”, which was the first workers’
organization in the country. The Association strongly opposed the mild
Factory Act of 1881.Realizing the growing opposition to the 1881 Factory
Act by the Mill Hands’ Association; the government under themunotes.in

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165chairmanship of W.B. Mullock appointed a Factory Commission.
Lokhande demanded that this commission should listen to the appeal of
the workers’ representatives. The Mill Hands’ Association wanted to put
forward the real problems of the workers before the comm ission and for
this it was decided to organize a huge public meeting.
On 23rdSeptember 1884, at Suparibagh, near Parel, the first
workers’ public meeting was organized by N.M. Lokhande Around four
thousand workers unitedly participated in this meeting. He reassured the
mill owners that. The New Factory Act would not hamper the progress of
the mills. Instead, he felt that as the mills were already closed twice every
month, the demand for two more days of holidays, if accepted would
benefit both owners and workers.
For the first time in India, the opinions of the working class were
openly voiced in this public meeting organized by The Bombay Mill
Hand’s Association.
After 23rdSeptember 1884, a second meeting was organized on
26thSeptember of Byculla. T his meeting also saw the participation of
many workers. In this meeting N.M. Lokhande put resolutions which
passed in both the meetings. In this meeting a petition signed by five
thousand five hundred workers was also prepared. This included the
following demands.
1) Mill workers should get a weekly holiday on Sunday.
2) In the afternoon workers should be entitled to a half hour recess.
3) Mill should start working from 6.30 in the morning and close by sunset.
4) The salaries of the workers should be given by the 15thof every month.
5) If a worker is injured while at work, then till he recovers his full salary
should continue to be paid.
6) Besides this if a worker died while at work, his family should continue
to be paid. Besides this if a worke r died while at work, his family
should receive pension.
Lokhande along with other mill workers put forward this petition
in front of W.B. Mullock, the Chairman of the Commission on 15thOct
1884. The demand for a weekly holiday put forward by the Mill Ha nd’s
Association did not receive any support from the mill owners. Instead they
gave frivolous reasons to suppress the demand. They produced statistics of
around 26 mills between the period 1888 -89 concerning the women
working in the mills who remained abs ent for 5 to 6 days every month.
This they asserted exceeded the four days a month demanded by The Mill
Hands’ Association.
In 1890 The Mill Hands’ Association under Lokhande organized a
strong agitation to oppose the decision of the Mill Owners and a hug emunotes.in

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166public meeting was organized at the Mahalaxmi Race Course on 24thApril
1890. Almost ten thousand workers gathered for this meeting. The
enormous participation of the workers in the race course meeting made the
mill owners and the governments realize the strength of the workers’
movement. On Sunday 10thJune, 1890 the mill owners passed the
resolution to declare Sunday a weekly holiday.
12.5.3 The New Factory Act (1891 -92)
The International Labour Conference of 1890 decided to look into
the problems of women and children workers in different parts of the
world. Thus in India on 25thSeptember 1890 the initial committee under
Mullock was dissolved and a new Factory Labour Commission was
appointed. The members of the commission included Surgeon A.M.
Lethbr idge, (Chairman of the Commission), Pyaremohan Mukherjee,
Muhammed Hussain and Sorabji Shahpurjee Bengale. To assist this
Commission the government appointed N.M. Lokhande as the
representative of the workers. The New Factory Act was passed in 1891
and it came into force from 1stFebruary 1892. The New Factory Act
fulfilled almost all the demands of the workers. The support given by
Lokhande in the making of this New Factory Act was specially
appreciated and mentioned by the commission in its reports. The A ct
raised the age limit for children from 7 to 9 for part -time workers and from
12 to 14 for full -time workers. Provisions were also outlined to give them
opportunities for education. Similarly, working hours for women were
fixed at 11 hours per day. All t hese new clauses were a result of
Lokhande’s efforts and his Satyashodak ideology. The Mill Owners finally
acknowledged Lokhande’s work in the Factory Commission and honored
him by referring to him as the ‘Intelligent and Industrious Mill Workers
President .’
12.5.4. Class struggle 1891 onwards
During thisperiod theworking conditions andliving conditions of
theworkers were very badandtheir working hours were long. Theperiod
from 1850 to1900 there wasnotrade union intherealsense butthey were
social unions because they could notserve thepurpose oftrade unions.
The leadership inthismovement was provided bysocial reformers and
politicians -cum-nationalists.
Strikes in India (1880 -1900)
Workers of India strongly resented the repressive polic ies of mill
owners and capitalist class through the spontaneous short -lived strikes.
Twenty -five important strikes have been recorded in Bombay and Madras
between 1882 and 1890. A several big strikes were organized by the
Calcutta jute mill workers in the mid-1890’s, leading the Indian Jute
Mill’s Association to ask the Bengal government for ‘additional police
supervision’ to curb ‘riotous combinations’ of mill -hands in April
1895.During this period, the first big strike occurred in Ahmadabad, in
protest ag ainst the substitution of fortnightly payment of wages in place of
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16712.5.5.Struggle from 1900 to1920
First World War was started in 1914. After that prices of the
commodity increased. Similarly profits to the factories also increased. B ut
there was no increment in the salary. Therefore, dissatisfaction increased
among the labourers as well.By 1918, the workers were settling in
industrial centres and were workers getting accustomed to industrial
life.Many adhoc unions disappeared andanumber ofstrong andlarge
sized unions came into existence inIndia. After First World War the
Russian Revolution, 1917 andtheestablishment ofInternational Labour
Organisation, 1919 gave anew turntothetrade union movement inIndia,
B.P.Wadia anassociate ofAnnie Besant, formed theMadras Labour
Union ofalltextile workers inthecityofMadras in1919. The first modern
trade union emerged only in the second decade of the twentieth century in
the shape of the Madras Labour Union on 27thApril 1918 b y Mr. B.
PWadia, of the workers of Buckingham and Carnatic Mills in the then
Madras Presidency. Since then the progress of the movement has been
both rapid and successful.
In 1918, B.P. Wadia led a strike on economic demands for the
workers benefit in Ma dras. Within a period of three years it spread rapidly
to other centres and several other industries It was principally an
organization of textile workers, but subsequently it became a general
union of all the workers, namely, the workers of tramways, prin ting press,
M.S.M. Railway Workshop and rikshawalas. Moreover, The Madras
Labour Union was the first systematic attempt at trade union organization,
with regular membership and dues and a relief fund. Trade unionism after
1919 spread to centres other than M adras, Bombay and Ahmadabad.
Unions are formed on the railways and in the iron and steel industry
besides textiles.
