MA-History-Paper-II-2-1-munotes

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1Module -I
CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION
Unit -1
NATURE OF PREHISTORIC INDIAN
SOCIETY
Unit Structure:
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Palaeolithic Cultures in India
1.3 Hunters and food gatherers: -
1.4 Lower Palaeolithic (early Palaeolithic)
1.5 Middle Palaeolithic
1.6 Upper Palaeolithic
1.7 Sites –Palaeolithic culture in India
1.8 Evidence of art in Palaeolithic period (?)
1.9 Mesolithic cultures in India
1.10 Mesolithic -features
1.11 Mesolithic sites
1.12 Neolithic cultures in India
1.13 Neolithic features
1.14 Neolithic sites
1.15 Summery
1.16 Suggested reading
1.17 Unit end questions
1.0. OBJECTIVES
By reading this material:
Studentswill understand the nature of the Pre -historic age
Students will understand transformation of the different Stone Age
Student will understand the structure of Pre -historic age.
PALEOLITHIC CULTURES IN INDIA
1.1 INTRODUCTION:
The stage of human development began at the time when humans
started using tools for their aid. It was around 2.6 million years ago, whenmunotes.in

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2man started the regular use of tools in East Africa. Danish scholar
Christian J. Thomsen coined the term “Stone Age” in the late 19thcentury
on the basis of technological framework for the study of human past.
Robert Bruce Foote was the first to discover a palaeolithic stone tool in
India in 1863.The history of human settlement in India goes back to Pre -
historic times. No written records are available for the pre -historic periods.
However, plenty of archaeological remains are found in different parts of
India to reconstruct the history of this period.
Division of History:
Human colonization in India encompasses span of at least half a
million years and divided into three broad periods, namely the Pre -
historic, Proto -historic and Historic. The stone age is further divided into
Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic periods o n the basis of geological
age, the type and technology of stone tools and subsistence base.
In 1863 John Lubbock divided the stone age into two parts, the
Palaeolithic and Neolithic. A few years after, Edouard Lartet suggested the
division of the Palaeol ithic into the lower, middle and upper Palaeolithic,
largely on the basis of changes in fauna associated with the different
tooltypes. The use of the term Mesolithic is relatively recent.
Making of Earth –The Emergence of men
Paleoanthropological researc h during last three decades
overwhelmingly shows that the transition from an anthropoid Hominids –
Homo habilis dating from 4 to 2 million years ago were confined to Africa.
It was Homo erectus , who appeared sometime between 2 and 1.5 million
years ago, who o ccupied the warmer part of Europe and Asia.
Archaeologists have named the culture of this Hominid Acheulian, after
the type locality of St. Acheul in France.
“The role of environment in shaping the development of human
culture has been acknowledged by Arc haeologists for long.“ Material
culture is largely a response to an environment: it consists of the devices evolved
to meet needs evoked by particular climatic conditions, to take advantage of local
sources of food and to secure protection against wild beas ts, floods, or other
nuisances infesting a given region. Different societies have been prompted to
invent different devices and to discover how to use different natural substances
for food, fuel, shelter, and tools”.
-V.Gordan Childe.
“When the prehistoric Archaeology in India is divided/grouped
into Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Chalcolithic, it is generally understood
that man first knew the use of stone, but not of Copper and Iron.
-Three age theory of Thomsen
1.2 PALEOLITHIC CULTURE SI NI N D I A
Indian Prehistory:
In order to understand Indian Prehistory, we must go back to the
19thcentury Europe, when scholars like Darwin, Lyell and John Evanmunotes.in

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3among others challenged the traditional beliefs of human origins. The
young British geologist Robert Bruce Foote from the Geological Survey of
India,who was working in South India was influenc ed by these scholars.
He discovered and identified the first Palaeolithic tools in the subcontinent
at the then village of Pallavaramin Chennai on 30thMay 1863. However
substantial development in the Palaeolithic studies began only from 1950
onwards. In I ndia, the Prehistoric periods are divided into the Palaeolithic
(Old Stone Age), Mesolithic (Middle Stone Age), and Neolithic(New
Stone Age). However, these periods were not uniform throughout the
Indian subcontinent.
The term Palaeolithic is derived from the Greek word “Paleo”,
which means old and “lithic” which means stone. Therefore, the term
Palaeolithic age refers to the old stone age. The period, also known as
Stone age, encompasses the first widespread use of technology as human
progressed from simp ler to more complex developmental stage and the
humanity spread from the Savannas of East Africa to the rest of the world.
It is generally said to have begun approximately 500,000 years ago and to
have ended about 6000 BCE. It ended with the development of
agriculture, the domestication of certain animals and the smelting of
copper ore to produce metal. It is termed prehistorical, since humanity had
not yet produced a script which is seen traditionally as the beginning of
the recorded history.
Check Your P rogress:
1.The term Palaeolithic is derived from which Greek word ?
1.3 HUNTERS AND FOOD GATHERERS: -
CULTURES
Stone tools have mainly been t he known evidence of this stage of
man's life. Though nothing is known about man's other aspects of life such
as the social, moral, religious etc., –the word 'culture' is applied, because
stone tools of certain types constantly recur in both the ages. Th ese forma
leading characteristic and give an inkling of the material culture of the
man. Hence, instead of grouping the stone tools into simple 'assemblages'
or 'industries', a term 'culture’ has been used.
PHASES IN THE PALAEOLITHIC AGE: -
Based on types and nature of tools and its technology the
Palaeolithic age is further divided into phases and also according to the
nature of change in climate.munotes.in

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4FIRST PHASE –Lower Palaeolithic –500,000 BCE to 50,000 BCE
SECOND PHASE –Middle Palaeolithic –50,000 BCE to 40,000 BCE
THIRD PHASE -Upper Palaeolithic –40,000 BCE to 10,000 BCE
1.4 LOWER PALEOLITHIC (Early Palaeolithic)
1.4.1 STRATIGRAPHY
The tools of the lower Palaeolithic industry are often associated
with the alluvial deposits of the river valleys. These deposits are divided
into Alluvium of Pleistocene Age/ the younger newer Alluvium of
Holocene. Two or three cycles of the sediment, eac h beginning with
gravel and ending with silt, have been noted in many of the river valleys
of the peninsula. The sequence starts with boulder, cobbly or pebbly,
gravel horizon and at some places with a deposit of secondary layer. The
gravels forming the ba se of the first aggradation cycle have yielded tools
of lower Palaeolithic industries at a number of places. The succeeding
middle Palaeolithic industry is confined to the cycle, while the upper
Palaeolithic industry is found in the upper portion of the ol der Alluvium
and thus belongs to the closing face of the terminal Pleistocene.
1.4.2CLIMATIC CONDITIONS/ENVIRONMENT
The subcontinent experiences a dry climate, and consequently the
sea level dropped by the several metres. Excellent evidence of this
phenomena i s available in the western India, Didvana in Rajasthan,
Junagarh in Gujarat and Paithan in Maharashtra.
The correlation of the Geomorphological and Archaeological data
would indicate that the dune formation in the Thar dessert occurred
sometimes between 1,91,000 to 1,50,000 B.C.E. This time period
corresponds with the third glaciation in the temperate land of Europe. It
was the period of intense cold, as a result of which water was locked into
ice, resulting in lowering of sea level by as much as 100 metr es or so on. It
must be noted that the scientists have observed that when the temperate
zone experience glaciation, the tropical countries suffer droughts.
Therefore, dry phase in Rajasthan –Allchin, further argued that the absence
of the lower Palaeolithic material in Afghanistan, Central Asia and much
of Iran indicates that the link between India and Africa, where the earliest
stone tools occur, was via southern Baluchistan and the southern margins
of the Thar Desert.
Recent evidence from South Africa in dicated that man was not the
hunter but was hunted. He was more of scavenger, subsisting on the
leftovers of wild animals and hunting big animals like Elephants require a
tremendous community effort, which would not have been possible in the
lower Paleolit hic, where people were organised in very small numbers
(10-20). Man, most of the time need to subsist more on tubers and other
plant food.munotes.in

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5The early human colonization of south Asia is represented largely
by an abundance of stone tool assemblages. Lower Paleolithicassemblages
from the Indian subcontinent have generally been assigned to either the
Acheulian (biface) or Soanian (non -biface) traditions The oldest known
tools, comprising simple cores and flakes, have been reported from the
Siwalik hills at Riw at, near Rawalpindi in Pakistan. Theearliest reliable
stone tool assemblages belong to twodistinct cultural and technological
traditions, namely
(i)theSohanian and (ii) the Acheulian.
•Sohanian culture
https://www.quora.com/What -was-the-Soanian -culture -like-in-Ancient -
Pakistan -in-500-000-B-C
Following the early human Riwat culture, the Sohanian culture
appeared in the Lower Paleolithic (early stone age) between 500,000 to
125,0 00 years ago in the Soan Valley of upperPunjab.
The term "Soanian Culture" was first used by Helmut De Terra in 1936,
but D. N. Wadia had identified the presence of these archaeological
implements in 1928. The Sohan culture is named after the river Sohan (or
Soan ), a tributary of the Indus, and was found at a number of sites in the
Siwalik hills in northwest India and Pakistan.
The animal remains from this site included horse, camel and
wolf buffalo, straight -tusked elephant and hippopotamus, suggesting a n
environment characterized by perennial water sources, tree vegetation and
grass steppes.
Five terraces comparable to those of the Indus -Sohan in the Potwar
region have been recognized in the valleys of the Sutlej, Beas and
Banganga rivers in the Punjab -Himachal Pradesh region.munotes.in

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61.4.3 Acheulian culture
Acheulian culture, named after French site of St. Acheul, was the
first effective colonization of the Indian subcontinent and is almost
synonymous with the lower Paleolithic settlements in India. Remains of
Acheulian culture have been found extensively fro m the Siwalik hills in
the north to areas in and near Chennai in the south but not in the Western
Ghats and the coastal region running parallel to them, northeast India and
the Ganga
These regions today receive adequate rainfall, have perennial
rivers, a thick vegetation cover and are rich in wild plant and animal food
resources. Chemical analysis of the sediments yielding Acheulian
assemblages in rock shelter III F -23 at Bhimbetka in Madhya Pradesh
suggests that conditions during theAcheulian occupation were as humid
as, if not more than, they are today (Rajaguru 1978). The animal remains
of Acheulian period comprise wild boar, cattle, elephant ,
horse andhippopotamus.These animals indicate theexistence of both forest
and open grassland environments and th e availability of plentiful water
round the yearTherefore, both plant and animal life must have been
abundant.
The Acheulian culture was a hunter -gatherer culture that adapted
to a variety of climates. Acheulian tools include the choppers, chopping
tools, polyhedrons, spheroids, discoid, hand axes, cleavers, scrapers,
denticulate, notches, flakes, blades and cores. They served a variety of
functions like hunting, butchering and skinning of animals, breaking bones
for extraction of marrow, digging of roots and tubers, processing of plant
foods, and making of wooden tools and weapons.
In south India, Acheulian artefacts are usually found buried in
boulder and pebble gravels of theNarmada, Godavari, Brahmani, Hunsgi,
Krishna Kortalayarrivers and their tributa ries. These gravels arebelieved
to have been deposited during semi -arid climate with intermittent, erratic
rainfall when there was sparse to no plant cover (Williams and Royce
1983)
1.4.4TOOL KIT/ TOOL INDUSTRY
The most dominant tool type hand -axe, with its v arious subtypes,
others are –cleavers, choppers, scrapers, flakes, blades and cores,
discoidand points. They are mostly made up of quartzite, but a few of
traprock have also been found. Most probably they served a variety of
functions like hunting, butche ring and skinning of animals, breaking bones
for extraction of marrow, digging of roots and tubers, processing of plant
foods, andmaking of wooden tools and weapons.
USES: -
Hand -axewas an all -purpose tool,useful for digging roots and
tubers, Cleavers was usedfor cutting chunks of meats and Choppers were
usedfor breaking for marrow. Most probably they served a variety of
functions like hunting, butchering and skinning of anima ls, breaking bonesmunotes.in

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7for extraction of marrow, digging of roots and tubers, processing of plant
foods, and for making of wooden tools and weapons.
The raw material used for toolmaking varied regionally according
to the geology of the area. In western Mahara shtra dyke basalt or dolerite
was the only rock available. Over the rest of the country quartzite was the
preferred rock and occasionally trapwas also used. In the Hunsgi valley in
Karnataka limestone was the main material but occasionally basalt and
granit e were also used
1.4.5TECHNOLOGY
1.Indirect percussion (Anvil or Block on Block)
http://rogergrace.webmate.me/SARC/type/knaptools.html
2.Direct percussion or stone hammer
(Inizan et al, 1999)munotes.in

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83.Levalloisiancore and flake or Clactonian
Levalloisdebitage of a preferential flake(Inizan et al, 1999)
The early man always preferred hard, tough and fi ne-grained
rocks, possessing good flaking qualities for preparing tools. The
distribution of the stone age site is related to geological formation.
Quartzite is a nonfoliate metamorphic rock which is of incredible strength
and the stone tools are therefore concentrated in the region.
IMPORTANT SITES
1.Bhimbetka (M.P)
2.Hunsgi in Karnataka
3.Anagwadi (Karnataka)
4.Chikri –Nevada (Maharashtra)
5.Didwana (Rajasthan)
6.Samadhiala (Gujarat)munotes.in

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9Check Your Progress:
1.Which culture was a hunter -gatherer culture that adapted to a variety
of climates ?
1.5 MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC
Middle Palaeolithic Culture as the name signifies occupied and
intermediate position between lower and upper Palaeolithic cultures. The
middle Palaeolithic culture developed during the upper Pleistocene, a
period of intense cold and glaciation in the northern latitudes. There is a
very marked cultural change during the middle Palaeolithic all over the
world. The middle Palaeolithic sites a re of two kinds: -
Cave or Rock Shelter Sites (very few examples: Bhimbetka and
Adamgarh in M.P)
Open air sites(Bargarh, Odisha), Stratified/Riverine sites
(e.g.Mewadaetc), b) Workshop/factory sites (Kovalli and Devpuri in
Karnataka)
The milioliteformati on of Kutch and Saurashtra and date of
sanddune in the Thar desert of Rajasthan allow us to assign this phase to
1,25,000 to 20,000 B.P. In the western Europe the near East, North -Africa
and Central Asia, the middle Palaeolithic occupation sites are associ ated
with the physical remains of Homo sapien Neanderthal man. Though rather
Robustly built and with prominent Supra orbital ridges and residual
prognathism of face, Neanderthal man had attained the brain size of
modern man and was of equal intellectual capacity. Though no physical
remains of Neandert hal man have been found in India, stone tools very
similar to those found with this species in Europe and other areas are
widespread in the subcontinent.
It’s existence as a distinct cultural phase in the Indian prehistoric
culture -sequence was first reco gnized 1954, by Prof.H.D.Sankalia at the
site of Nevasa, on the Pravara (Ahmednagar district)
1.5.1CLIMATIC CONDITION/ ENVIRONMENT
The widespread distribution of the middle Palaeolithic sites
indicate a congenial environment for human occupation. The dry phase of
the lower Palaeolithic was replaced by a wet phase during the Middle
Palaeolithic. In Rajasthan concluded that middle Palaeolithicwasmarked
by considerable humidity. Sand -dunes formed in the preceding epoch
hadstabilized because of abundant vegetation over there and higher level
of precipitation allowed the formation of a layer of deeply weathered soil,munotes.in

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10which occurred widely in the desert zone as at Pushkar, Benesa, Bagra and
Pavagarh. The river in the region were flowing with abundant water and
even su ch areas as the Jaisalmer district, which is now a desertwere
occupied by the middle Palaeolithic man. Clearing of desert must have
provided a suitable habitatfor a wide range of wild animals as also for
man. Besides,innumerous sites, animal fossils have a lso been found and
among these wild Elephant (Elephas Species), wild horse (Equus species)
and hippo speciesshould find special mention.
Large animalssuch as wild cattle and deer were hunted bymiddle
palaeolithic men. In this connection, it is interestin g to note that a few
flake tools were found embedded in askullofNomadius at Kalegaon on the
banks of Godavari river. Karnataka, Andhara, M.P, and other areas in
peninsular India covered with thorn -scrub anddeciduous vegetation reveal
that a variety of smal l game (mammals like the hare and rodents, fishes,
amphibians and insects) as well as range of wild plant food (leafy greens,
fruits, berries, seeds, roots and tubers, etc) were available.
1.5.2TOOL KIT
This phase witnessed a general switchover to find grained
materials like, Chert, Chalcedony, Jasper and agate. Nodules and pebbles
of these materials served as a core or nucleus for detaching a series of
flakes. Middle Palaeolithic is often called a flake tool culture. These flakes
may be round, square, oval, rectangular or irregular shape.Many other
tools –Scrapper (in a different form) points, Borers, Knifes, Denticulate or
Sans-Age like tools, Basins andhand axes, cleavers, etc are found in most
of the sites
Check Your Progress:
1)When Indian prehistoric culture -sequence did was first recognized by
Prof. H.D. Sankalia?
1.6UPPER PALEOLITHIC
The identification of a distinct Upper Palaeolithic phase in Indian
prehistory was made in the late 1960s and early 1970s, with major
contributions by M.L.K. Murty, S.A. Sali and G.R. Sharma.
First and Foremost, the tools became smaller than those in the
middle Palaeolithic. Upper Palaeolithictools comprise of parallel sided
lithic blade tool and bone tool technology. Chronologically, it is a culture
of a terminate Pleistocene period and the authors are Homo sapien Sapiens.munotes.in

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1.6.1CLIMATIC CONDITIONS/ ENVIRONMENT
In the tempered land, the environment of the upper Palaeolithic
was characterized by an intensively cold climate as it was the period of the
last glaciation. Since, large bodies of the water got locked into ice, the sea
level lowered considerably. The trop ical land suffered resulting in an
extremely arid climate. The humid phase of the preceding phase continued
in the earlier part of upper Palaeolithic and then the dry phase began. The
faunal remains belonging to deer, four horned antelope, chital, sambhar,
chinkara, nilgai, porcupine, jungle cat, giant squirrel, monitor lizard, hare
etc found in Kurnool caves –suggesting hunting. A very surprising find is
the occurrence of Ostrich egg shell at some of the upper Palaeolithic sites
such as Bori, Inamgaon an d Patne in Maharashtra which are also
indicative of the arid environment.
1.6.2TOOL KIT
The characteristic of lithic tool types of the upper Palaeolithicis
back pointed blades. Large number of standardised blades some of which
show edge damage, burins at some sites, variety of scrapers, flakes and
blades. The palaeolithicmenutilized flakes probably used as edged flakes,
shouldered and tented points of the flakes, unifacialand bifacial points and
few choppers and bored stones.
Side-scrappers or racloirs, choppers and flakes (with edge
damaged) can be associated with wood and bone, working burins indicates
that they are used as chisels for making slots in wood or home, for the
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IMPORTANT SITES
Kurnool Caves, Patne and Didwanalake in Rajasthan are some of
the important Upper Palaeolithic Sites.
1.7SITES –PALEOLOTHIC CULTURE IN INDIA
1.7.1BHIMBETKA
Bhimbetka is located some 28 miles (45 km) south of Bhopal,i n
West -Central Madhya Pradesh state.. Discovered by V.S Wankankar of
Vikram University, Ujjain in 1957, the complex consists of some 700
shelters and is one of the largest repositories of prehistoric art in India.
The sh elters were designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in
2003. Over 500 of these contain prehistoric and later painting. The shelter
has been divided into 8 areas or groups (I –VIII). Since 1972, systematic
digging in several areas in Bhimbetka around the rock shelters have been
done by the Vikram and V.N.Mishra.
Ecological Setting
Bhimbetka is located in the midst of dense deciduous forest. The
rock shelters were carved by wi nd and rain out of hills and boulders in this
forested region. Over 30 species of trees and plants in the forest have
edible flowers, fruits, seeds and tubers which are extensively exploited for
food by the local rural populations; pre -dominantly tribal. B himbetka thus
has ample provision for the basic requirement of man –shelter, food and
water, and study of cave sediments by S.N. Rajaguru shows that
environment was not significantly different in the past. It is therefore, nomunotes.in

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13surprise that the site should have attracted hunting -gathering population
over a very long period of time.
Stratigraphy
The maximum deposit, 3.90m, has been found in shelter III -F-23,
excavated from 1973 to 1976, the stratigraphy of this shelter, can be taken
to be fairly representative of the site in different layers. No organic
material or traces of fire have survived in the Palaeolithic layers because
of the acidic nature of the sediments. Sandstone and quartziteare available
in plenty all over the area .
A number of tools, especially cleavers, mud -hand axes are broken
into pieces or have their edges damaged is varying de grees. This shows
that the tools were not only manufactured within the caves, but were also
used there.Acheulian industry of Bhimbetka belongs to the terminal stage
of Acheulian tradition. The upper Palaeolithic age was even more short -
lived though it grew out of the local middle Palaeolithic.
Cave paintingse
The paintings can be assigned to 3 cultural and chronological phases: -
1.Prehistoric
2.Transitional
3.Historical
The colours were made by using minerals and plants. The rock
paintings range in colours li ke white, red, green, yellow etc. The paintings
were made using fingers, feathers, hairs, brushes made of horse hair
depending upon the era they were from.
1.7.2 ATTIRAMBAKKAM
Attirampakkam is an open -air Paleolithic site situated near a
meandering tribut ary stream of the river Kortalayar, northwest of
Chennai, Tamil Nadu. The work in this area was initiated by R.B.Foote
and Williamking in 1863and subsequently in 1935 by Krishnaswami. The
situation seemed to provide scope on Archaeological grounds for a
correlation with the mid -Pleistocene basal Narmada zone. Paterson, 1941,
was the first to point out a quadruple Pleistocene terrace sequence around
Madras.
Excavations in Attirampakkam was initiated in 1999 to establish the
stratigraphy and culture sequence , to obtain a secure chronology and to
study the assemblages with a view towards investigating changing patterns
in hominin adaptation over the Pleistocene (Sharma Centre). Ongoing
research at this site has resulted in new perspectives on the Acheulian
culture and Middle Palaeolithic Agein South Asia. In 1964 -65, K.D.
Banerjee laid four trenches 1 km away from Attirampakkam along the
right bank of the high cliffs of approximately 50m contour, showing the
following stratification .munotes.in

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141.Sriperumbudur shale wit h a Clayey top and with embedded
remarkably fresh hand axesand Cleavers.
2.Detrital laterite, containing the post -Acheulian flake industry, the tool
types including points, scrapers and longish blade flakes.
3.Sterile brownish silt, and
4.Top surface yielding mi croliths.
The work shows that the current view that the laterite gravel is of
Acheulian horizon is correct and the silt is not the horizon of the post -
Acheulian flake industry
1.7.3 CHIRKI
ChirkiNala, Dt Ahmadabad: Excavation of the ChirkiNala on the
right bank of the Pravara indicated that the Early Stone Age, horizon was
represented by a deposit of rubble gravel which was found to rest on the
uneven surface of the amygdule basalt. Overlying the gravel was fine
sandy gravel containing Middle Stone Age to ols. The tools assemblage
consists mainly of various forms of hand axes, cleavers, choppers,
scrapers, etc. These tools on the whole display an advanced Acheulian
character. The collection also includes tools which on typo -technological
grounds show some c haracteristic of middle Palaeolithic industry. It
appears therefore that the early Palaeolithic industry in the region
represents a late stage of the Acheulian phase. This site is somewhat
different from the other Stone age found in India. Generally, the s ites
located in the riverine environment are of secondaryin nature and the tools
embedded in pebbly gravel deposits are disturbed, transported and
redeposited. At the present site the morphological character of the tools as
well as the associated rubble su ggest that they have undergone very little
transportation from their original place of deposition. Thus, the site
possibly represents a temporary camping site of the Lower Palaeolithic
man. The presence of a few fossil bones from the site are also indicati ve of
human activity in the region.
1.7.4 NEVASA
It was first explored by M.N. Despande of the ASI under H.D.
Sankaliain 1954 -56 and again in 1957 -59. These revealed a sequence of
six cultural Periods ranging from the Lower Palaeolithic to the Muslim -
Mara tha times.
Lower Palaeolithic tools were found in the cemented gravel resting
on the rock. The material of these tools of olivine dolerite, a fine -grained
variety of trap. Typologically they include handaxes, cleavers, flakes,
cores hammer -stones and cho ppers.
Middle Palaeolithic is presented by the middle gravel at Nevasa
and the lower most gravel of the BelPandhari, Suregaon and Kalegaon, all
on the banks of river Godavari.
Within this of at least five phases of occupation have been
distinguished on the bases of floors and associated burials. No completemunotes.in

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15house plan however has been exposed. Huge storage jars with bold linear
designs and tapering bottoms were embedded into the house floor. Under
the house -floor of all five phases a total number of 131 burials have been
found. Of these 126 are of children and 5 are of adults. The funerary goods
associated with these comprise small painted bowls, small globular
vessels, high -necked pots, tiny bead of faience, carnelian and copper and a
copper anklet.
The cultural equipment comprises microliths blades and flakes,
polished stone axes, copper bangles, beads, rings, hooks, chisels and a pot,
beads of semi -precious stones, steatite and terracotta, terracotta skin -
rubbers, lamps, pottery discs and wheels, bang le of shell and hammer
stones, anvils, querns and Muller.
1.7.5 Art and religion of Upper Palaeolithic
Ostrich eggshells were engraved with cross -hatch patterns between
horizontallines in phaseslID and HE at Patne. At Nisarpur in the Nimar
region, abroken disc of micaceous schist was found with Upper
Palaeolithic tools. Apiece of micaceous schist was also f ound at Patne and
might show contact between the two groups. It might have served a
decorative function in thatthe mica rubs off onto the skin. At Dharampuri
and Mehtakheri, intertropicalfossil molluscs found at the site must have
been collected by Upper P alaeolithicpeople. Wakankar collected green
pigment pieces in the Upper Palaeolithichorizons at Bhimbetka, while
fragments of red ochre are reported from the Baghor sites in the Soan
Valley. From Baghor there is evidence of a possible shrine. All this show s
that some concern for art, decoration and religion waspresent in the Upper
Palaeolithic period.
Check Your Progress:
Q1. Who discovered the largest repositor ies of prehistoric art in India?
1.8EVIDENCE OF ART IN PALAEOLITHIC
PERIOD(?)
A close study of the total evidence has been made recently by R.G.
Bednarik, and it should be useful to follow the discussion. The earliest
evidence is from Bhimbetka site III.F -24 which is a tunnel ( c. 25 m long)
widening intoa hall. In its centre lies a large altar like rock whose flat
vertical wall facing the passage, coming in from the main entrance of the
tunnel, haves even cupules or smallcup -shaped depressions, up to 16.8
mm deep and they precede the present surface deterioration of the rock
surface. Further, a huge boulder uncovered in an excavation pit near thismunotes.in

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16rock carries a single large, well -shaped and circular cup mark with an
adjacent meandering line above which follows part of its circumf erence.
According to Bednarik, neither this line nor the cupule is natural. He
locates the cupmark and the medering line roughly at the interface of the
Acheulian with themiddle Palaeolithic levels and considers it more likely
to have been made duringtheAc heulian rather than the middle Palaeolithic.
Bednarik further points outthat such cup marks occur at the site of the
presumably later rock -art site of LaFerrassie in France.
The rest of the lower Palaeolithic evidence is tentative: astone disc
from Bhimb etka, a similar disc from the Acheulian site of Maihar(also in
Madhya Pradesh), six small quartz crystals in a similar context at
SinghiTalav in the Didwana area of western Rajasthan, and more
definitively, a redochre piece (1 cm across) from the locality V at Hunsgi.
Both rock crystals andochre pieces are known to be found from
Palaeolithic sites outside India. None of the evidences cited is strictly art
but certainly suggests a level of cognitive awareness in the lower
Palaeolithic. The evidence is more e xplicitly artistic in the upper
Palaeolithic stage in India as it is elsewhere. The late V.S. Wakankar, the
premier student of prehistoric artin India, used to argue that the earliest
level of superimposed paintings at Indian rock -art sites was done in gre en
and that ‘green earth’ was found in the upper Palaeolithic context at
Bhimbetka site III.A -28. The opinion is by no means undisputed, but the
issue is not yet settled either. There are, however, two indisputable pieces
of upper Palaeolithic evidence: an engraved ostrich -shellfragment from
Patne in Maharashtra, with two banded panels of criss -cross designs are
considered as earliest evidence of Upper Palaeolithicsite in India.
Cup marks, Madhya Pradesh
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17Check Your Progress:
Q1.Where did the cup marks evidences of arts found?
1.9MESOLITHIC CULTURES IN INDIA (1200 -4000 BC)
INTRODUCTION: -
In the term of geochronology, the Mesolithic coincides with earlier
parts of Holocene when climate in previously glaciated area Ameliorate to
finally acquire its present form. Culturally this stage is distinguished by
the widespread an intensive use of mic roliths, they are Hafted in slotted
wood and bone pieces for making compound tools. Regular use of bow
and arrow suggest hunting and probably warfareand more intensified
exploitation of the natural resources of localized ecological reaches. It is
noteworth y that microliths were first discovered in India as early as 1867 -
68 by A.C.L. Carlleyle. Until Carlleyle's discoveries, European
archaeologists had believed that there was a 'hiatus' or break between the
Palaeolithic and Neolithic (Binford 1968: 314). Car lleyle realized that
there was no break or hiatus, and was the first person to use the term
'Mezolithic' for the period intervening the Palaeolithic and Neolithic.
There are number of sites in Europe, Africa and Asia. In India, the
evidence for Mesolithic is better preserved and therefore richer than the
preceding stone ages because of the following reasons:
A)There have been no significant geomorphic changes during this period
in the dated sites belonging to Mesolithic
B)These Mesolithic sites are several times bigger than that of the sites of
the preceding Paleolithic period.
C)Biological material, comprising of animal and human skeletal remains
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Mesolithic sites in India (Courtesy V.N.Mishra)
MESOLITHIC -FEATURES
1.10.1CLIMATE CONDITION: -
Mesolithic was perhaps the most congenial period for habitation
and growth in the history of mankind. Tempere d lands experienced a
warm climate after aprolonged period of severe cold for the large species,
ice sheets iterated and the vast of the northern Europe came to be occupied
by man for the first time.
In India, it has been observed that the deglaciation of the
Himalayas began some 18,000 years ago and the monsoon strengthened.
This was supported by the Arabian record which indicate influx of fresh
water because of improved monsoon. Therefore, the overall evidence
points to a drastic change in climate during the early part of the Holocene.
Mesolithic sites have been found almost all over India except
Assam. Several of streams of Gujarat and Maharashtra were rejuvenated
and were flowing a few meters below their present bed level. This was
obviously due to the increased ditch in rivers because of increase in annual
precipitation. The rainfall seems to have been abundant all over the world
as never before. Even in the arid areas of Rajasthansuch as in salt lakes of
Didwara, Sambhar, Lunkaransar, etc., there was fresh water between
9000 -4000 year s. This resulted in the deposition of dark brown clays
which are rich in pollen content. The sand dunes had stabilized and a layermunotes.in

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19of brown thick vegetation had spread over the dunes. Sea level around
Gujarat East had risen around 10 meters.
As a result o f such favorable atmospheric conditions, and a thick
overgrowth of vegetation all around abundant plant food was available. So
also, was the case with small grains. The natural consequence of this
prosperity was tremendous increase in population which is e vident from
numerous Mesolithic sites all over the country.
1.10.2DIET: -
80% of the Mesolithic man’s diet consisted of plant food and was
supplemented by animal food. Animal flesh was cut up into chunks on
compact stone plowed floors and on open fires for con sumption .On
several sites, there are also bones of fish and turtle. In rock paintings of
Bhimbhetka and other sites, there are scenes of trapping of rats and of
collection of honey and wild fruits in baskets. Plant remains have been
recovered from Damdama (Kajale 1990, 1996). Besides, the deciduous
forest region of central and Eastern India, where a large number of
Mesolithic sites are concentrated, is very rich in a variety of plant foods
which are even today extensively exploited by the local aboriginal
populations.
1.10.3HABITAT AND BURIAL: -
Inmuch of central India, Mesolithic people lived in natural rock
shelters of the Vindhyan sandstone rock, else where they lived in the
wattle or wattle -an-daub huts, the former lined with stones on the outer
periphery. At Bagor, there are small stone -paved compact floors which
were used as butchering places. At SaraiNaharRai, there is evidence of
remains earth floor and of erection of super -structures supported by a
wooden post over them.
The first evidence of intentio nal disposalof the dead comes from
this period. Mesolithichuman burials have been found at Bagor in
Rajasthan (Misra 1973; Lukacs et al 1982), Langhnaj in Gujarat (Sankalia
and Karve 1949; Ehrhardt and Kennedy 1965),Bhimbetka in Madhya
Pradesh (Misra 1976a, 1997), and Lekhahia, BaghaiKhor, MorhanaPahar
(Varma 1986),Sarai -Nahar -Rai (Sharma 1973; Kennedy et al 1986),
Mahadaha (Sharma et al 1980; Kennedy et al 1992) and Damdama
(Varma et al 1985; Pal 1992) in Uttar Pradesh. At the last three sites
cemeteries con taining many individuals have been found. The dead were
buried in graves both in extended and crouched position. In some cases,
two individuals were buried in a single grave. The dead were occasionally
provided with grave offerings which include chunks of meat, grinding
stones, stone, bone and antler ornaments, and pieces of haematite.
1.10.4ANIMALS: -
Our knowledge of the food economy of the Mesolithic people to
primarily is based on faunal remains from Langhnaj, Bagor, Tilwara,
SaraiNaharRai, Adamga rh and Bhimbetka. The settlers here hunted
several species of deer and antelopes, cattles, buffalo, pig, fox, goat andmunotes.in

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20mongoose. At some site animals like rhinoceros and elephants, though it is
likely these were scavenged rather than hunted.
1.10.5MESOLITHIC TOOL INDUSTRIES:
The technology of the Mesolithic period consists of predominantly
of microliths -small blades (1 to 4cm in length). Hunted steeply on one or
more margins to produce rectangular, triangular, crescentic, trapezoidal,
pointed and other forms. Groups of these microliths were hafted in slotted
wood and bone handles to form tools like arrowheads, knives, sickles and
harpoons. Most of the microlithic industries belong to a very developed
technological stage.
Microlithic industries (Courtesy:V.N.Mishra)munotes.in

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Microlithic industry of Bombay, Maharashtra (Courtesy. V.N. Mishra)
1.10.6ARTISTIC ACTIVITY:
There are numerous evidences of artistic activity of this period,
mostly in the form of paintings. Several thousand rock shelters in the
Vindhyan sandstone hills in central India contain enormous quantities of
paintings on their walls, ceilings and in nich es. They are found in both
inhabited and uninhabited shelters. The paintings are made mostly in red
and white pigments. The paintings mainly depict the wild fauna in all its
variety and scenes of hunting, fishing, plant food gathering and of social
life. T he portrayal of animal body is naturalistic, and it successfully
captures the dynamism, vitality of moods of the wild animals. The
paintings throw light not only on the aesthetic sensibilities and artistic
creativity of the Mesolithic people but also on th eir behaviour with respect
to hunting and food gathering techniques, dwellings, their social and
religious activities and contemporary fauna.
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Rock paintings -Mesolithic period
Rock Paintings at Bhimbetka (Courtesy: V.N. Mishra)
1.10. 7 DANCE AND MUSIC:
The Mesolithic man in rejoicing moods is to be seen in the scenes
of dances painted at Bhimbetka. Some of the dances, perhaps the
communal dances around fire, depicted here may have hadritual
significance. Those in which dancers are shown in line and in a
circlemight represent the dances performed during festivals and other
social occasions. The musical instruments depicted here are the blow -
pipes and horns.
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231.10.8 SPIRTUAL SIDE:
The s piritual side of the Mesolithic man is very well represented
by a rock -painting of a family mourning the death ofa child at Bhimbetka
and the human burials found at Langhnaj and Sagar. At Laghnaj the dead
was very carefully buried, in a highly flexed postu re and Sagar in an
extended position. At Langhnaj associated with human skeletons were the
quartzite pebbles which arenot locally available and were probably
brought from the bed of Sabarmati, 15 to 20 km away. Without doubt they
were brought to Langhnaj f or a specific purpose. Because, they were
found placed on the skull or near the head after perhaps smashing the skull
in some cases. The purpose of an intentional burial of a wolf with its heads
mashed is difficult to presume although it might represent an important
event in the life of the Langhnajians.
Check Your Progress:
Q1. Where did the Mesolithichuman burials have been found?
1.11 MESOLITHIC SITES
1.11.1 BAGOR: -
Bagor is Situated in the district of Bhilwara on the bank of Kothari
river, belongs to Mesolithic period. The work at this site has yielded
evidences for the domestication of plants and animals, gradual
development of the settled life. The site of Gilund i s bigger than Bagorand
it provides remarkable potential to understand the development of the
village life of Mewar. This site throws light on the cultural processes
involving origin, growth and decline of a Mesolithic site.
The study at this site will ena ble us to understand the process of the
domestication in this region. Much of the plain is covered by an open
woodland of Khejri, babul, Dhak and Khajur. The rainfall of the region
varies from 60 -70cm. Extensive tracts of rocky ground provides adequate
pasture for sheep, cattle and camels and pastoralism is an important
segment of the rural economy.
The site was discovered in 1967 by L.S. Leshnik of the university
of Heidelberg and late V.N. Mishra as part of a long -term project of
investigation into t he pre -history of North -West India,
originallyenvisagedby V.N. Mishra in 1958.The total thickness of the
habitation deposit in the trenches is about 1.50m representing occupation
lasting for some 4000 years. The sequence was divided into three periods
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24Phase I: -Occupies the lower 50 -80cm of occupation deposit. Here
microliths and animal bones were most profuse, and the economy was
based on a combination of hunting -gathering and herding. People lived in
huts, with stone -paved floors a nd probably wattle walls. Microlithic tools
and animal -bones begins to decline in quantity. Querns and rubbers
indicate consumption of plant -based food. Only one extended adult burial
foundin this phase.
Phase II: Occupies 30 to 50 cm with the contemporary Chalcolithic
Culture. Use of copper tools and beads is found. The pottery is handmade
with incised decoration. Burials were found in flexed position. Copper
repertoire containing one spearhead, three arrow heads a nd one awl was
found in burials.
Phase III :-Is restricted to Central part of the mound where the
occupation was 35 to 75 cm thick. The ‘microlithic industry’ is very
poorin quantity and animal bones are scare and highly fragmentary. Iron
tools came into use and the pottery is plentiful, and is entirely wheel -
made.
Tool industries in Bagor
The stone industry of Bagor is truly microlithic. Large tools such
as scrapers and burins made on flakes or cores are rare.
Microlithic industry of Bagor, Rajasthan (Courtesy.V.N.Mishra)
Five well -defined copper objects, one spearhead, one thin rod and
three arrowheads, were found. Similar arrowheads, but without holes are
known from a number of Harappan sites in Sindh, Punjab, Baluchistan,
Rajasthan and Gujarat and one specimen is known from the Chalcolithic
levels of Indore. Besides, many bits of iron two arrowheads came from
Phase II. One of them is socketed and the other tanged.munotes.in