While assessing the strike movement at that period, V. V. Giri in
‘Labour Problems in Indian Industry’ observed that during and after
World War I the spread of democratic ideas, the realization of the
principles of equality, fraternity and liberty, the development of industries,
the scarcity of labour, the rise in the cost of living and the establishment of
the International Labour organizati on, all contributed to the general
awakening of the workers and to en era of trial strength between workers
and employers.
The year 1920 was themost important year intheTrade union
congress. AITUC wasformed inthisyear under thepresident -ship ofLala
Lajpat Rai. Itwas estimated that in1924 there were 167 unions inthe
country. Under theleadership ofMahatma Gandhi, thespinners ‘Union
and Weavers’ union was established inAhmedabad which later on
federated into theTextile Labour Association. Thisunion was based on
Gandhian Philosophy ofnon-violence andmutual trust.
The emergence ofLeft wing Trade Unions came into existence
between periods from 1924 to1940 and also anumber ofimportant
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168The communists were gaining importance inthetrade union movement
from 1928. Asaresult ofthis, N.M.Joshi broke away from theAITUC
andformed AllIndia Trade Union Federation (AITUF).In theyear 1931,
duetothefundamental differences between communists andleftwing,
there was another riftintheAITUC and thecommunists Mr. B.T.
Ranadine formed theRed Trade Union Congress (TTUC). In1935, the
RTUC merged intotheAITUC andfinally theunity wasachieved in1940
when N.M. Joshi becoming General Secretary oftheAITUC.
During the period from 1923 to1940, the workmen’s
Compensation Act, 1923, theTrade Union Act, 1926, theTrade Disputes
Acts, 1929, and thePayment ofWages Act, 1936, were passed in
India.During Second World War, theIndian National Congress was in
power inseveral provinces butinyear 1943 thewarwascoming toclose
andthecommunists decided torevert totheir oldrole ofmilitant trade
unionism asaneffort toregain their lostpopularity.
12.5.6Class -Caste conciseness
Workers were employed in large number in the industrial cities of
India and they also got opportunity to work in rural -urban areas. They
were mainly divided into two categories in Indian context one was Upper
caste workers and Dalit workers. The y were working in various
occupations, but Dalit labourers had to suffer a lot due to the stigma caste.
Dalit labourers were forced to take their hereditary occupations and
professions in villages and were dominated by upper caste landlords and
moneylender s. Their exploitation was continued in cities also. They
migrated from their villages to suburban and urban areas in search of jobs
and to deny the caste based identity which was located in villages. They
came to industrial places and employed themselves i n mills, factories,
industries etc. However, in cities also Dalit workers were subjugated by
caste Hindu workers by not giving key positions and high wages
departments. The stigma of caste attached to them, was responsible for
their dual exploitation -One w ith the hands of mill owners, businessmen
and capitalists class and another by upper caste Hindu workers by denying
them their just and humanitarian rights. There problems were not taken
into consideration by prominent labour leaders. This was the situatio n of
labour movement up to 1920.
Labour historians and scholars claims that there was no working
class consciousness amongst the workers in India in 19thCentury.
However it is observed that though they were not aware of working class
consciousness as li ke European workers but their participation in various
strikes and class -conflicts manifests that they had class consciousness.
They expressed their consciousness on various issues and supported the
labour leader like N.M. Lokhande and other labour leaders for their
emancipation. Dr. Ambedkar transformed the labour movement in the first
half of 20thcentury by adding his own contribution and new dimensions to
the labour movement of his times. He has contributed immensely for the
welfare of labourers in Indi a. He addressed the problems of labourers from
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169Check your Progress :
1)Who started Dinbandhu News paper?
12.6 GENDER
Women in Indian society have been placed in a disadvantageous
posit ion in Indian society. They were discriminated and exploited since
ancient times. Number of restrictions was imposed upon them and
deterred their progress and advancement. The extent of such exploitation
is more intense in case of women belonging to the Da lit castes, primarily
on account of their ignorance, illiteracy and social backwardness. They
were the direct victim of the caste and occupation oriented disadvantage
and have to bear the maximum brunt and hardship.
The general condition of women was dero gatory in society. The
women were treated like slaves in chains of unjust religious customs and
traditions. The high caste women suffered due to the heavy restrictions on
their day to day life. The social evils like sati, prohibition on widow
remarriage, c hild marriage and prohibition of women education made their
life miserable.
12.6.1 Problems of women -Sati
The orthodox forces prevailed on the Indian society at larger
extent. The killing of female child, burning the widows, forced
widowhood and many o ther inhuman practices were carried by the people.
In Kathiawad, Jonathan Duncan, the then superintendent and resident of
Banaras (1788 -1795) found that the custom of killing daughters was as
general among certain castes as it had been near Benares. The cu stom of
burning widows alive was more notorious practice followed by high caste
Hindus. It was widespread in India. Though the Vedic texts do not
mention it, later on Brahminical orthodoxy prevailed upon it. In Bengal, a
widow was tied to the corpse, men s tood by with poles to push her back in
case her bonds should burn through and the victim scorched and maimed
should struggle free.
12.6.2 Forced Widowhood
The widow who survived from sati lived more depressed life than
death. She was denied every good in life. Her life was full of miseries and
hardships. The existing condition of the widows are depicted in the
writings of Baba Padmanji and Pandita Ramabai. It throws light on
psychological and physical torturing of the widows. The sufferings of
widowhood k new no bounds. The famous Marathi classic Yamuna
Paryatan by Baba Padmanji presented a graphic account of the suffering
and humiliations of Brahmin widow. He narrated the sordid tales ofmunotes.in

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170torturing, adultery, prostitution and forced celibacy and other restr ictions
imposed on young widows. Yamuna Paryatan a, the contemporary literary
work highlighted the contemporary social and religious condition. Hence
it is considered the first modern novel in Marathi based on social religious
problems.
12.6.3 Child marri age
Child marriage was another heartless practice followed by the
upper caste Hindus. There were cases of marriage between old man and a
child bride of ten year age. The horrible scenario can be understood by the
example of Justice Ranade, a well known so cial reformer, who could not
prevent his own marriage with a child bride because of fear of social
excommunication and his father’s wrath. Pandita Ramabai has given a
graphic detail of this child marriage “many girls are given in marriage out
the present d ay while they are still in their cradles; from five to eleven
year is the usual age for their marriage among the Brahmins all over India.
This account gives us graphic picture of the condition of society. The
lower castes and women from upper castes as a w idow and child bride
were subject to suffer by religious hypocrisy and traditional orthodox
forces in society. The religious irrationality prevailed over society all the
way. As a matter of fact, these evil practices were realized by the Indians
who receiv ed western education that made them compare Indian society
with western society and their values.
12.6.4 Denial of education
Illiteracy was one more problem faced by Indian women due to
misunderstanding, wrong notion s, superstition and general backwardness
of the society. Traditionally, it was said that parents should spend money
on girls marriage including dowry and other heads but not to spend any
thing on their education. They should spend money on the education of
boys only.
12.7 REFORMERS EFFORTS IN GENDER
SENSITIZATION -FROM EMANCIPATION TO
EQUALITY
12.7.1 Raja Ram Mohan Roy
Raja Ram Mohan Roy wanted to improve the condition of the
Indian women. He raised his voice against the practice of sati. He pointed
outthat most of the sati cases were not voluntary, but forced. When the
orthodox leaders petition to the government, requesting the withdrawal of
the regulations of 1812 -13 and 1817, Ram Mohan Roy and his friend
submitted a counter -petition in August 1818. R am Mohan Roy wrote a
number of articles in English to show that nowhere in the Hindu Shastras
the burning of widows have been mentioned as a compulsory measure. He
also published articles in his Bengali journal Samvad Kaumudi against the
evil practice of s ati. Ram Mohan Roy struggled against sati and finally
succeeded when Lord William Bentinck declared the practice of sati
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171In 1880, B. M. Malbari, the editor of Indian Spectator had attracted
the attention of people towards the child marriage and published has notes
on enforced widowhood and infant marriages in 1884. He said that the
Government should include the evils of child marriage in the school
syllabus to create awareness at the early age among the peopl e. Justice
Ranade advised the Government to pass Laws to fix twelve years the
minimum age of girls for marriage and amend the penal code to punish the
people who infringed these laws. Although, some of the prominent
members opposed to this, B. M. Malbari w ent to England to pressurize the
British Government to get passed these legislations. Due to the hard
efforts of B. M. Malbari, the Age of Consent Act of 1891 was passed. This
was a step ahead in the emancipation of 267 women. These legislations
led all en lightened and English educated people in Maharashtra to work
jointly towards creating better conditions for women in society.
Due to the impact of western education and the educated Indians
such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Swami Dayananda Saraswati and other
social reformers, an attempt was made to liberate women from the
shackles of ancient social disabilities through the socio -religious reform
movements. Raja Ram Mohan Roy also opposed to polygamy. He pointed
out that the Shastra has permitted the second marr iage of men under
certain circumstances. Ram Mohan Roy was in favour of the education of
women. The Brahmo Samajists sought to bring women into new roles
through schools and prayer meetings. Swami Vivekananda was arguing
that women could become a powerful regenerative force. Dayananda
encouraged female education and condemned all evil customs. M.G.
Rande, Malabari, D.K. Karve tried to educate young widows and made
them teachers in girl‘s schools. R.V.R. Naidu opposed the devdasi system
while Pantulu worked for marriage reforms. Ishwar Chandra Vidysagar
supported the female education and advocated the widow remarriage.
Although, the widow remarriage Act was passed in 1856, the status of
women was not changed and never received the approval of the society.
12.7.2 Pandita Ramabai
Pandita ramabi was one more pioneering personality, who worked
hard towards the emancipation of women. Many orthodox people in Pune
criticized her for her marriage to a non -Brahmin Bengali man. She was
very much critical about the mis eries of women at the hands of men. In
order to support women in miseries Pandita Ramabai established Arya
Mahila Samaj with the help of Prarthana Samaj. She was also supported in
her efforts by Bhandarkar and Justice Ranade. Pandita Ramabai was
harassed b y orthodox Brahmins to such extent that she was forced to
convert to Christianity and leave for England and America for some time.
She wrote a book and blamed the orthodox people in Hinduism for her
troubles and sufferings. She established sharda sadan in Mumbai in 1889
and shifted it to Pune on the request of M. G. Ranade and Bhandarkar,
who supported her in her efforts of solving problems of destitute women.
In 1930, the Government passed the Sharda Act which made a provision
for fine and imprisonment to a person instigating for marriage of the girl
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17212.7.3 Mahatma Phule and Savitribai Phule
Mahatma Jyotibha Phule never discriminated between men and
women on the basis of sex and wanted to give them equal rights in all
matters. H e envisaged a society based on liberty, equality and fraternity. In
order to profess and spread his message he started Dinbandhu, a weekly
journal with the help of Narayan Meghaji Lokhande, who was his close
associate and a trade union leader. Phule used h is whole energy and
intellect to emancipate the women from their age old bondages of
tyrannical brahmanical patriarchy. He tried to create awareness among
them against the unnatural and unreasonable claims of the Hindu people
and professed individual digni ty and equality in socio -religious matters.
He was the first man to start school for girls in Maharashtra.
12.7.4 Gopal Ganesh Agarkar
Agarkar was the first editor of Kesari. During this period he
discussed several social problems and offered solutions fo r them. For his
reformative view he had to resign the editorship of Kesari. Agarkar started
‘Sudharak’ to propagate social reforms. He discussed several social
problems and offered solution for them. Agarkar’s thinking was
independent Progressive and power ful.
12.7.5.Maharshi Dhondo Keshav Karve
Maharshi Dhondo Keshav Karve was pioneer in promoting
women’s education and the right for widows to remarry. The greatest
achievement of Karve is the foundation of the women’s university in
Maharash tra. He presented the idea of establishing the special institute for
women’s education in the meeting of National Social Conference at
Mumbai. He was supported by many leaders including Annie Besant,
Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Bhandarkar. The women’s Universit yw a s
founded in 1916.
12.7.6 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar
Dr Ambedkar was truly liberator of the Indian women. He
rendered great service to all the women by his emphasis on equality. He
gave equal importance to the advancement of women along with Dalits for
theoverall development of the country. Through his writings and
speeches, it is evident that he has studied the problem of women in India
and evolved his own perspective and strategy for the empowerment of
women in India. On 20 and 21 March 1927, during the Mahad Satyagraha,
Dr. Ambedkar addressed to women and told them to participate in the
struggle against the tyranny of caste system and gender discrimination. He
emphasized to them that men alone cannot fight this menace. Dr.
Ambedkar addressed a meeting of about 3000 women, where he said that
“I measure the progress of community by the degree of progress which
women had achieved. Let every girl who marries stand by her husband,
claim to be her husband’s friend and equal, and refuse to be his slave. I am
sure if you follow this advice, you will bring honour and glory to
yourselves.” Thus Dr. Ambedkar brought about a revolutionary change in
the attitude of women. They began to think of their own progress which
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173Dr. Ambedkar was an ardent supporter of family planning. He
emphasized the need of family planning way back in 1938. He also raised
the Women’s issue as member of Bombay Legislative Assembly on 10
November 1938; he strongly advocated family planning measures and said
that besides many other problems giving birth to too many children
negatively affects Mother’s health.