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25Ceramics
The potteries were found at the site are poor -fired and fragile. The
shapes include the broad -mounted jar of various size, the small lota -like
pot, large shallow basin, some smaller and deeper basin.The pottery of
Phase III is different from that phase II. It is entirely wheel -made. The
common shapes are large jar, small cylindrical pot and bowl w ith broad
mouth and narrow flat base.
Habitation and subsistence
The habitational structure in all the phases, have large floors made
on schist slabs quarried from rooks across the river together with
occasional pebbles. In some places, the stones appea r to be aligned in a
circular fashion with diameters of 3 to 5m. These stones were likely to
have been arranged on the outer periphery of circular wattle hutsas wind
break which protect them from strong winds.
The only direct evidence of reconstruction of the subsistence basis
is the animal bones which were found in large quantities. The following
animals are represented: sheep, goat, humped cattle, pig, buffalo,
blackbuck, chinkara, chital, sambar, hare, fox and mongoose. The
economy of Bagor therefore wa s based from the outset on a combination
of hunting -gathering and stock -raising.
Bagor provides important evidence of the process whereby
primitive hunting and stone -using cultures were slowly incorporated into
metal -using and food producing economies through acculturation. It is
yet the most prolific and most extensively excavated site of its type in
India.
1.11.2 LANGHNAJ
Ahabitation sitedating from thelateMesolithic inthestate ofGuj
arat. Langhnaj in Mahesansa district located on the river banks and
especially on the sandy alleviate plain of North and Central Gujarat
around small hill rocks of wind -blown deposits or dunes which enclose
almost perennial small lakes, along with scrub vegetation that are ideally
suited to support small and big game and fish. The site wasinvestigated
bytheIndian archaeologist H.Sankalia in1941 –42and excavations were
carried out between 1942 and 1963. Geometric
microliths were theprincipal tools found along with pottery, metal, animal
bones and 14 human skeletons.munotes.in

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26
https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1525/aa.1949.51.1
.02a00030
Section trenches at Langhanj, Northe rn Gujarat
Excavation has revealed a ring stone (mace -head) and a hunting
knife of pure copper and small sherds have been found.
MACE -HEAD FROM LANGNAJ
The raw material utilized for microliths is mainly crypt ocrystalline
in nature, such as chert, chalcedony and quartz. The main stone tool types
are-triangles, trapezes, lunates, asymmetrical points, borers or awls,
notched and party retouched flakes, blunted -black blades, burins,
scrapers, fluted cores and ma cro-scrappers. The other interesting findsmunotes.in

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27include quartzite pebbles, a rhinoceros shoulder blade pits, perhaps used as
an anvil, a hammer stone, two small ground -stones axes of chlorite -schist
and a large quartzite ring stone.
Microliths from Langhnaj (Sankhalia,1965)
Pottery remains are in the form of small sherds which do not
indicate any shape. These sherds were also subjected under megascopic
and microscopic excavation but it is clear that pots were made by hand,
and also some on the wheel. The three main ceramic types were
1)Red ware
2)Black ware
3)Red and black ware.
.
1.11.3 The Excavated Sites in Uttar Pradesh:SaraiNaharRai,
Mahadaha and Damdama
A.SaraiNaharRai:
This she, 15 km south -west of Pratapgarh, covers c. 1800 sq.m on
the bank of a dried ox -bow lake representing a part of an old bed of the
river Ganga which now flows about 55 km south. Such lakes are common
in theUttar Pradesh countryside. Some of them ret ain monsoonal water
throughout theyear while others dry up in winter., However, they aid
irrigation, yield fish and provide rich fodder for the local cattle. In the
winter months they are the breeding ground of migratory birds. At
SaraiNaharRai a geometric microlithic industry was found accompanied
by a profusion of bison bones, rhinoceros, stag, fish, tortoise, shells and 11
human burials with 14 individuals. Burials are within the habitation areamunotes.in

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28and this is clear from the traces of hearths, floors and po st-holed
enclosures that have also been found in the same area. Among the graves,
the remains of four persons were found in one. The graves are oblong pits
where loose soil was spread as a cushion before placing the dead body.
The bodies lay extended in a west-east orientation (i.e., the head was
placed in the west), with the right/left hand placed across the abdomen
(the right hand in case of the male and the left in case of the female).
Microliths and shells were put inside as grave goods. A microlithic
arrowhead was found inside the rib -bones of a skeleton (excavation
number 1972 –X), indicating that the arrowhead was the cause of his death.
The skeletal series showed considerable fossilization in the remains of
nine males, four females and a child.
B.Maha daha:
The main area of this settlement, also on the bank of a dried -up
oxbow lake, measures 2400 sq. m. and the excavators demarcate three
distinct areas here: the habitation -cum-burial area, the butchering area and
the lake area. The60 cm thick occupatio nal deposit yielded 28 burials in
four phases, with two cases of male –female double burials. Among the
total of 30 individuals,17 could be identified as males, seven as females
and three as children. The grave pits are elliptical and slightly sloping,
with a deliberately placed cushion of loose soil in some cases. The general
orientation of the bodies is west –east; the grave goods include bone
ornaments (inclusive of a necklace and a pendant),burnt fragments of
animal bones, microliths, bone arrowheads and shells. The butchering area
showed the remains of wild cattle, hippopotamus, varieties of deer, pig
and turtle. Thousands of animal bones have been found in the lake area.
The microliths were made of chert, chalcedony, quartz, crystal, agate and
carnelian which were all brought from a distance of about 70 –100 km in
the Vindhyas. AsatSaraiNaharRai, the people were tall (up to 190 cm in
case of the malesand 162 –176 cm in case of the females). The most
important disease noted isosteoarthritis, and the degree o f dental attrition
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Mahadaha excavations (Sharma et al., 1980)
C. Damdama:
This site is not on the bank of an ox -bow lake but on a stretch of
high ground at the confluence of the two branches of a small stream within
the drainage system of the Sairiver. Its 1.5 m thick occupational deposit
showed both plastered and plain hearths, burnt patches of plastered floors,
microliths, bone objects, quer ns, mullers, anvils and hammer -stones, burnt
clay lumps, charred wild grains, animal bones and 41 human graves. Of
the four cases of double burials, two showed male –female burials but in
one case there were three persons —two males and one female, while in
the fourth one two males were put together. While the bodies were
generally put in extended positions, some were in a prone or lateral
position.
Check Your Progress:
Q7. Where did the geometric microliths found in Gujarat?munotes.in

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301.12 NEOLITHIC CULTURES IN INDIA
INTRODUCTION: -
Neolithic age is also called as ‘food -producing stage’ or ‘Neolithic
Revolution’. This shift from food -gathering to food production is in itself
the most revolutionary change in human history.
V. Gordan Childe ecological model explained how the climate
became arid after the end of the Mesolithic 10,000 years ago; in
consequence, Oases were formed in the desert in West -Asia and this
brought man and animal near to each other for water. The process of
taming wild species of sheep, goat, cattle, pig, etc. stated and they were
domesticated in course of time. However, it has now been challenged by
another theory, but again ecologically. According to it, the adverse
environment forced human group to adapt the t echnique of food
production. But it has been emphasized that hunter -gatherer are generally
reluctant to adopt f ood production -(Smith, 1972). Whereas Cohen (1977),
observed that hunter -gatherers can procure nutritious plant food and even
animal food with less expenditure of energy and are, therefore, reluctant to
produce their own food. Agriculture involves considerable amount of
labor, and what is more, man is tied to his land all the year around. In
India, from around 3rdmillennium, BCE, several village settlements sprang
up, in the Andhra -Karnataka zone with new cultural traits. The
characteristic features of this new culture called the Neolithic are -
a)A ground -stone axe industry,
b)Pottery
c)An economy predominantly based on cattle pastorally and agricult ure,
though hunting also played an important part.
These settlements were made on tips of granite hills on levelled terraces
on hillside as well as will side plateau. According to Allchins, three phases
of cultural development can be distinguished in the southern Neolithic.munotes.in

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311. THE PRIMARY NEOLITHIC: -
The pr imary Neolithic occupation ascribed to 3rdmillennium BCE
were made on the top of granite hills and on levelled terraces on hill sides.
They possibly cultivated small hillside plots. The rubbing stones and
querns -suggest some grain production. But the predominance of cattle
bones, terracotta figu rines of humped cattle and rock paintings suggest
important role of the cattle. Domestication of sheep and goat; stone axe
industry and predominantly handmade pottery of grey or buff -brown ware
and red and black slipped ware found. The end of this phase i s around C
1800 BC.
2. SECOND PHASE (FROM 1800 BCE): -
This is marked by circular wattle and daub huts with mud floors. In
the material culture, new pottery forms like perforated pots, pots with
spouts and vessel with roughened outer surfaces appear and the red and
black slipped ware of the first phase disappears.
Ground stone axes and standardized blade artifacts increase in
numbers. Metal objects of copper and bronze make their appearance for
the first time and increase in frequency by the end of this peri od around
circa 1500 BCE.
3. THIRD PHASE: -
In the third phase tools of copper and bronze became relatively
numerous. Continuation of pottery is marked by some more new elements
like grey or buff ware with a hard surface and an unburnished ware with
purple p aint turned entirely on wheel. The noteworthy feature is the
association of a bone of domestic horse (EquusCaballus) at
Hallurparallelly rock paintings around circa 1050 BCE. As the second and
the third phases are associated with tools, they are usually re ferred to as
the Neolithic Chalcolithic.
1.13NEOLITHIC FEATURES
1 HABITAT AND FOOD: -
The evidence of the beginning of agricultural and settled life in
sub-continent come from Mehrgarh (Baluchistan) which is near Quetta
close to the Bolan pass, and has been radiocarbon dated to circa 6500
BCE. It is highly likely that the earliest occupati on at Mohenjo -Daro may
also go back to an equally early date. The cultural sequence at Mehrgarh
ends with what is now known as the Early Indus Culture. The early
Harappan period is now dated to circa 3200 -2600 BCE.
It appears reasonable to see the beginn ing of sheep pastoralism, as
a specialized economic system, around this time, originating from a
Neolithic base in the semi -arid grassland eco -system of the Deccan. The
grain remains found at various southern Neolithic sites indicated that ragi,
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32The dead were buried as known from some of the sites, either
under the floors of the houses or outside close to the settlement Urns were
used for, burial both of children and adults. Beads of shell, agate,
carnelian, terra cotta, gold and copper found variously at different sites
indicate their use in ornaments, most probably for necklaces.
1.14 NEOLITHIC SITES
1.14.1 Mehergarh:
Mehrgarh is one of the most important Neolithic (7000B.C.E. to
3200 B.C.E.) sites in South Asia. Archaeological digs have unearthed
some of the earliest evidence of farming and husbandry in that region.
Located near the Bolan Pass, to the west of the Indus River valley and
between the present -dayPakistani cities of Quetta, Kalat, and Sibi,
Mehrgarh was discovered in 1974 by the archaeological team directed by
French archaeologist Jean -François Jarrige. The site was excavated
continuously between 1974 and 1986. Aft er a ten -year hiatus, the team
resumed excavations in 1996. The earliest settlement at Mehrgarh, located
in the northeast corner of the 495 -acre (2.00 km²) site, had been a small
farming village dated between 7000 B.C.E. –5500 B.C.E.
Period I A : The domest icated animals comprise cattle, sheep, goat and
water buffalo while the cultivated plants comprise several varieties of
wheat and barley. The houses were made ofmud and mudbricks. Multiple
rooms without doors arebelieved to have been used for storing grain. The
dead were buried under the floors of the houses where people lived. Some
of the skeletons which were buried have been found sprinkled with red
ochre. Necklaces of microbeads of steatite along with beads of turquoise,
lapislazuli andseashell, stone axes and microliths have also been found in
the graves. In two cases, bodies of young goats were also found.
Period IB :saw the appearance of pottery. With the passage of time the
role of hunting declined and that of agriculture increased
Period II :dated to later part of the fifth millennium B.CE., is divided
into three sub -periods on the basis of changes in ceramic tec hnology. The
pottery of sub-period IIA is handmade
Insub-period IICwheel -made pottery made its appearance. The vessels
of buff to reddish colour were painted in black pigment with simple
straight and curved lines, rows of dots and crisscrosses. The vess el shapes
included bowls and globular pots. Sickles made of stone bladelets, set
obliquely in wood handles with bitumen as the adhesive material, may
have been used for harvesting. Discovery of a copper ring and a bead
show the emergence of metal technolog y. Terracotta human figurines and
bangles also appear in this phase. The presence of cottonseeds suggests
thepossibility of the use of this fiber for textile manufacture. Narrow
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33Period III saw a marked increase in th e size of thesettlement and
remarkable development in ceramic industry. Vessels were now decorated
with paintings of birds and animals as also with geometric designs.
1.14.2 BURZAHOM
Burzahom, districtis16km Northeast of Srinagar off Naseem -
Shalimar road, about 1800 above sea -level. The Megalithic menhirs,
situated on a Karewa mound, were first noticed by Terra and Patersonin
1939 who collected some bone and stone tools from here in a short
excavation. Subsequent exploit ation by the ASI has brought to light about
a dozen similar sites such as Bagagund, Brah, Gofkral, Hariparigom,
Jayadevi -udar, Panzagom, Sombur, Waztal, all located on Karewar
especially in the south -east parts of the Kashmir Valley.
Extensive excavation conducted at Burzahom by T.N. Khazanchi
and his associates on behalf of the ASI from 1960 to 1971 has brought to
light a fourfold sequence of culture: Periods I and II Neolithic; Pd -III
megalithic and Pd IV, early historical.
PdIhave revealed dwelling p its, circular oroval on plan, narrow at the top
and wide at the base and also pit chambers, square to the rectangular in
shape. The sides of the stone pits are plastered with Karewa mud. The pits
must have been dug out with long stone celts, traces of the cuts being
visible during excavation. The filling in some pits consist of ash and
charcoal in regular bands, which is clearly indicative of human -
occupation. Potholes on the periphery of these pits suggest that there must
have been some superstructure of perishable material such as birch,
carried on wooden posts as a protective cover. Storage pits 60 -91cm in
diameter, containing some animal bones, stones and bone tools.
No direct evidence of the cereals that were grown have come forth,
but a stone quern h as been found in one of the pit chambers. The total
absence of any burials of this period may be indicative of some other
practice for the disposal of the dead. The pottery is mostly crude and
handmade, the color being chiefly steel -grey and shades of dull -red, brown
and buff.
InPd II, new structured patterns were evolved. The semi -subterranean
pits and pit chambers were filled up and plastered with mud and
sometimes covered with a thin coat of red ochre to serve as a floor.
Probably partitions were provi ded for the larger timber structures. Such
extensive structure suggests some sort of community living well -arranged
post-holes on floor and mud and mud -brick structures have also been
noticed.
An important discovery in this period is an engraved stone slab
found fixed in a rectangular structure forming some sort of tank with the
engraved face placed upside down making it non -functional at the place of
its occurrence. Besides, numerous human and animal burials have beenmunotes.in

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34found. Sometimes pet animals are buried with human skeletons in the
same pit. The animals represented in the burial are –
1) Domesticated dogs of various types
2) Antlered deer
3) Wolf
4) Wild Uriel
5) Pig
6) Nilgai
7) Domestic goat
8) Domestic sheep.
The horse is missing at all levels.
The objects both in stone and in bone of this period are similar to
those of period I. A unique composite tool in bone has also been found.
The pottery is generally handmade. A burnished black ware of medium
fabric whic h is the deluxe ware of the period makes its appearance. There
is the dish with provision for a stand, bowl, high -necked jar, etc. a few
painted pots are also found.
1.14.3 TEKKALAKOTTA
Tekkalakotta, in the district of Bellary, a predominantly Neolithic
site with some straggling remains of the later Megalithic or early historical
period in the upper levels, was excavated in 1963 -4 by H.D. Sankalia and
M.S. NagarajaRao. The Neolithic culture was of two phases, early and
late, the later one being Chalcolith ic in character. The early phase had
microliths of chert and other siliceous stones, pecked and ground tools,
bone artefacts, beads of steatite and semiprecious stones, gold and copper
objects. Fractional burial without grave furnishing was the norm, the
burialsare marked by a granite boulder over the pit. The paintings on
pottery were post -firing. The ceramics were handmade employing the
beater -and-anvil method. Uniformity of the surface was achieved by
scraping off unwanted clay. Quartz powder and in some instance mica
dust seem to have been used as degraissant . The clay was finer than in the
succeeding phase. The surface treatment comprised burnishing of the
exterior and as far as hand could reach on the inside as well, besides the
application of slip and roughening. Applied decoration, rarely resorted to,
consisted of fingertips. A few greyware pots, painted or unpainted, has
perforated bottoms. Paintings on the rims of the bowl, and spout and
external sides of the carinated vessel was confined to burnish ed grey ware,
the designs being bands, curvilinear strokes, etc. The pigments were black,
purple or violet and the paintings were executed after firing. The forms
included the globular jar with flaring rim, bowl, cup, lid and goblet in the
palegrey ware an d spouted vessel, kettle, storage jar, bowl with or without
spout, shallow dish, urn with flaring rim in brown and storage jar in buff
ware.
In the later phase, besides the ceramics of the earlier phase, two
industries; the black and red and dull -red ware s-appeared; the former with
a solitary, white -painted specimen was confined to burials and seems to bemunotes.in

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35turned on slow wheel. The dull -red ware was the major industry now.
Paintings were executed before firing, the pigments used to be black and
violet. Th e designs comprised of horizontal and curvilinear bands. There
was no deviation in the surface treatment. The representative shapes were
the globular pot, jar, spouted vessel, basin, etc. Shapes in the black and red
ware were the bowl and dish. Paintings i n white on the inner side of the
vessel consisted of vertical strokes.
The excavated houses or huts fall into three categories:
1)Circular, with lower portion built of wattle and daub and with conical
thatched roof resting on bamboos or wooden posts planted into the red
murram .
2)Circular, with sides partially supported or buttressed by heavy stones
boulders but otherwise similar to the above; and
3)Square or rectangular structures built against huge boulders for support
and stability.
An example of a circular house having post -holes at intervals
ranging from 23 to 27 cm had a small refuse -pit slightly away from the
structure and contained animal bones and other dumps. Another and
bigger one was surrounded and buttressed by boulders. The depressions in
the floors were filled up with stone chips levelled and then plastered over
with mud. Sometimes the roof was supported by a single central pillar/
post and the sides were made of bamboo screens plastered with mud. Such
houses together with the rectangular ones belong to the later phase. For
placing legged storage jars, flat stones were utilized. Rectangular
platforms of baked earth with circular pot -rest also served the same
purpose. It would be interesting to observe that the present -day Bo yas of
Tekkalakotta still construct circular huts with conical thatched roofs.
BURIALS: -burials were inside or even outside on the periphery of
residences. Inhumation, fractional or extended burial was the normal
mode. Extended burials with grave goods was usual practice, the
orientation being north -south. Interment in multiple urns was also in
vogue. Analysis of the skeletal and cranial remains has revealed a mixed
population of Mediterranean and Proto -Australoid stock, the former
element predominating .
THE STONE TOOLS: -The stone tools fall into two categories: ground
and pecked tools, and microliths. The former can be further classified into
edge and non -edge tools. Igneous and metamorphic rocks like diorite,
dolerite and basalt were used in the man ufacture of edge tools.
Typologically they are axes, chisel, chopping tools, wedges, points, etc.
Most of these are pecked and ground and exhibit use marks. Instances of
re-used axes are not wanting. Non -edge tools comprising hammers,
pounders, anvils, etc . are of coarse -grained rocks like granitic gneiss. The
microliths are fashioned out of siliceous stones, chert being the major raw
material and opal being rare. It comprises blades -parallel -sided, -backed,
serrated etc., lunates, trapezes, triangles, scr apers, flakes, and flakes withmunotes.in

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36crested -guiding cores. Marks of use and retouch are noticed on the
artefacts.
The bone tools, manufactured out of long bones, ribs, metatarsals,
metacarpals and phalanges of animals, consist of chisel, scraper, points,
etc.Besides antlers have been also utilized as tools.
Very few metal objects were recovered, the metals being gold and
copper. In the early phase two, one broken coiled ear ornament or pendent
of gold with solid ends were found. The solitary copper axe of thi s phase
recalls the Jorwe example. In the succeeding phase copper was
represented by coiled spiral flat copper, a wire, a coiled ring and a nail -
head.
The beads were of steatite and semiprecious stones, carnelian
being the chief material. Shell and glass were also used. The shapes were
disc in steatite and short bicorne, barrel, cylinder and circular in other
materials. The terracotta objects were human torsos, bulls, lamps, holed
and plain discs and oval and ground -edged potsherds.
Cattle, sheep, mollusc s, rodents and tortoises were part of the
dietary. Bones were split for marrow; charred bones indicate meat being
roasted. Although there is no evidence for cultivation of cereals yet from
the evidence of sites of comparable cultures in this region, we may believe
that cereals were eaten and cultivated.
1.14.4.BAGOR:
Bagoris in the district ofBhilwara, on the left bank of the Kothari river, a
tributary of the Banas, 25km west of the district headquarters, lying in the
center of the undulating rocky plain of Mewar, about 500m above sea
level. Much of the plain is covered by an open woodland of Khejri
(Prosopisspicigera) ,Babul ( Vachellianilotica ),Dhak (Buteafrondosa) and
Khajur (Phoenix Sylvestris). The rainfall of the region varies from 60 -70
cm. Extensive tracts of rocky ground provided adequate pasture for sheep,
cattle and camels, as pastoralism was an important segment of the rural
economy. Wildlife is now sparse in the region but known to have been
plentiful till recently. Kothariis not a perennial river but a depression on
the north -west edge of the village, retains water all through the year and
must have been a major source of water for prehistoric human and animal
populations. The dune is co mposed of wind -blown sand and the habitation
materials occur throughout the same deposit, thus attesting that the dune
was under active formation when the prehistoric man inhabited it.
The prehistoric sites lie on a large and prominent sand dune,
locally known as Mahasati, overlooking the bank of the river about 1 km
east of the village. TodateBagor is the largest Mesolithic habitation site
excavated in India, and it has been horizontally excavated so as to expose
extensive living floors. The variety and quantity of cultural materials
recovered from the site are rich and varied compared to most Mesolithic
sites so far known, and it has given an insight into the process ofmunotes.in

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37acculturation in a Stone Age community arising from contact with full -
fledged farmin g cultures. Bagor also possesses the largest number of C14
dates amongst all sites of its nature and is thus the most securely dated of
all Mesolithic sites in the Indian subcontinent.
In the center of the Mahasati dune, covering an area of 200 m east -
west and 150 m north -south and rising to a height of 6 m above the
surrounding ground, a compact area of 20X10 m divided into 15 trenches,
ten of them 4X4 m and five 4X2 m, was dug. Five layers were recognized,
mainly from changes in the color of the sand, but within each the deposit
was relatively homogeneous and so no separation of fine habitation or
sedimentary layers was possible. Consequently, rather arbitrary spits of
about 10 cm in dept were excavated, and all fi nds were related to these as
well as to the broad stratigraphic divisions.
Layer 1, 5 to 10 cm in thickness, is composed of whitish sand of
seemingly more or less recent origin. Layer 2, 80 to 90 cm thick, is of
dark-brown sand contains most of the habita tion deposit. Layer 3 is 70 to
80 cm thick and consists of fine brown sand. Occupational evidence
decreases in the middle of this layer and is completely absent in its lower
part. Layers 4 and 5 are archaeologically sterile.
1.CULTURAL SEQUENCE: -
The tot al thickness of the habitation deposit in the trenches is about
1.150 m, representing an occupation lasting for some 4000 years. The
occupation sequence can be divided into two Periods with a break
inoccupation in between. Phases I and II (of earlier seque nces) would
belong to period I and Phase III to period II. No stratigraphic break was
however visible between the two Periods primarily because of the sandy
nature of the deposit. Since the occupation of period II took place
immediately over the period I d eposit, a certain admixture of the cultural
materials of the two periods was inevitable in a soft sandy medium.
Period I, Phase I (c. 5000 to 2500 B.C.E.)
It occupies the lower 50 to 80 cm of occupation deposit. Here
microliths and animal bones were most profuse, and the economy was
based on a combination of hunting -gathering and herding. People lived in
huts with stone -paved floors and probably wattle walls or were sheltered
behind wind breaks. The dead were buried in an extended position laid out
east–west. delete
Phase II (c. 2500 -1000 B.C.E.)
It occupies the next 30 to 50 cm deposit. Microlithic tools and animal
bones began to decline in quantity, but copper tools and pottery make their
appearance. The pottery is handmade with incised decoration. Th e dead
were buried in a flexed position and oriented west -east and the graves
were richly furnished with pots, metal tools, ornaments and flood
offerings. Increased material prosperity implies a more secure and stablemunotes.in

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38economy suggesting the possibility of plant agriculture and a greater
reliance on animal domestication.
Period II (c. 500 B.C.E to C.E. 200)
It is restricted to the central part of the mound where the
occupation was 35 to 75 cm thick. The microlithic industry is very poor in
quantity and is p erhaps derived largely or entirely from the deposit of
Phase II. Animal bones are scarce and highly fragmentary. Iron tools came
into use and the pottery is more plentiful and is entirely wheel -made.
Glass beads are added to the repertoire of ornament; bri ck and tile are used
alongside stone in structures.
1. MICROLITHIC INDUSTRY: -
The flaked stone industry in unusually rich, with several hundred
thousand worked pieces, and comprises of the most common material at
Bagor. No other site in India or perhaps outside has yielded microliths in
such enormous numbers. The greatest density is found in Phase I, which
contains 45 to 55% of the material, but it declines progressively in the
Phase II and Period II. No marked typological change is noticeable from
the lower to the upper levels. Quartz and chert are the most common raw
material used and although quartz predominates in the waste material
because of its intractable nature the majority of the finished tools are of
chert.
The stone industry of Bagor is trul y microlithic in that it is based
on the mass production of micro -blades and their conversion into various
microlithic forms. Large tools such as scrapers and burins made on flakes
or cores are rare. The most common types and their frequencies are as
follows:
1.Blades with flat retouch (2.78%);
2.Blunted -black blades (48.855)
3.Obliquely truncated and blunted -black blades (18.51%);
4.Triangles (14.19%)
5.Trapezes (1.20%)
6.Crescents (3.86%)
7.Points (10.06%)
8.Other tools (0.55%)
Technologically a distinctive feature of the industry is the virtual
absence of the crested -ridge guiding technique. Although occasional tools
measure 40 mm or more in length most are between 15 and 20 mm and
some measure only 5 to 10 mm. The latter are pe rfectly symmetric in form
and are very carefully retouched. It is indeed a puzzle as to how such tiny
pieces could at all have been hafted and used.
1.COPPER TOOLS: -
Five well -defined copper objects, one spearhead, one thin rod and
three arrowheads, were f ound among the offering of two burials of Phase
II. The arrowheads measure from 20 to 25 mm in length. Two of themmunotes.in

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39have a concave crescentic base and the third has a barbed base; all the
three are provided with two holes near and parallel to the base, whic h
much have been used to secure them to the shaft with a string, metal wire
or rivets. Similar arrowheads but without holes are known from a number
of Harappa sites in Sind, Punjab, Baluchistan, Rajasthan and Gujarat, and
one specimen is known from the Cha lcolithic levels of Indore. Since there
is no evidence to suggest that the people of Bagor themselves practiced
metallurgy, the plausible explanation is that they obtained metal tools
from a source that also catered to the needs of the Harappa and other
communities.
2.IRON TOOLS: -
Besides many small bits of iron two arrowheads came from Period
II. One of them is socketed and the other tanged.
3.POTTERY: -
Isolated and small bits of pottery, 1 to 2 cm in size, appear almost
down to the bottom of the occupation deposit. They had almost certainly
sunk from the upper levels by infiltration, assisted by decaying rootlets
and burrowing of rodent, into the soft sa ndy soil. Phase I is best regarded
as devoid of pottery in the cultural sense. It is only Phase II and Pd II that
are culturally associated with pottery. The pottery of Phase II is made of
gritty and micaceous clay. Both surfaces of the pot are treated wit h a slip
of fine clay and the outer surface is often burnished. A wash of bright -red
color was applied over the slip but in most phases, it has largely faded
away and the present surface color is dull -brown. The pottery is poorly
fired and fragile. Most of the pots seem to have been made entirely by
hand or by the use of slow wheel or turntable. There are a few sherds with
a black inner surface which suggests attempts at producing a black -and-
red ware. The shapes include the broad -mouthed jar of various sizes, the
small lota -like pot, large shallow basin, some smaller and deeper basin and
bowl in a range of sizes. Though no complete pot is decorated, many
sherds bear incised designs which include groups of parallel bands,
chevrons, herring -bone patterns, crisscrosses, groups of short strokes and
finger -nail incisions. There are some affinities between the Bagor pottery
and that of Kayatha and Ahar cultures of Malwa and Mewar in fabric and
shapes. Judging from the technological and economic status of the B agor
settlement it would appear that the pottery was obtained from agriculture -
based village settlements in the area rather than produced by the local
people themselves.
The pottery of the Pd II is different from that of Phase II and does
not develop out of the latter. It is entirely wheel -made. The firing is better,
and the pots are thinner and lighter. The surface is rarely treated with slip
or wash. The common shapes are the large jar, small cylindrical pot and
bowl with broad mouth and narrow flat bas e. Decoration is rare and where
present consists of simple incisions.munotes.in

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404.STRUCTURES: -
In phase I and II, the only structures are large floors made of schist
slabs quarried from rocks across the river together with occasional
pebbles. Some of these floors covered the entire excavated area. But it is
difficult to discern any recognizable pattern in most of them. In some
places, however the stones appear to be aligned in a circular fashion with
diameters of 3 to 5m. These stones were likely to have been arran ged on
the outer periphery of circular wattle huts or wind break to protect them
from strong winds. At several places, small areas; 40 to 70 cm across,
were paved with lightly packed stones and these were associated with
concentration of animal bones. They probably represent butchering floors.
In Pd II kiln -burnt bricks, mostly fragmentary and tiles are also used in
construction. In one case a wall nearly 3 m long and 1 m wide was made
of massive and partly dressed stones.
5.DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD: -
Five bu rials, were found one in Phase I, three in Phase II and one
in Pd II, all of them within the settlement area. In Phase I, the body was
laid in an extended position with the lower left arm resting partly over the
trunk and with the head towards the west. No grave goods were offered.
In the three burials of Phase II, the body was laid in aflexed
position, with the head to the west. Whether this change in the burial
practice signifies a change in the ethnic composition of the community is
not possible to say as the skeletons of both phases I and II are too poorly
preserved to draw and meaningful conclusions about their physical
features. These burials were provided with many offerings in the form of
pottery food vessels (originally no doubt full) ornaments, me tal objects
and cuts of meat. In one of the burials 36 beads of stone and bone were
found strewn on the chest and around the neck. These must have been
originally strung and worn as a necklace. With the same burial a
fragmentary terracotta spindle whorl wa s placed near the feet. The sole
burial found in the deposit of the Pd II, turned out to be a much later
interment, not culturally related to this Pd because of the association of a
medieval coin with it.
6.ORNAMENTS: -
In Phase I a few stone beads similar to those of Phase II were
found. They are probably derived by infiltration from Phase II. The
necklaces of phase II referred to earlier consist of tiny tubular and barrel -
shaped beads of banded agate, carnelian, garnet and bone. In Pd II glass
beads were also used and there were several kinds of stone pendants.
Pieces of geru or ochre found throughout the deposit may have been used
for decorating the human body.
7.STONE OBJECTS: -
Hammer -Stone bearing tell -tale marks of bruising and used no
doubt for making microliths and splitting bones were found throughout the
deposits, but were more common in Pd I. those of spherical shape weremunotes.in

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41probably used as sling -stones. In Phase II were a lso found two perforated
stones of the type regarded as mace -heads or digging -stick weights.
8.FOOD AND ECONOMY: -
The only direct evidence for the reconstruction of the subsistence
basis is the animal bones which were found in large quantities. Of the
2266 identified bone 72.29% came from Phase I, 19.06% from Phase II
and only 2.65% from Pd II. The following animals are represented:
sheep/goat ( Ovisorientalisvignei / Capra hircusaegagrus L), humped
cattle (Bosindicus L.), pig (Sus scrofacristatus Wagner), buffalo (Bubalus
Bubalis L.), blackbuck (Antilopecervicapra L.), chinkara (Gazelle gazelle
Pallas), chital (Axis axis Erxl), sambar (Cervus unicolor Kerr), hare
(Lepusnigricolis F. Cuvier), fox (Vulpes. Sp.) and mongoose (Herpestes
sp.). In all phase’s sh eep/goat bones account for between 60 and 80 % of
the bones and these belong to the domesticated species. The economy of
Bagor therefore was based from the outset on a combination of hunting -
gathering and stock -raising. In Phase II the appearance of new material
traits like copper tools, pottery, stone and bone beads and richly furnished
graves as also the decline in the quantity of microliths and animal bones
indicate increased reliance on stock -raising. The presence of perforated
stones, ethnographical ly documented for their use as weight of digging
sticks, might suggest practice of rudimentary agriculture. The presence of
tortoise and fish bones shows the exploitation of aquatic resources as well.
9.DATING: -
Five C14 determinations, all obtained from uncharred bones, are
available. These are (all B.P.): Phase I + 6430 ± 200, 5785 ± 160, 5235 ±
90; Phase II, ± 4715 ± 105, 4060 ± 90. Though no dates are available from
the lowermost levels of Phase I it may not b e unreasonable to put the
beginning of this Phase around 5000 B.C.E. The beginning of Phase II can
be put around the middle of the 2ndmillennium B.C.E. because
archaeological evidence does not justify expecting copper tools and
pottery before that date in this area. The end of this phase cannot securely
be dated owing to lack of C14 determinations but it is tentatively put
around 1000 B.C.E. Pd II, because of the presence of iron tools and
pottery with Mauryan and Kushan period affinities, can be dated bet ween
500 B.C.E. andC.E. 200 or even slightly later.
Bagrai , District Jabalpur Microliths
Bagridihi , District Midnapur, Neolithic site.
Bahadar , District Dhule, Middle Stone Age (Middle Palaeolithic tools)
1.14.5 BAHADRABAD
Bahadrabad, District Saharanpur , 12 km west of the Ganga canal
head works at Hardwar. While a diversion channel was being excavated
here for setting up a hydro -electric powerhouse, the discovery of some
sherds of red ware and later of a hoard of copper objects was reported by
the excava ting contractor from deep down the earth. The hoard contained
several rings, flats celts, a shouldered celt and a hooked spearhead. It was
clear that this was one of the so -called Copper Hoards of the Ganga valleymunotes.in

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42of uncertain authorship and cultural moor ings. Despite loss of valuable
direct evidence, several trenches at right angles to the channel on both the
sides were laid in 1952. After cutting through a thickness of 5.7 m of
alternating sterile layers of sand and pebbles was found an occupational
layer, hardly 60 cm thick yielding a good amount of red ware but no
copper object. Immediately above the natural soil on the south flank of the
channel lay some quartzite flake tools and waste flakes. Obviously, these
tools had no connection with the pottery a nd lay there before the arrival of
pottery -using people. According to Krishnaswami, 1953, this industry
‘belongs to a flake -tool complex assignable to two broad facies: (i)
cleaver -chopper made on a mammoth lunate reminiscent of a microlithic
lunate and (i i) a jagged wavy -edged scraper formed by a different
technique as revealed in the Early to Late Sohan industry.
Made from medium -grained well -levigated clay and mixed with
fine to coarse sand as degraissant, the ordinarily thick pottery from
Bahadrabad h as brightred to terracotta -buff surface and is occasionally
greyish. Originally it was covered with a thick red slip which sticks to the
lumps of clay or peels off as soon as the sherds are lifted. Normally the
occupational layer is water -bound and only a continuous pumping out of
the water lowered its table and made excavation possible. With a worn off
surface the sherds have a rolled appearance. No painting has been noticed,
and if there were any, which is likely, they have disappeared with the
peeled –off slip. Wavy incised decorations or notching of cord design
occur along the belly on a few pots. A looped handle has also been found.
Excavated sites and their material culture
Till date so many sites of southern India have been excavated and
their subs istence pattern has also been worked out. The principal
excavated sites are Kodekal, Utnur, Nagarjunkonda and Palvoy in Andhra
Pardesh. Tekkalkota, Maski, Terdal, T. Narasipur, Sangankallu, Kupgal,
Hallur, Brahmagiri and Hemmige in Karnataka, Payyampalli i n
Tamilnadu.
Lower Neolithic: -red, black, chocolate, brown ochre and painted wares
are found in this level. They are handmade too.
Upper Neolithic: -grey, buff, olive green and black are burnished and
turntable made wares are found.
Techno -typological features: -these wares termed as A ware.
Again, classified from A1 to A5.Sherds are mainly of coarse gritty clay,
ill-levigated, very few are finer ones, could be import from other sites.
Mostly they are handmade, often turntable made w ith/without burnished.
Burnishing applied in form of horizontal and vertical strokes. Slips also
found in very few sherds. Occasionally incision, decoration and rustication
are found. No kilns were found, possibly bonfire -type kilns were in usemunotes.in

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43Microlithic assemblage :-
Microliths made out of crypto -crystalline material included cores,
blades, backed blades, lunate, flakes used pieces from excavation and
blade cores, discoid, flakes, lunates, etc. from surface. Ground and pecked
stone tools: -axes, discoid, pestles, concave querns, hammers, rubbers,
hand -hammers are the common one variety distinct from other sites. Cattle
bones have been found in large quantity.
1.14.6 Ash Mound tradition of South India
Neolithic culture of South India comes un der southern zone within
zonal distribution. First, many sites have been explored and reported right
from 19thcentury onwards by British and other scholars and secondly
many sites have been excavated by archaeologists in late 20thcentury.
South Indian Ne olithic tradition is marked by the presence of ash mounds
which is typical identity of the Neolithic culture of southern zone. Ash
mounds are one of the important issues dealing with the archaeological
remains related to Neolithic culture in South India. I t remained the most
debatable topics among the archaeologists as it essentially resulted either
due to an economic activity or religiously significant that began in the
second half of 3rd Millennium BCE.
Ever since the first discovery of ash mounds by C olonel Colin
Mackenzie in 1952, including the famous ash mound at Kudatini on the
Bellary -Hospet road, several individual scholars and institutions brought
to light over a hundred such sites: some partially disturbed with mound
features to a meager extent or completely erased to a greater extent leaving
behind only the sub -surface features with traces of the original spot by
shifting the vitrified lumps of ash to the field boundaries and intact
mounds.
The ash in the mounds consists of several distinct l ayers; in some
layers it is soft and loose and in others heavily vitrified, suggesting that
cow dung was burnt at varying temperatures. The contents of the ash
include stone and bone tools, animal bones and pottery. At Utnur and
Budihal hoof impressions of cattle have been found beneath the cow dung,
showing evidence of cattle penning. Besides, Budihal has also produced
evidence of a butchering floor.munotes.in

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44
A view of ashmound from Kupagal.
Myth and problems about Ash mound
According to local tradition these Ashmounds are associated with
the Rakshsas. Some villagers associated it with the demon Bakasura, who
was killed by one of the Pandava brothers of the Mahabharata epic. The
‘Cinder’ or ashmound is nothing but a cow -dung ash.Cow -dung ash
known as Vibhuti right from Vedic period. Lord Shiva, creator o f the
Universe pasted this Vibhuti known as Bhasma, Raksa, Bhasita, Bhuti and
Ksara in other words (Upanishada).munotes.in

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45Findings and Views about Ashmound
First the ‘Cinder’ or ashm ound was found in Karnataka, which is
the most predominant state known for its ample amount of ashmound. It
must have been sighted by Col. Colin Mackenzie who says’ Hilloock of
white pebbles (fossil remains) at Callipiliyar in the district of Chettupat”.
Some scholar believed that heap had occurred due to iron smelting
processes. Some scholars believed that it was due to gold smelting (Hutti).
Subsequently Foote noticed and reported many sites and scientific
investigations and excavations by Newbold, Foote, Munn and Zeuner laid
out the view that it is cow -dung accumulated annually or over longer
periods within the cattle -pens and burnt as Holy bonfire.
1.15 SUMMARY
The Indian subcontinent has been a constant source of fascination
for archeologists. It is r elatively close to Africa, as well as to East Asia.
Trade routes ran easily from India to the Middle East, and by extension
Europe. India has long been a crossroads of cultures, ideas, and people,
and all of that is encoded in the archeological record, dat ing back to
theStone Age.
The Stone Age is the period of time defined by the use of stone
tools by human and our hominin ancestors. The people of the stone age
suffered from one great limitation. Since they had to depend almost
entirely on tools and weap ons made of stones, they could not found
settlements far away from the hilly areas. In each of these periods, life in
India grew and changed in different ways, setting the stages for advanced
civilizations to comelater.
1.16 SUGGESTED READING
Agarwal, D.P. and Kharakwal, J.S., 2002. South Asian Prehistory
Aryan Books International. New Delhi, India
Chakrabarty, D.K., 2009. India: an archaeological history: Palaeolithic
beginnings to early historic foundations. Oxford University Press.
Ghosh, A., 1991 An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology, Two Vols.,
New Delhi
Inizan, ML, Reduron -Ballinger, M., Roche, H. and Tixier, J., 1999.
Technology and terminology of knapped stone. Crep, Nanterre, p.189.
Misra, V.N., 1973. Bagor -A late Mesolithic settlement in
north -west India. World Archaeology, 5(1), pp.92 -110.
Misra, V.N., 2001. Prehistoric human colonization of India. Journal of
Biosciences, 26(4), pp.491 -531.
Misra, V.N., 2002. The Mesolithic Age in India. Indian archaeology in
retrospect, 1, pp.111 -126.
Mishra, S., 1992. The age of the Acheulian in India: new evidence.
Current Anthropology, 33(3), pp.325 -328.munotes.in

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46Pappu, R.S., 2001. Acheulian culture in peninsular India: an ecological
perspective. DK Print world.
Sanaklia, H.D; 1962. Pre and Proto -history of India and Pakistan,
Poona
Gordon Childe, What Happened in History, (New Edition), Penguin,
U.K., 1991.
1.17UNIT END QUESTIONS
1.Underline the basic principles of the divisions of the Pre -historic time
period.
2.What are the phases into which the Paleolithic Age in India is divided?
What is the basis of this division?
3.Highlight the changes witnessed by human life in Mesolithic period.
4.The Indian subcontinent witnessed revolution during Neolithic age.
Comment.
5.How are the Paleolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic Ages in India
distinguished from one another? Describe the main characteristic
features of each.