As a Labour minister in Viceroys Executive Council (1942 -1946),
he enacted various laws especially for the betterment of women. Because
of his efforts, working women got the full pay maternity benefit. He also
took further measures to give relief for women working in coal mines and
protected their rights. While drafting the constitution of India, Dr.
Ambedkar was the prime mover of the provisions related to the welfare of
women. H e was instrumental in granting equal status to all the citizens
irrespective of sex, religion etc. Thus the women, contrary to their low
status as per Hindu law books, were for the first time got equal status
lawfully. Dr. Ambedka r had also been encouraging women to organise
themselves. One such historic Women’s conference was held on 20th July
1942 at Nagpur. Nearly 25,000 women participated in the conference. Dr.
Ambedkar was highly impressed by the large gathering. In his speech ,h e
told the women to be progressive and told them to abolish traditionalism,
ritualism and customary habits which were detrimental to their progress.
Check your Progress :
1)Gopal Ganesh Agarkar was started which news paper?
12.8 REFERENCES
1) Das R.K., History of Indian Labour Legislation , Calcutta
University,Calcutta,1941.
2) Sen Samita., Women and Labour in late Colonial India: The Bengal
Jute Industry , Cambridge University Press,Cembridge,1999.
3) Berreman, Gerald, Caste and Other Inequa lities –Essays on Inequality,
Folklore Institute, Meerut, 1979.
4) Dhananjay Keer , Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Life and
Mission Paperback, 5) Gaikwad, Kishor, Origins of Indian Social
Exclusion: Remapping Early Indian Social Formations and
Disciplining Caste and Gender, Atharva Publications, Dhule, 2012
6) https://www.economicsdiscussion.net/india/trade -union -movement/
history -of-trade -union -in-india/31891munotes.in

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17412.9 QUESTIONS
1) Trace the caste problem and forms of discrimination attached with it.
2) Enumerate the contribution of Ramaswami Nayakar and Narayan Guru
against caste discrimination.
3) Discus the historical struggle of the workers in the 19thcentury.
4) Describe the condition of women in 19thcentury India.
5) Describe the class struggle followed by workers organizat ion in the
twentieth century.
6) Trace the contribution of social reformer begin with emancipation upto
seeking equality for women
7)Assess the contribution of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar in the in the
promotion social equality in India.

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175Unit -13
MAKING OF RELIGIOUS, LINGUISTIC
IDENTITIES AND RISE OF
NATIONALISM
Unit Structure :
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Muslim response to the British conquest
13.3 The Aligarh Movement
13.4 Lucknow pact
13.5 Hindu Mahasabha
13.6 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (R.S.S.)
13.7 RSS Ideology
13.8 Summary
13.9 References
13.10 Questions
13.0 OBJECTIVES
After the completion of this unit the student will be able to
Understand the factors that were responsible for the rise of
communalism in India
Explain the rise and growth of Muslim communalism.
Understand the growth of Hindu Communalism.
Trace the communa listic role of Aligah Movemmet and Hindu
Mahasabha.
Comprehend the problems created by Communalism in India.
13.1 INTRODUCTION
The rise and growth of religious sentiments during the later part of
the nineteenth century continued to shape the course of In dian history
during the freedom struggle. The great communal divide gradually began
to harden the attitudes of the two predominant communities of India,
Hindus and Muslims. The religion based nationalism led to the
establishment of communal organizations t o streamline the aspirations of
the respective communities. The religious -cultural organizations of both
the Muslims and the Hindus gave way to the establishment of politicalmunotes.in

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176organizations such as the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha. The
British instigat ed the drift between two communities a part of their
imperialistic strategy. They were neither the true friends of the Muslims
nor Hindus but they were the true friends of British imperialism.
According to Bipin Chandra, Communalism or communal
ideology comprises of three basic elements or stages. First, it is the belief
that people who follow the same religion have common secular interests
such as political, economic, social and cultural. This is the basic
foundation of communal ideology. ‘From this arises the notion of socio -
political communities based on religion. The second element of communal
ideology rests on the nation that in a multi -religious society like India, the
secular interests of the followers of one religion are dissimilar and
divergent from the interests of the followers of another religion. The third
stage of communalism is reached when the interests of the followers of
different religions or of different communities are seen to be mutually
incompatible, antagonistic and hostile. Thus, the communalists assert at
this stage that Hindus and Muslims cannot have common secular interests
are bound to be opposed to each other.
13.2 MUSLIM RESPONSE TO THE BRITISH
CONQUEST
The Muslims and Hindus responded differently to the British
conquest of India. With the advent of the British rule the social relations
between the Hindus and Muslim did not undergo any radical change.
However, the political outlook of the two communities was very di fferent
from the beginning. While the Hindus took advantage of the English
education to further their socio -economic and political interest under new
dispensation, the Muslims lagged far behind the Hindus in this respect.
Other factors also powerfully oper ated in the same direction. As a result
that the two, communities, though subject to the same foreign rule,
suffering from the same disabilities and seeking the same remedies or
reforms, could not present a united front in politics and meet on a common
political platform.
The difference of approach in politics between the communities was
clearly manifested, for the first time, in the Wahabi movement. Although
the later phase of the movement, namely, a violent hatred against the
English and an organized at tempt to drive them out of the country should
have evoked sympathy at least among a section of the Hindus. However,
there is no evidence of such sympathy. The reason for the lack of
sympathy among the Hindus to the Wahabi Movement was that it was a
purely Muslim movement and was directed theoretically against all non -
Muslims. It aim to establish in India ‘dar -ul-Islam’, that is ‘Muslim
sovereignty pure and simple’.
In 1863, Abdul Latif, a leading public servant and one of the first
Bengali Muslims profici ent in English, organized the Mohammedanmunotes.in

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177Literacy and Scientific Society of Calcutta, to represent those ‘Bengal
Muslim who wish to adopt English education and European customs ...
without contravening the essential principles of Islam, or ruffling the
traditional prejudices of their Mohammedan fellow countrymen’. Its
purpose was primarily educational and social. As the leader of one section
of Calcutta’s small community of educated Muslims, Latif was regularly
consulted by the government, and the Literary Society intentionally
avoided any adventurousness in its politics.
In 1878, Nawab Amir Khan founded the National Mohammedan
Association. Amir Ali held that Muslim fortunes would not revive by
Muslim efforts alone. Government help was essential, and if it was to be
won, Muslims needed a political organization of their own. Thus, when he
was invited by Surendranath Bannerjee to join the Indian Association, he
refused to do so. In its memorial of 1882, the National Mohammedan
Association listed its demands -a proportion of jobs to be reserved for the
Muslims, less emphasis to be placed on University education as a
qualification for office, no simultaneous examinations for the covenanted
service and no competitive examinations for the uncovenanted, and the
provision for the special educational requirements of the Muslim
community. Thus, almost two years before the first Indian National
Congress was convened, a separate Muslim political conference had been
suggested.