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47Unit -2
JANA TO VARNA AND PASTORALISM TO
SETTLED AGRICULTURE
Unit Structure:
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Features of pastoral society
2.3 Features of settled agriculture
2.4 Rigvedic pastoralism
2.5 Transformation
2.6 Janapada
2.7 Varna system
2.8 State
2.9 Settled Agriculture and other professions
2.10 Iron and social change
2.11 Summary
2.12 Suggested reading
2.13 Unit end questions
2.0 OBJECTIVES:
By reading this material Students will understand:
A.the nature of the Rigvedic Society
B.the transformation of Rigvedic Society from simplicity to complexity
C.the structure of the Rigvedic Society
D.thestructure of Rigvedic society
E.the phases of Emergence of Janapada
2.1 INTRODUCTION: -
Theories on the earliest formation of states in India have been few
and simplistic. Studies on the political institution of ea rly India assumed
the existence of the concept of state but rarely analyzed the process by
which state formation took place.
The Emergence of the state marks a qualitative change in the
history of a society since it arises out ofand imitates a series of i nter-
related changes at many levels. The transition from an absence of state to
state system in the mid first millennium B.C.E, has generally been treated
as a sudden change. (Thapar 1999)But the theory of Aryan invasion andmunotes.in

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48the date ascribed have been lat ely questioned by manyHistorians and
Archaeologists.
Rigvedic Society has been described as a tribal society and that of
the later Vedic period as one of state -based kingdom, the transaction
having occurred during the period from the late second to the ea rly first
millennium B.C.E. This has been assumed based on theconquest theory of
the rise of the state, which argues that after the supposed conquest of the
area by the Aryans . When they gained control over the indigenous society,
the state almost automati cally came into existence. Where the theory of
internal stratification and diversification has been applied in preference to
the conquest theory it has been argued that class stratification is in the
caste structure with the kshatriya formingthe ruling cla ss and constituting
the peasantry. In this situation the increasing power of the farmer led to
the emergence of state.
The establishment of peasant economy is also crucial to many
theories regarding the Origins of the state and the prime movers towards
state formation.
2.2 FEATURES OF PASTORAL SOCIETY: -
Pastoralism is a way of living that is dependent on the herding of
animals, mostly cattle, sheep, and goats. It is a misconception about
pastoralist societies that they only eat the animals they raise, in fact, some
pastoralists eat their animals onlyonspecial occasions or at times of
distress or emergencies. They often depend on secondary resources from
the animals such as milk or by -products like wool. It is now well known
that pastoralists did small -scale farming too. Changes in the environment
has been forcing the pastoral societies to keep shifting their bases
frequently from prehistoric times.(Bonvillain 2010)
1) Simple and small society: -
The pastoral settlers lived in small villages; larger places were
absent. Romila Thapar describes the pastoral villagers from first
millennium BCE, as lineage societies -‘corporate groups of unilineal kin
with a formalized system of authority. It has rights and duties and accepts
genealogical relation ships as the binding factor’. The basic unit is the
extended family based on a three or four generation lineage controlled by
the eldest male who represents it on both ritual and political occasions.
The strong emphasis on kinship notwithstanding, non -kingroups were
sometimes allowed to labour the fields of the lineage.(Thapar 1999)
The constituentsof the family and their relations with the descent
group are based on the system of marriage alliances, involving both the
movement of women and exchange of we alth associated with theresidence
pattern and the right relating to the wealth produced by the family as an
independentunit as well as its relationship with the clan. Such right to
property are determined by settlements in new territory, inheritance order
and acquisition of wealth.munotes.in

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49Myths of origin become significant in emphasizing the separate
and spectral nature of the elite. Heterogeneous groups exist together
through the dependence on the ruling Clan. Their identity was not
individual but community ident ity.
Serious economic institution like currency, banking market were
absent. They were very close to nature deity, natural forcessuch as sun,
moon, rain, etc. Their religion was very closeto nature.
2) Not settled: -
Pastoralism is characteriz ed by extensive land use. Instead of
collecting fodder for animals they were moved to fresh pastures. Grazing
lands wereliableto change since the same pastures may not haveremained
constant year after year and cattle herdshad to be mobile. Since the
econom ywas dependent on the increase of the herd, identification with
land played a peripheral role and search for pastures remained crucial.
Thus the 'Purus' were earlier said tohave settled along the grassy banks of
the Saraswati but later became the core of t he true line in the Ganga
Yamuna doab.
Family had clearly defined right on pastoral land, andandon
cultivated land. These rights of usage were determined by rule rather than
by ownership. The optimum size of the land wasdetermined by
environment and econ omy. Ritual occasions weremarked by sacrifices
offered to a cult object where the congregation oftenconsisted of the
descent group of the lineage.
3) Cattle Economy: -
The concept of ownership was restricted to animals, housing, and
some domestic goods . Land was communal and centuries -old migratory
patterns of different pastoral groups were recognized that was quite
different from the modern land ownership.
Wealth was determined by herd size and often the number of wives
and offspring a man had. All th e cattle and cattle products were used for
exchange. Even all festivals revolved around cattle economy.
4) Milk and milk products: -
Production is for more than meat and milk. Some animalswere
used as beasts of burden, while others were use d for their skin and fur.
Animal products were for both personal use and for trade. Bovine Cattle
were used for multiple purposes such as milk and milk products, cattle
skin,bones etc.
5) Small scale farming: -
Thoughin pastoral society settl ed agriculture was absent, nomadic
pastoralism was there for the fulfilment of cattle. Some pastoralists
supplemented herding with hunting and gathering, fishing and/or small -
scale farming or pastoral farming.munotes.in

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506) Barter: -
In a pastoral socie ty, all serious economic institutionssuch as
currency, banking, market wereabsent. Barter system was there for mutual
exchange of goods. Barter is a symbol of a simple society because it has
lot of limitations. In a pastoral society where an immediate exch ange of
goods took place in the form of a barter need not necessarily denote a
kinship -based community.
Check Your Progress:
1.Write down the features of the Pastoral Society.
2.3 FEATURES OF SETTLED AGRICULTURE: -
1) Complex Society: -
Pastoral Society was simple and small, but with the settlement of
agriculture, society became more Complex. The agricultural society
included proper code of conduct, mannerisms, rules and regulations, a
sense of right and wrong, ethics, limi tations, fabrication of relationships,
and a number of institutions in social, cultural, religious spheres of life. In
settled agriculture Societies complicatedsocial practices such as
untouchability and endogamy got crystallised.
2) Crafts: -
With the increase in cultivation, there was a societal need for carpenter,
blacksmith, etc., for making tools of agriculture. This group which
professed auxiliary function in an agricultural society aided its economy
and was a chief transformative force in turning the ancient society into a
complex one.
3) Trade: -
Trade is a complex system. It included production, gathering,
marketing, supply and sale. It also included traditional and cash crops.
With this, a new class emerged which only dealt with the trade. The
complexity and the exponential nature of trade in certain societies led to
urbanization, the invention of standardized currency and the system of
coinage.
4) State: -
Establishment of economy is crucial to theories regarding the
origin of state and the evolution of lineage -based society’s move towards
state formation. The state may have evolved through creation and
evolution of surplus goods which in turn led to trade and urbanization
which in turn demanded a despotic King extracting reven ue from the
village community which were otherwise autonomous and democratic.
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51facilities which was controlled by the state through a hierarchy of officials
who collected tax The autonomous village community was nevertheless
totally subservient to the state due to its dependence on it for security and
infrastructural facilities. The king gained legitimacy through the
propagation of divine right legends, his legitimacy was reasserted through
the caste hierarchy, the upper -class elites popularizing the lore among the
masses.
5) Complex Economy: -
Settled agriculture was characterized by an urbanized economy.
Everybody was part of that Complex society. Goods and Services were
exchanged for the ir money value, i.e. coins, that is symbol of settled life.
Exploitation is another side of the same coin of the urbanization. As,
different power relations among communities resulted into emergence of
Class system and later evolved into slavery, serfdom a nd bonded labour.
Check Your Progress:
1.Write down the features of the Complex Society.
2.4RIGVEDIC PASTORALISM: -
The word 'Veda' is derived from the Sanskrit root 'vid' (to know)
thus the word "Veda" means knowledge. It is contended that it is a
revealed literature which was put to writing in due course of time. The
Rig Veda is admittedly the oldest book in the world. The whole of
Rigveda is nothing, but prayers and hym ns divided in 10 Mandalas,
expounded by different Rishis.
Rig Veda refers to various Tribes settled in the region between the
Indus river system and the now extinct Saraswatian area described in the
text as the Sapta Sindhava . The major concen tration of settlement from the
study of archaeological evidence points to the lower doabs of the Punjab
and it is possible that text may have been referring to the five rivers at the
point of Confluence rather than to the upper to reaches of these ri vers. The
Saraswati is described as eventually joining the ocean which it has since
ceased to do. According to geophysicists, the disappearance of Saraswati
was gradual and not sudden and as such the point of extinction or vinashna
kept changing. They beli eve that the final extinction would date to the
latter half of the second Millennium BCE a date which would not conflict
with the Generally accepted chronology for much of the Rig Veda.
The careful study of Rig Veda clearly indicates that the Rigvedic
economy was predominantly pastoral. The pastoralism of Rigvedic society
made livestock breeding and especially cattle herding as a major activity.
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52accumulate and increase the herd. this bei ng the primary source of
occupation, it required what the Rig Vedic texts describe as meadows rich
in grass. The relative importance of the pastoral economy can be gauged
by the fact that the Rigveda carries more reference to pastoralism than to
agricultur e. Such details as the marking of theears of the cattle to indicate
ownership, the accessibility of pasture lands, and the daily tasks of the
herdsmen are mentioned there. (Thapar 1999).
The wild animals -mrga is differentiated from the domesticated
animals -pasu , mainly cattle which were evidently valued for food as well
as for dairy products. The cow is most favourite animal of the Rigvedic
people. This animal is par excellence amongst all the cattle. The early
Aryans’ every sphere of life is overshad owed by this animal. The term for
cow-gauoccurs 176 times in the family books of the Rig Veda. Cattle
were synonymous with wealth -rayi and a wealthy person was known
asgomat .(Sharma 1991)
Political implications demanded that grazing grounds be
demarcat ed, and a constant vigil kept preventing trespasser entry. The
accumulation of cattle, ‘ gavisthi’ , a Sanskrit term could mean desire for
more cows which meant someone whose arched for cows that were stolen
by the raider which led to cattle fights as well a s capturing others herds
Cattle raids were therefore a form of acquiring fresh stock and the same
word is used for such raids. The winner of cows, ‘ Gojit’ , is an epithet of a
hero who won such battles. The Kuru -Panchala ‘rajas’ we are told, raided
in the season when the dew falls. Inevitably, the worst enemies were the
Panis, who were given to cattle lifting and wholured people to gamble by
giving them loans and when they defaulted, they put a noose around their
neck and took them away to sell them in othe r countries.
In the very early Vedic period cattle might have been owned
collectively. Those who herded their cows in the same cowsheds belonged
to the same ‘ Gotra’ , a term which later became part of caste terminology,
meaning a descent from a common ance stor. Cattle raiding is often
accompanied by the capture of herds who were often enslaved. (Thapar
1999).
Unfortunately, archaeological evidence regarding dominant
pastoral life of the Rigvedic people are scarce. If we accept four important
archaeological sites, namely, Bhagwanpura, Dadheri, Katpalan and Nagar
as reflecting Rigvedic material culture, then we may have some glimpses
of pastoral life indicated by the findings of cattle -bones. A good amount of
animal bones have been discovered at Bhagwanpura and Dadheri. These
include charred bones of cattle, sheep, and goats, which were evidently
used for food. Sharp cut marks on their bones corroborates this
assumption. Textural evidence clearly show that cattle, sheep, and goats
were domesticat ed for purposes both of dairy products and meat. (Sharma
1983)munotes.in

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53Scholars like R. N. Nandi have refuted theories of D.D. Kosambi
and R.S. Sharma about Rig Vedic societies being entirely pastoralists. He
used a number of references to agricultural activities in the family books -
such as vap(to sow) and krish (to cultivate) Khanitra (hoe) datra , (Sickle)
kshetra (cultivated field) and have concluded that while cattle rearing was
dominant, agriculture was also practiced secondarily or it may have been
practiced by the non -Aryans.(Singh 2008)
The more elaborate ceremonial sacrifices of the later period such
as the rajasuya included offering made of grain together with milk, ghee
(ghrit ), and animals. Plough agriculture is referred to in the Rigveda,
generally in the later mandalas, but curiously some of the major
agricultural implements carry names which are linguistically non -Aryan,
such as Langale.
The herder might graze their animals on the stubble of fields
ormay provide fodder in return for protection. Suc h agriculturalists then
accepted the authority of the herder chiefs without necessarily being
conquered by them. Most celebrated battles were among the major clans
and conflicts involved claims to territorial control. Apart from the famous
Dasarajan where the Bharatas fought against a confederacy of ten clans,
the best known of which were the group of five, the Puru, Druhyu, Anu,
Turvasa and Yaksha/ Yadu. The Bharatas were also involved in battles
against the well -established dasa chief Sambara and raid aga inst the cattle
lifting Panis.
Rigveda also refers some agriculture related terms that were from
the linguistically non -Aryan words like, Langala (plough), Vrhi (rice),
Yava (barley). The cultivation of both, as the later text mention was
possible in the lower Doab, as far example at Atranjikhera. In the later
texts there are references to heavy ploughs drawn by anywhere between
six to twenty -four oxen which could be indicative of the heavier wetter
soil east of the Doab.(Thapar 1999)
2.5 TRANSFORMATION -
The Aryan transformation towards the east (later Vedic), especially
the doab region, changed the social experience. The Early Vedic was the
period of transition from nomadic pastoralism to settled village
communities, with intermixing past oral and agrarian economies. This
gradual transformation to agriculture made an impact, perhaps indirectly
on other aspects of Vedic life. Among these was the pattern of change in
different sections of society.
The Vedic Jana (tribe) incorporated a numbe ro fvis(clans). The
description of the rajanya: even in the later Vedic literature he is depicted
as sporting a bow, shooting arrows with accuracy, running thechariot
races, and drinking sura. It was from among these families that the ‘rajan’
was chosen. He was earlier known as Gopati.munotes.in

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54Clan lands were held in common by both the lineages but worked
by the lesser lineage. The clans were the original settlers which is the
literal meaning of the word vis and when land was converted to
agricultural use, it be longed jointly to the vis.
Visapati -The ‘ vis’means a clan is generally accepted and it is used as
such for dasas andAryas . The ‘Visapti’ is in some contexts the chief of
the clan and in others he is the head ofa household.
Pastoral lands raised no con flicts in remaining common to the
village as ‘Vraja’ and most animal grazing took place on waste land andin
the forests of which there were plenty at that time.
Gopati -Gopa is a head of family. Inthe later Vedic period Gopati meant
master. Later the ter m ‘Janasya Gopati’, was used to denote the extended
power. Corresponding to the increase in power and the expansion of
areaunder his control, the nomenclature also vispati, nrpati, naresvara,
(king of wara), ‘rajanya’ later the term ‘maharaja’ was used. So ciety
transformed progressively from simple to more complex.(Sharma 1991)
Fig. 1: Division of Rigvedic Society and their respective heads.
In Rigveda there are references to Panch Jana, Yadava Jana, and
Bharat Jana. According to Prof. Apte, ‘Vis, Jana, and Grama were used
synonymously’. The relation between Vis and Jana is not clear. According
to Prof. Ray Choudhury “in some Vedic passages, t here is clear contrast
between the two, as the Bharatas are referred to as one Jana, but when Vis
is used we have plural visah , pointing to the existence of multiple
vis.”(Singh 2008)
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55Check Your Progress:
1.Write down the nature of the Rigvedic Society .
2.6 JANAPADA: -
A group of clans constituted a ‘jana’ and the territory where they
settled was referred to as the Janapada which literally meant where the
tribe place its feet . Since the economy of the jana included hunting and
pastoralism, large, forested area adjoined the settlements and could even
carry the name of the jana as for example, the Kuruvand.
The nuclear unit in such a society was the kula, the family and a
group of families made up the gramas or village. Grama by extension
therefore also was referred to a community. It was therefore a larger unit
than the kula but smaller than the vis. The ter m gramini was used for a
village headman. It counted in turn towards the identity of the ‘tribe’ or
‘jana’ and further it became “Janapada”. When the area started expanding
it became “Mahajanapada”. The boundaries between janapadas tended to
be topographic al features such as forests, rivers, streams and hills.
Mahabharata: -It contain words like Gandharva, Kinnar,
Kimpurusha, Asura, Naga, vagaetc. (mostly tribal and non -Aryan).
Victorious always imposed their culture over the conquered.
Anoverarching Ary an culture subsumed the tribal culture leading to
suppression of people whom they later termed as Shudras. A
Conglomeration of culture took place in North -Indiaduring this period.
(Thapar 1999)
2.7 VARNA SYSTEM: -
In earlier period pastoral society wa s small and simple and was
egalitarian. But with the introduction of the varna, the society gradually
became more graded. During the Rig Vedic period the Varna description
was probably primarily between the Aryan and non -Aryan inhabitants.
The four varnas were later associated with the colours white, yellow, red
and black. With sharpening of the stratification and the beginning of
professional specialization, the constituents of the Aryas were more
clearly demarcated as Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya and with the Shudra
incorporating a group of excluded clans and lower status profession. As
the non -Aryans and the tribal sinteracted with outsiders, their function,
responsibility, professions, role and the status changed. The migration of
Aryans from west to eas t, had played a very important role in establishing
the ‘varna’ system. Accordingly, with the changing size and the nature ofmunotes.in

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56the society a vertical gradation of Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and
Shudra was formed. The varna system finds mention in the 10thmandala
of Rig Veda in “ Purushosukta ”
1)Brahmans: -The word ‘Brahman’ is derived from the word ‘Brahma’
(creator). His duty deals with knowledge, practicing rituals and
sacrificial performance.
2)Kshatriya: -The word ‘Kshtriya’ is derived from the word ‘Ks hetro’
means those who fight for kshetro and protect kshetro. This profession
later became more crystalized.
3)Vaishya: -The word is derived from “Vishaya” a kind of exchange
and commerce activities. Vaisya is not used for the cultivation
although the vaisy a may have derived his wealth from agriculture.
4)Shudra: -This section mainly served the upper three class. They did
physical labour and undertook menial jobs and they did not belong to
Aryansociety. and were later castigated as lower class.
The relationship between Brahmana and Kshatriya varnas was close
but complex. Later Vedic texts mention the importance of the Purohita for
the king whereas the Brahmanas were dependent on the redistribution of
wealth via Dana andDakshina in the sacrifices performed by the king and
the horse heads. (Sharma 1983)
YAJNYA COMPLEXITIES: -
Sacrifices occupied important role in the Vedic society.
Specialised sacrifices find mention in the texts. Occasions on which
sacrifices were performed changed phenomenally. When the society
transformed from pastoralism to agriculture, modes of production and the
power relations also changed. Those having power, started to control
producti on. With the performance of Yajna, claims to sovereignty and
increase in demands for prostration were sought to be justified through the
consecration ritual. This led to the greater inter -dependence of the
Kshatriya and the Brahmans. At first, they were s eparated and thus
undermined each other’s power. The Kshatriya must always have a
Brahman (the reverse is too obvious and is left unsaid). Later this led to
the development of the ‘divine right of king’ as espoused by Brahmans.
According to Romila Thapper, ritual status is very much important than
actual status, in the ancient time. E.g., Ashwamedha Yadna, Rajasuya
Yadna.
Everyone got involved in the rituals and it consumed time and
expenditure. When the production is on higher level, property and
producti on were enhanced.
Kumkum Roy has underlined the close connection between the
emergence of the monarchy, the varna hierarchy and the increased
sacrificial complexities. “The grand shrauta sacrifices performed by the
king legitimized his control over the re sources of the jana; whereas
domestic or grihayagnya performed by the grihapati legitimized his
control over resources of his household.” (Roy 1994)munotes.in

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57GRAHAPATI: -
Initially the householding system was probably common to both
therajanyas and the vis. Hence the Grahapati or the head of the household
could be from either of the lineages and is mentioned with respect in the
text. The grahapti appears to be of the higher lineage. Elsewhere in
Rigveda, Agni is called the Grahapati and the scared household fire is the
Grahapatya. That the Grahapatiis associated with wealth is indicated by a
hymn. In the later -Vedic literature there are references to grahapati and
yajmanas which could be kshatriyas but do not preclude Vaisyas. The
principalritual role of the graphapati was that of ayajmana, it was he who
ordered the sacrifice and it is possible to trace the growing importance of
grahapati through the rituals.
2.8 STATE
The state is characterized by its ownership of land. With the
absence of private property ,and a despotic king extracting revenue in
grains, the village communities which were otherwise autonomous and
autarkic being dependent on irrigation facilities controlled by the state,
through a hierarchy of officials who were also revenue collectors.
In the Doab region use of Iron, helped people to settle in
agriculture. With the coming of iron, physical activities reduced. With iron
implements and weapons security increased, which indirectly contributed
for increasing population. As the population incr eased, it led to more food
requirement, which ultimately led to the search and migration to newer
areas. During this period, demand on agricultural requirements began on a
large scalethus, transforming Janapadainto Mahajanapada and it in turn
became ganasa nghas.
Bali Bhaga: -The mention of bali, bhaga and sulka has been interpreted
as reference to taxes of various kinds. But none of these were collected at
a specified time and regularly, nor were they of precisely defined amount
and there is no mention of specific occupational groups from whom they
were collected or of designated persons who made the collection. All these
conditions were fulfilled in the post -vedic period when taxes were
collected, and these terms were used as terms for taxes.
The wor dbali,bhaga andsulka do change their meaning from
tribute, distribution, and price (in the sense of value) in the Rigveda to
forms of taxes and dues in the later dharma -shastra literature. Bali -
Bhaga, is a mandated tax by the king. Here role of the st ate, was not only
to protect the subjects, but also to give them irrigation facilities. Bhaga is a
forcefully collected tax. Shulka is tax -revenue. Hence state institution
became more assertive in making state’s claim over subjects’ revenue.
According to Romila Thappar it is a symbol of settled agriculture. (Thapar
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582.9 SETTLED AGRICULTURE AND OTHER
PROFESSIONS
The painted grey ware culture marks an assertive society, richer than
its immediate predecessor. There is evidence of pastoralism and
agriculture with the noticeable presence of a new animal, the horse and
with minimal use of iron (almost restricted to wea pons) in the early part of
the first millennium B.C.E. The finely made, wheel thrown pottery with its
floral and geomatic designs provided a further distinction to the culture.
Stratification has been viewed as a precondition to the emergence of
the stat e since stratified groups became involved in internal conflicts, and
required contracts for agreements or results in the evolution of a powerful
elite. The prerequisites for stratification are however under debate.
The theory of stratification is applied ,in village communities
consisting of peasant agriculturalists in majority, who had a communal
land tenure and where the state intervened and appropriated the surplus. It
is argued that the state owned the land and organized agriculture through
settlemen ts of cultivators. (Thapar 1999)
Peasants started producing a little more than what they needed to
support themselves. Now they could maintain non -producing section such
as priests and princesses and even some other professional groups which
had just star ted to emerge during this period. R.S. Sharma is of the opinion
that although the practice of agriculture had increased many folds it was
still in primitive stage.
The later Vedic period also witnessed the emergence of professional
groups, arts and cr afts. We hear of smith and smelters, who had certainly
produced iron tools. Many copper objects also have been found. They
were used mainly for war, hunting and for ornaments. The study of PGW
settlements clearly indicates that the PGW phase of culture doe s not
warrant its characterization as urban. The excavations at Hastinapur and
Kausambi show the faint beginnings of towns towards the end of the later
Vedic period.(Singh 2008).
But the recent excavations in Hastinapur and Sanauli (S.K. Manjul
2018) ass ociates ochre coloured pottery (OCP) / copper hoard which is
found beneath the layer of PGW with the Mahabharata period dating it to
around 2000 BCE. According to Manjul the period was marked with
advanced weapons and tools, antenna swords, harpoon celts, dagger and
shield, metal, copper and chariot made of advanced technology. However,
a conclusive proof on the dates are yet to emerge.
2.10 IRON AND SOCIAL CHANGE
Though use of Iron was known in India since the second
millennium BCE (Mark Kenoyer, Harappa.com, 2021), the ironmunotes.in

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59technology became widely prevalent in c. 1000 -800 B.C.E According to
D. D. Kosambi the eastern movement of the Indo -Aryans towards the
Gangetic plains was to reach the iron ores of south Bihar. Moreover,
Kosambi credits use of iron for large scale wars and animal slaughter for
sacrifices as an important factor for rise of Buddhism after 6th
Century.(Kosambi 1975).
Prof. R. S. Sharma has suggested that the use of iron implements
was responsible for generating an agricultural su rplus, which paved the
way for second urbanization, as it helped in clearing the forest at large
scale for agriculture and use of iron plough has increased the land under
cultivation. (Sharma 1983).
This theory was later cancelled by Makkhan Lal, based on
archaeological data, as he argued that there was no significant increase in
the usage of iron from PGW to the NBPW phase in 1stMillennium. (Lal
1984)
A. Ghosh also has raised doubts claiming that “the forests of the Ganga
valley could have been cleared though burning –the most common
practice -also supported by texts of Mahabharata and Ramayana. (Ghosh
1990)
Check Your Progress:
1.How invention of Iron Contributed in the complex society?
2.11 SUMM ARY
According to Marxist historians the transition of the economy of
the sub -continent from pastoralism to the settled agricultural took place
between 2000 -500 BCE though the recent studies and excavations
conducted by Prof. Jonathan Kenoyer and Prof. Shinde tend to give an
earlier date to this transition. It all happened very gradually and in
multiple waves unlike popular belief of immediate replacement of the
Harrapans that with the Aryans. “The archaeological sources combined
with the literature of this age gives us an idea of broad patterns of
historical changes. This process of transition from pastoral tribe to
territorial state paved the way for India’s second urbanization.” (Singh
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602.12 SUGGESTED READING
1.Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology . 2nd ed. Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
2.Ghosh, A. 1990. An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology .B r i l l .
3.Kosambi, D.D. 1975. An Introduction to the Study of Indian History .
Popular Prakashan.
4.Lal, M. 1984. Settlement History and Rise of Civilization in Ganga -
Yamuna Doab, from 15 00 B.C. to 300 A.D. B.R. Publishing
Corporation.
5.Roy, Kumkum. 1994. The Emergence of Monarchy in North India,
Eighth --Fourth Centuries B.C.: As Reflected in the Brahmanical
Tradition . Oxford University Press.
6.Sharma, R.S. 1983. Material Culture and Social Formations in
Ancient India . Macmillan.
7.——— . 1991. Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient
India . Motilal Banarsidass.
8.Singh, U. 2008. A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India:
From the Stone Age to the 12th Century . Always Learning. Pe arson
Education.
9.Thapar, R. 1999. From Lineage to State: Social Formations in the
Mid-First Millennium B.C. in the Ganga Valley . OUP India.
10.Michel Danino, 2010 “ The lost River: On the trail of Saraswati ,
Penguin Books India , Haryana
2. 13 UNIT END QUES TIONS
Q.1 Explain transition of economy from pastoralist to agricultural
settlement in early India.
Q.2 Analyze the nature of transition of the subsistence pattern from
Pastoralist to settled agriculture in early South Asia.
Q. 3 Explain the difference between Varna and Jati. Make your
arguments based on historical works debating about its evolution in
early India.
Q. 4 With reference to the transition of Pastoralist to the settled
agriculture in First millennium in India bring out the relationship
between subsistence and social practice and how changes in one can
lead to changes in other.


munotes.in

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61Unit -3
C) RISE AND GROWTH OF CASTE
SYSTEM
Unit Structure:
3. 0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Theories of Origin of Caste System
3.3 Growth of Caste System in Ancient India
3.3.1 Later Vedic Period
3.3.2 Caste System in Pre -Mauryan Period
3.3.3 Caste during Mauryan Period
3.3.4 Caste System in Post -Mauryan Period
3.3.5 Caste System in Gupta Period
3.3.6 Caste System in Post -Gupta Period
3.4 Summary
3.5 Additional Readings
3.6 Questions
3.0 OBJECTIVES
After the study of this unit, students will be able to:
1.Understand the concept of caste.
2.Study the theories of origin of caste system in India.
3.Understand the growth of the caste system in Ancient India.
4.Analyze the various aspects of Varnasamkara or Hybridization of
caste.
5.Understand the inter -relationship between caste and gender.
6.Study the growth of caste system from Vedic period to Post -Gupta
period.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The word Caste is derived from Latin word ‘Castas’ which means
pure. This word was first used by the Portuguese to denote the Indian
social classification as they thought that the system was intended to
preserve purity of blood.
According to Sir H. Risley, “A caste may be defined as a collection
of families or groups of families bearing a common name, claiming a
common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine, professing tomunotes.in

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62follow the same hereditary calling and regarded by those who are
competent to give opinion as forming a single homogeneous community”.
Ketkar in his ‘History of Caste’ defines caste as a social group having two
characteristics: -
1) membership is to those who are born of members and includes all
persons so born
2) the members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to many outside
the group.
The chief characteristics of the Caste Sys tem which is considered
unchanging are restrictions regarding marriage and social intercourse
based on either heredity or hierarchy. Members of a caste can neither
marry outside their caste nor accept food from somebody who is of a
lower caste. The notion of high and low is linked up with birth and
heredity. Once a person is born as a Brahmana, he is regarded as such and
so are his descendants and no onecan change his caste in his lifetime.
3.2 THEORIES OF ORIGIN OF CASTE SYSTEM
Various theories are giv en for the origin of caste system. We will see all
these theories in detail one by one.
Theory A -
Caste arises as a result of colour
According to this theory, colour is the base of race it means that
caste is a result of racial differentiation. There were two racial groups in
ancient India –Aryans and Dravidians According to Dayanand Saraswati,
Aryans came from outside and not from west to east. When they came into
India they mixed with local races which led to the creation of a number of
castes. But this theory was rejected by scholars
Theory B
Caste was the creation of Hindu religion. According to this theory,
caste was created by orthodox Vedic religion i.e., today's Hindu religion.
This theory was also demolished because if the caste system was derive d
from Aryans, then caste must be prevalent outside India, but it is not the
case. That is why this theory was not accepted and it was rejected by
scholars.
Theory C -
Caste originates due to particular socio -economic factors.
This theory is propounded b y pioneer historian D.D. Kosambi. He
traces the origin of caste to the assimilation of the Aryans and
contemporary tribal groups in the ancient Indian society. According to
him, the formation of the service caste from the defeated Dasa and the
Shudra tribe s led to the development of new relations in the society. This
was the reason behind the origin of the caste System in the northern part of
India in the ancient times. As far as Peninsular India is concerned, itmunotes.in

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63developed as external stimulus to the confro ntation and assimilation of the
societies.
Traditional origin of caste system:
According to Manu, the four original Varnas were created namely
Brahmans, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Shudra and then many castes or jatis
were produced by services of classes by th e descendants of these initial
unions.
Secondly, many castes were formed by degradation from the
original Varnas on account of non -observance of sacred rites. These are
called Vratyas.
This theory seems to be highly falsified and absurd because it
assum es that in one way or the other the whole population of the world is
descended from the four original Varnas. Thus, even the people of foreign
countries like china (Chinese) Yavana (Greek), Sake (Sythian) etc. were
said to have been Kshatriyas at one time buthad later degraded to a lower
status because they hadceased to observe the prescribed sacraments.
Risley has noted processes by which castes are formed, generated
and expanded that: -
1)A whole tribe of aborigines, or a large section of a tribe, enroll
themselves in the ranks of the society either under their own tribal
designation or under a new caste name, eg. mlechcha, the Rajbanshis
of North Bengal, the Bhumij of West Bengal, the Gonds of Central
India.
2) The functional or occupational type of cast e is so numerous and so
widely diffused and its characteristics are so prominent that the
community of function is ordinarily regarded as the chief factor in the
evolution of such castes., eg. sonar, kumbhar, Teli, barbers
(Madhunapits), milkmen (Sadgopas) , washerman (Chasadhobas) etc.
3) The sectarian type comprises a small number of castes which
commenced life as religious sects founded by philanthropic
enthusiasts, who had evolved metaphysical formula for salvation.
eg. The Lingayats, the Jats, the Sikhs, Vaishnabas of Bengal, Alvaras,
Swami Narayan Sect, shaivites, Narayaras, Daundapanthis,Satanamis
etc.
4) Castes of the national type
There exist certain groups usually regarded as castes at the present day
which cherish traditions of bygone sove reignty and seen to preserve
traces of an organization considerably more elaborate than that of an
ordinary tribe.
eg. Konkani, Malvani, Gomantak, Karadi, the Newars of Nepal and
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645) Castes formed by migration -
If members of a c aste tear away from their original habitat and settle
permanently in another part of India, then there is a tendency for them
to be separated from the parent group and to develop into a distinct
caste.
eg.Padmashalis migrated to Sholapur from Andhra Prad esh, Gour
Brahmana, Dravida Brahmana etc.
6) Caste formed by change of custom –
Due to neglect of established custom or the adaptation of new
ceremonial practices or secular occupations new casts were developed.
eg. Ajodhya kurmis of Behar and the Kanojaku rmis of the U.P.
7) Variants of the division of society in the four classes in ancient India
can be priests, warriors, cultivators, and artisans.
Sub-prohibition of marriage within one’s gotra as a fundamental basis
of the Indian caste system.
According to another theory the Caste System is based on notions
of purity and impurity. The Brahmans possess the purity of the first
degree, the Kshatriyas of the second degree and so on. The ritual ranking
of the Varnas and jatis is based on their relative purity. But the exponents
of this theory do not realize that notions of purity and impurity found in
primitive and ancient societies outside India did not give rise to the caste
system. Even in case of India working in leather was not regarded impure
in Vedic tim es. In fact, the more they moved away as from physical labour
and primary production the purer and noble they were regarded.
There is another theory which explains the origin of caste as a
legacy from the aboriginal tribal communities of India. Accordin gt oi t
every tribe is sub -divided into several clans, and members of a clan may
marry within the tribe but outside the clan. When such a tribe is absorbed
as a caste in the Brahmanical system it continues to merge within the tribe
or caste and refuses to have social intercourse with other castes. There is
no doubt that once the Caste System was established tribes were converted
into castes, but the earliest history of tribal amalgamations would show
that tribes entered into marriages, relations with one an other as a result of
war and trade.
Marriage served as a form of exchange that was considered
necessary to keep life going. Insistence on marriage within the caste began
because of the need of maintaining the privileges of the upper order s
which automatically barred the lower orders from having social
intercourse with the upper castes and condemned them to marriages within
their circles.
Another theory of origin of the Caste System said that all human
beings are divided into four categor ies. According to their natural
aptitudes and endowments, some possess high spiritual and intellectualmunotes.in

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65qualities, others fighting qualities, still others producing qualities and
accordingly they are placed in various categories. The Caste System is
therefo re based on natural and inherent attributes found in mankind. It is
therefore called a contribution of the Hindu genius and credited with
ensuring continuity and durability to Hindu society despite foreign
onslaughts. But to think of the natural qualities of human beings without
considering the social and material environment in which they are born
and nurtured would -beselective analysis. Such a theory of the origin of
the Caste System obviously serves the interests of those who want to
perpetuate this sys tem.
The last theory accounts for the origin of the caste system in terms
of the division of labour. It is said that the need for occupational division
leading to more production and economic efficiency gave rise to castes.
There is some validity in this theory. But what is ignored is the hereditary
aspect of the caste system. In Vedic times castes were occupational in
nature and changes from one occupation to the other was possible. But
overtime this change became impossible. What is further important, th e
division of labour was affected in such a manner that Brahmans or priests
and Kshatriyas or warriors were withdrawn from direct production which
was placed in the hands of the Vaisyas and Shudras.
These are the numerous theories given by various authors on the
origin of the caste system. By studying these theories, we can understand
the origin of the caste system. Now we will see the growth and
development of the Caste System in ancient India.
Check your progress :
1)Explain in short, the theories of origin of caste system in India.
3.3 GROWTH OF CASTE SYSTEM IN ANCIENT INDIA
Caste is the development of thousands of years, from the
association of many different racial and other groups in a single cultural
system. Rigvedic society was practically free from the caste system.
During this period the Varna system existed, and the so ciety was divided
into four classes and they were based on occupation. Thus, we can say that
the caste system developed during the later Vedic period.
3.3.1 Later Vedic Period
A series of changes took place during the later Vedic period. There
were many political developments: Several tribal identities got territorial
identities. It is very much close to rise and development of castes. Themunotes.in

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66territorial units or Janapadas that emerged were named after the Janas
(tribes) settled there such as Kuru, Panchala , Gandhara, Matsya, Cedi
Magadha etc. due to rise of such cities in later Vedic period. Caste become
an important factor. The stress on kinship ties was further emphasized by
using theword jati (assigned by birth). This word occurs first in later
Vedic te xts and is used in the sense of an extended family. This word was
used in Katyayana Srautasutra where we could see the references to Jana
(tribe) decreased and those to Jati increased. Later in Pali literature Jati is
used in the sense of caste implying an endogamouskinship growth ranked
in a list of specialized occupations and service relationships reflecting an
increase in social stratification.
The intensification of agriculture provided the economic base for
the growth of towns in the Ganga valley. The upcoming urban centers
produced its own social stratification. The guild was emerging as an
essential institution. It ranked in the list of specialized occupations and
service relationships. Therefore, in the later Vedic period caste overtook
Varna. As ti me went by,the social stratification became very rigid, and
peoples’ social standing was based more and more on birth not on
occupation. Earlier varnas were interchangeable and Rig Veda mentions
people professing different varnas living together. But in t he caste System
social mobility was not allowed and the caste groups became watertight
compartments. Later, the main four castes came to be further divided into
many sub -castes, each with a definite status and position within the bigger
caste group.
Some new castes were formed by the admission of non -Aryans
into the fold of Aryans. Thus, the Caste System was an instrument of
civilization by which the new people were allotted status within the Aryan
fold.
Caste taboos crept in during the later Vedic s ociety. It had no basis
in the Vedic religion. Its appearance was a result of sociological and
economic causes and perhaps due to the continuous wars the Aryan and
non-Aryan groups waged frequently. A process of war, expansion and
assimilation of cultures took place during this period and different groups
were mixing freely with each other. A serious threat toculture must have
been felt by the Aryan Society. So, in later Vedic literature, for the first
time we get a manual of behaviour of code of conduct, rules and
regulations for the society. It shows the pressures on the society from
different directions.
In the earlier phase of later Vedic literature sometimes we come
across words like Ananya, Dasa, or Dasya, mleccha etc.
Later Vedic age witnessed th e geographical expansion of the Indo -
Aryan speaking groups from the Punjab to Bengal from Himalayas to
Vindhyas and over to Deccan resulting in considerable changes and
development in the society. This period witnessed the beginning of the
process of assim ilation, acculturation, and integration; in short, the culturalmunotes.in

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67intermingling of a number of societies –tribes mainly in the northern part
of India. The later Vedic Society perhaps undertook earnest efforts to
save Aryans’ kin -based society from mixing w ith non -Aryans. Therefore,
all efforts were made to maintain exclusiveness:
1)Institutionalization of caste
During the later Vedic period, the institution of caste developed
further. Upanayana samskara played a pivotal role in the society. A careful
study of upanayana samskara in later Vedic literature shows that apart
from exclusion of Ekajatayah -(once born) from Dvija (twice -born) even
within the Dvija group there was a manifestation of hierarchy.
2)Purity and pollution
Composition of later Vedic literature, especially about caste, made
attempts to uphold certain privileges of Aryans. The concept of purity
became synonymous with power and exercised dominance. The division
of society was mainly based on purity –pollution and dictum in other
words, the higher the Varna greater the amount of purity. Pollution was
linked not only to birth, death, menses, and bodily secretions but it implied
the transgression of certain boundaries. A shudra’s food is customarily
viewed as abho jya (not to be eaten).
3)Pataniya (outcaste)
An outcaste was the one who had been removed from his caste for
violation of its customs and rules. It is a sort of social boycott or exclusion
from society. There is a difference between chandala and outcaste.
Chandala (who lived in the fringes of the society) andmleccha (foreigner),
who never came in the fold of the Aryan culture were as outcastes and
were temporarily secluded from the society and were called Vratya or
vagabonds.
4)Chandala
Throughout the lite rature, chandala was used as a synonym for
untouchable. Most of the composers used it as a caste of the progeny of
Shudra male and Brahman female. Chandala was considered as the most
polluted and hated person. His very existence was troublesome. Recitation
of the Vedas was advised to be stopped if chandala was in the village. A
householder was not recommended to stay in the village where chandala
was staying.
Varnasamkara or Hybridization of caste
A number of castes originated from the unions of men and women
belonging to different varnas. Number of caste and sub castes were
decided on the social status of the two parental varnas.
Gautama Dharmasutra gave detailed information about samskaras
and possible status of progeny in the Varna structure. He gave several
combinations Anuloma (accepted order) and Pratiloma (unaccepted order).
Due to this number of castes originated in ancient India.munotes.in

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68Anuloma combination: Higher caste male and lower caste female
1.From a Brahman male -Kshatriya female -Murdhavasikta
2.Brahmana male -Shudra female -Nishada or Parasava
3.brahmana male –Vaisya female –Ambastha
4.Kshatriya male –Shudra female –Ugra
5.kshatriya male -Vaishya female -Mahishya
6.Vaisya male -Shudra female -Karana
These are unaccepted combinations.
Pratiloma combination included offspring from Lower caste male
and higher caste female
1.Shudra male -Brahman female -chandala
2.Vaishya male -Kshatriya female -Vaidehaka
3.Shudra male -Vaishya female -Ayogava
4.Shudra male -Kshatriya female -Kshattri
5.Vaisya male -Kshatri ya female -Magadha
6.Kshatriya male -Brahman female -Suta
The progeny of Pratiloma combinations were not recognized in society.
They were considered as outsiders in society.
Analysis of eight forms of Marriages according to Caste System:
A number of schola rs assigned particular forms of marriage to
particular caste like Brahma and Daivya forms of marriage were
pertaining to Brahmana caste whereas Arsha and Gandharva forms of
marriage were pertaining to Kshatriya. Asura pertaining to Kshatriya and
torturous forms of marriages like Rakshasha and Paischachya were
pertaining to Shudra or lower castes.
Women and caste system:
Women were always equated with Shudras irrespective of their
caste status. It is a paradoxical statement. For most of the Dharmasastra,
women are most impure and therefore outcast during her monthly courses.
Her status was dependent on her progeny. She was regarded as the
gateway of the caste system. Caste influenced various forms and
institution of marriage i.e. approved (Anuloma) and unapp roved
(Pratiloma) forms, the practice of divorce, widow remarriage, Niyoga,
polygamy monogamy etc.
According to a number of Dharmasastrakaras, krishnavarniya
women were only for pleasure. She was never granted the status of a wife.
Thepunishment varies according to the caste of that woman.
for eg. If a husband went outside the village for some work or
became an ascetic, the wife of that person had to wait for him before
remarrying. This period of waiting varies from upper c aste women to
lower caste. Brahman wife had to wait for 12 years, Kshatriya wife -10
years, Vaisya wife -8 years and Shudras wife for 6 years.munotes.in

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69Proprietary rights:
After the death of the husband, the property was divided among his
wives according to their caste status only. The property of the deceased
person used to be divided into 10 parts and divided among his wives
according to their caste. First 4 parts were given to Brahman wife, second
3 parts given to Kshatriya wife, third 2 parts given to Vaisya wi fe and last
1 part given to Shudra wife. This shows the differences of caste status of
women in society. The treatment and rights and privileges were given to
them according to their status only.
During the later Vedic period caste became an institution. Caste
operates society and it was followed blindly and uncritically. It had
become a watertight compartment based on birth. One cannot change his
/her caste. Now birth decided it. Higher caste people wanted to maintain
their purity of blood. They wanted t o maintain their social status in
society. Inter -caste marriage between different varnas gave rise to a
number of other castes. In this way, we can say that during the later Vedic
period, caste became an institution in the real sense.
3.3.2 Caste System in Pre -Mauryan Period
If we want to study the development of the caste system during the
Pre-Mauryan period, we must refer to Buddhist literature. Though
Gautama Buddha preached against caste distinctions based on birth, the
institution of caste continued to develop gradually. It was deep rooted in
society. Brahmanas were considered as a superior caste. The Pacitliyapali
of Vinaya pitaka differentiates jati as low castes (Candala, Vena, Ncsada,
Rathakara and Pukkusa) and high castes (Khattiya and Brahmana). But the
word is used there also in the sense of birth, species, varna and tribe which
shows the jati system evolving out of the tribal varna system. With
sangha -ganas, which were based on two -varna system (Kshatriyaand
Dasa -karmakara), varnas had become synonymous with classes, that is
with masters and slaves, while disintegrated sangha -ganas themselves
were turning into jatis in the post -Buddha period. Apart from these
sangha -ganas, other tribal states and classless tri bes were being
incorporated as jatis by the new non -tribal feudal kingdoms.
With the advance of time and the growing complexities of society
the number of professional castes had much increased since the early
Vedic period. Thus, we come across castes of smith, potter, stone grinder,
ivory carver, carpenter, garland maker, barber fisherman, dancer,
drummer, elephant tamer etc. generally these professions were hereditary.
To increase the isolation of these guild castes they occupied separate
quarters and e ven lived in separate villages of their own.
The chandalas were the most despised caste of the society. They
were not allowed to live within the walls of towns and even touching or
seeing chandala were believed to cause impurity. Higher castes wanted to
maintain their purity of blood so that they did not allow inter -caste
marriages between different castes. During this period food and drink
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703.3.3 Caste during Mauryan Period
Megasthenes, the Greek ambassador to India around 300 B.C.E. in
his work Indica says that the population of India was divided into seven
endogamous and craft exclusive groups. They are philosophers, soldiers,
govt-officials, artisans and traders, herders, and councilors. Evidence of
Megasthenes thus indicat es that the people were divided into seven
categories, which were occupational groups rather than hereditary groups
or castes. His sevenfold division is certainly false but gives evidence to
show that in Mauryan times class divisions were already hardening . The
number of castes in 300 B.C.E., was much more than seven as we know
from the Sutras and the early Buddhist literature. But Megasthenes living
in the court of Chandragupta Maurya could have come in contact with a
only a few of them and even among thos e few, he being a foreigner, could
nothave understood the caste differences within these groups. Also,
during this period few new caste groups developed which combined caste
with the occupation they professed. These intricacies must have been
missed by hi m and he must have misunderstood the caste system in India
but from the Sutra literature we can understand the caste System of this
period and Post Mauryan period.
3.3.4 Caste System in Post -Mauryan Period
During this period the caste system was further i nstitutionalized.
According to Manusmriti, the origin of the numerous mixed sankara
varnas is in the marriage between different varnas. These were called
anuloma and pratiloma. Buddhist texts and other evidence also leave no
doubt that the so -called mixed castes really resulted from organization like
guilds of people following different arts and crafts.
One of the most important developments of this period was the
gradual absorption of foreigners like Indo -Greeks, Sakas, Yavanas,
Kushanas, Parthians etc. into Indian society and thus formed sub -castes
with their peculiar modes of life. Inter -marriages among the various castes
further gave rise to many new castes.
3.3.5 Caste System in Gupta Period
The Varna system seems to have been considerably modified
owing to the proliferation of castes. The Kshatriya caste swelled up with
the influx of the Huns and subsequently of the Gujjars who joined their
ranks as Rajputs. The increase in the number of Shudr a castes and
untouchables was largely due to the absorption of backward forest tribes
into the settled varna society. Often guilds of craftsmen were transformed
into caste. It has been suggested that transfer of land or land revenue gave
rise to a new cast e, the Kayasthas (scribes). In the countryside in Northern
India there emerged a class of village elders and headman called
mahattoras who had to be informers of the land transfer. Later they also
got classified into a caste. In this way the caste system f urther developed
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713.3.6 Caste System in Post -Gupta Period
From the 7thC.E., onwards two trends were witnessed in the
society. One was the continuity of the assimilation of foreign elements and
second was the segregation of the Jati system. The law of the period
accepted birth, profession, and residence as the deciding factor in the
determination of Jati. In the medieval period, the Muslim invasions further
increased the rigidity of the caste system. Besides several new religious
sects -Sikhs, Daudapanthis, Vaishanavas and Satanamis were founded to
counter the spread of Islam in India. There sects and their various
branches in course of time gave birth to many new sub -castes too. In this
way the invasions of Muslims further led to the rigidity of the caste system
during this period and several sub -castes were founded.
Check your progress :
1)Discuss the growth of the caste system in Ancient India.
3.4 SUMMARY
To summaries, Caste System based on the principle of birth is
undesirable. The social divisions, according to Gita, should be based on
Guna and Karma i.e., character and recognition of work. The caste system
has been responsible for the narrow outlook and caste exclusive society.
The burden of caste discrimination and untouchability brought about
untold miseries and humiliation to millions of people in the c ountry. Till
recently. Caste hindered the growth of nationalism that is why social
reformers tried to reform and annihilate the institution of caste system in
India during the modern period.
3.5 ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)A. L. Basham -The Wonder that was India
2)D. N. Dutt –Origin and Growth of Caste in India
3)G. S. Ghurye –Caste and Class in India
4)D.N. Jha –Ancient India In Historical Outline
5)V. D. Mahajan -Ancient India
6)R. S. Sharma –India’s Ancient Past
7)R. S. Sharma –Perspective of Social and E conomic History of Early
India
8)Social Scientist Series, School of Social Sciences, New Delhimunotes.in

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723.6 QUESTIONS
1)Explain the meaning and genesis of the concept of Caste.
2)Discuss the various theories regarding the origin of Caste System in
India.
3)Critically evaluate the development of the Caste System in Ancient
India.
4)Evaluate the development of the Caste System from vedic period to
Post-Gupta period.
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73Unit -4
C) RISE AND GROWTH OF CASTE AND
UNTOUCHABILITYRISE AND GROWTH
OF UNTOUCHABILITY
Unit Structure:
4. 0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Theories of Origin of Untouchability
4.3 Growth of Untouchability
4.3.1 Pre-Mauryan Period
4.3.2 Mauryan Period
4.3.3 Post-Mauryan Period
4.3.4 Gupta Period
4.4 Summary
4.5 Additional Readings
4.6 Questions
4.0 OBJECTIVES
After the study of this unit, students will be able to :
1.Understand the concept of Untouchability.
2.Study the various theories of origin of Untouchability in India.
3.Analyse the rise and growth of Untouchability in India.
4.1 INTRODUCTION
The institution of Untouchability originated in India during ancient
times. Untouchability, in its literal sense, is the practice of ostracising a
minority group by segregating them from the mainstream through social
custom or legal mandate. The term is co mmonly associated with the
treatment of the Dalit communities in the Indian subcontinent who were
considered ‘polluting’. Traditionally, the groups characterized as
untouchable were those whose occupations and habits of life involved
ritually ‘polluting’ a ctivities, such as manual scavenging, sweeping, and
washing. Untouchables were also those who had eating habits like eating
dead animals with diseases, in contrast to groups who supposedly
followed higher standards of cleanliness. The origin of untouchabil ity and
its historicity are still debated. Number of scholars and historians have
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74Origin of untouchables, as much as the origin of untouchability, is
a puzzle to social historians. They p ut forth their theories which are at
variance with one another. It is not without significance that although
there is a rich purpose of ethnographic literature on Indian tribes, few field
studies of untouchable communities are available and scholars writin g on
the subject are mostly depended for their interpretation on literary sources
written by the members of upper castes without any assistance from the
contemporary data which could throw some light on the origin, evolution
and continuance of a value syst em that barely disguises its exploitative
character. Historians of ancient India have been more concerned with the
study of varna system as a whole and with the problems of dominant
groups such as Brahmin or Rajput referring only to the existence of
despis ed castes mentioned in the Buddhist sources and foreign accounts.
R.S. Sharma explains the lack of interest on the part of scholars in the
fortunes of lower communities as due to their vision being limited by their
dominant class outlook. The idea and prac tices of untouchability in Hindu
society was striking enough to have given rise to a number of theories
regarding its origin.
1.It is not possible to accept the explanation of the origin of
untouchability given in Dharma Sastras which attribute it to the inter
mixture of castes. It has been suggested that in many instances origin of
untouchables took place as a result of complete isolation and loss of
tradition of these communities, but such a view is untenable for the social
phenomena appearing in the pr e-Mauryan period which witnessed rise and
growth of Buddhism.
2. According to Dr. B.R. Ambedkar:
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, an Indian social reformer and politician, who
came from a social group that was considered untouchable, theorized that
untouchability origi nated because of the deliberate policy of the upper -
caste Brahmanas. According to him, the Brahmanas despised the people
who gave up the Brahmanism in favour of Buddhism. Ambedkar believed
that untouchability has existed at least as far back as 400 C.E. Th e roots of
untouchability, lies in the deliberate policy of the Brahmins who were full
of contempt and hatred towards those who continued to eat beef and
isolated themselves from Brahmanical traditions by embracing Buddhism
has been successfully refuted by Vivekanand Jha.
3.Nripendra Kumar Dutt:
Historian Nripendra Kumar Dutt theorized that the concept of
untouchability originated from the pariah -like treatment accorded to the
aborigines of India by the early Dravidians, and that the concept was
borrowed by the Indo -Aryans from the Dravidians. Scholars such as R. S.
Sharma have rejected this theory, arguing that there is no evidence that
Dravidians practised untouchability before coming into contact with the
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754.Furer Haimendorf:
Furer Haimendorf put forward the theory of urban origin of
untouchability. He remarked that the untouchables have no particular close
connection with the soil. They were generally craftsmen such as leather
workers and weavers or doing menial work as watchmen, sw eepers etc
whose services are essential to the urban settlements but may not be
needed in the rural areas and he points out that even today there is no need
of for scavengers in Indian villages. In the villages nearly everyone’s
labour is needed in agricul ture so there is less contempt for manual labour.
Towns have greater economic and cultural disparity and those classes
compelled to pursue unclean occupations are naturally segregated and
banished outside the city in a society which identifies personal cle anliness
with purity. Furer Haimendorf concedes that it was the idea of
untouchability developed in urban or semi -urban settlements which could
have spread to villages as well, as ‘it is everywhere the towns which set
the standard’. Scholars such as Suvir a Jaiswal reject this theory, arguing
that it lacks evidence, and does not explain why the concept of
untouchability is more pronounced in rural areas.
5. John Henry Hutton
British anthropologist John Henry Hutton traced the origin of
untouchability to t he taboo of accepting food cooked by a person from a
different caste. This taboo presumably originated because of cleanliness
concerns, and ultimately, led to other prejudices such as the taboo on
marrying outside one's caste. Scholars such as Suvira Jaisw al argue that
this theory cannot explain how various social groups were isolated as
untouchable or accorded a social rank. Jaiswal also notes that several
passages from the ancient Vedic texts indicate that there was no taboo
against accepting food from pe ople belonging to a different varna or tribe.
For example, some ShrautaSutras mandate that a performer of the
Vishvajit sacrifice must live with the Nishadas (a tribe regarded as
untouchable in later period) for three days, in their village, and eat their
food.
Scholars such as Vivekanand Jha, R. S. Sharma and Suvira Jaiswal
characterize untouchability as a relatively later development after the
establishment of the varna and caste system.
6. Vivekanand Jha
In an illuminating and systematic study of the history of
untouchables in India upto 1200 C.E., Vivekanand Jha has distinguished
four major stages in the origin of untouchable groups. He points out that
the Rigveda shows no knowledge of any group of peoplewith whom
contact is tabooed even remotely. Th e later Vedic texts also do not give
any indication of the practice of untouchability although tribal groups of
Chandalas and Pulakasas are mentioned with much spite and revulsion. In
the second phase extending upto 200 B.C.E., certain tribal groups such a s
chandalas and the Pulakasas emerge clearly as untouchables. The third
phase being a continuation of the second, some more ethnic groups are
classified as untouchables, but the peak was attended in the fourth phasemunotes.in

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76extending from 600 to 1200 C.E. when num ber of occupational groups
such as Rajukas were regarded to be the category of untouchables and
several new ethnic groups were added to the list.
7. R. S. Sharma
Historian R.S. Sharma theorizes that institution of untouchability
arose when the aboriginal tribes with low material culture and uncertain
means of livelihood came to be regarded as impure by the privileged
classes who despised manual labour and regarded associated impurity with
certain material objects. According to him, one of the reason for or igin of
untouchability was the cultural tag of the aboriginal tribes who were
mainly hunters and fowlers in contrast to the members of Brahminical
society who possessed the knowledge of metals and agriculture and were a
part of a developing urban life .The low material culture and consequent
wretched condition of these tribes with their uncertain means of livelihood
andthe contempt, disrespect and despise the privileged classes had for the
manual work combining with the primitive ideas of taboo and impurit y
associated with certain material object gave rise to this unique institution.
8. Suvira Jaiswal:
According to Suvira Jaiswal, when the members of aboriginal
groups were assimilated into the Brahmanical society, the privileged
amongst them may have tried to assert their higher status by disassociating
themselves from their lower -status counterparts, who were gradually
branded as untouchables.
Untouchability is believed to have been first mentioned in
Dharmashastras . According to the text, untouchables w ere not considered
a part of the varna system because of their grievous sins, barbaric or
unethical acts such as murder, harassment etc. Therefore, they were not
treated like the savarnas. An introduction of untouchability and the theory
of purity and poll ution,shouldnot to be treated as part of the development
of varna system and its ideology rather than as an independent system.
Check your progress:
1) Discuss in brief the origin of untouchability in ancient India.
4.3 GROWTH OF UNTOUCHABILITY
In later times the idea of untouchability was extended not only to
the Nishadas and Pulakasas but also to craftsmen such as the leather
workers and weavers. For during this period although the crafts of the
cammakaran and pesakaran were considered contemptible, they
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774.3.1 Pre -Mauryan Period
According to the Dharmasutras , marriage with a woman of lower
caste was permissible but it shows great aversion and strong dislike for
connection of the reverse order. According to Gautama, a son bego tten by
shudra on a woman of unequal caste is regarded as patita. It is mostly to
such marriages and connections that early law books trace the origin of
about a dozen mixed castes. Thus, an issue begotten by a shudra male and
a woman of kshatriya varna is known as kshattr and one begotten through
a woman of Vaishya caste is Magadha. The son of a Shudra by a
brahmana woman is called nisada. The issue begotten from the union of
kshatriya male and a shudra woman is known as ugra, while that of the
Vaishyaman and a shudra woman was regarded as rathkara. According to
Gautama, a child begotten by a Brahman, a Kshatriya, a Vaishya and a
Shudra through a woman of shudra caste are respectively known as
parasavas, yavanan, karanan and shudras.The above list of caste would
show that in the opinion of dharmasutra anuloma (regular order) and
pratiloma (inverted order) connections between shudra and the members
of higher varna were regarded as the most plentiful source of the origin of
the mixed caste. Many of whom relega ted to the position of lower social
order.
Several despised jatis of Buddhist texts correspond to the
untouchable section of Brahminical society. According to Buddhist and
Jain texts the chandalas were not included in the Shudra Varna. But
Dharmashastras incorporate them in the list of mixed castes who were
supposed to have Shudra blood. According to Patanjali, Panini seems to
have included the Chandalas and Mratapa in the list of those Shudras who
lived outside towns and villages and whose contact perm anently defiled
the brahmanas.
Originally chandalas seem to have been an (aboriginal tribe). This
is clear from their use of their own dialect. In Jain texts they are
mentioned along with the other tribes such as sabaras, dravidas, kalingas,
goudan, and gandharas. But gradually chandalas came to be looked upon
as untouchables. Apastambha holds that to touch and see chandalas is
sinful. This passage, however, is not to be found in two earlier
manuscripts of Dharmasutras , which shows untouchability probably
appears towards the end of pre -Mauryan period. A similar provision
occurs in the later work of Gautama, who provides that, if a chandala
defiled the body, it can be purified by bathing dressed in clothes.
In Pali texts, chandalas are clearly depicted as untouchables. A
later Jataka described chandala as the meanest men on the earth. Contact
with the air that touched a chandala's body was regarded as pollution.
Food and drink if seen by him, were not taken. It is said that 16 thousand
brahmanas lost their caste because they unknowingly took food which had
been polluted by contact with the leftovers of a chandala’s meal. In a
Jataka story, when chandala enters a town, people beat him and render him
senseless. By and large, in Jataka references suggest that although themunotes.in

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78chandalas were despised as untouchables by the members of higher
varnas, they were especially hated by Brahmanas.
When chandalas were absorbed in Brahmanical society,
assimilation did not mark the complete break with their former style of
life. Probably on account of their being hunters and fowlers, they were
assigned the task of removing dead bodies of animals and human beings.
They always appear to be associated with the removal and cremation of
the corpses. This work was also done by Panas, who were known as
Candalas. The chandalas were also sometimes engaged in sweeping. In
oneof the Jatakas, hestories, he is employed in whipping and cutting limbs
of criminals. It has been also suggested that the Coraghataka (executioner
of thief) of Jataka may have been a Chandala. Some of them earned their
living by professing the occupation of jugglers and acrobats. Thus, the
Chandala led a life of misery and squalor. In popular parlance the term
Chandala signified a person who was without any virtues, a person
without faith and morals.
4.3.2 Mauryan period
The Mauryas had a highly organised administration, the head of
each department such as treasurer, collector, chief priest, ambassador,
officer of harem, superintendents showed that the avenues of hig her
bureaucracy were closed to people of lower orders.
The shudras were not given place in the espionage system, which
constituted a vital part of Mauryan administration. Kautilya provides that
amongst the orders, women of Shudra caste can be employed as
wandering spies. Itfurther says that those who are employed as person
who obtained women for prostitution, water for bathing, shampooers, bed
makers, barbers, toilet makers, water servants, actors, dancers, should be
keep an eye on the personal character of officers of the king. Working as
domestic servants and being in contact with their masters every minute,
they were the best persons to report correctly on their master’s personal
conduct. Further , according to Kautilya almost all sections of the people
including cultivators, herdsmen, and jungle tribes should be recruited as
spies. To watch the movement of enemy -a provision which covers
Shudras as well. Members of lower order also acted as messen gers, for
Kautilya states that messengers though untouchables do not deserve death.
Arthashastra provides for the enrolment of Shudras in the army.
The Dharmasutra gives the impression that –normally only kshatriyas
and in emergency only Brahmanas and Vaishyas could take up arms. But
Kautilya prefers the army composed of Vaishya and Shudra on account of
numerical strength. But it is doubtful whether the members of two lower
varnas were recrui ted during this period.
It has been shown earlier that Panini seems to have included the
Chandalas in Shudra caste. But Kautilya does not consider them as
Shudras. They have no place in the four -fold varna system. Thus,
according to Kautilya, damage done toany animal, bird, Chandala andmunotes.in

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79forest tribes should be punished with half the fine of that done to similar
possession of the member of the four varna. In addition to four varnas,
Kautilya mentioned the caste of Antyavasayins who seems to be identical
with chandala, for the later lived outside the village near burial ground. It
is laid down that if chandalas touches Arya women, a fine of hundred
panas shall be imposed on them. Similarly, water tanks used by the
chandala should not be used by anyone else. S o, there is a doubt whether
the chandala was continued to be regarded as an untouchable. The
Arthashastra introduced us to a new avocation (activity, occupation) of the
chandala. He is to be engaged in whipping, transgressing (go beyond
limit) in the centr e of the village. He may be also asked to drag with rope
along the public road, the bodies of such men and women who commit
suicide by various methods.
4.3.3 Post -Mauryan period
The chandalas, svapakas, antyavasayins were engaged in executing
criminals a nd were given clothes, beds and ornaments. The Nisadas lived
by fishing, the Medas, and Andhras were employed in the catching and
killing of wild animals. The Ayogava practised woodwork and
Dighavanas and Karavar worked in leather. The Venan played on drum s
and Sairandhri was considered skilled at adorning, attending to her
mistress. Some of the above low castes are mentioned in Buddhist sources.
It is stated that the followers of Buddha shall have nothing to do with the
Chandalas, Kukkutikas, (polluters), Samkarikan (pork –unsalted pig meat,
butchers), Saundikas (sellers of liquors) Mustikas (boxers). These people
were despised by the Buddhists on account of their association with cruel
and unpuritanical activities.
Most of the mixed class enumerated by Manu were untouchables.
According to Manu they should live outside the village near the famous
tree and burial grounds on mountains and in groves (group of trees). This
shows that these people lived outside Brahminical settlement. Certainly,
chandalas also lived outside. Food vessels used by them were discarded
forever. Their sole property consisted of dogs and donkeys, they took their
food in broken dishes, used ornaments of iron and clothes of dead people
and wandered from place to place. They were not pe rmitted to appear in
towns and villages at night, where they could work only during the day.
Manu provides that the Chandalas should be distinguished by marks at the
king’s command. Raghavananda’sexplains that the chandalas should be
branded on the forehea d. Possibly the chandalas and Svapakans were
required to put on uniform to distinguish them from the rest of the people.
They could not enter into any transaction regarding marriage, debt, loan
etc. which could take place only with the members of their own caste.
Manu ordains that members of higher varnas should not give them grain
with their own hands.
But in particular, Manu wants to avoid contact between Brahmans
and the untouchables. He laid down that a Brahman should not stay with
the Chandala, Pukkas as, Antyas and Antyavasayins. Among those who
shouldn’t look at the Brahman at the shraddha ceremony are themunotes.in

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80Chandalas, village pigs, cocks, dogs, etc. Manu further declares that if a
Brahman either has intercourse with Chandala or with Antya women or
partakes their food, he shall fall from his status.
When the untouchables and mixed castes were regarded as Shudras
by Manu is not clear. He categorically states that there are only four
varnas which may imply that mixed castes were included in Shudra
varnas . Myths of their origin show that they were supposed to have Shudra
blood in their vein. But the term Antyaja is also used by Manu in the sense
of Chandala. The mixed castes such as Suta, Vaidehaka, Chandalas,
Magadha, Kashttr and Ayogava also known as Bah yanswere regarded by
the commentators as peoples outside fourfold varna system. But Patanjali
defined the Niravarita Shudras as Chandala and Mrtapas were those whose
food vessels could not be used by the peoples of higher varnas .This
suggests that these u ntouchables were considered as Shudras. Manu also
used the term Apatram (i.e., whose vessels could not be used) for such
Shudras. Thus, it seems that mixed castes and untouchables were being
absorbed as inferior Shudra who were distinguished from ordinary Shudra
by theirisoltaed habitation, backward culture, and primitive religious
beliefs.
4.3.4 The Gupta period
The law books of the period retain distinction between the Shudra
and the untouchables. Thus, Yajnavalkya lays down that the Shudra who
has inte rcourse with a chandala woman is reduced to her position. Shudra
and Svapakas are mentioned separately in several texts. But in
Amarakosha mixed castes and untouchables are looked upon as part of the
Shudra community. Ten mixed castes the Karnna, Ambartha, the Udgra
(agra), the Magadha, the Mahisa, the Ksattr, the Suta, Vaidehaka,
Rathkara and Chandala are included in the shudra varna of the work.
Amara gives ten names for Chandala, some of which Plava,
Divakirtis, Janangama are rarely mentioned in the ear lier texts which may
suggest an increase in the number of this untouchable caste.
The Dombas, who came to form a numerous section of
untouchables in northern India in subsequent times seems to have
appeared as a caste in Gupta period.
During this period, there seems to have been not only an increase
in the number of the untouchables but also some intensification in the
practice of untouchability. The Brihaspati Smriti provides a penance for
removing the sin that arises out of touching a chandala. Fa -Hien informs
us that when a chandala enters the gate of the city or market they strike a
piece of wood to give a prior notice of their arrival so that men may know
and avoid them.
There is not much new information about the occupation of mixed
castes and untou chables. The chandalas continue to be employed in the
work of cleaning streets, working in the cremation grounds, executingmunotes.in

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81criminals, and tracking down thieves at night. Fa -Hien informsthat at the
outset the chandalas were fishermen and hunters. But the C handalas
mentioned by Kalidasa are separate from fowlers and fisherman although
they all belonged to the same class. We also learn that the svapakas
cooked the flesh of dogs and sold bow strings.
There is some information about the manners, customs, beliefs of
mixed castes especially of the Chandalas. Iron objects were the chief
ornaments of the mixed castes who lived outside the village settlements. A
Chandala is represented as besmeared by dust r aised by dogs and asses.
Fa-Hien informs us that only chandalas drink intoxicating liquor and eat
onion or garlic which shows that they were particularly addicted to these
practices. Being hunters and fowlers, they were naturally habitual meat
eaters. Theentertainment of the people seems to have been an important
occupation of the Dombas. They lived by singing and selling winnowing
blankets and similar such articles.
The untouchables and chandalas in particular, are portrayed in very
disparaging terms. I t is stated that the antyavasiyans are characterized by
impurity, untruth, theft, heterodoxy, useless quarrels etc, Ferocity appears
as a special trait of chandala’s character.
Check your progress :
1) Explain in short, the growth of untouchability in anc ient India.
4.4 SUMMARY
To summarise, the institution of untouchability originated during
ancient period and developed in course of time in India. It has affected
several people and they had to bear the hardships even upto modern times.
Number of social reformers and national lea ders tried to remove the
practice of untouchability during the nineteenth and the twentieth
centuries. In 1950, the Constitution of India legally abolished the practice
of untouchability and provided measures for positive discrimination in
both educational institutions and public services for scheduled castes and
other social groups who lie within the caste system.
4.5 ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)B.R. Ambedkar –The Untouchables
2)A. L. Basham -The Wonder that was India
3)Swaswati Das -Social life in Ancient India
4)D.N. Jha –Ancient India In Historical Outlinemunotes.in

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825)R. S. Sharma –Perspective of Social and Economic History of Early
India
6)R. S. Sharma –India’s Ancient Past
7)Y.B. Singh -Social life in Ancient India
8)SuviraJaiswa l, ‘Some Recent Theories of the Origin of Untouchability;
A Historiographical Assessment’. Proceedings of the Indian History
Congress, 1978
4.6 QUESTIONS
1)Explain the genesis and development of untouchability in India.
2)Describe the various theories regard ing the origin of untouchability in
India.
3)Evaluate the development of the untouchability in ancient India.