Gradually, the Muslim leaders began to app reciate the value of the
English education. In a public meeting held on 10 January 1868, Abdul
Latif made a vigorous plea for the English education of the Muslim boys.
Suggestions were made for the transformation of the Anglo -Persian
Department of the Calc utta, Madras to the status of a college. The Muslim
leaders in Bengal thus took a lead in this matter even before Sir Syed
Ahmed Khan thought of the Aligarh College. Although the proposal of
Abdul Latif was not put into effect, Muslim education in Bengal g ot a
great impetus from the munificent charity of Haji Muhammad Moshin in
1873. He left a large legacy, and it was resolved by the government that
out of the Moshin Trust Fund, two -third of the fees would be paid to every
Muslim student in any English scho ol or college in Bengal. This partly
accounts for the greater progress of Muslim students of Bengal in English
education as compared to other provinces.
So far evidence goes, Muslim politics, throughout the nineteenth
century, has followed a course diffe rent from that of the Hindus. While the
Hindus were developing their political ideas and political organizations on
modern lines under the influence of English education, the Muslims
launched the Wahabi Movement which was most violent and anti -British,
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178Check your Progress :
1)Which movement was launched by Indian Muslims against Britishers?
13.3 THE ALIGARH MOVEMENT
After the Revolt of 1857, there were two main threats to their
position. One was the conviction in official circles that Muslims had been
responsible for the revolt. The other was the growing competition both
from Bengalis and local Hindus. Syed Ahmad Khan was the first to look
synoptically at these problems. He felt that unless Muslims could be
persuaded to come to terms with their Christian rulers and the new
learning, they would continue to fall behind ‘in the race for position
among the magnates of the world.’ They would remain inflexibly
orthodox, their rulers would discriminate against them, and more
adaptable groups would usurp their position and offices.
Syed Ahmad Khan was born in. 1817. He began his career as an
official of the British Government at the age of twenty. At the time of the
Revolt of 1857, he was serving the Company’s Government in a
subordinate judicial post. He remained loyal and asked his coreligionists
to behave likewise. He saved the local Europeans by successful
diplomacy, first with the mutineers and then with Nawab Mahmud Khan.
His loyal services were recognized by the grateful British Government and
he was given a distinguished position after the Revolt of 1857. Syed
Ahmad Khan utilized the opportunity not for advancing his ow nm a t e r i a l
interests, but for the upliftment of his co -religionists. He pondered deeply
over the deplorable condition of the Muslim community and made a noble
resolve to take up its cause.
13.3.1 Drift From Nationalism to Communalism
Syed Ahmed Khan tried to restore the good name of his
community by denying that the Revolt had been a Muslim conspiracy. He
argued that Bahadur Shah’s cause had been self -evidently hopeless, and
since the English Government did not interfere with the Muslims in the
practi ce of their religion, they had no reason to launch a ‘Jehad’. Most of
them, according to Syed, had in fact stood by the Raj. Together with these
political vindications, Syed Ahmad Khan wanted to give new orientations
in religion. Without this, his educatio nal projects could not have
succeeded. He had to show that western learning was compatible with the
faith. On the assumption that the Quran was the only reliable guide to
Islam, Syed set himself to formulate traditional Quranic teachings anew,
so as to avo id all that was irrational in Islam. This brought him into
conflict with the ulemas and all their orthodox followers in northern India.
At first Syed Ahmad Khan had argued that the best way of bringing
western learning to the people of his province was thr ough the vernacular,munotes.in

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179but later he became convinced that English must be the medium. His most
notable educational achievement was the foundation of the Anglo -Oriental
College at Aligarh, which became a great centre for the spread of western
knowledge and th e study of Islamic ideas. The reform movement among
the Muslims initiated by Syed Ahmad Khan came to be, known as the
Aligarh Movement. In the address presented to Lord Lytton, the Viceroy,
who laid the foundation -stone of the college in 1877, it was said that
British rule in India was the most wonderful phenomenon the world had
ever seen, and that the object of the college was to make this fact clear to
the Indians, to educate them about the blessings of such rule as also ‘to
reconcile oriental’ learning w ith western literature and science, to inspire
in the dreamy minds of the people of the East the practical energy which
belongs to those of the west’.
Theodore Beck, the Principal of the Mohammedan Anglo Oriental
College who regarded himself as a discipl e of Syed Ahmad Khan in
matters political, claimed that Indian Muslim thought resembled the old
Tory school of England far more than Radical and that Indian Muslims
were not very enthusiastic about democratic institutions as was generally
believed. Beck wa s entirely hostile to Congress. Beck made a systematic
effort to divide the Hindus and Muslims. His contribution to the anti -
Hindu bias in Aligarh Movement was very considerable.
Beck was succeeded as principal by Theodore Morrison, who was
in charge of the London Office of the Mohammedan AngloOriental
Defense Association Morrison who continued in this post till 1905 was a
pupil of Beck. He was alarmed at the growing political solidarity among
the Muslims. Thus, he tried to wean away the Muslims from poli tical
agitation and divert their energies to educational and economic upliftment
of their community. Due to the efforts of the first two principals of the
Mohammedan Anglo -Oriental College, an open manifestation of hostility
against the Indian National Con gress formed the basic creed of the Aligarh
Movement.
Syed Ahmad Khan felt that if the British left India then the Hindus
and the Muslims would not be able to live together peacefully. In March
1888 he asked that if the English army left India then was it possible that
the ‘two nations -the Muslims and the Hindus -could sit on the same
throne and remain equal in power ? Most certainly not. It is necessary that
one of them should conquer the other and thrust it down’. Syed Ahmed
Khan, the father of the Mu slim renaissance was radical so far as
educational and social questions were concerned, but he was conservative
in political matters. Syed Ahmad Khan passed away in 1898. Both the
Aligarh Movement and its founder have been severely criticized and
condemned by a class of writers, mostly Hindus. They rightly point out
that this movement was responsible for bringing about the conflict
between the Hindus and Muslims and promoting communalism in the
Indian sub -continent. The Aligarh Movement finally led to the f oundation
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18013.3.4 Establishment of the Muslim League
With the establishment of the Muslim League in 1906, the
Muslims entered a new era of political manifestation and organization.
Congress movement was as suming a militant tone by the turn of the
twentieth century. Towards the end of 1903, the Governor General, Lord
Curzon announced a plan for the partition of Bengal. This announcement
led to an outburst of public indignation all over the province. When the
Government of India announced, on 7 July 1905, the scheme of partition,
there were public meetings and demonstrations all over the country. One
month after the announcement of the partition of the province Congress
launched the Swadeshi movement against t he British. Thus the situation in
India was deteriorating.