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83Unit-5
C) VARNA SHRAMA DHARMA
VYAVASTHA
Unit Structure:
5. 0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Varna System
5.2.1 Origin of Varna System
5.2.2 Brahmana
5.2.3 Kshatriya
5.2.4Vaisyas
5.2.5 Shudras
5.3 AshramaSystem
5.3.1 Brahmcharyashrama
5.3.2 Grihasthashrama
5.3.3 Vanaprastha Ashrama
5.3.4 Sanyasa Ashrama
5.4 Varnashrama –Dharma Vyavastha
5.5 Summary
5.6 Additional Readings
5.7 Questions
5.0 OBJECTIVES
After the study of this unit, the student will be able to:
1.Understand the meaning of the concept of Varnashrama.
2.Understand the origin of Varna System in Ancient India
3.Understand the features of four varnas.
4.Analyze the various aspects of four Ashramas
5.Understand the concept of Varnashrama -Dharma.
5.1 INTRODUCTION
The Vedic society depended on the unique system of Varnashrama
which concerned itself with the organizati on and management of the
individual as well as the group or society. The Varnashrama system was
the framework of Ancient Indian Vedic society. The society was based on
the four -fold classification of people into varnas and fourfold division of
life of each individual into ashramas (stages) and they were interrelatedmunotes.in

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84with each other. Thus, the Hindu social organization has been noted for its
Varnashrama Dharma i.e., duty based on order and stages in life.
The Varna system was based on the four -natural physi o-
psychological aspects of human beings, the man of knowledge
(Brahmana), the man of valour (Kshatriya), the man of enterprise
(Vaishya) and the man of labour (Shudras). The Ashrama system was
based on the natural stages in each individual life, Student
(Brahmanacharya), householder (grihastha), forest dweller (Vanaprastha)
andascetic (sanyasa). But the four stages have different implications.
These two systems were interrelated with each other. That is why it is
called Varnashrama Vyavastha. Thus, these tw o organizations of the
Ashrama and the Varna (Varnashrama Vyavastha) serve as the
cornerstones of the Hindu theory of social organization.
5.2 VARNA SYSTEM
The Hindu society was divided into four Varnas viz. Brahmana,
Kshatriya, Vaishya, and Shudra. The word Varna comes from the word Vr
which means to describe, to classify. Varna itself has many meanings: In
general Varna would mean classify, order, type or colour. In the opinion
of E. Senart the word Varna was used to represent the distinction between
the Aryans and the non -Aryans. The first three classes: Brahmana,
Kshatriya and Vaishyas were regarded as Aryans and they were called as
Dvijas the twice born and the Shudras were considered as non -Aryans.
By the end of the Rigvedic period the fourfold division of society
was regarded as fundamental, primeval, and divinely ordained. Varna
system is different from Caste System. The Varna system was based on
occupations whereas the Caste System was based on birth and it was
hereditary. In the Varna system, a person could be in any occupation, there
are a number of examples, which show that in many cases Brahmins used
to do the work of kshatriyas. It means the division was not concrete as
such. Inter -class mar riages prevailed. The Varna system was totally based
on occupation. Social mobility was there, and one could change one’s
Varna by changing the occupation.
5.2.1 Origin of Varna system
There are several passages in the oldest Vedic literature dealing
with the origin of the Varnas. The oldest is the hymn in the Purusha Sukta
of the Rigveda which says that ‘from his (Purusha) mouth came forth the
Brahmana, and of his arms were Rajanya made, from his thighs came the
Vaishyas, and his feet gave birth to Shudra ’. The broad division of the
Vedic society was originally associated with the colour conscious Aryans
(Arya Varna) to distinguish them from the non -Aryans (Dasa Varna).
The main idea behind this theory is that the Varna system is God’s
creation and not a creation of humans. The divine origin of the Varna
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85The detailed information of four Varnas is as follows:
5.2.2Brahmana
The Brahmanas occupied the highest social status in the society.
The chief duty o f the Brahman is to study and teach, performance of and
officiating rituals, sacrifices, taking care of religious practices and to give
and receive gifts. Brahmans also used to teach martial arts, archery,
boxing. They were the basic trainers of different skills. Because of the
work of knowledge production, Brahmins had a dominant position in
society.
The Brahmin community enjoyed esteem and honour at the courts
of kings functioning as purohits whose main duty was to perform
sacrifices to avoid natural and other calamities befalling all including the
theking and the kingdom. The Brahmin was a great divinity in human
form. In law he claimed great privilege, and, in every respect, he
demanded precedence, honour and reverence. The learned Brahmanas
were exempt ed from capital punishment.
The Brahmans played a major role in the choice of the king. They
enjoyed high positions such as being minister. In the later period, often,
they lived under the patronage of a king or a chief, and were provided for
by grants o ft a x-free land, farmed by peasants, who would pay their taxes,
to the Brahmin instead of to the king, but there were also land -owning
Brahmans, who cultivated large estates by hired labour or serfs.
The changing circumstances and pressure of social and economic
necessities forced some of the Brahmans to abandon their hereditary
profession of teaching and priesthood. The Brahmana Dharmasastrakaras
appear to have been quite aware of this and hence they permitted a
Brahmana to take up the profession of othe r castes for the sake of
livelihood. In times of adversity or distress, the Brahmana was allowed to
follow the occupation of a Kshatriya or even that of a Vaisya, if he was
not capable of performing the duties of Kshatriya. The Brahman class was
also allow ed to follow the occupation of the Vaisya, i.e., the trade,
agriculture, and cattle breeding.
The Brahmans were also appointed in the administration. They
were appointed as ministers, judges, royal priest and on other high posts.
The Brahmana were not to be offended or assaulted. The Brahmana class
occupied special status in law. They were given lesser punishment in
comparison to persons belonging to other three Varnas. Thus, we can say
that Brahmans enjoyed the highest place in Ancient Indian Society. The
worst punishment meted out to them was stripping them of their status in
the society and humiliating them by branding on their forehead the crime
they had committed and also making them outcastes.
5.2.3Kshatriya
The Kshatriyas occupied the second position in Ancient Indian
society. The Kshatriya class enjoyed more privileges and esteem in societymunotes.in

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86because of it being the ruling class. Protection of the people and the
county, saving it from internal revolts as well as from external
aggressions, and maintenanc e of peace were the main functions to be
performed by a Kshatriya. They were supposed to be custodians of law
and order and protectors of the other three varnas of the society. The
ancient scriptures place the king above a Brahmana.
They enjoyed all rights of Brahmans except the duties of teaching
and officiating sacrifices, but they could perform various sacrifices and
study the scriptures. Because of their martial nature, they were respected
all the more. Kshatriyas were exempted fr om capital punishment.
The kshatriyas were generally appointed in military and
administrative service. The care of the Brahmins was one of the foremost
duties of a king and a king who lavishly bestowed on the Brahmins gained
endless praise. Like Brahmins , Kshatriyas were also allowed to adopt the
means of livelihood of a Vaisya in times of adversity or distress.
The higher administrative position seems to have been
monopolized by the brahmins and Kshatriyas. But from the later Vedic
period a struggle ha d started between the Kshatriyas and Brahmans for
power. The brahmans regarded themselves as superior to the Kshatriya
because of their superiority in spiritual knowledge, but the latter were no
less superior in temporal power. The superiority of the brahm ans was not
accepted by all kshatriyas.
There are instances to show that sometimes the two Varnas were in
conflict. Parasurama is said to have destroyed the Kshatriyas several
times. There are several references to armed conflict between these two
classe s in the Mahabharata and puranas. It thus appears that sometimes the
Brahmans came into conflict with the Kshatriyas, but overall the
relationship between these two classes remained cordial. In this way the
Kshatriyas also enjoyed the special status in anc ient Indian society.
5.2.4Vaisyas
The Vaisyas were regarded as the third Varna in the Hindu society.
Earning a livelihood by fair means was supposed to be one of the specific
duties of a Vaisya. The chief function of Vaisyas was to breed cattle, to till
the e arth to pursue trade and to tend money. It appears that their main
sources of income were agriculture, trade, and cattle -breeding. The
Vaisyas also enjoyed the right of studying the Vedas. The Vaisyas were
entitled to make gifts to the Brahmans.
Like Brah mans and Kshatriyas, Vaisyas were also allowed to take
the occupation of Shudra class in times of distress or adversity. The Smriti
texts not only incorporate the traders and the agriculturists in this class but
also include dancers, actors, and other arti sts within its fold. People
following any profession other than that of a Shudra as a means of
livelihood would generally be placed in this class. Manu admits many
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87The ideal Vaisya was supposed to have expert knowledge of jewels,
metals, cloth, threads, special, perfume, and all manner of merchandise.
According to A.L. Basham, Vaisya is, in fact, the ancient Indian
businessman. Buddhist and Jain scriptures mention many wealthy
merchants living in great luxury, and members of extremely well -
organized guilds. Wealthy Vaisyas were respected by kings and enjoyed
their favour and confidence. It was they, rather than the Kshatriyas, who
chiefly favoured the rising unorthodox religions of Buddh ism and Jainism.
The Vaisya came third in the social order of ancient Indian society, but
also, they occupied an important place in society.
5.2.5Shudras
The Shudras were regarded as the fourth and the last Varna in the
ancient Indian society. Their main dut y was to serve the upper three
classes who were twice born. The Shudras were in fact considered to be
second -class citizens, on the fringes of Aryan society. They were
considered as non -Aryans. They were employed as hired laborers and
slaves. Their economi c condition was pitiable. They did not have the right
to collect wealth if they did so, it was believed that they would incur sin.
They were to be maintained by the three other Varnas. Shudras were not
allowed to recite Vedic mantras. They had no right to perform a sacrifice
like the three higher Varnas. Even the touch of a Shudra to various articles
was prohibited. They were kept by the Aryans as slaves. Shudras were to
eat the remnants of his masters’ food, use his cast -off clothing and use his
old furnit ure. He had few rights, and little value was set on his life in law.
A Brahmin killing a Shudra performed the same penance as for killing a
cat or dog. The Shudra was not allowed to hear or repeat the Vedas. If he
did so severe punishments were meted out t o them.
During the Mauryan period, they were employed as sweepers,
potters, painters, weavers, woodworkers, leather -dressers, smiths etc. thus
Shudras followed the profession of different artisans and this idea grew
stronger in the Gupta period.
The Sh udras are considered as the most impure section of society.
There was a wide gulf between the Brahmans and the Shudras. The
Brahmans were advised not to keep contact with the Shudras. They being
the lowest in the social order were the recipients of the sev ere
punishments. Among the different lawgivers of the period Manu was the
most severe on Shudras. Manu lived in the Gupta age (3rdto 5thCentury
C.E.,) and it is clear that the conditions had become regressive by then.
Extreme penalties including physical torture and mutilation were
prescribed for the Shudras compared to other Varnas. In this way it is clear
that the Shudras held the lowes t position in the society with no rights.
Though the Ancient Indian society was divided into four Varnas,
mobility was permissible. One could change the occupation and could
move to a different varna. Inter -class marriage was prevalent in higher
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88enjoyed special status in the society and enjoyed various rights, but
Shudras were not given such status and rights.
5.3 ASHRAMA SYSTEM
The framework of ancient Indian society was based on two
systems –Varna and Ashrama. This is called the Varnas -Ashrama system
(Varnashrama Vyavastha). The life of an individual was divided into four
stages with a graduated course of duties calculated to l ead an individual
step by step towards a realization of the supreme spiritual ideal. The whole
life of an individual was supposed to be a cycle of schooling and self -
discipline and handling household responsibilities.
The word asrama is originally derive d from the Sanskrit root srama
which means to exert oneself liberally. An asrama is a halting or resting
place. The word therefore signifies a stoppage, or a stage in the journey of
life just for the sake of rest in a sense, in order to prepare oneself fo r the
next stage in life. The asrama then are to be regarded as resting places
during one’s journey on the way to final liberation which is the final aim
of life.
Each of the ashrama is a stage of life in which the individual has to
train himself for a c ertain period, and exert himself within the circuit of
the same in order to qualify himself for the next.
The ashramas are four in number:
1)The Brahmancharya -that of a student
2)The Grihastha -that of a married man the householder
3)The Vanaprastha -that of retired life in the forest, after abandoning the
home, preparatory to complete renouncement of worldly relations, and
4)The Sanyasa -the life of complete renunciation of worldly relations
and attachments.
Now we will see all these four ashramas in detail:
5.3.1 Brahmcharyashram
The upanayana or initiation ceremony introduces the young boys
into the Brahmacharyasrama. According to the scheme of the four stages,
life began not with physical birth, but with the second birth or investiture
with the sacred th read. Students had to live the life of celibacy and
austerity at the home of their teacher. Students had to study Vedic
scriptures and other arts according to their Varna. Kshatriya boys studied
the art of boxing, weapon training while the Brahmana boys us ed to study
rituals and sacrifices. It shows that the course of study was different for
each Varna. Students had to maintain discipline and chastity.
The proper age for entering the Brahmcharyashram differs
according to the Varna of the boy. The detaile d information about this ismunotes.in

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89given in Dharmashastras and Grihya Sutras. Grihya Sutra gives us the
information about the hierarchy of each Varna. Brahmana boys could
enter asrama 8 years after conception and the maximum age limit was 16
years. They were supp osed to wear antelope skin or reddish yellow
garment, and the girdle of Munja grass and take the staff of Palasa Wood.
Every Kshatriya boy was supposed to be initiated in the 11thyear
after the conception and maximum limit was 22ndyear. He was supposed
to wear the skin of a spotted deer or a light red garment, girdle was
supposed to be made of bowstring and his staff used to be made of
ununbara wood.
A Vaisya boy was supposed to be initiated in the 12thyear after the
conception and was supposed to u se a goat skin or a yellow garment girdle
made of wool and staff of wood.
The period of studentship may have lasted for 48 or 24 or 12 years
or until the student had learned the Vedas According to Hiranyakesin
Grahasutra. Thus, we can see how the Varna system maintained social
hierarchy. The distinction was based on age, Girdle, garment, and wood.
From the point of view of the acquisition of knowledge by the
individual, the brahmacharya ashrama would evoke the highest praise.
5.3.2 Grihasthashrama:
After the samavartana ceremony, the individual returned to his
home and was married and became a householder or grihastha. Of all the
ashramas, however, the Grihashtashrama was given a high place of
honour. Three purusharthas, dharma, artha and kama were an integral part
of this ashram and they were meant to take a human being towards
moksha. This stage was also supposed to be extremely important from the
perspective of its direct contact with the society and the consequent direct
contributions made by i t to the society. In fact, this mode of life is
considered as the very basis of all the others. The other three ashramas
derive from this ashrama, the means to live upon, the offerings they make
to the departed ones and in short, their entire support.
All the obligations of life, the individual and social, all the three
debts (runas) the debt to the gods (devarina) the debt to the ancestors
(pitririna) and the debt to sages (rishirina) could be satisfied by a person
living a full life in the Grihastha Ash rama. The spirits, too, bestow the
highest praise upon the Grihastha Ashrama. The sastrakara praise for the
grihastha as the best ashrama emanates from the point of view of the
social values of the ashramas.
After fulfilling the obligations, an individua l was allowed to enter
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905.3.3 Vanaprasthashrama
When well advanced in middle age, after an individual had seen
his children’s children and had thus surely established his lineage, he was
supposed to leave his home for th e forest to become a hermit
(vanaprastha). In the Vanaprasthashrama, as the name itself suggests, the
individual has to leave the settlement not only of the family (kula) and of
the home (griha), but of the village (grama) too. He must go to the forest
(vana) and live there, all the while striving to bring under control his sense
of enjoyment in the following manner: He had to eat vegetables and fruits
only; he was not to touch sweet things or meat. For his clothing he had to
use the deerskin or the bark of a tree. He was not supposed to make
deliberate attempts to obtain comforts and he had to lead a celibate life,
sleeping on the floor and residing under a tree.
Besides, an individual was supposed to utilize his time in studying
the Upanishadas and the shrutis and practice penance (tapas) for the
purging of his body and mind, as also to elevate his status to higher levels.
Thus, he was supposed to devote his heart and soul to his studies and
meditation.
In the vanaprastham, dharma and moksha became the main
concerns of life, dharma occupying the primary position. If the individual
dies while he is pursuing his life in the vanaprashtrasrama, he is expected
to attain moksha. But if he survived the Vanaprastha Ashrama the
individual had to inter the last a srama of samnyasa, casting off all
attachment to the world.
5.3.4 Sanyasa Ashrama
Samnyasashrama was the last asrama of these four stages of life.
The man who had entered the sanyasasrma was supposed to possess
nothing, he was to move about all alone without being dependent upon
anyone for help or support. He was to beg for alms only once in a day, and
he was not supposed to feel dispirited whenever he used to fail to procure
alms, nor was he supposed to feel elated whenever he w as able to procure
it. Indeed, he was not supposed to care either for the living or for the dead.
By restraining his senses, by casting away the love and hatred from within
and by leading a life of a non -violence towards other living beings, the
sannyasi w as to become fit to achieve moksha. All the sins of the man,
who used to pass through the Samnyasashrama in this manner were,
warded off and nullified and thus such a person according to scriptures
used to attain the ultimate end or goal of existence i.e., moksha.
From the point of view of individual salvation, the
Samnyasashrama would take the place of honour. In the Samnyasashrama,
moksa was to occupy the supreme position in a samnyasi’s mind in fact,
his dharma was in pursuit ofmoksa.
The ashramas are regarded as Schools of life, as several stages of
human existence devised and organized towards the best likelihood for the
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91and its relation to the ultimate. During these differ ent stages of life, the
functions of the group with that of the individual are both different and
definite with regard to each other.
5.4 VARNASHRAMA -DHARMA VYAVASTHA
Varnashrama Dharma is a combination of Varna and ashrama
together forming aw a yo fl i fe based on Brahmanical ideology. The idea of
Dharma is fully articulated in the theory of Varnashrama dharma where
the definition and boundaries of one’s duty has a reference not only to
one's caste but also to the particular stage of life. This is the es sence of
Varnashrama vyavastha.
The Vedic social organization has been noted for its Varnashrama
dharma i.e., duty based on order and stages in life. The implication of the
phrase is that dharma is not the same for all. There is indeed a common
dharma, a general code of conduct which all must follow unfailingly.
However, there is also a dharma appropriate to each class and to each
stage in the life of the individual. The dharma of high birth is not that of
men of low birth and the dharma of students is no t that of the old man.
The recognition that men are not the same and that there is a hierarchy of
classes each with its separate duties and distinctive way of life, is one of
the most striking features of ancient Indian society.
Dharma means duty. One mu st follow the duties according to his
Varna and asrama. We have seen how the upanayana ceremony is
different for each Varna. Thus, the varna dharma denies the accumulation
of wealth to the Brahmana, his main dharma lies in spiritual and
intellectual quests . Likewise, different duties were assigned to different
Varnas and it has to befollowed because the next birth depended on the
fulfillment of one’s Varna in this life. One who is born in a higher varna
must live up to the duties and obligations of his Var na if he does not want
to be degraded in the next birth. The specific dharmas of each of the
Varnas are noted by literary sources. It is better to do one’s own duty
badly than another's well. This epigram was the leading theme of Indian
social thought, fo r each man there had a place in the society and a function
to accomplish, with a set of duties and rights.
5.5 SUMMARY:
It is important to note that the system was opened only for twice -
borns. Vaishyas, Shudras and women were not allowed to follow the
asrama system, Shudras were not allowed to perform Upanayana or
investiture ceremony. Thus, we can say that the idea of dharma is fully
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925.6 ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)A. L. Basham -The Wonder that was India
2)Saraswati Das -Social life in Ancient India
3)D.N. Jha –Ancient India In Historical Outline
4)V. D. Mahajan -Ancient India
5)P.H. Prabhu -Hindu Social organization
6)R. S. Sharma –Perspective of Social and Economic History of Early
India
7)R. S. Sharma –India ’s Ancient Past
8)Y.B. Singh -Social life in Ancient India
5.7 QUESTIONS
1.Trace the origin and Growth of the Varnashrama system in Ancient
India.
2.Examine the Varnashrama system and its role in society.
3.Which are the four Varnas and four Ashramas and why is it called
Varnashramadharma?
4.Write a critique on Varnashrama Vyavastha.

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93Module -II
Evolution of Early Indian State
Unit -6
STATE FORMATION IN EARLY INDIA
Unit Structure:
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Background
6.3 Political developments in Early India
6.4 Definition of State Formation
6.5 Process of State Formation
6.6 Genesis of State Formation in India
6.7 State in Early India
6.8Political Organisation in India during Vedic Period
6. 9 Monarchy.
6.10 Elements of the State
6. 11 Government Organization
6. 12 Stages of State Formation in Ancient India
6.13 Early Indian States.
6.14 Summary
6.15 References
6.0 OBJECTIVES:
To understand the background of State Formation in Early India
To explain the nature of State Formation in Early India
To understand the process of State Formation in Early India
To get a glimpse of how the State Formation in Early India has
influenced the present.munotes.in

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94CHRONOLOGY
6.1 INTRODUCTION
Nature of state in India must be studied for understanding how the
modern state evolved in India. History is not just a study of the past but
also a study of how that past has guided our present. History as a
discipline is not only a study of names, place s, and dates but of processes,
events, and their outcomes over time. The modern state in conceptualizing
its policies can test its actions against the barometer of the similar actions
or processes in the past. It is said that ‘History repeats itself’. Thos e who
do not learn from the past are on the path of destruction. Therefore, it is
necessary to understand the formation of state in India not only from an
academic perspective but also to learn from the mistakes and successes of
that past in building a str ong, durable, prosperous and an inclusive nation
state.
Our knowledge of the ancient world has been drastically changed
by impressive archaeological discoveries over the last two centuries. Prior
to the twentieth century, historians believed that India’s history began in
the second millennium BCE, when a people known as Indo -Aryans
migrated into the Indian subcontinent and created a new civilization. Yet,
even during the nineteenth century British explorers and officials were
curious about brick mounds in the landscape of northwest India. A large
one was in a village named Harappa. A British army engineer, Sir
Alexander Cunningham, sensed its importance because he also found
other artifacts among the bricks, such as a seal with an inscription. He7000 -5000 B.C.E. Food Production Phase
5500 –2600 B.C.E. Harappan/Indus Valley
Civilization, Early Harappan
Phase (Harappan Culture)
2600 -1900 B.C.E. Mature Harappan Phase
(Harappan Civilization or
Urbanisation Phase)
1900 -1300 B.C.E. Late Harappan Phase
Early Vedic Age
Later Vedic Age
c. 600 BCE The Sixteen Great Republics
c. 600 -321 B.C.E. Magadhan Empire
321–184 BCE Mauryan Empire
c. 2nd century BCE to 3rd Century CE Kushan Kingdom
c. 320 –550 CE Gupta Empire
600–1300 CE Early Medieval India
1206 –1526 CE Delhi Sultanate
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95was, there fore, quite distressed that railway contractors were stealing these
bricks for ballast.
When Cunningham became the director of Great Britain’s
Archaeological Survey in 1872, he ordered the protection of these ruins.
But the excavation of Harappa did not begin until 1920. Harappa, it turned
out, was an ancient city dating back to the third millennium BCE, and only
one part of a much larger civilization sprawling over northwest India.
With the discovery of this lost civilization, the timeline for India’s hi story
was pushed back over one thousand years.
Gateway at Harappa: Indus Valley Civilization
Check your progress:
1] How has archaeology helped us in understanding Ancient India?
6.2 BACKGROUND
1.Indus Valley Civilization
The Indus Valley civilization (3300 –1700 BCE) now stands at the
beginning of India’ s long history. Like the states of ancient Mesopotamia
and Egypt, the foundations for that history were established by Paleolithic
people who migrated to the region. Later the Neolithic agriculturalists
settled in the villages. During the third millennium BCE, urban centersmunotes.in

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96emerged along the Indus River, along with other elements that contribute
to making a civilization.
The Rig Vedic and the Later Vedic corpus of literature talk about a
civilization, religious, economic, social, and cultural life. While t he date is
not certain the scholarly world is divided on the issue of who were the
Vedic Aryans with diametrically opposite views. Historians such as
Romila Thapar and others believe that the Aryans migrated from outside
India. According to Thapar the Indu s Valley Civilization declined in the
second millennium B.C.E., and had almost disintegrated when (by 1500
B.C.E.) THE Aryans entered the north -west of India. The Aryans or Indo -
Aryans descendants of the Indo -Europeans –had remained for some time
in Bactr ia and the northern Iranian plateau, but by about 15000 B.C.E.,
they migrated into northern India through the passes in the Hindu Kush
mountains. At first, they wandered across the plains of Punjab, searching
for pastures, as they were mainly a cattle -breeding people. Finally, they
settled in small village communities in forest clearings and gradually took
to agriculture, which had been the main economy of the earlier Indus
people. It was during this period that the hymns of Rig Veda were
memorized and coll ected. The two epics Ramayana and the Mahabharata
are concerned with events which took place between c. 1000 to 7000
B.C.E.
According to Thapar Mahabharata may have been the description
of a local feud but caught the imagination of the bards and in its f inal form
all the tribes and peoples of the sub -continent were seen participating in
the battle. The events described in the Ramayana probably occurred
somewhat later, since the scene is set further east than that of the
Mahabharata in eastern Uttar Prades h. As the southward movement of the
Aryans is generally dated to about 800 B.C.E., the original Ramayana
must have been composed at least fifty or a hundred years later.
While Upinder Singh resonates with Thapar’s views she says that
due to complex intern al chronology it is difficult to use the Sanskrit epics -
the Ramayana and Mahabharata as sources for any specific period. They
can at best be used in a very general way for a comparative perspective on
cultural practices.
B.K. Gosh calls this the Aryan problem, where he explains the
different theories prevalent regarding the original home of the Aryans
which leaves the original home of the Aryans to be inconclusive.
Prof. Vasant Shinde, leading Harappan Archaeologist, who
recently conducted genome studies in collaboration with CCMB,
Hyderabad, Harvard University, and Max Planck Research School for
Genome Science, in Rakhigarhi, says that if the Aryans had migrated from
outside in large numbers, it would have been reflected in Archaeological
evidence as well as in DNA. If they had come from outside, destroyed the
local civilization and settled here then a new genome sequence wouldmunotes.in

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97have gotten added into the DNA which is not there. So, as per
archaeological and DNA evidence t here was no largescale migration from
outside. But there was exchange of cultures and trade. So, there was
movement both ways and that can be gleaned but not a different ancestry
due to mass migration.
Similarly, Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, an expert on Harap pan
civilization in Pakistan, says that it was the same people who lived in
Mehrgarh, transitioned from the Neolithic period to the food producing
age and later to the Early Harappan phase and there was no large scale
migration from the west or south west.
With divergent views and with no consensus amongst
Archaeologists and historians on this issue it is better to avoid dating the
Vedic and the epic periods. As Upinder Singh suggests these periods can
at best be used in a very general way for a comparati ve perspective on
cultural practices.
2. THE VEDIC AGE
During the long course of the Vedic Age, states were formed in
northern India. The surplus from farming and pastoralism allowed people
to engage in many other occupations and there was a vigorous tr ade.
Villages thus grew in number and some became towns. Consequently,
there was a need for greater leadership. This was provided by chieftains of
the many Aryan clans. Over time, advanced levels of political organization
developed, and these chieftains be came kings or the leaders of clan
assemblies. By the beginning of the sixth century B.C.E.,North India was
divided into sixteen major kingdoms and oligarchies.
The next three centuries (c. 600 –321 BCE) were a time of
transition. These states fought with each other over territory. The most
successful state was the one that could most effectively administer its land,
mobilize its resources, and command the largest armies. That state was the
kingdom of Magadha which, by the fourth century BCE, had gained
control of much of northern India along the Ganges River.
2.THE MAURYAN EMPIRE
In 321 BCE, the last king of Magadha was overthrown by one of
his subjects, Chandragupta Maurya, and a new period in India’ s history
began. Through war and diplomacy, he and his two successors established
control over most of India, forging the first major empire in the history of
South Asia. That Empire was known as the Mauryan Empire (321 –184
BCE). Chandragupta’s grandson, Ashoka, ended the military conquests
and sought to rule his land through Buddhist principles of non -violence
and tolerance. But after his time, the empire rapidly declined, and India
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98After the Mauryan Empire fell, no one major power held control
over a substantial part of India for five hundred years. Rather, from c. 200
BCE to 300 CE, India saw the growth of numerous, regional kingdoms.
Some of these were in northern India, along the Ganges River, but others
grew up i n the south or the area known as the Indian Peninsula(300 B.C.E.
to 300 C.E.) Also, some kingdoms emerged through foreign conquest.
Outsiders in Central Asia and the Middle East saw India as a place of
much wealth and wanted to plunder or rule it. Thus, th roughout its history,
India was repeatedly invaded by conquerors coming through mountain
passes in the northwest. Many like the King Kanishka of Kushan Empire
(c. 100 CE), established distinguished kingdom that extended from India
into these neighboring re gions from which they came.
4. POST MAURYAN PERIOD
After 400 C.E and up to the fifteenth century, India was never
again unified for any length of time by one large empire. Substantial
regional powers emerged, and they contributed in other important way st o
India’s civilization. The period 300 –600 CE is often referred to as the
Gupta Period and Classical Age. The Guptas (c. 320 –550) were rulers
who forged an impressive empire in northern India. As their empire
flourished, Indian intellectuals were al so setting standards for excellence
in the fields of art, architecture, literature, and science, in part because of
Gupta patronage. But important kingdoms also developed in south India.
5. EARLY MEDIEVAL INDIA
The last period of ancient India overlaps wi th early medieval India
(c. 600 –1300 CE). After the Gupta Empire, and during the following
seven centuries, the pattern of breakup intensified. Numerous regional
kingdoms large and small frequently got established and disintegrated. In
such unstable and fluid political scene, kings granted land to loyal
subordinate rulers and high officers of their courts. The resulting political
and economic pattern is referred to as Indian feudalism. Also, kings put
their greatness on display by waging war and building magnificent
temples in their capital cities. And, during the medieval period, a new
political and religious force entered the Indian scene, when Muslim Arab
and Turkish traders and conquerors arrived on the subcontinent.
This overview briefly summarizes major periods in India’s
political history. But we also must pay close attention to social, cultural,
and economic life. Socially, the people of India were largely organized by
the caste system. Culturally, the people of India shared in the development
ofHinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism the three major religious traditions
that shaped their worldview. Finally, throughout the ancient and medieval
periods, India flourished as a civilization because of its dynamic economy.
The people of India were linked in n etworks of trade and exchange not
only with other parts of South Asia but also with neighboring regions of
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99India’s history alternated between two different periods.
Sometimes it was partially unified by empires and sometimes it co nsisted
of an assortment of regional states. This history was also impacted by
influxes of migrants and invaders. India’s geography has no doubt
influenced its history. It is important to remember that “ India ”c a nm e a n
different things. Today, India usuall y designates the nation -state of India.
But modern India was only formed in 1947 and includes much less
territory than India did in ancient times. As a term, India was first invented
by the ancient Greeks to refer to the Indus River and the lands and peopl e
beyond it. When used in this sense, India also includes today’s nations of
Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The history of this region was shaped by a multitude of ethnic groups who
spoke many different languages and lived and moved about on a diverse
terrain su ited to many kinds of livelihood.
Map of South Asia
6. GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES:
Large natural boundaries define the subcontinent. Mountain ranges
ring the north, and bodies of water surround the peninsular region. To the
east lies the Bay of Bengal , to the south the Indian Ocean, and to the west
the Arabian Sea. The largest mountain range is the Himalayas, which
defines India’s northern and northeastern boundary. A subrange of the
Himalaya —theHindu Kush —sits at its western end, while a ridge
running from north to south defines the eastern end, dividing India from
China and mainland Southeast Asia. To the northwest, the Suleiman
Range and Kirthar Range complete the impenetrable barriers. Yet, these
ranges are punctuated by a few narrow passes that connect India to Central
Asia and West Asia.
To the south of the mountain ranges lie the Indo -Gangetic
Plain and the two great rivers of northern India that originate from the
higher Himalayan ranges: Indus and the Ganges Rivers . These rivers
originate in the Himalayas and are regularly fed by snow melt and
monsoon rains. The Indus River, w hich originates inTibet flows throughmunotes.in

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100upper Himalayan ranges, its tributaries crosses Kashmir, flows into the
northwest and drains into the Arabian Sea, can be divided into an upper
and lower region. The region comprising the upper Indus and its many
tributary rivers is called the Punjab , while the region surrounding the
lower Indus is referred to as the Sindh . The Ganges River begins in the
western Himalayas and flows southeast across northern India before
draining into the Bay of Bengal. Because they coul d support large
populations, the plains surrounding these river systems served as the
heartland for India’s first major states and empires.
Peninsular India is also an important part of the story as over time
great regional kingdoms emerged in south. The peninsula is segregated
from north India by the Vindhya Mountains of which lies the Deccan
Plateau . This arid plateau is bordered by two coastal ranges —the Western
Ghats and Eastern Ghats, beyond which are narrow coastal plains,
theMalabar Coast, and the Coromandel Coast . This nearly 4600 miles of
coastline is important to India’s history because it linked fishing and
trading communities to the Indian Ocean and, therefore, the rest of Afro -
Eurasia. Sri Lanka also served as an important conduit for trade and
cultural contacts beyond India.
Check your progress:
1] Discus in brief about the Indus Valley Civilization.
6.3POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS INANCIENT INDIA
1.THE HARAPPAN CIVILIZATION (Mature Phase, 2600 BCE –
1900 BCE)
Three different types of settlements based on size and
sophistication can be seen in the Harappan Civilization. The top consists
of five major cities of roughly 250 acres each. At the bottom there are
fifteen thousand smaller agricultural and craft villages. In the middle there
are several dozen towns.
Excavations throughout this region show a pattern of development
whereby settlements start looking more like towns than villages and
ground plans become larg er. Similar artifacts spread over larger areas
show that the local communities building these towns were becoming
linked together in trade networks. Archaeologists date this transitional
period when India was on the verge of its first civilization from 500 0t o
2600 BCE. The mature phase, with its advanced cities, begins from 2600
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101The ruins of Mohenjo -Daro, Harappa, Rakhigarhi and other Indus
cities dating to this mature phase suggest a vibrant society thriving in well
planned urban areas. Some of th e principal purposes of these urban
settlements included coordinating the distribution of local surplus
resources, obtaining desired goods from more distant places, and turning
raw materials into commodities for trade.
Artifacts indicate that there was a well -organized urban system.
Farmers and pastoralists brought their grain and stock to the city for trade
or to place it in warehouses managed by the authorities. Laborers dug the
wells and collected garbage from rectang ular bins. Craftsmen made bronze
tools, ceramics, manufactured jewelry and beads out of gold, copper,
semi-precious stones, and ivory. Merchants carried raw materials and
finished goods by bullock carts or boats to the towns and cities throughout
the regio n.
Some goods also went to foreign lands. Harappan cities located
along the coast of the Arabian Sea engaged in coastal shipping that
brought goods upto the Pe rsian Gulf, the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. In
Mesopotamian city -states, Harappan seals and beads have been found.
Mesopotamian sources speak of a certain place called “Meluhha,” a land
with ivory, gold, and lapis lazuli. That land may have been Harappan
Civilization. Cities like Mohenjo -Daro were linked in networks of
exchange extending in every direction.
But this civilization has not yet provided sources we can read, and
this poses major problems of interpretation. True, over four thousand
inscribed ob jects with at least four hundred different signs have been
found on clay, copper tablets, along with small, square seals .Since we
cannot decipher them, we call it as a protohistoric civilization. This
distinguishes it from both prehistoric cultures that h ave no writing and
historic period where the script has been deciphered.
This proto -historical state of the evidence raises many questions
concerning Harappan people’s political organization. On the one hand, we
see that there was a lot of effort in plann ing. Cities and towns were
similarly designed, burnt bricks had the same dimensions, and weights
were standardized. On the other hand, the ruins lack structures that can be
identified as palaces, temples, or large tombs. In other words, there is little
evidence for either a central political authority ruling over an empire or for
independent city -states. One fascinating relic found in Mohenjo -Daro is a
little sculpture of a bearded man. The dignified appearance, the headband
and cloak of this man suggests h e may have been a priest or king, or even
both. Yet, this is purely speculation, as the sculpture is unique. He may
also have been a powerful landowner or wealthy merchant who met with
others of a similar status in assemblies convened in the Great Hall of the
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102Priest King of Harappan Civilization
The decline of Harappan civilization set in from 1900 B.C.E. and it
ended in different time perio ds in different sites. The towns and cities and
their lively trade networks faded away, and the region reverted to rural
conditions and in a few sites the people even went back to hunter -gatherer
stage. Likely causes include geologic, climatic, and environ mental factors.
Movement by tectonic plates may have led to earthquakes, flooding, and
reverse flooding in the deltaic region of the Indus due to tectonic shifts.
Less rainfall and deforestation may have degraded the environment’s
suitability for farming. All these factors would have impacted the food
supply. Consequently, urban areas and the civilization they supported
were slowly starved out of existence.
2.THE VEDIC AGE
Vedic Age is named after a set of religious texts composed during
these centuries called the Vedas. The people who composed them are
known as the Vedic Aryans and Indo-Aryans . The Aryans first settled in
the Punjab, but then they pushed east along the Ganges, event ually
impressing their way of life, language, and religious beliefs upon much of
northern India. The course of India’s history was completely changed
during this period. By the end of the Vedic Age, numerous states had
emerged and Hinduism and the varna socialsystem was beginning to take
shape.
a.TheEarly Vedic Age
The early history of the Vedic Age does not have much primary
source material. For example, for the first half of the Vedic Age we are
largely limited to the RigVeda . This is the first of four Vedas. It consists
of 1028 hymns addressed to the Vedic pantheon of gods. But scholars
believe that it was not actually written down until after 500 BCE. These
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103hymns were orally composed and transmitted by Aryan poet -seers,
eventually becoming the preserv e of a few priestly clans who utilized
them for specific religious functions. Thus, these hymns only offer certain
kinds of information. Yet, despite these limits, historians have been able to
sketch out the Aryan’s way of life in these early centuries.
The Vedic Aryans were pastoralists They referred to themselves as
Aryans, a term meaning “noble” or “respectable.” They spoke Sanskrit
and used it to transmit their sacred hymns. At first, they settled along the
hills and plains of the Indus River and its t ributaries, pursuing pastoral and
farming way of life. In their hymns, the Aryans supplicate the gods to
bless them with cattle, bounteous harvests, rain, friends, wealth, fame, and
sons. From these, it is apparent that herding was the principal occupation
and cows were especially prized. But the Aryans also farmed, as apparent
in hymns that speak of plough teams and the cutting and threshing of
grain.
During the early phase, some Aryans retained a semi -nomadic way
of life, living in temporary dwellings an d then moving about with their
herds. Others settled down in villages. In both cases, kinship was
especially valued. At the simplest level, the society consisted of extended
families of three generations. Fathers were expected to lead the family as
patriar chal heads. Sons were expected to care for the herds, bring honor
through success in battle, and sacrifice for the well -being of their fathers’
souls after death. They also inherited the property and family name. This
suggests a male dominated society. Yet , women had some choice in
marriage and could remarry.
Clans were made up of several extended families, and the members
of a clan shared land and herds. Groups of larger clans also constituted
tribes. The Vedas speak of Rajas who were clan or tribal chief tains. These
men protected their people and led from forefront in times of battle. The
clans and tribes fought with each other. In times of war, these chiefs
would rely on priests who ensured the support of the gods by reciting
hymns and officiating sacrif ices for them. At assemblies of kinsmen the
Rajas redistributed war booty. Sudas, for example, was the chief of the
Bharata clan. After settling in the Punjab, the Bharatas were attacked by
neighboring clan confederacies, but with his skills in chariot war fare and
the support of priests, Sudas successfully fought them off.
b.TheLater Vedic Age
During the early centuries of the Vedic Age, the Aryan tribes were
based in the Punjab region. Some settlers, however, migrated east to the
upper areas of the Ganges River, setting the stage for the next period in
India’s history, the later Vedic Age. The later Vedic Age differs from the
early Vedic Age. During this phase lands along the Ganges River were
colonized by the Aryans and their political, economic, social, and religious
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104Over the course of time, Aryan tribes, with horses harnessed to
chariots and wagons drawn by oxen, drove their herds east, migrating
along and colonizing the plains surrounding the Ganges. Historians debate
whethe r this happened through conquest and warfare or intermittent
migration led by traders and people seeking land and opportunity.
Regardless, by thelater Vedic Age the Aryans had reached the lower areas
of the Ganges and as far south as the Vindhya Range and the Deccan
Plateau. Most of northern India would therefore be shaped by the Aryan
way of life. But in addition, as they moved into these areas, the Aryans
encountered indigenous peoples and interacted with them. They ultimately
forced their way of life on them but also adopted various elements of non -
Aryan languages and traditions.
During this time, agriculture became more important and
occupations more diverse. As the lands were cleared, village communities
formed. Two new resources made farming more pr oductive: iron tools and
rice. Implements such as iron axes and ploughs made clearing wilderness
and sowing fields easier, and rice paddy agriculture produced more
calories per unit of land. Consequently, population began to grow, and
people could more eas ily engage in other occupations. By the end of this
period, the earliest towns had started to form.
Before this state formation, chiefs known as Rajas and their
assemblies, with the assistance of priests, looked after the needs of their
clans and administ ered them. This clan -based method of governing
sustained and may have evolved later into oligarchies. As the Aryans
colonized new territories, the heads of clan families or chiefs of each clan
in a confederacy then jointly governed the territory. They woul d convene
meetings often in assembly halls. A smaller group of leaders managed the
deliberations and voting, and carried out the tasks of day -to-day
governing. These kinds of states have been called oligarchies because the
heads of the most powerful famili es governed. They have also been called
republics because these elites governed by assembly. The well -known
example was the Vrishni Sangha of the Yadavas.
But in other territories clan chiefs became kings. These kings
elevated themselves over kinsmen and the assemblies and became the
head of the administrative system. Their chief priests conducted grand
rituals that demonstrated the king’s special relation with the gods. A sort
of divinity was ascribed to the Kings. This majesty overawed the people
and, in a sense, intimidated them. At the same time. it gave them the sense
that they would be protected. Treasurers managed the compulsory gifts
kings expected in return. Most importantly, kingship became hereditary,
and dynasties started to rule.
Society chang ed too. In earlier times, Aryan society was organized
as a fluid three -class social structure consisting of priests, warriors, and
commoners. But during the later Vedic Age, this social structure became
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105broad occupational categories was developed by the religious and political
leaders in society. These categories are known as varnas , and there were
four of them: Brahmins, Kshatriya, Vaishya, and Shudra. The Brahmins
were the priests. Thei r duty was to memorize and orally transmit
theVedas. They also had toperform and officiate sacrifices. The
Kshatriyas were the chiefs and warriors, whose duty was to govern well
and fight. The Vaishya swere commoners who traded and farmed. They
were responsible for society’s material prosperity. The Shudras were
servants who labored for others, usually as artisans or by performing
menial tasks.
Warriors were respected for their leadership and they supported the
Brahmins. In return, the Brahmins affirmed the authority of the Kshatriyas
by carrying out royal ceremonies. Together, they dominated society. The
Shudras or the servants were considered t o be the most polluted and could
not participate in any sacrifice. They could not freely interact with the
members of other varnas . Over time, this way of organizing society came
to be viewed as normal and natural.
In conclusion, by the end of the Vedic Age, northern India had
undergone immense changes. An Aryan civilization emerged and spread
across the Indo -Gangetic Plains. This civilization was characterized by the
philosophy of Brahmanism, the use of Sanskrit, and the varna social
system. The simpler rural life of the clans of earlier times was giving way
to the formation of states. New religious ideas were being added.
3.TRANSITION TOEMPIRE: MAGADHAN
IMPERIALISM:STATES, CITIES, AND NEW RELIGIONS (600
TO321BCE)
The sixth century begins a transition al period in India’s history marked
by important developments. Out of the formative stage of state
development, sixteen powerful kingdoms and oligarchies emerged. At the
end of this period, one kingdom dominated. At the same time, India
entered a second st age of urbanization. Towns and cities became a
prominent feature of northern India. Other developments also took place.
The caste system took shape as an institution, giving Indian society one of
its most unique traits. Besides, new religious ideas were pu t forward that
challenged the dominance of Brahmanism.
States andCities
The kingdom of Magadha became the most powerful among the
sixteen states that dominated this period. At the beginning, it was just one
of sixteen located on either side of the Gang es River. The rest were
established in the older northwest or central India. In general, larger
kingdoms dominated the Ganges basin while smaller clan -based states
thrived on the periphery. They all fought with each other over land and
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106The victors were the states that could field the largest armies. To
do so, rulers had to mobilize the resources of their realms. The Magadhan
kings did this most effectively. Expansion began in 545 BCE under King
Bimbisara. His kingdom was small, but its location to the south of the
lower part of the Ganges River gave it access to fertile plains, iron ore,
timber, and elephants. Governing from his inland fortress at Rajagriha ,
Bimbisara built an administration to extract these resources and used them
to form a powerful military. After concluding marriage alliances with
states to the north and west, he attacked and defeated the kingdom of Anga
to the east. His son Ajatashatru, being a patricide, after killing his f ather,
broke those alliances and waged war on the Kosala Kingdom and the
Vrijji Confederacy. Succeeding kings of this dynasty and later two more
Magadhan dynasties continued to conquer neighboring states upto 321
B.C.E., thus forging an empire. But its rea ch was largely limited to the
middle and lower areas of the Ganges River.
To the northwest, external powers gained control. As observed
earlier, the mountain ranges around that boundary contain passes
permitting the movement of people. This made the north west a crossroad,
and, many a times, the armies of rulers who sought to control the riches of
India passed through. Foreign powers from Afghanistan, Iran, or beyond
extended political control into the subcontinent, making aportion of it as
part of a large r empire.
One example is the Persian Empire. During the sixth century, two
kings, Cyrus the Great and Darius I, made this empire the largest in its
time. From their capitals on the Iranian Plateau, they extended control as
far as the Indus River. They inc orporated parts of northwest India as
provinces of the Persian Empire. Another example is Alexander the Great.
Alexander was the king of Macedonia, a Greek state. After conquering
other Greek states, he attacked the Persian Empire, defeating it in 331
B.C.E. He then took his forces all the way to mountain ranges bordering
India. He wanted to conquer the whole world. He was attracted to the
famed fabulous wealth of India. Alexander took his army through the
Khyber Pass and conquered several small states and cities located in the
Punjab. But to Alexander’s disappointment, his soldiers refused to go any
further, forcing him to turn back. They were exhausted from years of
campaigning far from home and discouraged by news of powerful Indian
states to the east, es pecially that of the empire of Magadha.
Magadha’s first capital, Rajagriha is one of many cities and towns
with ruins dating back to this transitional period. During the Rig Vedic
period Magadha was outside the pale of Aryan influence and urban centers
were sparse during this period, but they had blossomed during this phase.
As more forests were cleared and marshes drained, the agricultural
economy of the Ganges basin produced more surplus food. Population
grew, enabling more people to move into owns and e ngage in other
occupations such as craftsmen, artisans, and traders. Kings encouraged
this economic growth as its revenue enriched their treasuries. Caravans ofmunotes.in

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107ox-drawn carts or boats laden with goods travelled from state to state.
They had to pay tolls to the king’s customs officials. Rivers became
especially important to contact these trade networks. That is why the
Magadhan kings moved their capital to Pataliputra , a port town located on
the Ganges. Thus, it developed as a hub of both politic al power and
economic exchange. In fact, most towns and cities began as one or the
other, or as places of pilgrimage.
TheCaste System
As the population of North India rose and the landscape was dotted
with more villages, towns, and cities, society became more complex. The
social life of a Brahmin priest who served the king differed from that of a
blacksmith who belonged to a town guild. Similarly, the life of a rich
businessman residing in a city was different from that of a poor
agricultural laborer livi ng in a village. Thus, the social identity of each
member of society differed. In ancient India, one measure of identity was
thevarna system of four social classes. Another was caste .By this time,
the society had moved from Varna to Jati. Like the varnas , castes were
hereditary social classifications. But they were far more distinct social
groups. The four -foldvarna system was important for establishing clearly
who the powerful spiritual and political elites in society were: the
Brahmins and Kshatriya. But others were more conscious of their caste.
There were thousands of these, and each was defined by birth,occupation,
residence, marriage, customs, and language.
The lowest castes were the untouchables. These were those who
engaged in occupations consid ered highly impure. Such occupations
included corpse removers, cremators, those worked in cleaning the Hyde,
and sweepers. So those who practiced such occupations were despised and
pushed to the margins of society. As members of higher castes believed
thattouching or seeing them was polluting, untouchables were forced to
live outside villages and towns, in separate settlements.
Emergence ofBuddhism
During this time of transition, some individuals became
dissatisfied with life and decided to leave the everyday world behind.
They were people who chose to renounce social life and material things so
that they might gain deeper insight into the meaning of life. Some of them
altogether rejected Brahmanism and established their own belie f systems.
The most renowned example is Gautama Buddha (c. 563 –480 B.C.E).
4.THE MAURYAN EMPIRE (321 –184B.C.E.)
The kingdom of Magadha was the most powerful state in India
when the Nanda Dynasty came to power in 364 BCE. Nine Nanda kings
made it even greater, by improving methods of tax collection and
administration, funding irrigation projects and canal building, and
maintaining an impressive army of infantry, cavalry, elephants, and
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108But Nanda aspirations were cut short when they were ove rthrown
byChandragupta Maurya (r. 321 –297 BCE), who began a new period in
India’s history. He and his son Bindusara (r. 287 –273 BCE) and
grandson Ashoka (r. 268 –232 BCE) forged the first large empire in
India’s history, one that inspired the imagina tion of later empire builders
in South Asia. The Mauryan Empire included most of the subcontinent
and lasted for 140 years.
Conflicting accounts make it difficult to say anything definitive
about the first two kings. Chandragupta may have come from a Ksha triya
(warrior) clan, or a Vaishya (commoner) clan, or a clan of peacock -tamers.
In his youth, he spent time in the northwest (Swat), where he encountered
Alexander the Great. With the mentoring of Kautilya, a disgruntled
Brahminin charge of the Dhanasala of the Nandaempire, Chandragupta
formed alliances with Nanda enemies, overthrowing them in 321 BCE.
Thereafter, through diplomacy and war, he secured control over central
and northern India.
Kautilya, whose advice may have been critical to Chandragupta’s
success, is viewed as the author of the Arthashastra , a treatise on
statecraft. This handbook for kings covered in detail the arts of governing,
diplomacy, and warfare. To help ensure centralization of power in the
ruler’s hands, it provided a blueprint of rules and regulations necessary to
maintain an efficient bureaucracy, a detailed penal code, and advice on
how to deploy spies and informants.
Chandragupta’s campaigns ended when he concluded a treaty with
Seleucus Nicator in 301 BCE. After Alexander ret reated from India and
later died, a struggle for his empire broke out among his generals Ptolemy,
Antigonus, Seleucus, Antipater, Perdiccas, and Lysimachus. Seleucus
gained control of the eastern half and sought to reclaim northwest India.
But he was confr onted by Chandragupta, who defeated, and forced him to
surrender the Indus Basin and much of Afghanistan, giving the Mauryan
Empire control over trade routes to West Asia. The treaty, however,
established friendly relations between the two rulers, Seleucus gave
Chandragupta his daughter in marriage and dispatched an envoy to his
court. Chandragupta gifted Seleucus three hundred elephants. Hellenistic
kings maintained commercial and diplomatic ties with India.
Military expansion continued under Bindusara an d Ashoka.
Almost the entire subcontinent came under the empire’s control. With
King Ashoka, however, warfare came to an end. We know far more about
him because he left behind a fascinating record on his ideas on governing.
He had edicts inscribed on rocks throughout the realm and on sandstone
pillars in the Gangetic heartland.
His thirteenth rock edict at Shabhazg ahrimentions as to why King
Ashoka decided to renounce violence. While waging war against the state
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109deeply disturbed by the amount of suffering and dislocation the war
heaped upon innocent people’s lives. This realization caused him to
redouble his faith in the Buddha. Ashoka, it turns out, was a lay follower
of Buddhism.
Through his Girnar rock edict, he proclaimed to his subjects that
the sound of the war drum would be replaced by the sound of the dharma .
In ancient India, dharma meant universal law. For the Brahmin priests, for
example, dharma meant a society and religiou s order founded on Vedic
principles. For Buddhists, dharma consisted of the truths taught by the
Buddha. For kings, dharma was enlightened governing and just rule. Thus,
Ashoka was proclaiming that he would now rule by virtue, not force.
Ashoka’s kingly d harma was shaped by his personal practice of
Buddhism. This dharma consisted of laws of ethical behavior and right
conduct fashioned from Indian traditions of kingship and his
understanding of Buddhist principles. To gain his subject’s willing
obedience, h e sought to inspire a sense of gratitude by presenting himself
in the role of a father looking out for his children. He told his subjects that
he was appointing officers to tour his realm and attend to the welfare and
happiness of all. Justice was to be im partially administered and medical
treatment provided for animals and humans. A principle of non -injury to
all beings was to be observed. Following this principle meant not only
renouncing state violence, but also forbidding slaughtering certain animals
for sacrifices or for cooking in the royal kitchen. His Shahbazgarhi rock
edict states that formerly in the kitchen daily many hundred -thousands of
living creatures were slaughtered for purposes of curries. But now only
three living creatures are slaughtered : two peacocks and one deer that too
not regularly. In future, even these three will not be slaughtered. Ashoka
also proclaimed that he would replace his pleasure tours and hunting tours
with dharma tours. During these, he promised to give gifts to Brahmin s
and the aged and to visit people in the countryside.
In return, Ashoka asked his subjects to observe certain principles.
He knew his empire was pluralistic, consisting of many peoples with
different cultures and beliefs. He believed that if he instilled certain values
in his subjects, then his realm might be knit together in peace and
harmony. Thus, in addition to non -injury, Ashoka taught forbearance. He
exhorted his subjects to respect parents, show courtesy to servants, and,
more generally, be liberal , compassionate, and truthful in their treatment
of others. These values were also to be embraced by religious
communities, since Ashoka did not want people fighting over matters of
faith.
The king’ s writ shaped the government. They were advised by a
council of ministers and served by high officials who oversaw the major
functions of the state. The Mauryans were particularly concerned with
efficient revenue collection and uniform administration of j ustice. To that
end, they divided the empire into a hierarchy of provinces and districts andmunotes.in

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110appointed officials to manage matters at each level. But given such alarge
empire spread over a geographically and ethnically diverse territory, the
level of Maury an control varied. Historians recognize three broad zones.
The first was the metropolitan region —with its capital Pataliputra —
located on the Ganges Plain. This heartland was tightly governed. The
second zone consisted of conquered regions of strategic and economic
importance. These provinces were placed under the control of members of
the royal family and senior officials, but state formation was slower. That
is, the tentacles of bureaucracy did not reach as deeply into local
communities. Lastly, the third zone consisted of hinterlands sparsely
populated by tribes of foragers and nomads. Here, state control was
minimal, amounting to little more than establishing workable relations
with chieftains.
After King Ashoka, the Mauryan Empire declined. The precise
reasons for this decline are unknown. Like many ancient dynasties, the
Mauryas placed faith on their vast and expanding bureaucracy. Since
loyalty to the ruler was one element of the glue that held the centralized
bureaucracy together,theweak successors o f Ashoka, a fact attested by
contemporary and later Buddhist, Jain and Puranic sources, the division of
the empire into three parts and the invasion of Bactrian Greeks must have
worsened the situation prevailed in the empire. Furthermore, the Mauryan
court ’s demand for revenue sufficient to sustain the government and a
large standing army may have contributed to discontent. In 184 BCE, the
last king Brihadratha was assassinated by his own military commander
Pushyamitra during the guard of honour, and India’ s first major imperial
power came to an end.
5.REGIONAL STATES: INDIA 200BCE –300CE
After the Mauryan Empire fell, no one major power held control
over a substantial part of India until the rise of the Gupta Empire in the
fourth century CE. Thus, for five hundred years, from c. 200 BCE to 300
CE, India saw a fairly rapid turnover of numerous, competing regional
monarchies. Most of these were small, while the larger ones were only
loosely integrated. Some developed along the Ganges. Others were of
Centr al Asian origins, the product of invasions from the northwest. Also,
for the first time, states formation took place inSouth India. Yet, despite
the political instability, India was economically dynamic, as trade within
and without the subcontinent flouris hed, and India was increasingly linked
to other parts of the world in networks of exchange. And new trends
appeared in India’s major religious traditions. A popular, devotional form
of worship took root in Buddhism, Similarly, the Bhakti cult became a
defining element in Hinduism.
The general who brought the Mauryan Empire to a close by a
military coup established the Shunga Dynasty (c. 185 –73 BCE). Like its
predecessor, this kingdom was centered on the middle Ganges, the
heartland of India’s history si nce the late Vedic Age. But unlike it, the
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111Shunga rulers were constantly warring with neighboring kingdoms,
and the last fell to an internal coup in 73 CE. Subsequently, during the
ensuing half millennium, other reg ions of India played equally prominent
roles.
The northwest remained a source of dynamism, as different ethnic
groups living beyond the Hindu Kush invaded India and established one
kingdom after another. Most of this movement was caused by instability
onthe steppe lands of Central Asia, where competing confederations of
nomadic pastoralists fought for control over the region.
The most powerful amongst this succession of states was
theKushan Kingdom , whose origins take us far away to the north of
China. There, in the second century CE, one of the nomadic groups by
name Xiongnustruggling with scarcity moved west, violently displacing
another group and forcing them into northern Afghanistan. The displaced
groupwas known as the Yuezhi (yew -eh-jer), and they were made up of
several tribes. In the first century CE, a warrior chieftain from one Yuezhi
tribe, the Kushans, united them, invaded northwest India, and assumed
exalted titles befitting a king. His successor, ruling from Afghanistan,
gained control over the Punjab and reached the plains of the upper Ganges
River.
The greatest Kushan ruler, King Kanishka , furthered what these
first two kings began, forging an empire extending from Central Asia
across the mountain ranges of Afghanistan into much of northern India.
Ruling the many peoples of such a sprawling territory required more than
the periodic plunder ing campaigns of nomad chieftains. One sculpture of
King Kanishka puts these Central Asian roots on display. In it, he is
wearing a belted tunic, coat, and felt boots, and carrying a sword and
mace. Kushan gold coins, however, cast him and his two predeces sors in
another light: as universal monarchs. On one side, the crowned kings are
displayed along with inscriptions bearing titles used by the most powerful
Indian, Persian, Chinese, and Roman emperors of that time. The obverse
side contains images of both Indian and foreign deities. The Kushan
rulers, it appears, solved the problem of ruling an extensive, culturally
diverse realm by patronizing the many different gods beloved to the
peoples living within it. Buddhists, for instance, saw King Kanishka as
great Buddhist ruler, much like they did King Ashoka. In fact, Kanishka
supported Buddhist scholarship and encouraged missionaries to take this
faith from India to Central Asia and China. But his coins also depict Lord
Siva, Persian gods Vato ,Atash, Mithra, Bahram, Fa’rr , Greek, god
Helios etc., suggesting that he was open -minded, and perhaps strategic, in
matters of religion.
After Kanishka’s reign, from the mid -second century CE onwards,
the empire declined. Like the other, larger Indian states during thi st i m e ,
only a core area was ruled directly by the king’s servants. The other areas
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112rulers. As Kushan power waned, numerous smaller polities emerged,
turning northern and central India into a mosaic of states.
The Indian peninsula —the territory south of the Indo -Gangetic
Plain and the Vindhya Mountain Range —also features more prominently
after the fall of the Mauryan Empire. In the south, kingdoms emerged for
the first time. The larges t was the Satavahana Kingdom , which included
most of the Deccan Plateau and lasted about three centuries. The first
rulers were former Mauryan officials who capitalized on its dissolution,
established their own state, and expanded to the north. To establis h their
legitimacy, Satavahana kings embraced Aryan civilization by allowing
Brahmins to perform sacrifices at the court and by upholding
thevarna social order. They also prospered from a rich agricultural base
and trade. However, like so many of the larg er states during these
centuries, this kingdom was only loosely integrated, consisting of small
provinces governed by civil and military officers and allied, subordinate
chieftains and kings.
Far south, in the area roughly constituting modern Tamil Nadu a nd
Kerala, from 3rdCentury B.C.E. to the 3rdCentury C.E., arose three
kingdoms namely the Cheras, the Cholas and the Pandyas and an
enormous number of smaller lineage -based chieftains. Raids, wars, and
redistribution seemed to have been part of the effo rts to the maintenance
of the contemporary economy, though another important component was
the trade that was both land and sea based. A vast corpus of literature
which defined and gave the nomenclature Sangam age to this period. The
ruling class big and small became the chief patrons of the bards who
produced these literatures. Their extensive trade relations with the
Romans, Arabs and in far -east made them wealthy and gave them
technological edge in seafaring. Availability of iron and the technological
knowhow to produce rust -free iron objects including weapons and the
finesse they showed in turning out rouletted ware gave them a market far
beyond the sub -continent. The uneven distribution of this wealth gave rise
to extreme poverty in some areas within t he region resulting in frequent
wars, raids, and redistribution of wealth. The largely classless and
casteless tribal society was rapidly absorbing class and caste influences
from immediate and far north is defined by some of the rulers of the three
major kingdoms sporting Sanskrit titles and practicing yajnas and the caste
based social formations in big cities which led to very rigid caste and
class formation in the region in the centuries to come. Interestingly, the
Sramanic religions played an important rolein social stratification in south.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the Vedic Age in India.munotes.in

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1136.4 DEFINITION OF STATE
State formation is especially an important aspect of historical
studies. Many reasons ha ve been given by historians for the transition
from tribal society to a state. One must understand the evolution of the
State in theIndian history. We need to understand the nature and attributes
of state in ancient India to understand medieval history and establish the
trajectory for the emergence of state in modern India.
A State is defined as a set of institutions that have the authority to
govern the people. It has internal and external sovereignty over a definite
territory. Max Weber has defined a state in his essay Politics as a
Vocation . According to him, it is that or ganization which has “monopoly
on the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory” So it
would include the armed forces, civil service, courts, and police. It
consists of common obedience to a single sovereign.
Charles Tilly has defined sta te as “coercion wielding
organizations” in his book Coercion, Capital and European States .Jeffrey
andPainter state in their book Political Geography that, "if we define the
'essence' of the state in one place or era, we are liable to find that in
another time or space something which is also understood to be a state has
different 'essential' characteristics".
Marxist thought considers the state as being the tool of class
domination in favour of the ruling class. In a capitalist society the ruling
class is known as the bourgeoisie. The state wants to grant private
property to the ruling class and capture surplus profits without giving
anything to the proletariat. Marx claimed in his book Communist
Manifesto that "the executive of the modern state is noth ing but a
committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie".
Thus, we can conclude that there is no uniformity in the definition of a
state. A commonly accepted definition of the state is the one given at
theMontevideo Convention on Righ ts and Duties of States in 1933. It says
the state should possess the following qualifications: (a) a permanent
population; (b) a defined territory; (c) government; and (d) capacity to
enter into relations with the other states.
Check your progress:
1] Define State.munotes.in

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1146.5 PROCESS OF STATE FORMATION:
In the pre -historic period, people lived in stateless societies. The
first states arose about 5,500 years ago with rapid growth of
cities, invention of writing andcodification of new forms of religion.
Gradually numerous states developed giving a variety of justifications for
their existence such as theory of divine right, the theory of the social
contract, etc.
The genesis of a state begins from tribal society as a basic unit.
From there it progresses to a segmentary state. There is a transition to a
republic, then to a monarchy and later to empires.
This transition is characterized by growth in surplus, brought about
by agrarian expansion, military expansion an d in India……by co -option of
local population and cultures.
Historians have tried to understand how the state system evolved.
Even Anthropologists have tried to understand the same phenomenon as
have Archaeologists. There are several reasons for the emerg ence of early
states. State formation has seen a continuous evolution. This evolution has
been from bands to tribe and from chiefdom to states. There are various
reasons for this process. To Morton H. Fried, it was an evolution of
political society 'from e galitarianism to state through the rank and
stratified society'. But E.R. Service identified the process as the transition
of band society to tribe and from tribe to state through the chiefdom."
Warfare' has been viewed as an important cause that had a de cisive role in
the making of a state.
R.L. Cameiro viewed warfare as the 'mechanism' that sped the
process of political evolution 'from autonomous village to the state'. He
argued that state formation goes through certain stages in certain
conditions. State arises where the availability of agricultural land was
restricted and struggle to acquire agricultural land caused the war among
the autonomous villages. Collection of villages by a chief had transformed
the villages into a greater political identity and formed the chiefdom.
Conquest of chiefdom by another had increased the size of the political
units while the number of chiefdoms was decreased and eventua lly unified
under the banner of a strong chief. This strong chief centralized the
political power, and this led to the formation of a state. The individual war
heroes then occupied newly formed political offices to make and enforce
laws, collect taxes, org anize labour, and draft men for war. The second
step was the concentration of resource where availability of food was
restricted. Exploitable area became occupied, and competition over
cultivable land was increased. So, warfare became the means of resource
concentration. It further sped up the political integration beyond the
village level. Finally, Cameiro argues that population pressure in the
central area of the territory led to the crystallization of larger political units
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115In ca se of the secondary states also 'war and state making goes
together'. In the European context, Charles Tilly argued that 'internal
warfare' made the local chiefs as a dominant figure with substantial
territory. Collection of the means of war such as —men, arms, food,
lodging, transportation etc., had a significant role in the formation of
states. Successful collection activities led to the making ofa state. As a
byproduct, it created organization in the form of tax collection agencies,
police forces, court s, account keepers; then it in turn led to state making.
Again, expansion of military organizations as standing army, war
industries, supporting bureaucracies, grew up as state making processes.
In the state making process, the managers of states formed a lliances with
specific social classes. The members of those classes loaned resources and
provided technical service or helped to ensure the compliance of the rest
of population.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss the process of State Formation in India.
6.6 GENESIS OF STATE FORMATION IN INDIA:
In India, state formation is linked to the growth and development
of agriculture. Later it led to the growth of trade, industry, and
urbanization. In ancient India, this process began with the spread of
agriculture along river valleys. The surplus generated through agriculture
led to trade, commerce, and urbanization. State could come about only
through creation and appropriation of surplus. The first states (Janapadas)
came about in these river valleys. Th is pattern was also observed in the
South and east. The process of co -option was brought about by
Sanskritisation, land grants and granting of legitimacy.
There are different views regarding the history of state in ancient
India. Different schools of tho ught have interpreted it differently. The first
historians to write the political and social history of ancient India were
imperialist administrators like James Mill and V.A. Smith. They wrote the
history of India to serve the interest of British imperialism. James Mill
divided Indian history into three periods —The Hindu Period, Muslim
Period and British Period. Mill stated that ancient India was barbarous and
anti-rational. Indian civilization acc ording to him showed no concern for
political values and India had been ruled by a series of despots. They said
that India was stagnant since and was opposed to progress. Mill’s History
of India was one of the prescribed texts at the institutions like Haileybury
College where English officers received their training before coming to
India. Smith believed that India had a long tradition of oppressivemunotes.in

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116despots —a tradition which ended only with the a dvent of the British.
They wanted to show that Indians were not fit to rule themselves.
In response Indian scholars regarded the Indo -Aryans as the
originators of human civilisation with India as its cradle. Tilak argued that
theRig Veda was composed as early as 4000 B.C.E. K.P. Jayasawal stated
that long before Europeans built up democratic and self -governing
institutions, India had known them and had practised them. India’s
struggle against Britain for self -rule was justified. Thus ‘extremist’
historia ns provided an ideological weapon to the freedom movement.
The Marxist School started with D.D. Kosambi. In Kosambi’s
view the history of society, economy and culture are closely interrelated.
Later this tradition was enriched by historians like Romila Thapar, Ram
Sharan Sharma, D.N. Jha and others.
There are many sources with regard to the study of state and
political system in ancient India. They speak about Dandaniti which deals
with the administration of force and Rajniti which deals with the conduct
of kings. These texts give detailed advice on the organisation of the state
and the conduct of governmental affairs. The important sources are the
great epics ,theRāmāyana and the Mahābhārata. One of the earliest and
most important textbooks on statecraf t is the Arthash āstra, written by
Kautilya or Chanakya, the famous minister of Chandragupta Maurya.
Arthash āstra gives a very detailed instruction on various issues like the
management of the state, the organisation of the national economy and the
conduct of war. It is an incredibly significant source for many aspects of
ancient Indian life. .Thesmriti literature also contributes to this area.
An important source during the Gupta period is the Nītisāra
(Essence of Politics) of Kamandaka. There is also Nītivākyāmrta of
Somadeva Suri, a Jaina writer of tenth century, and the Nītisāra(Treatise
on Politics) of ancient sage Shukra. We also get an incredible amount of
Brahmin, Jaina and Buddhist literature which deals politics.
Chanakya [An Artistic Depiction]
Author of Arthashastramunotes.in

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117Check your progress:
1] Examine the genesis of State Formation in India.
6.7 STATE IN EARLY INDIA
In ancient India thinkers like Bhisma, Narada, Brihaspati, Kautilya,
Kamandaka have looked at various reasons for the evolution of State.
Based on the writings of these thinkers there are four formulated important
theories regarding the origin of the state in ancient India, namely —
a) Evolutionary Theory
b) Force Theory
c) Mystical Theory
d) Contract Theory
a] Theory of Evolutionary Origin
This is the oldest theory of origin of the state in India and has been
mentioned in the Atharva Veda. According to this theory the state is the
result of evolutionary progress. The tenth hymn of the eighth chapter of
theAtharva Veda gives a picture of the evolutionary origin of the state.
Based on Atharva Veda several stages of the evolution of the state can be
traced .
The hymns of the Atharva Veda state that the earliest phase of
human life was the stage of vairājyaor stateless state. It was a state of
complete lawlessness. But subsequently, with the emergence of
agriculture, life became stable. To fulfil the needs of agricultural society
the family emerged as a basic unit. The head of the family became an
authoritative figure. The requirement of cooperation in the different areas
of society led to the emergence of sabh āand samiti. Sabh āwas the
organisation of elder ly people and samiti was the general assembly of
common people. With the emergence of sabh āand samiti organised
political life began which finally culminated in the emergence of the state.
A.S. Altekar, H.C. Raychaudhurifavour the theory of evolutionary
origin. Altekar is of the opinion that the state also evolved in India in pre -
historic times out of the institution of the joint family. R. Shamasastry also
favours the evolutionary theory. According to him, the earliest form of
family in ancient India was matriarchal which after the invasion of Aryans
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118R S Sharma focuses on the role of family, varna and property in
the evolution of the state, citing examples from Ayodhy āKānda of
Rāmāyana, Shānti Parva, andDīghaNikāya.According to Sharma, there
was an important connection between the existence of these institutions
and the rise of the state. The state was particularly important to protect
these institutions. If the state did not exist, these institutions would have
collapsed. In the Ayodhy āKānda, the Shānti Parva, and the Vishnu
Dharmottara Purāna, concerns are raised about the condition of arājaka
(kingless) state. The implication or indication is that the family and
property would not be safe in such a state. Therefore, a king is especially
important to protect the family and property especially those of the weaker
sections.
One of the main duties of the king was the protection of private
property by punishing the thief. The king had to restore to a subject the
stolen wealth at any cost. Preservation of the varna (caste system) was
another great responsibility of the king. Failure to do so meant t he
violation of dharma that could threaten the entire social order.
B]. Force Theory
Force was considered to be an important factor in the evolution of
the state in India. Earliest Aryan clans fought among themselves for pet
animals, pastureland, settle ments, and sources of drinking water. Only a
strong and able warrior could lead the clan in such wars. So, he was given
special status and the members of clan started obeying him. This tendency
continued in the days of peace also and subsequently the leade r became
the king. John Spellman opines that the king in ancient India was
primarily a military leader.
C] Theory of Mystical Origin
This was the most popular theory of origin of the state in ancient
India. Kingship was given divine sanction and the king was considered not
to be the representative of God but was considered a manifestation of God.
According to A.L. Basham the doctrine of royal divinity was explicitly
proclaimed. It appears first in the epics and the law books of Manu .In the
books of Manu, the King was made an equivalent of God (Devaraja) .
TheRājasūyayajnya was supposed to equip the king with divine
powers. It bestowed the title ‘ Chakravarti ‘or Emperor in this world a
place in Indira’s court in afterlife to the performer. The Vājapeya and the
Asvamedha yajnya continued the same notion and also ensured the
prosperity and fertility of the kingdom. Kings referred to their divine
status in their titles and they were regularly addressed by their courtiers as
deva , or God. Many legends have be en created to stress the divine status
of the king, and his divine appointment to the kingly office. With the
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119Agni, nearly all medieval Indian kings traced their genealogies back to
Vaisvata Manu.
In the Arthash āstra, Chanakya states that the people should be t old
that, the king fulfils the functions of the God upon earth. All who
disregard him will be punished not only by the secular arm, but also by
heaven. Ashoka and other Maurya n kings took the title “Beloved of the
Gods” (devānāmpiya).
John Spellman also favours the view that the theory of divine origin was
the dominant and popularly accepted theory regarding the origin of the
state in ancient India. Spellman put forward two ar guments in favour of
his dictum. Firstly, in case of a Hindu ruler ruling arbitrarily and
tyrannically there was no provision for secular punishment. The king
would be punished only by divine powers. Secondly, the king was
supposed to follow the divine law s and not man -made laws. So, Spellman
concludes that in ancient India, the basic notion of the origin of the state
was based on divine creation.
D] Contract Theory
Contract theory is the most extensively discussed theory of the
origin of the state in ancient India. The reference to contract theory can be
seen in the Buddhist texts like Dīgha Nikāyaand Mahāvastu and
brahmanical texts like Shānti Parva andArthash āstraof Kautilya. This
theory is found in the Buddhist canonical text Dīgha Nikāyawhere the
story of creation reminds us of the ideal state of Rousseau followed by the
state of nature as depicted by Hobbes. There are main stages in this story,
told by the B uddha to counter the Brahmins claim for superiority. There
was a time when people were perfect, and lived in a state of happiness.
This perfect state lasted for ages, but afterwards a decayed state emerged.
There were gender differences and distinctions of colour. Food and shelter
were required, and people entered into agreements among themselves and
set up the institutions of the family and private property.
Subsequently there appeared theft and other forms of unsocial
conduct. Therefore, people agreed to choose as chief a person who was the
most capable. In return they agreed to give him a portion of their paddy.
The individual held three titles:
a] Mah āsammata
b)Khattiya and
c)Rājā
The first title means one chosen by the whole people, the second
titlemeans the lord of the fields, the third title means one who charms the
people by means of dharma .DīghaNikāyacan help us to infer that there
was an advanced stage of social development when tribal society had
broken up. This led to a clash of interests between man and woman,
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120It was observed in the middle Ganga plains, where p addy was the basis of
the economy of the people.
The king has been assigned the task to punish the wicked people.
Thekhattiya which means the lord of fields, suggests that the primary duty
of the king is to protect the plots of one against being encroach ed upon by
the other. The interpretation of the title rājāis that the king should please
the people. The people have to pay a part of their paddy as contribution to
the king. The law -book of Baudhayana lays down that the king should
protect the people in return for one sixth of the produce.
Originally the agreement takes place between a single kshatriya on
the one hand and the people on the other, but at later stage it was extended
to the kshatriya as a class.
The Brahmanical description of the contract theory of the origin of
the state occurs in the Arthash āstra of Kautilya. It states that due to a
condition of anarchy the people elected Manu Vaivasvata as their king and
agreed to pay 1/6th of their grain, 1/10th of their articles of merchandise,
and a portion of their gold. In return for these taxes the king guaranteed
social welfare to the people by undertaking to suppress acts of mischief,
afflicting the guilty with taxes and coercion. Even the inhabitants of the
forest were required to give him 1/6th of the forest produce.
It shows that there was an advanced economy, when different
kinds of grain were produced. The king got paddy and other kinds of
grain produce. Similarly, trade had been established as a regular source of
income to the state. Both Megasthenes and Kautilya refer to officers
regulating trade in this period. Besides, mining was a thriving industry in
the Mauryan age. This explains payment of a part of hiranya, which
covers not only gold but also includes similar other precious metals.
Finally, the fact that even the inhabitants of the forest are not exempted
from taxes is an indication of the comprehensive character of the
Kautilyan state. Thus, taken as a whole the first three taxes, namely, those
in grain, commodities and metals, ref lect the developed economy of the
Mauryan period. The four taxes mentioned in terms of contract made
between the mythical Manu and the people shows the elaborate taxation
system of the Mauryan state.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the Contract Theory reg arding the origin of State.munotes.in

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1216.8POLITICAL ORGANISATION IN INDIA DURING
VEDIC PERIOD
The polity of the Early Vedic period was basically a tribal polity
with the tribal chief in the center which was transformed towards
Monarchy in later Vedic period. Rig Vedic society was semi -nomadic
tribal society with pastoral economy.
A brief account on the Political Organisation in India during Vedic
Period[Courtesy Jagran Josh.com)
The main source of the information for the study of ear ly Vedic
people is the Rigveda. Rig Vedic society was semi -nomadic tribal society
with pastoral economy. The first change observed in the political process
was the transformation of the Rig Vedic Jana (meaning, people or tribe)
into the Janapada (meaning, the area where the tribe settled). The nature of
kingship was transformed and rituals like Rajasuya (Royal coronation)
assumed significance in the later Vedic period.
Polity of Early and Later Vedic Period
a. Early Vedic Period
The polity of the Early Vedic period was basically a tribal polity
with the tribal chief in the center. The tribe was called Jana and the tribal
chief was called Rajana .Rajana looked after the affairs of the tribe with
the help of other tribal members and two tribal assemblies i.e., Sabha and
Samiti .Sabha consisted of elder members of the tribe, whereas the Samiti
mainly dealt with policy decisions and political business. Women were
allowed to participate in the proceedings of Sabha and Vidhata .In day to
day administration the king was assisted by the two types of Purohita
i.e.Vasishtha and Vishwamitra .The King did not maintain any regular
army. In fact, Rig Vedic King did not rule over the kingdom, but over
tribe.
b. Later Vedic Period
The Po litical system of the later Vedic period was shifted
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122called Janapada . The King started maintaining an army and the
Bureaucracy also got developed. The Kingship was being given the sta tus
of the divine character and this period witnessed the emergence of
theconcept of King of Kings .
The Rig Vedic popular assemblies lost their importance and royal
power increased at their cost. The Vidhata completely disappeared.
TheSabha and Samiti continued to hold the ground, but their character
changed. The Sabha became more important than the Samiti .They came
to be dominated by the chiefs and the rich nobles. Women were not
allowed to attend the Sabha which was then dominated by the nobles and
the Brahmana’s.
c. Transformation of political character from Early to later Vedic
Period
The term “ Rashtra ”, which means territory, first appeared in later
Vedic period.
TheRajanyas of the Rig Vedic age later became the Kshatriyas ,
who held power over t he territories. The very reason of the wars (earlier,
cattle) also underwent a change, with the acquisition of land now
becoming an important element.
Consecratory rituals assumed special significance in later Vedic
period for the ruling elite, which now became crucial to assert their
authority. Sacrifices were especially significant and were perceived to lend
religious legitimacy to the power of the rulers in the later Vedic period.
It was the beginning of administrative machinery. The king had to
mainta in acouncil of advisors known as the Ratnis .
A rudimentary taxation system began with Sangrihitri , as treasurer
of taxes and Bhagadugha as the tax collector .Bali and Bhaga now became
regular tributes and taxes.
6. The formation of bigger kingdoms made the chief or the king more
powerful. Princes or chiefs ruled tribes, but the dominant tribe gave their
names to territories, which might be inhabited by tribes other than their
own. In the beginning, each area was n amed after the tribe which settled
there first. At first, Panchala was the name of the people and then, it
became the name of a region.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss the political organisation during the Vedic period.munotes.in

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1236.9 MONARCHY
The over -riding theme in the texts is of a unified expansive state.
The Ideal is Chakravarti which is found in the epics and treatises like
Arthashastra. Magadha kings used administrative and military abilities as
basis of their legitimacy. They got sanctions throug h rituals. They were
supported by sacrifices such as rajasuya (enthronement ceremony), raja -
abhisekha (coronation), asvamedha (horse -sacrifice). They were endorsed
by Buddhist tradition too. During Asoka’s time there are a number
ofinscriptions which show inclination towards divinity. Asoka was known
as devanampiyapiyadassi (beloved of the Gods). Military prowess was the
mainstay of the monarchical state.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss Monarchy in Ancient India.
6.10ELEMENTS OF THE STATE
In ancient India, kingdom ( rajya ) is constituted of seven elements
(sapta -prakrtayah ) or seven limbs ( sapta -anga ). According to Manu -
Smriti (2 -3rd century C.E.), these were:
-King ( swamin )
-Minister ( amatya )
-City ( pura )
-Domain/ territory ( rastra )
-Treasury ( kosa)
-Army ( danda )
-Ally (s uhrd/ mitra )
In a monarchy, the King is considered as the cornerstone and an
integral element of rajya . He determines a State’s destiny.
Kautilya emphasizes this by writing “the king is (the basis of) the
kingdom” ( raja rajyam ). Besides raja,amatya refers to bureaucratic
government, pura to cities and citizens, rastra to territory and populations,
kosato financial matters, danda to military power and mitra to international
relations. Arthasastra refers to janapada (slight variant of rastra ) and
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124Check your progress:
1] Examine the elements of State in Ancient India.
6.11GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION
At the zenith of the tier were Amatyas orMahamatras. They
wereinfluential ministers who became members of king’s council
(parisad ). The military was organized into four elements ( caturanga )–
elephants, chariots, cavalry and infantry –led by senapati. TheState was
sustained by taxes. There were propertied men called grhapatis . Urban
traders were organized into srenis or guilds. The rise of Magadha State is
also seen as response to expansion of guilds and desire to expand
activities. So, it reveals commer cial underpinnings. The Period also is co -
terminus with bringing lower Ganges valley under plough and settlements.
It leads to territorial expansion.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the Government organisation in early India.munotes.in