The new Viceroy, Lord Minto, who assumed office in November
1905, felt seriously concerned about the situation. Minto wrote to the
Secretary of State, John Morley that he was thinking of ‘a possi ble
counterpoise to Congress aims’, and that he had in his mind the formation
of a Privy Council of the native rulers and few other ‘big’ men which
would give ideas different from those of Congress. Morley in turn warned
Minto that the Muslims were likely to throw their lot with Congressmen
against him. Meanwhile the Viceroy began to devise plans to wean away
the Muslims from Congress movement. He started working on a scheme
of reforms to satisfy at least the moderate elements in India.
This spurred the M uslim leaders into action. They were faced by
the fact that since the Indian Councils Act of 1892, not only the principle
of representation but also in practice the principle of election introduced in
the constitution of the provincial legislature. They fe lt that another scheme
of reforms was sure to confirm and extend the elective principle. As soon
as it was known that the reform was in the air and the Viceroy had
appointed a Committee to consider, among others, the question of
extending the representativ e element in the Legislative Council. Nawab
Moshin -ul-Mulk, who succeeded Syed Ahmad Khan as leader, decided to
wait upon the Viceroy in a deputation at Simla. The Deputation consisted
of 36 members with Agha Khan as their leader. The Deputation was
receiv ed by Lord Minto on 1stOctober 1946. The address presented by the
deputation demanded several special concessions for the Muslim
community.
After some preliminary observations of a general nature, Lord
Minto assured the deputation that ‘in any system of representation,
whether it affects a Municipality, a District Board or a Legislative
Council, in which it is proposed to introduce or increase the electoral
organization, the Mohammedan community should be represented’ as a
community, (and its) position s hould be estimated not merely on
numerical strength but in respect to its political importance and the service
it has rendered to the Empire’.
This assurance given by Lord Minto heralded a new policy of
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181to the principle that the Hindus and the Muslims constituted practically
two separate nations with different interests and different outlook. In the
second place, the government practically promised to show undue favour
to the Muslims in respect of their number of representatives in the
Legislative Council, by making it far in excess of their numerical ratio to
the whole population. These two points formed the chief planks in Muslim
politics ever since, and it may be said witho ut much exaggeration that they
formed the foundation on which Pakistan was built about forty years later.
The partition of Bengal and the events that followed also filled them, with
a new zeal and quickened their political consciousness. They felt the nee d
to have a central political organization to promote the political interest of
the entire Muslim community. Syed Ahmad Khan had not encouraged’ the
idea of such organizations as he regarded them as unnecessary. He had
implicit faith in the justice of the British Government. His English friends
also supported his view, as they were afraid that if the Muslims were
politically organized, they might follow in the footsteps of the Hindus and
may turn against the British. The situation was, however, completely
changed, first by the partition of Bengal, and next by the announcement of
the coming constitutional reforms. The anti -partition agitation among the
Hindus was mounting high and Congress championed their cause. Under
these circumstances the Muslims felt the need to have their own central
political organization in order to counteract the political organization of
the Hindus.
Taking advantage of the presence of a large number of eminent
Muslim leaders at Decca in connection with the Mohammedan
Educational Co nference, Nawab Salimullah of Decca convened a meeting
and proposed the scheme of a Central Mohammedan Association to look
exclusively after the interests of the Muslim community. He said that it
would provide scope for the participation of Muslim youth in politics and
thereby prevent them from joining the Indian National Congress. The
proposal was accepted and at a meeting held on 30 December 1906, the
All India Muslim League was established.
The aims and objectives of the Muslim League were laid down as
the following –
1) To promote, amongst the Muslims of India, feelings of loyalty to the
British Government and to remove any misconception that may arise
as to the intentions of Government about Indian measures.
2) To protect and advance the political r ights of the Muslim of India and
respectfully represent their needs and aspirations to the Government.
3) To prevent the rise among the Muslim of India of any feelings of
hostility towards other communities without prejudice to the aforesaid
objects of th e League.
The communal spirit to which the Muslim League owed its origin
in December 1906, characterized its activities during the next seven years,
and its chief objective throughout this period was to secure political and
other advantages for the Musli ms at the cost of the Hindus. The firstmunotes.in

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182annual session of the Muslim League was held at Karachi on 29 December
1907. The choice of the venue was an indication of the new nationalism
which was growing among the Muslims. Sindh was chosen because, as a
League publication put it, ‘Sindh is that pious place in India, where
Muhammad bin Qasim came first, with the torch of religion and the gift of
Hadis. No other place could appeal to our elders’.
In the second annual session of the League held at Amritsar on 30
December 1908, there was a prolonged discussion on the forthcoming
constitutional reforms. From 1912 onwards the Muslims became more 243
militant. The Muslim middle classes developed increasing political
maturity in the years immediately preceding the Fir st Word War. The
Young Turk Movement led by Enver Pasha in Turkey also greatly
influenced the Indian Muslims in the direction of a programme of self -
government for India, which was subsequently adopted by the Muslim
League in 1913. The Muslims steadily beg an to be drawn into the orbit of
national movement. The Muslim League at its Lucknow session on 1913
adopted the goal of ‘attainment under the aegis of the British Crown, the
self-government suited to India’.
13.4 LUCKNOW PACT
The common cause against the British brought about the Lucknow
Pact between Congress and the Muslim League. England was at war
against Turkey, a Muslim state and this had aroused strong Muslim
sentiments against the British. The Lucknow Pact was the first instance of
collaboration between the two organizations. The Pact provided greater
weightage with separate electorates to the Muslims in areas where they
constituted a minority, and demanded from the British Government that
definite steps should be taken towards self -government by granting the
reforms. The League with the Muslim middle classes as its predominant
social basis was steadily orienting towards nationalist conceptions and
aims though on its own communal basis. At its session at Delhi in 1918,
the Muslim League passed a r esolution demanding the application of the
principle of self -determination to India. The Indian Muslims were
indignant at the terms of the Treaty of Sevres imposed by the victorious
Allies on Turkey. By this treaty, Turkey was deprived of her homelands
such as Syria, Palestine, Arabia and other Asiatic zones to the Ottoman
Empire. They argued that their holy places situated in these territories
should always be under the rule of the Sultan of Turkey who was also the
Kalifa or the religious head of the Musli ms all over the world. 244 Gandhi
and other Congress leaders supported the Khilafat issue and allied with
Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali in organizing the powerful Khilafat
Movement in India. However, with the abolition of the Sultanate and
Caliphate in 1923 by Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Turkey, the Khilafat
Movement lost its purpose. Hence, the Muslim League began to drift from
cooperation with Congress towards confrontation which finally led to the
demand of a separate state for the Muslims and the creation of Pakistan.munotes.in

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183Check your Progress :
1)Lucknow pact was signed between whom?
13.5 HINDU MAHASABHA
The Hindu Mahasabha was originally founded as a social, cult ural
and religious organization and not as a political body. A Hindu Sabha was
formed in 1907 in Punjab. Later in 1915, the All India Hindu Mahasabha
party was founded in Punjab where the Hindu minority which had the
monopoly of wealth power and talent, wa s given a bad deal both in the
new legislation and the Minto -Morley Reforms of 1909. The Hindu
Mahasabha was opposed to the Muslim orientation of Congress and not to
Congress itself. However, it was in direct conflict with the Muslim
League.
The first im portant session of the Hindu Mahasabha was held in
1923. It was attended by many Congressmen including the Ali Brothers
and Abul Kalam Azad. With the outbreak of the First World War in 1914,
the Hindu Mahasabha became more Hinduised. It justified making
converts to Hinduism. This was to stem the tide of conversion of Hindus,
particularly untouchables to Islam and Christianity. Originally, Hindu
Mahasabha did not have much mass appeal as it comprised largely of
zamindars and princes along with landlords, tea chers, government servants
and the like. It opposed separate electorates which was the persistent
demand of the Muslim League. As HinduMuslim riots spread, more and
more Congressmen began to come over to the Hindu Mahasabha,
especially in support of its ‘s uddhi’ and ‘sanghatana’ movements.
13.5.1 Important Leader of the Hindu Mahasabha
The most important leader of the Hindu Mahasabha was Vinayak
Damodar Savarkar . Savarkar, born in 1883, was a Chitpavan Brahmin.
Later at the age of sixteen, he was deeply d isturbed at the hanging of the
Chap hekar brothers by the British Government. Savarkar took a pledge
that he would participate in an armed revolution and even lay down his
life for freeing the country. In January 1900 he started ‘Mitra Mela’, later
known as ‘Abhinava Bharat’, an organization of firebrands and
revolutionaries. In 1905 Savarkar organized a bonfire of foreign cloth and
the crowd that gathered was addressed by Tilak. Because of such activities
he was expelled from the Ferguson College, Poona. wi th the help of
Shyamji Krishna Varma, the India revolutionary leader in London, Tilak
arranged for Savarkar’s study there on the condition that Savarkar would
never accept a government job. Shyamji Krishna Varma was so impressed
by the devotion of Savarkar that he entrusted to Savarkar the management
of his India House in London. In July 1909 Madanlal Dhingra assassinatedmunotes.in

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184Sir Curzon Wyllie. The British press charged that Dhingra was inspired by
Savarkar. Savarkar had drafted a statement, which Dhingra read in court,
in which he claimed that he was a soldier in the Indian war of
independence against the British. Dhingra was sentenced to death and
hanged. Savarkar was arrested and was sent to India. He was tried in
March 1911 and was sentenced to fifty years’ imprisonment. He was sent
to Andamans.
Later in 1923, he was brought to India and was interned at
Ratnagiri. He was released in 1924 on the condition that he would not take
part in political activities. Later he joined the Hindu Mahasabha and was
its pre sident for several years. Savarkar’s ideas on Hinduism were
espoused in his treatise ‘Hindutva’, published in 1923. In ‘Hindutva’ he
detailed the geographical, racial, religious and other factors which
contributed to the making of the ‘Hindu nation.’ Savar kar was convinced
that Hindu civilization which had ‘survived through the centuries, whereas
many others had perished, was the best. He glorified Vedic Hinduism.
Savarkar wanted the Hindus, or at least Hindu ideas, to have pre -
eminent position in the Ind ian subcontinent. Savarkar said that the India
Muslims, who went for Haj to other countries, did not look upon India as
their own country. He also denounced Pan -Islamism and maintained that
the Hindus could never resign their rights as a majority community . In his
introduction to ‘The Indian War of Independence’ he had, howeverstated,
that the feelings of hatred against the Muslims, though justified in
Shivaji’s time, would be unjust and foolish if nursed now.
The Hindu Mahasabha which supported the war ef fort of the
British did not take part in the Quit India Movement. This politically
harmed the Hindu Mahasabha and it fared badly in the 1945 -46 election.
Savarkar was not in agreement with Gandhi’s nonviolence. He was also
not a supporter of Gandhi’s love of villages and cottage industries. He
denounced Gandhi’s decentralist policy. In his presidential address at the
1931 session of the Hindu Mahasabha he said, ‘We shall first of all
welcome the machine. This is a machine age. The handicrafts will have
their due place, but national production will have to be on the biggest
possible scale’ Savarkar did not believe in class struggle. According to
him class collaboration was essential for building a prosperous economy.
The interest of both capital and labour wo uld have to be subordinated to
the interests of the nation. Savarkar wanted the state to take steps to
maximize production and to keep strict control over strikes and lock -outs.
Hindu Mahasabha leaders claimed that Congress policy of appeasement
had widen ed the gulf between Hindus and Muslims, and had jeopardized
the rights of the Hindus. Savarkar asked the Hindus to consolidate and
strengthen Hindu nationality. Savarkar’s concept of nationality was based
on cultural, racial and historical affinities. He c laimed that in Europe,
during the last three to four centuries, only those nations such as England,
France, Germany, Italy and Portugal, which had developed racial,
linguistic, cultural and other organic affinities, in addition to territorial
unity had sur vived.munotes.in

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185Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya was another important leader of
the Hindu Mahasabha. He was also a member of Congress. In his
presidential address at the special session of the Mahasabha in 1 924,
Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya argued that the Mahasabha was not a
communal organization and was not antagonistic to Congress. The Hindu
Mahasabha, he claimed, would supplement the work of Congress. He
argued that, Congress being a political body, could not deal with social
and nonpolitical matters such as untouchability, inter -caste jealousies,
child marriage and various other social abuses. But the Mahasabha could
deal with them and also safeguard the interests of the Hindus. Thus,
Malaviya had envisage d a socio -cultural role for the Hindu Mahasabha.
However, this role was superseded by its political role. The decision to
participate in the elections was taken in 1926 and the Mahasabha became
primarily, if not exclusively, a political body. Thus, the Hin du Mahasabha
became a party of the Hindus and the Muslim League was a party of the
Muslims. The Hindu Mahasabha strongly opposed the demand for the
establishment of a separate state for the Muslims and attacked Gandhi for
eventually agreeing to the partiti on of. The country.
Check your Progress :
1)In which year the first important session of Hindu Mahasabha was
organized?