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1256.12 STAGES OF STATE FORMATION IN ANCIENT
INDIA
There are six stages in the history of ancient Indian polity. The
earliest stage was a tribal democracy which had tribal assemblies. Rig
Vedic period was chiefly a stage of assemblies. The second stage saw the
break -up of the tribal polity due to constant conflicts between the Kings
andthe ordinary businessman. The chiefs were helped by the priesthood
called the brahmins. This stage saw the begi nning of taxes and classes or
varnas. The third stage witnessed the development of the matured state.
There arose large territorial monarchies of Kosala and Magadha and tribal
oligarchies in North -Western India and at the foot of the Himalayas. There
were vast armies and controlled apparatus for the collection of land
revenue.
The fourth or the Maurya phase saw the functioning of the
bureaucracy. The state with the help of its bureaucracy controlled various
aspects of the life of its subjects. The fifth stage was marked by the
process of decentralized administration. The last st age may be called the
period of proto -feudal polity. Land grants now played an important part in
the formation of the political structure.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss the stages of State formation in Ancient India.
6.13 EARLY INDIAN STAT ES.
It is important to understand the origin of state in the Indian
subcontinent. Romila Thapar has explained the process of early state
formation in the first millennium B.C. in the mid -Ganges valley. She
explained that it was a change from a lineage soc iety into a stratified
society. There was concentration of wealth into a center. There were
differences in society due to peasant -economy, rise of towns and
commercial growth. There was a reciprocal relationship between the ruler
and ruled. The kshatriya caste was ruling. It was the conventional ruling -
caste and wielder of military power.
The Vedic society was pastoral and less stratified. Differentiation
began in such society only in the Later Vedic period. By the 6thCentury
B.C.E., social differentiat ion had been established with the extensive use
of iron. Iron was important in the production system and contributed to
fortification and urbanization. This led to the formation of state in themunotes.in

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126region. From the time of Buddha, the state -system in India be gan to
develop. It became overly complex as caste became an indicator of social
differentiation. Beside the monarchical form of government, republican
system is also known in India in the 6th century B.C.E.
The first historical empire -state originated in India in the 4th
century B.C.E. with large territory and detailed state apparatus under the
Mauryan rulers. Decline of the Mauryan Empire led to the rise of smaller
states in India throughout the country, Satavahanas, Kushanas w ere some
of the examples. Cholas, Pandyas, Kerala and Sathyaputras in Tamilnadu
were already independent monarchical states which Ashoka mentions in
his Girnarrock edict. Kalinga in Eastern India and a number of powers in
Northern India emerged as independ ent states after the fall of Mauryas.
However, empire state was revived in India with the rise of the Gupta
Empire in the 4th century C.E. But its decline led to the formation of
smaller states throughout the country. Regional development led to the
forma tion of small states in Eastern and Northeast India too. Sasanka of
Gauda (Bengal) and Baskarvarman of Kamarupa (Brahmaputra valley)
emerged as independent rulers in the 7th century A.D.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the early Indian States.
6.14. SUMMARY
There are different approaches and interpretations with regard to
the early Indian states. The Romanticists like Mounstuart Elphinstone ,
Grant Duff, and James Tod had taken favourable view on Indian History
and showed a more sympathetic unde rstanding to the problems of India.
Utilitarians viewed the Indian states as 'monarchical institutions with a
hierarchical bureaucracy. Everyone exercised absolute authority in their
own way due to which ancient Indian government was barbaric. James
Mill a nd his followers had developed the utilitarian view on Indian
history. They identified with the view that the Indian socio -political and
economic system was dominated by caste and religious ideology.
The Nationalists on the other hand, have attempted to interpret the
Indian states as unitary and strong state with a centralized bureaucracy,
headed by a strong monarch. On the contrary. Imperialist School had
developed the concept of Oriental despotism having similarity with
Marxian model of the 'Asiatic mo de of production'. The Imperialist School
had the sole purpose to glorify British rule in India. W.W. Hunter, V.A.
Smith and others have represented the concept of Indian despotism.munotes.in

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127Marx stated that the Indian states had a strong central coercive power for
external warfare and internally they exploited the village communities.
But despite these divergent views, there is one commonality. There
is no denying the fact that there was a system of state in ancient India.
There was a central power, and a bureaucracy having capability of surplus
extractions. There was a defence system f or protection of the state from
the external attacks and for preserving other essential characteristics of a
state. Interesting contributions have been made by several scholars in
recent years to conceptualize the process of the early Indian state
formati on. They viewed the state as the transition of lineage or tribal
society through the social growth of caste system.
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128
6.14 QUESTIONS
1)Examine the theories of origin of st ate formation.
2)Assess the state formation in North India for the period under
study.
6.15 REFERENCES
1.Painter, Joe; Jeffrey, Alex (2009). Political Geography (2nd ed.).
London: Sagr Publications Ltd. . ISBN 978-1-4129 -0138 -3.
2.Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention .
3.K.V. Flanery: The Cultural Evolution of Civi lization. Annual Review
of Ecology
4.Ted C. Lewellen: Political Anthropology:An Introduction. (South
Hadley. Bergin & Garvey, 1983)
5.Elman R. Service: Primitive Social Organization: An Evolutionary
Perspective (New York. Random House. 1962).
6.R.L.Carneiro: A Theory of Origin of State. Science 169(1970).
7.Charles Tilly: War Making and State Making a& Organized Crime, in
Peter B.Evan.D, Ruechemeyer and Theda Skocpol (eds): Bringing
the Slate Back (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985).
8.Basham, A.L., The Wonder that was India (34th impression), New
Delhi, Rupa & co., 1999.munotes.in

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1299.Vedvachaspati , Priyavrat., Vaidik Rajnitimein Rajya ki Bhoomika,
Meerut, Meenakshi Prakashan,1984.
10.Dasgupta, Rama Prasad, Development of the Hindu Polity,
Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Third session, Calcutta,
1939.
11.Altekar, A.S., State and Government in Ancient India, Delhi, Motilal
Banarsidass, 1949 (Re Print 1997).
12.Shama Sastry, R., Evolution of Indian Polity, Calcutta, 1920.
13.Sharma, R.S., Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient
India (fourth edition), Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1996.
14.Shastri, Jagdish Lal, Political Thought in Puranas, Lahore, Published
by the author, 1944.
15.Sharan Parmatma , Pracheen Bharat
meinRajnitikVichareva mSansthayein , Meerut, Meenakshi Prakashan,
1979.
16.Spellman, John W., Political Theory of Ancient India, Oxford,
Clarendon Press, 1964 .
17.RomilaThaper: From Lineage to State: Social Formation in the Mid
First Millennium B.C in the Ganga Valley, (Bombay, Oxford
University Press, 1984).
18.Romila Thapar, A History of India: From the discovery of India to
1526, volume one, Penguin Books, India, 1966
19.RadhakumudMookerji, Ashoka, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1962
20.R.C. Majumdar (ed.), The Vedic Age, Volume 1, Bhavans Book
University, 7thedition, 2010
21.18. R.S. Sharma: The State and Varna Formation in the Mid Ganga
Plains: AnAnthrop archaeological View, reprint ed., (New Delhi,
Manohar, 2001).
22.19. Anant Sadashiv Altekar: State and Government in Ancient India,
reprint ed. (Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1997).
23.20 Hermann Kulke (ed): The State in India 1000 -1700, (Delhi, Oxford
UniversityPress, 1995).
24.https://www.mcrhrdi.gov.in/89fc/week4/HSt oryoftheIndianIII.pdf
25.https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/149146/11/11_chap
ter_01.pdf
26.https://sg.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/31776/7/07_chapter%201.pdf
27.Vasant Shinde, Rakhigarhi Excavation,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IcOdbUYSYZs&t=475s
28.Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, Harappa.com,
https://www.harappa.com/ video
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130Unit -7
EVOLUTION OF THE STATE IN
PENINSULAR INDIA
Unit Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 History
7.3 A brief Overview
7.4 Emerging States in Peninsular India
7.5 Political Narrative and Political Structure
7.6 The Deccan
7.7 The Far South
7.8References
7.0 OBJECTIVES
1. To study the evolution of State in Peninsular India
2. To get an understanding of the history of Peninsular India.
3. To understand the emergence of States in South India
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Peninsular India is an old and relatively stable geological
formation, its landscape marked by Plateaus, plains, and the fertile valleys
of rivers such as the Mahanadi, Godavari, Krishna, Kaveri, Pennar, Vaigai
and Tamraparani. The peninsular land is formed by the Deccan plateau,
Eastern ghats, Western ghats, Vindhya and Satpura ranges.The Deccan
plateau, formed by the lava flows from very ancient volcanoes, constitutes
the dominant part of the peninsula. It is bordered by the Eastern and
Western Ghats, beyo nd which are the narrow Coromandel coast and
Malabar –Konkan coastal plains. It is formed by the states of West Bengal,
Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Goa,
Maharashtra and Gujarat.
The Nilgiri mountains is where the Eastern and Wes tern Ghats
converge, Annamalai hills lay south of this with Anaimudi the highest
peak outside the Himalayas, and Cardamom hills lay further south. The
Palghat gap which is between Nilgiris and the Anamalai ranges forms a
natural corridor between Tamilnadu and Kerala. The ghats continue till
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131The eastern side has an unbroken coastline and is much more arid
than the west. The Eastern ghats enter Tamil nadu at the point of Tirupati
or the Venkata hills. The comparatively low lying and broken hill r anges
immediately turn west, called the Sathyamangalam ranges, become a
natural border between Tamil nadu and Karnataka. They turn South West
and meet the Western Ghats at Ooty from where till the end they run as
one ranges. The low -lying coral islands of Lakshadweep are situated off
the southwestern coast of India. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands lie far
off the eastern coast of India. The Palk Strait and the chain of low
sandbars and islands known as Rama's Bridge separate the region from Sri
Lanka, which lies off the southeastern coast. The southernmost tip of
mainland India is at Kanyakumari where the Indian Ocean meets the Bay
of Bengal and the Arabian Sea. Tamil nadu is separated from the island of
Sri Lanka by the Mannar strait.
Peninsular India.
Image. Courtesy: Google
South India, also known as Peninsular India, has been known by
several other names. The term "Deccan", refers to the area covered by
theDeccan Plateau. It covers most of peninsular India excluding the
coastal areas. It is an angli cised form of the Prakrit word dakkhin derived
from the Sanskrit word dakshina .Carnatic , derived
from "Karn ād"or"Karun ād"meaning high country ,is associated with
Karnataka.
The region has a tropical climate and depends on monsoons for
rainfall. According to the Köppen climate classification, it has a non -
aridclimate with minimum mean temperatures of 18 °C (64 °F).The most
humid is the tropical monsoon climate characterized by moderate to hi ghmunotes.in

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132year-round temperatures and seasonal heavy rainfall above 2,000 mm
(79in) per year. The tropical climate is experienced in a strip of south -
western lowlands. The Malabar Coast, the Western Ghats and the islands
of Lakshadweep and Andaman and Nicobar ar e also subject to this
climate.
Thesouthwest monsoon from June to September accounts for most
of the rainfall in the western region. Southwest monsoon hits the Western
Ghats along the coastal state of Kerala and moves northwards along
theKonkan coast with rainfall on coastal areas, west of the Western Ghats.
The lofty Western Ghats prevent the winds from reaching the Deccan
Plateau; hence, that region receives scanty rainfall. The entire east coast
receives Northeast monsoon from October to December. Butthis monsoon
season sometimes causes depression which turns into storms or hurricane.
In such seasons the east coast gets good rain. It also causes Tsunamis
frequently. Sangam literature not only notes the Tsunami of the
contemporary period but also of th e bygone era. Sea moves inward and
outward after each such natural calamity and because of which there has
been loss of landmass in both the coasts. Otherwise, Tamil Nadu is a rain
shadow region barring the tip of the peninsula which gets both the
Northea st and the Southwest monsoons.
Check your progress:
1] Give a brief introduction of Peninsular India.
7.2 HISTORY
Acheulian Hand axe assemblages belonging to Cretaceous age
found in Attirampakkam near Chennai takes back hominoid occupation of
this region to Paleolithic age. It is inferred that Acheulian tools were
periodically used at the site and left lying there unt il they were buried by
overwash. Overwash was generated by laminar flow overtopping the
paleo -Kortallayaralluvial levees at a time when the river bed was 10 –15 m
higher than today, Acheulian hominins occupying the site during the
period of deposition of laminated clays exploited the area primarily
for tasks associated with large cutting tools, and no manufacturing
activity was carried out. (Shanti Pappu). The recent research at this and the
adjoining sites on the Levallois technology used in At tirampakkam
suggests that the hominins must have occupied this area towards the close
of the Lower Palaeolithic Age and the beginning of the Middle
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133Carbon dating on ash mounds associated with Neolithic cultures in
South India date back to 8000 BCE. Odisha was the first state which
adopted South Indian culture. Artifacts such as ground stone axes, and
minor copper objects have been found in the region. Towards the
beginning of 1000 BCE, iron technology spread through the region. The
regio n was in the middle of a trade route linking
theMediterranean andEast Asia. Trade
with Phoenicians, Romans, Greeks, Arabs, Syrians, Jews andChinese beg
an from the Sangam period (c. 3rd century BCE to c. 4th century CE). The
region was part of the ancien tSilk Road connecting the Asian continent in
theEast and the West.
Several dynasties such as the Sangam as,Pandyas of Madurai,
Cheras ofKarur ,theCholas of Uraiyur, and Satyaputra of Dharmapuri
were the contemporaries of the Mauryas though tradition and sangam
literature assign them earlier dates. While the Adigamans declined, the
other three continued through the downfall of the Mauryas and the rise of
the Satavahanas. Around the 4thcentury C.E. the Cholas and the Cheras
declined though they continued to rule. The Pandyas retained their power
and this period saw the rise of the Pallavas in Northern Tamil Nadu whose
rise is pegged at 2ndCentury C.E. Samu dragupta mentions Vishnugopa of
Kanchi in his Allahabad Pillar Inscription which is dated around 340 -350
C.E.The two smaller dynasties which had a long reign in the north and
south Karnataka respectively were the Kadambas of Banavasi (345 -525
C.E.) and the Gangas of Talakkad (354 -1006 C.E.)Similarly, the
Vishnukundins of Andhra ruled from the early 5thto the middle of the 7th
century with Amravati as their capital were succeeded by the Eastern
Chalukyas of Vengi whose rule began with KubjaVishnuvardhana in the
middle of the 7thCentury and extended till the beginning of the 12th
Century C.E. Their rule was in alliance with any of the major dynasties of
that time.Another smaller dynasty, the eastern Gangas ruled parts of
Odisha from the 6thcentury C.E. and their rule extended till the early 15th
century C.E. Yet another was the Kaktiyas of Warrangal who began their
rule in the middle of the 12thCentury C.E. with parts of Telengana,
Andhra and Southern Orissa. Their rule ended in the early 14thCentury
when Muhammad -bin-Tughlaq’s forces repeatedly invaded their territory.
The Chalukyasof Badami came to power in the early 6thCentury
C.E. and Pulekesin II, the greatest ruler of the dynasty was the
contemporary of Mahendra Varma and Narasimha Varma Pallava in south
and Harshavardhana in north. Their rule ended in the middle of the 8th
Century and they immediately were succeeded by the Rashtrakutas of
Manyakheta who ruled from the middle of the 8thCentury to the close of
the 10thCentury C.E. They were defeated by their feudatories the Western
Chalukyas of Kalyana who annexed Manyakheta and their rule began
towards the end of the 10thCentury and ended at the beginning of the
thirteenth Century. The imperial of Cholas of Thanjavur began their reign
at 850 C.E. a nd went on a conquest spree in South which included their
raids across the eastern and the western seas and a brief conquest of wholemunotes.in

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134of Sri Lanka during the reign of Rajendra Chola I. Their rule ended in
1279 C.E. The second Pandya empire continued till a bout 1327 C.E. when
the forces of Muhammad -bin-Tughlak defeated it and it came to end
though another branch reestablished itself and ruled till the 16thCentury
C.E. The decline of the Western Chalukyas in north and the imperial
Cholas in south gave rise t o the expansion of the Hoysalas whose origin
goes back to the 10thcentury as chieftains of the Western Chalukyas. Their
expansion into south in what was then the territory of the declining Cholas
in the late 13thand the early 14thCenturies made it conve nient for the
Malik Kafur’s forces to defeat Hoysala Ballala III. Harihara and Bukka of
the rising Vijayanagara dynasty moved south and occupied the region
through war and matrimonial alliances with the chieftains of the Hoysala
ruler and dislodged from po wer the last Hoysala ruler Ballala IV between
1343 -1346 C.E. With this the kingdoms of south entered the medieval
period.
After the battle of Talikot a where the combined armies of the
Deccan Sultanate defeated the Vijayanagara ruler Ramaraya in 1565, th e
Nayak feudatories of the Vijayanagara emperors became powerful in
Tamil Nadu and they more or less ruled independently the principalities of
Jinji, Thanjavur and Madurai. This attracted the attention of the Deccan
sultanates who were eyeing these princip alities. In the 17thCentury both
Jinji and Thanjavur came under the Bijapur and later under the Marathas.
Finally, Ekoji, brother of Emperor Shivaji, displaced prince Chengamala
Das from the Nayak throne and captured Thanjavur in 1674 C.E.
A BRIEF OVERVI EW
The Satavahana kingdom
TheSatavahanas were the first large kingdom of central India. It
probably came to power at the end of the third or beginning of the second
century BCE, as one of the major successor states to the great Mauryan
Empire. It was base d in the great plateau of the Deccan. Thirty kings are
mentioned in the Puranas , the main textual source for the kingdom. Many
of these kings also figure in the inscriptions and coins of the period. The
kings were Brahmins and were the followers of the Vedic religion but
some patronized Buddhism and Jainism as well. At times, the kin gdom
covered a huge area of the subcontinent, from the east to the west coasts
and up into the northwest. Sometimes they had internal conflicts. There
were also external threats mostly from the Sakas (Scythians), who
established themselves in northwest Ind ia in the first century BCE. This
led to the decline of the Satavahana’s empire.
This important kingdom of ancient India came to an end sometime
in the third century CE. Like many Indian kingdoms, the Satavahana kings
had always exercised only a loose con trol over their provinces. The end of
the kingdom came when the central authority dwindled to the point where
the provincial feudatories were able to set themselves up as independent
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135The Vakatakas
By the end of the third century a new dynasty had established
itself over much of the Deccan. This was the Vakataka dynasty. Like the
Satavahanas before them, the Vakatakas were Brahmins. Rudrasena II
who reigned from c. 380–385 married the daughter of the great Gupta
King Chandragupta II. At that time, the Gupta Empire was by far the most
powerful state in the subcontinent. Rudrasena died a few years later,
leaving Prabhavatigupta to rule as regent for her two sons for 30 years.
She seemed to have aligned her government’s interests with those of the
Gupt a Empire, to the benefit of both kingdoms.
Another famous Vakataka king was Harishena who reigned from c.
475–500. He was a great patron of Buddhist religion and culture. He
inaugurated the great series of temple caves at Ajanta. These are some of
the g reatest centers of Indian art and architecture. The Vakataka kingdom
did not survive long after Harishena, and Deccan once again got divided
amongst several smaller states.
The Chalukyas
One of the important dynasties to have ruled Deccan were the
Chaluky as. This kingdom expanded its borders in the second half of the
6th century and first half of the 7th century to form a large empire
covering much of central India. Its most famous king was Pulakeshin II,
who repulsed the attacks of the great conqueror of northern India, Harsha.
He expanded his borders on all sides to bring the Chalukya Empire to the
zenith of its glory. Soon after Pulakeshin’s death a prince of the royal
house took off a large chunk of territory into a major kingdom under the
Eastern Chalu kya dynasty.
The Rashtrakutas
The Chalukya dynasty survived until 753, when one of its
feudatories seized power and installed a new dynasty on the throne. This
was the Rashtrakuta dynasty.The Rashtrakutas were more expansionist
than the Chalukyas had ever been. They became involved in the great
power struggles in both northern and southern India. In the north they
competed with the powerful Gurjara -Pratihara and Pala kingdoms for
dominance. In south India, they challenged the power of the Pallava
kingdom a nd later the imperial Cholas. Periodically they succeeded in
dominating both regions, though not at the same time.
The Western Chalukyas and others:
The Rashtrakutas fell from power in 973 when a surviving member
of the old Chalukya ruling family seized the throne. Once again, a
powerful Chalukya kingdom covered much of the Deccan. It was not as
powerful as either the early Chalukya Empire or the Rash takuta Empire
had been. Its territories were confined to the western Deccan and therefore
it got its name, the Western Chalukya Empire. Over the next two centuries
the Deccan again became divided into numerous small kingdoms. Apart
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136Yadavas and the Kalachuri kingdoms also became prominent though they
were for substantial part of their rule subservient to the Western
Chalukyas. A new chapter would open when the armies of the Delhi
Sultanate overran the Deccan in the 14th century, installing Muslim rule in
the region.
Government
It is hard to piece together from the available evidence how these
empires of the Deccan were organized. However, like many ancient and
medieval Indian kingdoms, the se states seem to have had a federated
structure. Generally different areas were under hereditary feudatories of
the king. The monarchs therefore exercised onlya loose control over the
provinces, and it was the feudatories who exercised full powers over t heir
localities.
These feudatories had varying titles and different ranksand
reconstructing their exact relationship to the central government or to each
other is difficult. Some were more powerful and ruled over larger
territories than others. Some feuda tories were relatives of the royal family,
whilst others seem to have been ex -officials who had established control
of a particular territory. Most were connected to the ruling sovereign
through matrimonial alliances. Some others still, had descended from local
kings and chiefs who had been defeated by one or other of the imperial
rulers of the time.
This dispersion of power was a source of weakness for the empires
of the Deccan. Weak emperors found it hard to keep their more powerful
feudatories under tig ht control, and as observed above, the kingdoms
tended eventually to fragment into smaller parts. Nevertheless, the states
of the Decca sound political structures. The Satavahana kingdom lasted
over four centuries, the Vakataka empire had remained in powe r for about
150 years, as did the Chalukya empire in its pomp and the Rashtrakuta
empire lasted for just over two centuries.
Check your progress:
1] Give a brief overview of the Government in Peninsular India.
7.4 EMERGING STATES IN PENINSULAR INDIA
Dr Upinder Singh has written about the emerging regional
configurations from c. 600 –1200 CE. She describes the term early
medieval. The term ‘early medieval’ denotes an intermediate period
between the ‘ancient’ and the ‘medieval’. Historians have been longmunotes.in

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137debating the nature of the society, polity, and economy of early medieval
India. This period has often been labelled one of crisis, decline, decay, and
decadence. Subsequently, the feudalism school described the p eriod as an
age marked by political fragmentation, the transformation of peasants into
serfs, and a decline of urban centers and the money economy. The
feudalism hypothesis has been applied to both north as well as South
India. Dr Singh says that for South India, there is another interpretative
framework —thesegmentary state model, which presents the kings of this
age as ritual figures, devoid of the two important props of royal power —a
revenue infrastructure and a standing army.
A third major interpretat ive framework for early medieval India
suggests that in many parts of the subcontinent, these centuries were
marked by the formation and proliferation of states at the regional level.
Inscriptions continue to form a major source of historical information f or
c.600–1200 CE. The interpretation of the epigraphic data is in fact central
to the major debates concerning this period. Royal land grant inscriptions,
mostly recording grants to Brahmanas and temple and village
administration details alongwith Kings’s equilogical details, are especially
important. Equally important are epigraphs recording non -royal and royal
gifts made to religious establishments.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the emerging States in Peninsular India .
7.5 POLITICAL NARRA TIVE AND POLITICAL
STRUCTURE
Dr Upinder Singh has described the political narrative and political
structure in Peninsular India. She writes that the political narrative of these
centuries reveals some large, relatively long -lived kingdoms such as those
of the Cholas, Rashtrakutas, Palas, and Pratiharas. There were also the
more numerous short -lived kingdoms which had a limited range of
territorial control. The interaction between lineages took the form of war
and conflict as well as of military and matr imonial alliances. The state
society saw extraordinary levels of military build -up. The nonstop warfare
during the period indicates the importance of coercive power and military
might in the politics of the time. Apart from a centrally hired core, the
armies of kings included mercenaries, who were hired when the need
arose. For instance, many Pala inscriptions from Bengal and Bihar address
military contingents recruited from among the Gaudas, Malavas, Kh ashas,
Kulikas, Hunas, Karnatas and Latas. Similarly, the Rajatarangini
mentions that king of Kashmir recruited mercenaries from other areas. Themunotes.in

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138core and mercenary troops were supplemented, when the need arose, by
the military might of allied and subordinate rulers.
While it is largely correct, this assump tion cannot be uniformly
applied to the empires. For example, the imperial Cholas were a maritime
power and had a designated standing army which was divided into Right
hand and Left hand class armies. Apart from this they also had elite guard.
These Right hand and Left hand class armies even long after end of the
Chola power continued to serve as private army to the merchant groups.
When British took over Madras, these groups had morphed into caste
groups and the early diary and consultations of Fort. St. G eorge is replete
with mediation efforts by the British amongst these caste groups and
confirming their privileges.
In many instances, the expansion of state society involved the
displacement or integration of tribal communities. The interactions
between t ribal and Brahmanical cultures are reflected indirectly in
inscriptions. Some of these kings were in fact successful tribal chiefs who
had enhanced their political power and had also got sanskritised.
The prashasti s of royal inscriptions reveal prevailing political
hierarchies and imperial might. Inscriptions of subordinate kings
frequently refer to their overlord, while those of more powerful rulers
sometimes mention their subordinates. Although there are various
problems with the feudalism hypothesis as a whole, the term ‘feudatory’
or ‘vassal’ can be applied to subordinate rulers who were obliged to offer
allegiance and military service to their suzerains. The emergence and
development of such chains of command generally had nothing to do with
land gran ts. There are some instances of early medieval kings granting
land in return for military service, but this was by no means the general
trend.
From 10thCentury onwards this trend changed . In case of the
Cholas though initially they had Generals and off icers on transfer, from
the time of Rajadhiraja I, they granted land tenure to their generals. This
enabled these generals to live in once place and over time it became their
fiefdom. They were called Nād Alvar . The Hoysalas, likewise gave land
tenure to their chief in return for military service rendered. Such generals
were called Dandanayakas who were both civil and military officers.
Claims to political paramountcy were reflected in the use of three
titles that usually occur together in inscriptions —maharajadhiraja ,
parameshvara , and parama -bhattaraka .
Dr Singh describes that “ Paramount kings were sometimes described
as commanding the obeisance of the samanta s or of the circle of kings.
Titles of subordinate rulers included maharaja ,samanta ,mahasam anta,
ranaka , and mahasamantadhipati . Such a ruler was often also described
as ‘one who has obtained the five great sounds’ ( samadhigatapancha -munotes.in

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139mahashabda ), apparently referring to the privilege of hearing the sound of
five musical instruments. Subordinate status was also indicated through
the use of the overlord’s dynastic era and by the lesser king being
described as meditating at the feet of his overlord . The royal prashasti
contains poetic embellishment, conventional rhetoric, and downright
flattery.” While it may be so, with the early South Indian kings, Rajaraja I
of the Chola dynasty changed this trend. His Prasastis clearly start with his
achievements and do not even talk about his ancestors. Every year the
Prasasti was embellished with his own conquest which is particularly
useful to historians on dating events of his reign. His successors since then
followed a similar trend. When Hoysalas came to pow er, after a few
inscriptions they switched over to a different style. Many of their
inscriptions talk about their current military achievements and do not give
a list of all the achievements.
Along with the seals and invocations, it allows us to identify certain
elements that comprised both the ideal and practice of kingship. The
sectarian epithets of kings reflect more than mere religious affiliations or
eclecticism and can be viewed from the perspective of royal policy. The
titles and designations in la nd grant inscriptions suggest the different tiers,
ranks, and functionaries in the administrative infrastructure of kingdoms,
although it is not always possible to identify their precise meaning. During
the early medieval period, the horizontal and vertica l linkages of political
power are more visible than ever before and the emergent political elites
can relate to alliances with landed groups, some of them created and
buttressed by royal grants.
In spite of the patriarchal nature of society, the political history of
early medieval India gives several instances of queens succeeding to the
throne. Three women rulers —Didda, Yashovati, and Sugandha —are
known from Kashmir. Among the Eastern Chalukyas, Vijayamahadevi
became ruler after the death of her husband C handraditya. She is known to
have issued a land grant to Brahmanas in the fifth year of her reign. A
Kadamba queen named Divabbarasi is known to have ruled till her minor
son attained majority. She too made land grants. In Orissa, there are
instances of se veral queens of the Bhauma -Kara dynasty ascending the
throne. Prithivimahadevi, also known as Tribhuvanamahadevi, is
described as having ascended the throne at the behest of feudatories.
Dandimahadevi, Dharmamahadevi, and Valkulamahadevi were other
Bhauma -Kara queens. Amongst the Cholas, the chief queen had her royal
seal and the authority to make land grants in her name. The Alupas in west
coast were matrilineal and J.D. M. Derrett says the princesses practiced
polyandry right into the medieval ages.
While these women ascended the throne due to the absence of a male
heir, the accession of Prithivimahadevi seems, in addition, to have had
something to do with the influence and intervention of her Somavamshi
father. Imperial titles were feminized for the Bha uma-Kara queens into
parama -bhattarika ,maharajadhiraja and parameshvari . Rudramadevimunotes.in

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140was a 13thcentury Kakatiya queen of Andhra who succeeded to the throne
on being nominated by her father. Such instances indicate that although
political power in early m edieval India was generally wielded by men, it
could devolve on women in certain circumstances.
A problem in reconstructing the complex tangle of the political
history of early medieval India is that the grandiose claims of political
success made by kings of one dynasty may be exaggerated and are, in fact,
sometimes contradicted by counter -claims mad e by rivals. Nevertheless, a
basic narrative can be constructed. As it is not possible to give a detailed
account, the discussion below gives only a brief outline, focusing on some
of the major dynasties that came to the fore during the period c.600–1200.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss the political structure of states in Peninsular India.
7.6. THE DECCAN
The political history of peninsular India during c.600–900 CE was
marked by constant warfare between the Chalukya s of Badami (known as
the Western Chalukyas), Pallavas of Kanchi, and Pandyas of Madurai. All
three rose to power in the 6th century, but in the mid -8th century, the
Chalukyas made way for the Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta. Apart from the
Chalukyas of Badami, there were two other branches of the lineage who
ruled independently —the Chalukyas of Lata and the Eastern Chalukyas of
Vengi. From time to time, the Eastern Gangas of Mysore and the Eastern
Chalukyas got embroiled in events by taking sides in the conflic ts between
the Western Chalukyas of Badami, Pallavas, and Pandyas.
The Western Chalukyas of Badami claimed Brahmana origin as
Haritiputras of the Manavya gotra . The king who established the
independent power of this dynasty was Pulakeshin I (535 –66). He bu ilt a
strong fortress at Vatapi (Badami) and is described as having performed a
number of shrauta sacrifices including the ashvamedha . The kingdom was
further enlarged by Pulakeshin’s son Kirtivarman I (566/67 –597/98), who
fought successful wars against the Kadambas of Banavasi, Mauryas of the
Konkan, and Nalas of the Bastar area. The end of Kirtivarman’s reign was
marked by a war of succession between his brother Mangalesha and
nephew Pulakeshin II, the most po werful king of the line.
Pulakeshin II (610/11 –642) emerged triumphant and went on to
achieve many brilliant military successes, which are described in an
inscription at Aihole. These included victories against the Kadambas ofmunotes.in

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141Banavasi, Alupas, and Ganga s of Mysore. He dispatched expeditions into
the eastern Deccan, south Kosala, and Kalinga. One of his most important
victories was against Harshavardhana on the banks of the Narmada River.
Pulakeshin successfully attacked the Pallava kingdom, and defeated
MahendraPallava who died soon after. But was killed nine years later in a
revenge attack by Narasimha Pallava. His army attacked and captured
Badamiand killed Pulekeshin II and burnt the capital. Pallava control over
Badami and the southern areas of the Ch alukya Empire continued for
several years. In the mid -8th century, the Chalukyas of Badami were
overwhelmed by the Rashtrakutas.
The Eastern Chalukyas established themselves in Vengi in the
Andhra region in the second half of the 8th century. Early rulers included
Vishnuvardhana I. Vijayaditya II was one of the most important rulers of
this dynasty. During his reign, initial reverses at the hands of the
Rashtrakutas were followed by successful military expeditions against
them and the Gangas, and campaigns into Gujarat. Rashtrakuta
inscriptions acknowledge the change in the balance of power, when they
admit that the glory of their kingdom was ‘drowned in the ocean of the
Chalukyas’. But the Rashtrakutas soon reestablished themselves and the
Eastern Chalukya s were forced to acknowledge their paramountcy. A
matrimonial alliance was also forged between the two powers .
The Eastern Chalukya king Vijayaditya III (848 –92) claimed to
have won victories over the Pallavas and Pandyas and to have given
shelter to a Ch ola king. He also claimed to have beenvictorious over the
Gangas, Rashtrakutas, Kalachuris, and a king of south Kosala. Conflict
with the Rashtrakutas continued during the reign of the Chalukya king
Bhima I (892 –922). Bhima was captured by the enemy, but u ltimately
released. From the reign of Vijayaditya IV, numerous succession disputes
erupted and the Rashtrakutas backed contenders in some of these. Some of
the rulers of this period had very short reigns —e.g., Vijayaditya IV ruled
for six months, Tala for one month, and Vijayaditya V for a mere
fortnight. Some amount of political stability was restored during the reigns
of Bhima II and Amma II, but the kingdom started crumbling thereafter. In
999 CE, Rajaraja Chola conquered Vengi.But the dynasty survived a s he
gave his daughter in marriage to Vimaladitya. The matrimonial alliances
continued between the imperial Cholas and the Eastern Chalukyas. Later
Rajaraja Narendra, the eastern Chalukya ruler was married to Chola
Rajendra I’s daughter Ammanga Devi. It wa s their son Kulothunga
(Rajendra II) , who became the ruler of the Chola dynasty in 1070 C.E.
From this time onwards, the Cholas were also called as Telugu -Cholas.
The political history of the Deccan between c.753–975 CE was
marked by the ascendancy of the Rashtrakutas. In certain copper plate
grants, the Rashtrakutas claim descent from the lineage ( vamsha ) of Yadu.
(In the epics, Yadu was the son of Yayati and the brother of Puru and
Turvasu; Krishna was supposed to be a descendent of Yadu). Various
inscriptions elaborate on this mythical story of origin, stating that themunotes.in

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142Rashtrakutas belonged to the Satyaki branch of the Yaduvamsha,
mentioning an eponymous ancestor.
‘Rashtrakuta’ means the chief of a rashtra (division or kingdom,
depending on the contex t). The word occurs in inscriptions of several
dynasties from about the 4th century, in the sense of a class of provincial
officials. It is possible that the Rashtrakutas originally belonged to a group
of such officials. The attempts made by some historian s to connect the
Rashtrakutas with the Rathikas of Ashokan inscriptions or with the
Kannada –Telugu Reddi caste are not acceptable. The origins of the
dynasty can be traced to the Kannada -speaking area. One of the titles used
by kings of the main and subord inate lines was Lattalura -
puraveshvara (lord of the great city of Lattalura); Lattalura has been
identified with Latur on the Maharashtra –Karnataka border. The
Rashtrakutas achieved spectacular military successes in the north and
south. At some point or othe r, they defeated the great powers of the time
such as the Pratiharas, Palas, Eastern Chalukyas, and Cholas. However,
they did not manage to hold on to their northern nor their southern
conquests for long.
The Rashtrakutas appear to have migrated from the Latur area to
Ellichpur (near the source of theTapi, in modern MP) in c.625 CE. Here,
they carved out a principality and ruled for several generations as
feudatories of the Chalukyas. They assumed an independent status under
Dantidurga (he whose elephant is his fortress), who ascended the throne in
733 CE. Dantidurga won many military victories and assumed imperial
titles. The Rashtrakuta Empire expanded during the reigns of Dantidurga’s
successors, especially under Krishna I, Govind III, and Amoghavarsha.
There were incursions into the north as well as against rulers of peninsular
India. But the Rashtrakutas could not press home their victories against the
Western Chalukyas, Eastern Chalukyas, Eastern Gangas, and Pallavas.
The magnificent Kailashanatha tem ple at Ellora was built during the reign
of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna I. Amoghavarsha (814 –878) built a new
capital city of Manyakheta (identified with modern Malkhed). He was a
patron of literature and a scholar himself. He wrote the Kavirajamarga ,
the earliest Kannada work on poetics.
Later Rashtrakuta kings achieved some successes —for instance,
Kanauj was captured during the time of Indra III, and there were victories
against the Cholas —but there were several reverses as well. Towards the
end of the 10th century, the Paramaras sacked Manyakheta and this event
signaled the decline of the Rashtrakuta dynasty.
Check your progress:
1] Give a brief overview of the political history in the Deccan.munotes.in

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1437.7 THE FAR SOUTH
Dr Upinder Singh writes about the history of the far south thus.
“The political history of the far south during this period was dominated by
the Pallavas, Pandyas, Cheras, and Cholas. The Pallavas were associated
with Tondaimandalam, the land between the n orth Penner and north
Vellar rivers. Inscriptions refer to early kings of this line such as
Shivaskandavarman, who ruled in the early 4th century CE. However, the
ruler who played a crucial rule in the Pallavas’ rise to power in the last
quarter of the 6th century was Simhavishnu. Putting an end to the political
disturbances caused by the Kalabhras, he conquered the land upto the
Kaveri, coming into conflict with the Pandyas and the ruler of Sri Lanka”.
Simhavishnu’s successor was Mahendravarman I (590 –630),
renowned as a great patron of the arts, and apparently a poet and musician
in his own right. His reign saw the beginning of a conflict between the
Pallavas and Chalukyasof Badami. The army of Pulakeshin II reached
perilously close to the Pallava capital Kanchipuram and in the battle of
Manimangalam defeated the Pallava ruler and annexed the northern part of
that kingdom. Subsequently, during the reign of Narasimhavarman I
Mahamalla (630 –68), the Pallavas managed to settle scores bywinning
several victorie s over the Chalukyas with the aid of their ally Manavarma,
a Sri Lankan prince, who later became ruler of the island kingdom. The
climax of these victories was Narasimhavarman’s invasion of the
Chalukya kingdom and his capturing Badami. This Pallava king c laims to
have defeated the Cholas, Cheras, and Kalabhras. Two naval expeditions
dispatched to help Manavarma were successful, but this Sri Lankan ruler
subsequently lost his kingdom and reached the Pallava court as a political
refugee. Narasimhavarman was an enthusiastic patron of architecture. The
port of Mamallapuram, along with its five temples known as the ratha s,
were carved during his fathers and his reign.
The Pallava –Chalukya conflict continued during the subsequent
decades, interspersed with some peaceful interludes. The Pallavas also
came into conflict with the Pandyas to the south and the Rashtrakutas to
the north. In the 8thcentury King Rajasimha, send emissaries to Emperor
Xuangsong of the Tang dynasty asking him the permission to form an
alliance to fight against Arab and Tibetan intrusion in South Asia. The
Emperor pleased with this bestowed on Rajashimha the title Huaide Jun
(Army that cherishes virtue).In the early 9th century, the Rashtrakuta
Govinda III invaded Kanchi during the reign of the Pallava Dantivarman.
Dantivarman’s son Nandivarman III managed to defeat the Pandyas. The
last known imperial Pallava king was Aparajita. Aided by Western Ganga
and Chola allies, he defeated the Pandyas at a battle at Shripurambiyam in
879 C.E. But thi s battle, instead of help asserting the power of the Pallavas
led to the rise of Cholas. The Pallavas were ultimately overthrown in c.
893 by the Chola king Aditya I, and thereafter, control over
Tondaimandalam passed into the hands of the Imperial Cholas.munotes.in