13.6 RASHTRIYA SWAYAMSEVAK SANGH (R.S.S.)
In pre -independence India, the chief nationalist organization was
the Indian National Congress. It was an umbrella organization which
accommodated a variety of interests, including the revivalists. In order to
retain the support of its diverse membership, Congress adopted a
consensual strategy requiring the acceptance of compromise and, by
extension, the principle of territorial nationalism. However, it was not
entirely successful in accommodating all groups. Many Muslim leaders,
for example, felt that the westernized Hindu -elite who controlled Congress
did not adequately respond to Muslim interests. Moreover, there were
Hindu revivalist leaders, who also believed that the interests of the Hindu
community were not adequately protected by Congress.
The foun der of the RSS doubted whether Congress, which
included Muslims, could bring about the desired unity of the Hindu
community. The RSS was established in 1925 as a kind of educational
body whose objective was to train a group of Hindu men who, on the basis
of their character -building experience in the RSS, would work to unite the
Hindu community so that India could again become an independent
country and a creative society. Its founder was convinced that amunotes.in

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186fundamental change in social attitudes was necessary precondition of a
revived India. A properly trained cadre of nationalists would play an
important role in that change.
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was founded by Dr. Keshav
Baliram Hedgewar (1889 -1940), an Andhra Brahmin who had settled in
Maharashtra. H e was a close friend of Savarkar and a member of the
Hindu Mahasabha until 1929. Hedgewar realized that the cause of India’s
decline was the divisive and fragmented character of Hindu society. Thus,
he wanted to build a cohesive corporate life for the Hind us. To achieve
this he did not regard politics as important. What important was religious
and social regeneration. Hedgewar believed that this could be achieved
only on the basis of the revival and purification of Hindu ‘Sanskriti’,
which was to be brought about by devoted ‘Swayam Sevaks’, i.e.
volunteers.
The RSS emerged during a wave of Hindu -Muslim riots that swept
across India in the early 1920s. Hedgewar viewed the communal rioting as
a symptom of the weakness and divisions within the Hindu community .
He believed that Congress, in which he had been an active participant, had
appeased Muslims and was therefore unable to unite the Hindus. In his
opinion Hindu unity was the necessary precondition of any successful
independence struggle. As a result of th e intensification of Hindu -Muslim
tension between 1921 -1923, the dormant Hindu Mahasabha, formed in
1915 as a forum for a variety of Hindu interests was revitalized. The
challenge from Islam in the early 1920s was viewed by many Hindus as a
threat to their self-esteem. This proliferation of Hindu ‘Sabha’ and other
‘‘defensive’ Hindu associations were reactions to the growing communal
violence, the increasing political articulation of the Muslim community,
the cultural ‘Islamization’ of the Muslims and the f ailure to achieve
independence. While these organizations probably had little effect on
British policy, they did advance Hindu unity. It is in this setting of
Hinduism in danger that the RSS was established.
The roots of the RSS are imbedded in the soil of Maharashtra. its
membership and symbols were almost exclusively Maharashtrian. its
discipline and ideological framework were shaped almost entirely by Dr.
Hedgewar, a medical doctor who had abandoned a potentially lucrative
practice to participate in th e struggle against colonialism. According to his
most reliable biographer, the Hedgewar family migrated from Hyderabad,
a Muslim princely state and settled in Nagpur around the turn of the
nineteenth century. As a young student, Hedgewar was keenly interes ted
in history and politics.
Dr. Munje persuaded him to join Congress. During the early
1920s, Hedgewar became even more deeply engaged in Congress party
activities. At the 1920 annual Congress session in Nagpur, he organized a
volunteer unit of some 1,2 00 young men to keep order at the meeting. The
outbreak of communal riots in 1923 made Hedgewar to think that the
disunity among Hindus was a major social problem. On 30 October 1923,munotes.in

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187the Collector banned Dindi procession. But influential Hindus decided to
disobey the ban. One newspaper reported that upto 20,000 Hindus
marched in defiance of the government order. Hindu leaders were
surprised not only by the popular response, but also by the involvement of
most segments of the Hindu community. Out of this de fiance emerge the
Nagpur Hindu Sabha. Dr. Munje was chosen the vice -president of the
local sabha and Hedgewar became its secretary. Hindu revivalists such as
Hedgewar saw that organization was necessary, but they argued that more
was needed to protect Hind u interests. A Major influence on his thinking a
handwritten manuscript of Savarkar’s ‘Hindutva’ which advanced the
thesis the Hindus was a nation. The central propositions of Savarkar’s
manuscript are Hindu’s are the indigenous people of the subcontinent and
that they form a national group. He defines Hindu as a person who feels
united by blood ties all those whose ancestry can be traced to Hindu
antiquity and who accepts from the Indus River in the north, to the Indian
Ocean, as his fatherland (Pitrubhumi ).
Though Savarkar’s work provided Hedgewar with an intellectual
justification for concept of a Hindu nation that embraced all the peoples of
the subcontinent, it did not give him a method for uniting the Hindu
community. Hedgewar had experimented revolu tion, Satyagraha, and
constitutional reform, but each method for uniting the Hindu community,
he felt, had failed to achieve independence or national rejuvenation
believed that independence and national revitalization could be achieved
only when, the root cause of India’s weakness was discovered.
In September 1925 on the Hindu festival of Dasera, Hedgewar
launched his new movement of Hindu revitalization. The first participants
were recruited from a largely Brahmin locality in Nagpur. This early
group had neither a name nor developed Programme of activities. The
participants were expected to attend an ‘akhara’ (gymnasium) during the
week and take part in political classes on Sunday and Thursday. Hedgewar
selected the first mission of the young organization with great care.
Wanted to demonstrate the value of discipline to both the volunteers and
to the general public, and chose a popular religious occasion, Ram -
Navami, to do so. According to Hedgewar’s biographer, the chaotic
conditions around the temple at Ramtek, a village near Nagpur during the
Ram-Navami festival, created great hardships to the worshipers.
Moreover, many villagers were reportedly cheated by Muslim fakirs’ and
‘Brahmin pandits’. Hedgewar decided to take his volunteers to the 1926
festival to remedy the situation. For the occasion, he chose both the name
and the uniform of the organization.
The ‘Swayamsevaks’, in their new uniforms, marched to temple
singing verses from Ramdas. According to RSS sources, they enforced
queues for the worship pers visiting the temple housing the main idol,
provided drinking water, and drove off the corrupt priests. . Soon after this
dramatic introduction to the public, ‘lathi’ instruction and group prayers
were incorporated into the RSS discipline. In 1926, the first daily ‘shakha’
(branch) was held, and the practice of meeting daily was quickly adoptedmunotes.in