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144Kings of the Pandya dynasty are known in the early historical
period, but their connection, if any, with the Pandyas of early medieval
times, is unclear. The first two rulers of the early medieval line were
Kadungon (560 –90) and his son Maravarman Avanic hulamani (590 –620).
The latter is credited with ending Kalabhra rule in the area and reviving
Pandya power. The Pandyas were involved in internecine wars with the
Pallavas and other contemporary powers. King Rajasimha I (735 –65) had
the epithet Pallava -bhanjana (breaker of the Pallavas). The empire
expanded during his reign and during that of his successors Jatila
Parantaka Nedunjadaiyan (756 –815) and Shrimara Shrivallabha (815–
862). The Pandyas were completely overpowered by the Cholas in the
10th century.
On the Kerala coast, the Chera Perumals continued to hold sway,
although several Pallava, Pandya, Chalukya, and Rashtrakuta rulers
claimed military successes in the area. Few details of Chera history are
available. One of the last kings of the line was Ch eraman Perumal,
regarding whom there are many legends. Different sources describe him
variously as a Jaina, Christian, Shaiva, or Muslim, and it is possible that
he renounced the world, dividing his kingdom among his kinsmen or
vassals. His reign ended in the early 9th century.
Cholas were one of the three major ruling dynasties in Tamilnadu
in the Sangam age. From 4thCentury onwards their power declined and
the Uraiyur branch seemed to have continued to rule in a subordinate
position. During the heydays of Pallavas, they remained as Pallava
feudatories. Narasimha I Pallava gave his daughter in marriage to Vikrama
Chola. They continued to lie low, and it was only during the middle of the
9thCentury the founder of the early medieval Chola dynasty of Thanja vur
was Vijayalaya established his power in the area around Uraiyur, captured
Thanjavur from the Muttaraiyar chieftains, and extended his kingdom
along the lower Kaveri. Vijayalaya accepted the over lordship of the
Pallavas.
Aditya I (871 –907), the succes sor of Vijayalaya, achieved
significant military successes and expanded the Chola kingdom. He
confederated with the Pallavas to defeat the Pandyas in the battle at
Sripurambiyam and obtained some territories in the Thanjavur area as
recompense. He then wen t on to defeat and kill his Pallava overlord
Aparajita in 893. This victory gave him control over Tondaimandalam.
Thereafter, he went on to conquer Kongudesha (corresponding roughly to
Coimbatore and Salem districts) from the Pandyas, perhaps with the help
of the Cheras. He briefly captured Talakad, capital of the Western Gangas.
Aditya I entered into a matrimonial alliance with the Pallavas by marrying
a Pallava princess.
Parantaka I (907 –953), who succeeded Aditya I, won several
victor ies with the help of his allies such as the Western Gangas, the
Kodumbalur chiefs, and the ruler of Kerala. He succeeded in conqueringmunotes.in

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145Madurai, after which he took the title of Madurantaka (destroyer of
Madura) and Maduraikonda (capturer of Madurai). He de feated the
combined armies of the Pandyas and the king of Sri Lanka at the battle of
Vellur, and the Pandya territories fell into Chola hands. These victories
were, however, followed by a resounding defeat at the hands of the
Rashtrakutas in 949. The army of Krishna III defeated the Chola army at
the battle of Takkolam. The Rashtrakutas over -ran Tondaimandalam and
Krishna III assumed the title of ‘Conqueror of Kachchi (Kanchi) and
Tanjai (Thanjavur)’. The Cholas gradually recovered their power during
the re igns of kings such as Sundara Chola Parantaka II (957 –73), who
defeated a combined Pandya –Sri Lankan army and launched an invasion
of the island kingdom. By the time Uttama Chola came to the throne
(973), most of Tondaimandalam had been retrieved from the Rashtrakutas.
The peak of Chola power was reached during the reign of
Arumolivarman, who assumed the title of Rajaraja on his accession. From
Rajaraja’s reign (985 –1014) right up to the 13th century, the Cholas
remained the major political power in South India. Through a series of
successful military campaigns, Rajaraja broke the confederation of the
Pandyas, the rulers of Kerala and of Sri Lanka. A successful naval
expedition to Sri Lanka led to the destr uction of Anuradhapura, and a
Chola province was established in the northern part of the island. Rajaraja
also achieved victories against the Western Chalukyas and Southern
Maharashtra which they called as the Ratta Country as distinct from the
Western Cha lukyas of Kalyana. Maldives was conquered towards the end
of his reign.
The process of Chola territorial expansion continued under
Rajaraja’s son and successor Rajendra I.He was a contemporary of
Mahmmud of Gazni. His reign was marked by military victori es against
Mahindira Pala of Bengal, Mahinda V, the king of Sri Lanka, and against
the armies of the Pandyas, the ruler of Kerala, and the Western Chalukyas
and of Southern Maharashtra. He built a new capital at
Gangaikondacholapuram. A successful naval ex pedition was dispatched in
1025 CE to the kingdoms of Southern coast of Burma, Western coast of
Thailand,Keda, Chaiya, Langkasuka, Papphalama in Malay Peninsula,
Takuapa in the isthmus of Kra, Sri Vijaya in Indonesia, and Nicobar
islands, which had great strategic importance in Indian Ocean trade.
Military conflicts marked the reigns of subsequent Chola kings as
well, but the Cholas held their own till the time of Kulottunga I (1070 –
1122). His long reign saw the dispatch of an embassy of merchants to
Chin a and flourishing trade with the kingdom of Sri Vijaya. Kulottunga
has the title Shungamtavirtta (abolisher of tolls) in inscriptions, he made
his ports toll free and by which the Cholas could attract international trade
in their ports, and it kept the emp ire wealthy. Although his long reign was
comparatively peaceful, during the second half, the kingdom faced
hostility from the Chalukyas and Hoysalas, and seems to have diminished.
He lost Southern Karnataka to the rising power of Hoysala Vishnumunotes.in

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146Vardhana. T here was some recovery during the rule of Vikrama Chola,
who succeeded in reestablishing Chola control over Vengi. Later rulers
Kulottunga II, Rajaraja II, and Kulottunga III continued to make inroad in
Southern Karnataka and recaptured both Kolar and Ban galore districts.
The power of the imperial Cholas declined thereafter, and the dynasty
came to an end in the 13thcentury.
Chola inscriptions generally refer to the king as ko(king), perumal , or
perumanadigal (the great one)or Udaiyar , the Lord. He was a lso given
more grandiose titles signaling paramountcy e.g., raja-rajadhiraja and
kokonmai -kondan , both of which mean king of kings. Inscriptions present
the king as endowed with an attractive physical appearance, a great
warrior and conqueror, a protector ofvarnashrama dharma , a destroyer of
the evils of the Kali age, a generous giver of gifts, and a great patron of the
arts. Kings were often compared with the gods, sometimes directly, at
other times through the use of double entendre. For example, Rajaraj ai s
referred to as Ulagalanda Perumal , (the great one who measured the
earth). This could apply to the king, who is known to have ordered a great
land survey for revenue purposes. It could equally apply to the god Vishnu
who, according to a famous ancient myth, encompassed the universe with
his three strides.
The dynasties of early medieval South India, even those that may
have been connected in some way with their namesakes of the early
historical period, crafted new origin myths for themselves. These we re
rooted in the epic –Puranic traditions of the Suryavamsha (solar lineage)
and Chandravamsha (lunar lineage) The origin myths sometimes
combined a Brahmana and Kshatriya ancestry (this is known as a brahma -
kshatra ancestry), with an emphasis on the latter . Claims to Kshatriya
status were reflected in epithets, e.g., Rajaraja’s title of Kshatriya -
shikhamani (crest jewel of the Kshatriyas). Many kings had names ending
in ‘varman’, the name suffix that texts such as the Manu Smriti prescribed
for Kshatriyas. T he Pandyas linked themselves to the lunar dynasty and
the Cholas to the solar dynasty. The Pallavas claimed to be Brahmanas of
the Bharadvaja gotra , and traced their line back to the god Brahma, going
on to list Angiras, Brihaspati, Shamyu, Bharadvaja, Dron a, Ashvatthama,
and the eponymous Pallava.
Apart from connecting themselves with the epic –Puranic tradition,
South Indian kings also legitimized their power through the performance
of sacrifice. The inscriptions also mention rituals such as the
hiranyagar bhaandtulapurusha . The gifting of land to Brahmanas and
making gifts of various kinds to temples were other important activities
linked to the legitimation of royal power. The circuit of power in the
Chera, Pallava, and Chola states included several local chieftains. One
view is that these chieftains were governors appointed by kings to rule
over divisions of their kingdom. However, they actually seem to have
been subordinates or feudatories, similar to chieftains who are known
from the early historical pe riod. The chiefs provided military back -upmunotes.in

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147when required and they paid tribute to their overlord and attended his
court. They were connected to the kings and to each other through
matrimonial alliances.
In the Chola Empire, from the time of Rajaraja I,the y divided the
regions under their control into various Mandalams (Provinces). Each
mandalam would be under the control of a Mahadandanayaka who would
either a prince or their trusted officers. The Cholas exercised direct control
over Cholamandalam, which c orresponded roughly to modern Thanjavur
and parts of Tiruchirapalli districts.During the time of Rajaraja I, crown
prince Rajendra was the Mahadandanayaka of Vengi and Ganga Mandala
i.e., Viceroy of Southern Karnataka and Southern Andhra. When he
became th e emperor, he continued to hold this position and governed this
region under his direct supervision.Under the Mandalams were the
administrative units of Valanadu and Nadu. Chiefs such as the
Paluvettaraiyar, Vel of Kodumbalur, Miladudaiyar, Banas, and any
number of feudatories held sway under Mahadandanayakas as Nad Alvars.
In Southern Karnataka There is an inverse correlation between the power
of kings and the inscriptional references to chieftains. In the early 11th
century, at the midpoint of Rajaraja Ch ola’s reign, an increase in
centralization led to a corresponding decline in inscriptional references to
chiefs.While during the reigns of Rajaraja I, and Rajendra I, the latter’s
inscriptions are more as he had this region under his direct control. In the
late 11th century, especially after the reign of Kulottunga I (1070 –1122),
there was a rise in the number of feudatories inscription, indicating an
increase in their power as the Cholap ower declined there.
Check your progress:
1] Examine some of the kingdoms of the Far South.
7. 8 QUESTIONS
1)Examine stages of state formation in Peninsular India.
2)Briefly examine the political structure in South India for the period of
your study.
7. 9 REFERENCES
1.Singh Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India, From
the Stone Age to the 12thcentury , Pearson.
2.Eastern Deccan Plateau Moist Forests" . World Wildlife Fund .
Retrieved 5 January 2007munotes.in

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1483.Geological Society Of America (10 August 2005). "India's Smoking
Gun: Dino -Killing Eruptions" .Science Daily
4.Agarwal, D.P. (2006). Urban Origins in India (PDF) . Uppsala
University. Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 May 2006.
5.Schoff, Wilfred (1912). The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea: Travel
And Trade In The Indian Ocean By A Merchant Of The First Century .
South Asia Books. ISBN 978-81-215-0699 -1.
6.NilakantaSastri, K.A., History of South India From Pre -historic Times
to the Fall of Vijayanagar, OUP, Madras, 1975
7.NilakantaSastri K.A., “The Colas”, University of Madras, Madras,
1955
8.J.D.M. Derrett, “ The Hoysalas: A Medieval Indian Royal Family ”,
OUP, London, 1957
9.Wittfogel, Karl (1957). Oriental despotism; a comparative study of
total power . New York: Random House.
10.https://www.britannica.com/topic/hydraulic -civilization
11.https://www.timemaps.com/civilizations/deccan -india/
12.https://courses.lumenlearning.com/atd -westhillscc -
worldhistory/chapter/ancient -and-early -medieval -india/
13.Shanti Pappu, Kumar Akilesh, Preliminary Observations on the
Acheulian Assemblages from Attirampakkam, Tamil
Nadu,https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265000224_Preliminar
y_observations_on_the_Acheulian_assemblages_from_Attirampakka
m_Tamil_Nadu
munotes.in

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149Unit -8
INDIAN FEUDALISM
Unit Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Definition and Terminology
8.3 Concept and Origin of Feudalism
8.4 Indian Thoughts on Feudalism
8.5 Origin of Feudalism in India
8.6 Features of Feudalism in India
8.7 Land Grants: Implications for Agriculture and Political Stability
8. 8. Landgrants a nd Growth of Feudalism
8. 9 Impact of Feudalism
8.10 Feudalism across Indian States
8.11. References
8.0 OBJECTIVES
1. To orient the students about the concept and origin of Feudalism
2. To highlight the Indian thoughts on Feudalism
3. To trace the trajectory of Feudalism in India.
4.To study the Features of Feudalism in India.
8.1 INTRODUCTION
Historians ascribe three structural models for the early medieval
Indian kingdoms:
1)Conventional Model of a unitary Centrally organized king dom with a
strong central bureaucracy
2)Indian Marxist school of thought of Indian feudalism model
3)Burton Stein influenced “Segmentary State.”
These models depict Indian kingdoms as i) strong centralized state
ii) which earlier had a strong centralized char acter but became weak and
decentralized due to weak successors iii) having some characteristics of a
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150The early works of British historians on India showed post -Gupta
age to be a dark age characterized by constant wars and transition
happening through military prowess. 1950s produced a change in this kind
of writing where a more analytical exposition of Ancient India state
formation was carried out. Around the same time Daniel Thorner in his
comparative study on Feudali sm in History made a remark that there is no
single work solely devoted to feudalism in India, nor even a single article.
In the same year 1956 D.D. Kosambi published two articles on the
development of feudalism in India. In 1958 R.S. Sharma produced a ser ies
of articles on feudalism. This was followed by other Historians, notable
being B.N.S. Yadava who did a comprehensive study on the “ Society and
Culture in Northern India in the Twelfth Century” . In 1979 D.N. Jha
observed that the areas wher e the land grant economy first made its
appearance were on the periphery of the region with firmly entrenched
Brahmanical order and had thus nothing to do with the social crisis and
decadence which R.S. Sharma had explained as the reason for the growth
offeudalism in Ancient India .Thus, the thesis formulated in its full -
fledged form has had a great deal of influence on subsequent history
writing on the period in India. Other scholars supported the thesis with
some more details on one point or another, although practically no one
explored any other aspect of the theme of feudalism, such as social or
cultural aspect for long afterwards. B.N.S. Yadava and D.N.Jha stood
firmly by the feudalism thesis. The theme found echoes in south Indian
histori ography too, with highly acclaimed historians like M.G.S
Narayanan and Noboru Karashima abiding by it partly where Karashima
concedes that feudal society model was practiced in South India from the
13thcentury onwards till a crisis hit in the 15thcentury .
D.D. Kosambi has conceptualized the Indian feudalism in his well -
known work, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History. After
Kosambi, a series of articles and monographs have been contributed to the
studies on Indian Feudalism. R.S. Sharma has wr itten extensively on
Origins of Feudalism in India (c AD 400 -650) and Land Grants to
Vassals and Officials in Northern India (A.D. 1000 -1200). R.S.Sharma
has also written Indian Feudalism: C300 -1200 . The book analyses the
practice of land grants, which became considerable in the Gupta
period and widespread in the post -Gupta period. It shows how this led to
the emergence of a class of landlords , endowed with fiscal and
administrative rights superimposed upon a class of peasantry which was
deprived of communal agrarian rights.
Professor Sharma studies in detail the basic relationships in early
medieval society down to the eve of the Ghorian conquests. He argues in
favour of a "feudalism largely realising the surplus from peasants mainly
in kind through superior rights in their land and through forced labour,
which is not found on any considerable scale... after the Turkish conquest
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151R.Sharma also wrote "Methods and Problems of the Study of
Feudalism in Early Medieval India', Early Medieval Indian Society: A
Study in Feudalisation, Material Culture and Social Formation in Ancient
India. Other scholars have also written on the discou rse contributing to
Indian Feudalism. D.N. Jha has propounded on Early Indian Feudalism: A
Historiographical Critique. B.N.S. Yadav has written Society and Culture
in North India in the I2th Century.
There was a fairly clear ideological divide which
characterized history writing in India in the 1960s and 70s: D.D.Kosambi,
R.S.Sharma, B.N.S Yadava and D.N.Jha were firmly committed Marxists;
D.C Sircar stood on the other side of the Marxist fence.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss the different views on Indi an feudalism.
8.2 DEFINITION AND TERMINOLOGY
Indian feudalism refers to the feudal society that made up India's
social structure until The Mughal Dynasty in the 1500s. The Kushanas,
and the Guptas played a major role in the introduction and practice of
feudalism in India.
Use of the term feudalism to describe India applies a concept of
medieval European or igin, according to which the landed nobility held
lands from the Crown in exchange for military service, and vassals were in
turn tenants of the nobles, while the peasants (villeins or serfs) were
obliged to live on their lord's land and give him homage, l abor, and a share
of the produce, notionally in exchange for military protection. Feudalism
is most likely introduced to India when the Kushan Dynasty from Central
Asia invaded India and introduced new policies of their own. The term
Indian feudalism is us ed to describe taluqdar, zamindar, jagirdar,
ghatwals, mulraiyats ,sardar ,mankari ,deshmukh ,chaudha ryandsamanta .
Most of these systems were abolished after the independence of India and
the rest of the subcontinent. D. D. Kosambi andR. S. Sharma , together
with Daniel Thorner , brought peasants into the study of Indian history for
the first time.
Starting f rom the Gupta period the term samanta (neighbour) came
to be applied to those granted land or to subjugated feudatory rulers. Weak
enforcement of power over the conquered regions led to the resumption of
independence and some high administrative positions became
hereditary. There is debate among historians whether the feudatory systemmunotes.in

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152in India qualifies as true feudalism, as apparently there was a lack of an
economic contract between king, vassal and serf. Other historians however
argue that the similaritie s are significant enough to describe it as
feudalism. The essential characteristic was the decentralization of
power. Samantas were officials granted lands instead of a salary and
proceeded to seize ownership of the area while continuing to refer to
themse lves as vassals of their ruler. They were required to pay a small
fraction of revenue and provide troops for the overlord. These lords often
aped their royal suzerains, for instance, by constructing miniature royal
palaces. This encouraged the fragmentatio n of authority and growing
parochialism which has been suggested as a cause for the weak resistance
against Muslim conquest.
Check your progress:
1] Define Indian Feudalism.
8.3 CONCEPT AND ORIGIN OF FEUDALISM
The idea of feudalism has its origin in Europe. Initially, European
feudalism was seen as a system of the lord having a subordinate vassal.
The view was expanded to equate feudalism with a system of government
where power was in the hands of feudal lords e ven as a nominal ruler was
publicly acknowledged as a sovereign. But this view gradually began to
change. Other aspects of study began to evolve. Marxism, in particular,
brought to attention the question of production, i.e, the relationship
between land an d labour. The standpoint shifted to the lord -peasant
relationship. Economy also brought into focus questions of technology,
trade, money etc.
There has been a long debate whether feudalism is a phenomenon
unique to European history or a more general chara cteristic of societies
throughout world history. Marxist scholars have explained feudalism to be
a system in which landlords subordinate a class of dependent peasants.
Marxists see it as being ever present throughout human history. Marx
emphasized that Eur opean feudalism was quite distinct from what he
called the “Asiatic mode of production.”
The classic study of feudalism is, of course, Marc Bloch’s. Bloch
saw feudalism as having five basic characteristics:
1. A peasantry subjected to the control of a la ndlord class;
2. The fief rather than a salary as a mode of payment of landlords’
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1533. The political supremacy of a class of specialized warriors with
landlordship and military leadership fused.
4. Vassalage or the close personal ties between a va ssal and his overlord
signified by the vassal’s swearing of an oath of fealty.
5. The fragmentation of political authority.
Bloch’s analysis of feudalism was based on its medieval French
version which has often been said to be the classical form of feudal ism.
However, Bloch also mentioned medieval Japan as having a form of
feudalism. He also believed that feudalism may have been a widespread
attribute of world history. Another scholar who studied feudalism was
Ruston Coulbom. He defined feudalism as a m ethod of government rather
than a type of economic or social system. Feudalism’s essential
characteristic was the lord -vassal relationship. Coulbom and his
associates found that this pattern is visible China, ancient Mesopotamia,
Russia, western European and Japan.
John Critchley has stated the military angle of feudalism. This is
the granting of land in return for military service and protection.
Anderson’ s analysis of feudalism stresses that it is neither strictly an
economic system nor political. Instead, it involves the inextricable fusion
of the economic and the political. Another scholar Anderson says that
Feudalism combines landlordship with military service, and as such leads
to a political arrangement in which authority is fragmented among a
variety of lords. Therefore, it is highly decentralized. According to
Anderson, this ‘parcellizationof sovereignty’ created towns that were
characterized by a s triking autonomy.
Thus, the essential characteristics of feudalism are a weak king,
powerful nobility, serfdom, manor, knighthood, land, and peasantry. It
implies a means of holding land. One strong man and many weak ones
join together to hold and work o n a large tract of land in order to protect
their lives and property from the barbarian raids. The social classification
becomes the main theme in the history of feudalism. M.M L. Postan states
that feudalism is merely a name for the legal principles of mi litary
organization. J.W. Thomson states that “feudalism was primarily a system
of government, the typical medieval system of government whose chief
characteristic was the rights exercised by large landowners formerly
exercised by the monarch, the insepara ble association, in other words, of
landownership with powers of government. H. Mitter suggests that the
term feudalism is a general term which describes a form of social
organization found in different parts of the world.
Bhupendranath provided us with his own conception of the main
features of Feudal system, in the light of which he attempted to investigate
the nature, origin, growth and development of Indian Feudal system. He
had noted the main features of a Feudal system are:munotes.in

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154(1) Vassalage which exp ressed the relation of personal dependence and
loyalty between the lord and his vassals.
(2) Benefice or fief which meant grant of lands to dependents for their
subsistence; this land grant entailed obligations on the part of the grantees
to offer loyalty and services to the grantors.
(3) Immunities which meant grant of exemption from royal dues or
obligations or grant of financial and legal rights. European churches of the
middle ages used to enjoy such immunities. The lords used to grant such
immunities through issue of sanads. By this all such recipients of
immunities could become lords within their own estates and when they
became hereditary feudal lords, they themselves could grant such
immunities to their vassals.
(4) Subinfeudation of lands “which meant that the king used to grant lands
to his vassals who in turn could grant lands to their vassals and this
descended to the bottom with the peasants.”
Another important feature of feudal socio -economic conditions
was, as Bhupendranath would argue, the manorial system. Under this
system, the landlord granted lands to persons who would render different
services including labour on the lands of the lords in exchange of the lands
he got from the lords for his own living. Bhupendranath regarded the
manorial system as the central feature of feudal socio -economic system.
So, he thought that an understanding of the nature of European manors
was essential to appreciate the nature of its Indian counterpart. A manorial
system "was a village association of the peas ants in the joint enterprise of
working certain lands for a living.”
Check your progress:
1] Examine the origin of Feudalism.
8.4 INDIAN THOUGHTS ON FEUDALISM
The person who tried to understand ‘feudalism’ in the Indian
context was Col. James Tod, the celebrated compiler of the annals of
Rajasthan’s history. Tod also thought similarly like most European
historians of his time in Europe. Like the European historians, he also
agreed that lord -vassal relation ship constituted the core of feudalism. The
lord in medieval Europe looked after the security and subsistence of his
vassals and they in turn rendered military and other services to the lord. A
sense of loyalty also united the vassal to the lord. Tod found this
institution and the pattern in the Rajasthan of his times.munotes.in

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155Few Indian scholars had explored prevalence of feudal
socioeconomic formation. D. Mukherji suggests that feudalism generally
involves a kind of military service. But R.S. Sharma is of the op inion that
the military obligation is not an essential condition of feudalism.
According to him, the essence of feudalism is the dependence of the tillers
of land on the king or the state in respect of land. He pointed out that self -
sufficiency in a count ry’s economy is an essential condition of feudalism.
He referred to the village economy of ancient India and suggested that the
peasantry in that condition had something to do with feudalism.
Niharanjan Ray thinks that by the term feudalism one should not
understand military obligations only. There are various obligations, such
as military, political, and economic. Hence, in his opinion, the obligations
differ from country to country, e.g., the French from the Dutch, the
German from the British, the Britis h from the Russian, but the basis, in all
the cases is land. Thus, in Indian context the term “feudalism” denotes a
socio -political system based upon the rural economy. It is characterized by
dispersal of power among semi -independent powers. The feudal ch iefs
hold their land and position on condition of the performance of service.
The fundamental features of feudalism in early India were namely king,
landed aristocracy, slavery, forced labour, ties of obedience, and
fragmentation of the royal authority, et c.
The term feudalism continued to figure in works of history in
India. It was with the growing Marxist influence on Indian history writing
between the mid1950s and the mid -60s that the term acquired an
economic meaning. It acquired meaning in the context of the evolution of
Indian class structure. Karl Marx had placed pre -colonial Indian history is
in the category of the Asiatic Mode of production. Marx had perceived the
Asiatic Mode of production as an exception to the general dynamic of
history through the medium of class struggle. In Asia, he assumed there
were no classes because all property belonged either to the king or to the
community; hence there was no class struggle and no change over time.
Other eminent thinkers as Montisquieu, James Mill, and Friedrich Engel
had the same theory. They pointed out that the Asiatic Mode of production
was a mode based on domestic union of agriculture and industry. The
village had a self -sufficient system. It was led by an oriental dictator who
supplied irrigationa l water. It was a mode involving both communal
ownership and communal tillage of land. Marx states that India was gifted
with the negative capacity of not being able to make history. He mentions
that “Indian society had no history at all, at least no known history”. He
left no room for feudalism in India. He made Asiatic Mode of production
stretch -out from times immemorial to the times when Marx was writing
about India. Thus, real dynamism, according to him, came only with the
establishment of colonial regi mes which brought concepts and ideas of
change from Europe to the Orient.
Indian Marxist historians of the 1950s and 60s were unwilling to
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156changeless over such large segments of time. They expressed their
dissatisfaction with the notion of the Asiatic Mode of production. In its,
place some of them adopted the concept of feudalism and applied it to
India. Irfan Habib, the leading Marxist historian of the period, however,
put on record his di stance from ‘Indian feudalism’ even as he criticized the
Asiatic Mode of production.
The best representative of the Marxist historiography in India is
D.D. Kosambi. He has written many books in this regard. His work,
entitled An Introduction to the study of Indian History, surveys the course
of Indian history from the earliest time till the British conquest. His other
work Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in Historical outline, deals
with topics ranging from the prehistory to the long process of emergence
of feudalism. D.D. Kosambi gave feudalism a significant place in the
context of socio -economic history. According to him the existence of a
feudal land tenure was responsible for the exploitation of peasants.
In various periods of Indian Histor y,Kosambi noticed the
increasing importance of intermediaries between the king and the subject.
The barons oppressed the peasants by imposing higher land rents, taxes
and forced labour. He also refers to the Brahman intermediaries who
controlled the land that belonged to religious institutions like temples and
monasteries. He says that the upper -class Kshatriya courtiers were
together with the Brahmans. The Brahmins monopoly over language and
literature separated them from the common people. Both these gro ups
dominated the common people who produced food and luxuries for them.
He conceptualized the growth of feudalism in Indian history as a
two-way process: from above and from below in his landmark book, An
Introduction to the Study of Indian History. According to him feudalism
from above means a state wherein an emperor or powe rful king levied
tributes on subordinates who still ruled and did what they liked within
their own territory, as long as they paid tribute to the paramount power.
Further, taxes were collected by small intermediaries. They gave a fraction
of this collectio n to the feudal hierarchy, in contrast to direct collection by
royal officials. In other words, feudalism from above means that the feudal
structure was created by the state granting land and rights to officials and
Brahmins. Many individuals and small gro ups rose from the village levels
of power to become landlords and vassals of the King.
Kosambi argues that the kings began to transfer their
administrative rights to their subordinate chiefs. The subordinate chiefs
thus came into direct relation with peas antry. He termed this process as
“feudalism from above”. It reached an advanced stage of development
during the Gupta and post -Gupta periods. Feudalism from below means a
class of landowners developed within the village who existed between the
state and th e peasantry. Gradually this class assumed armed powers over
the local population. It was obliged to render military service to the king.
Hence, it claimed direct share in the exercise of state power. Hemunotes.in

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157propounded the theory that at a later stage “a class of landlords developed
within the village between the state and the peasantry gradually to yield
armed power on the local population” -a process he calls “feudalism from
below”.
But it might have been an even earlier phenomenon. We come to
know from the Yajnavalkyasmrithi, that land was assigned to the
cultivator by the landowner and not by the King. Thus, the law giver
makes it clear that the swami (the landowner) formed an intermediate
stage between the raja (King) and the actual tiller of the land. Ko sambi
formulated the notion of feudalism in the shape of a formula rather than in
a detailed empirical study. This major task was taken up by R.S. Sharma
in his Indian Feudalism. However, R.S. Sharma did not follow the
Kosambian formula of feudalism from b elow and from above; instead, he
envisioned the rise of feudalism in Indian History entirely as the
consequence of state action, i.e., from above. It is only lately that he has
turned his attention to the other phenomenon.
He visualized the decline of Ind ia’s long -distance trade with
various parts of the world after the fall of the Guptas; urbanization also
suffered in consequence, resulting in the economy’s ruralisation. A
scenario thus arose in which economic resources were not scarce, but
currency was. Since coins were not available, the state started handing out
land in payment to its employees and grantees like the Brahmins. Along
with land, the state also gave away more and more rights over the
cultivating peasants to the new class of ‘intermediaries’ . The increasing
subjection of the peasants to the intermediaries reduced them to the level
of serfs in medieval Europe. But what Kosambi failed to consider is that at
the time when the Guptas fell, the kingdoms of Deccan and far south
prospered and they h ad a flourishing maritime trade with both South East
Asia and West Asia.
The rise of the class of intermediaries through the state action of
giving grants to them is the crucial element in R.S.Sharma’s construction
of Indian feudalism. In other words, la nd grants to the brahmanas were the
most striking development in this direction. Another factor was the custom
of giving land grants to the military officers for their administrative and
military services. R.S. Sharma considers the Agrahara as something
similar to the manor of European feudalism. The existence of forced
labour and serfdom indicates the existence of feudal structure in ancient
India. He has documented the fact that the donees enjoyed judicial and
administrative authority within their jurisdi ction. He also highlights the
growth of the class of scribes, who were included into the caste of
Kayasthas, because state grants needed to be recorded. The crucial process
of land grants to intermediaries lasted until about the 11th century when
the reviv al of trade reopened the process of urbanization. The decline of
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158B.N.S. Yadav is yet another scholar who has concentrated his
attention on the feudal structure in India. He has drawn evidence from
astrological work s of ancient India like Brihat Samhita, Brihat Jataka,
Yavana Jataka and VriddhaYavana Jataka. Based on an examination of
these works, he has concluded that there was feudal relation in the
political and economic organizations of early India. He believes t hat the
peasants were subjected to a kind of non -economic coercion by the
landlords. There was exploitative relationship of domination and
subordination which was the hallmark of feudal relations. According to
Yadava, in the ancient Indian context the fram ework of this relationship
may have included considerable variations in the level of peasant
subjection. It would have been influenced by local circumstances. The
highest level was of the state approaching serfdom to render labour service
and to stick to l ocality. One also has to take into account the caste division
of society. The feudal mode of production was not so strong in India as in
medieval Europe. In the Indian context, it is found to have been
interlocked and to have co -existed with the non -feudal elements. But the
basis of such assumption is not clear.
Based on astrological evidence, he goes to prove that there was a
feudal element in the relationship between the two groups. Further, Yadav
has clearly shown us how the astrological works provide additional clues
to the understanding of feudal nature of the political structure in ancient
India. It resembled the western European Feudalism. He says that this
political structure was characterized by the parcelization of political
authority which tende d to develop downwards up to the level of village
lords. There was a combination of economic exploitation with political
authority. There was the emergence of sizable section of landed
intermediaries because of religious and secular land grants. It invol ved
allegiance to the overlord, and it was hierarchically organized ruling
landed aristocracy.
Check your progress:
1] Examine some of the Indian thoughts on Feudalism.
8.5 ORIGIN OF FEUDALISM IN INDIA
R.S. Sharma has investigated the nature of feudalism in the Indian
context. He states that there is no fixed theoretical model which can be
applied to this country. The early concept of feudalism based on Western
European experience, especially that of France and England, no longer
enjoys universal validity. Some emphasize the military aspect of feudalism
stating that the knight’s service is the key to the feudal institution; othersmunotes.in

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159emphasize its legal aspect -the contract between the lord and the vassal;
and still others its manorial aspect in which the peasants worked as serfs in
the manor of the lord. Sharma considers the existence of landed
intermediaries to be the essence of feudal order. They operate in an
agrarian economy in which there is decline of trade and shortage of
money. He has undertaken a rigorous study to bring out specific traits of
Indian feudalism.
He further observed that the European experience suggests that the
political essence of feudalism lay in the organization of the whole
administrative structure based on land; its economic essence lay in the
institution of serfdom in which peasants were attached to the soil held by
landed intermediaries placed between the king and the actual tillers; They
had to pay rent in kind and labour to them. Generally, it is believe d that
Feudal institutions develop in a state where there is no efficient system of
centralized government, transport, and communication. Under such
circumstances the life and property of the people can only be ensured if
the civil and criminal justice is administered by local influential persons.
These influential persons will have their own army, own machinery to
collect taxes and customary dues, pay tributes and go to the rescue of their
overlord with military forces when called for.
D.N. Jha, strongly suggests that feudalism in India, unlike in
Europe, began with the land grants made to brahmanas, temples and
monasteries for which the epigraphic evidence begins from the first
century BCE. The practice of land grants increased to a great extent by
Gupta times when villages together with their fields and inhabitants were
given to Brahmins. with fiscal, administrative, and judicial rights (with
the right to enjoy fines received) and with exemption from the interference
of royal officials were given to rel igious beneficiaries. What was
abandoned step by step to the priestly class was later given to the warrior
class. Religious as well as secular (service) grants became increasingly
popular with the emergence of local and self -sufficient economies marked
bylack of commercial intercourse, decline of urban life and scarcity of
coins.
The growth of feudal property in India came to be linked with the
undermining of the communal rights in land, as is evident from the later
grants which refer to the transfer of the communal resources such as
pastures, forests, water reservoirs, fisheries, and so on to the beneficiaries.
The economic essence of Indian feudalism, like that of European, it has
been argued, lay in the rise of landed intermediaries leading to the serf dom
of peasantry through restrictions on peasant mobility and freedom,
increasing obligation to perform forced labour (vishti), mounting tax
burdens and the evils of sub -infeudation. The crucial element in this chain
of arguments is the premise that there took place around the middle of the
first millennium CE a decline in urban commodity production and foreign
trade resulting in the growth of a self -sufficient economy in which
metallic currency became relatively scarce and hence payments, whethermunotes.in

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160to the p riests or to the government officials had to be made through
assignments of land or state revenues. This led to the growth of feudalism.
Check your progress:
1] Trace the origin of feudalism in India.
8.6 FEATURES OF FEUDALISM IN INDIA
Feudalism can be defined as a contractual system of military and
political relationship which existed among members of the nobility in
Western Europe during the High Middle Ages. Feudalism is derived from
the term “feudal”, which means land.
Feudalism as an activity, institution and ideology revolved around
the idea of ‘land’. It emerged as an act of redistribution of land in Europe,
with the main intention of protecting themselves (the members of the
nobility) from invaders like Vikings and Huns. These re distributed lands
were owned by feudal lords and were cultivated by farmers called ‘serfs’.
Serfs used to work in accordance with the conditions laid down for them
by these feudal lords. Also, feudalism as an Three age theory of Thomsen
institution was nei ther uniform, nor universal across the European
Continent.
Later, feudalism as an institution transformed itself into an
ideology. Feudalism primarily was personal (feudal lord was always
considered as a protector of the serf), territorial (bound by terri tory) and
governmental in nature. It was a complex and hierarchical arrangement
with vassals holding top -most positions and lords, knights and squires
working under them. Serfs occupied the lowest rung of the hierarchy.
Nobody could be promoted from one cl ass to another as primogeniture
was an important feature of feudalism.
The work of feudal lords were largely dictated by the political,
economic and military setup. Primarily, feudal lords were allotted the role
of managing the military. Serfs were the st anding arms of these feudal
lords who ensured a complete protection of the land. These serfs were
made to work in no particular fixed shifts, for more than the prescribed
hours and were never paid accordingly. This exploitative nature of
feudalism graduall y led to its decline.
Around 5thcentury CE, Europe became totally disintegrated and
centralized. The entire power structure was under the control of Rome,
wherein all appointments were done only from Rome and Latin was themunotes.in

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161official language. However, soo n after the victory in civil war, Augustus
Caesar divided Rome into two parts —West Rome and East Rome. This
division was one of the major reasons of the fall of the Roman Empire.
Other reasons were the ever -increasing power of the church and difficulty
inruling a vast empire like Rome. The fall of the Roman Empire in
5thcentury CE led to political, economic, and cultural vacuum. The only
possible solution they came up with, to do this was the redistribution of
land. This concept of redistribution of land was called ‘feudalism’.
Feudalism spread from France to Spain. It later spread to countries like
Italy, Germany, and the Eastern Europe. Interestingly, it continued to exist
in all parts of Europe till the end of the 14th century.
According to the Europeans, feudalism meant a set of reciprocal
military and legal obligations among the nobility, which revolved around
the three key features of the lords and the vassals. However, in India, the
framework gradually shifted towards the for mulation of the land grants.
The act of providing land grants to the Brahmans was purely driven by the
directives laid down in the Dharmashashtras, the Epics and the Puranas.
The Land Grants and Administrative Rights, the early Pali writings of the
pre-Mauryan period allude to the towns conceded to the Brahmans by the
leaders of Kosala and Magadha.”Brahamdeyya” was the term used for
such benefits levied upon them.
The earliest land grants of the first century BCE were given to the
Buddhist priests, Brahman s and other religious establishments. However,
in the post -Gupta period, even administrative officials were granted land.
The beneficiaries who were given the land were also given powers of
taxation and coercion, leading to a complete disintegration of the central
authority. The secular recipients of the grants and the autonomous holders
of the land were generally termed as ‘fief holders’ and ‘free holders’.
It was at this point that the benefactors deserted their incomes and
the privilege to oversee the o ccupants of the towns. This training turned
out to be common in the Gupta period. There were numerous instances of
gifts being offered to the Brahmans in the Gupta period. One of the vital
aspects of the king being in power was that he used to hold the pri vileges
of the rebuffing the guilty parties. In the post -Gupta era, the ruler rendered
the Brahmans this right and even his entitlement to rebuff all offenses
against family, property, individual, etc.
Therefore, the major implication of feudal polity in North India
was the creation of powerful intermediaries which had great shares of
economic and political power. The Brahman landowners gradually started
shifting their focus from the orthodox religious functions to the secular
ones, giving more importance to the management of the land. The major
implications of feudalism in India can be seen in the political
decentralization of semi -autonomous rulers like Samantas and
Mahasamantas. The practice of land grants also paved the way for themunotes.in

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162emergence of new lan ded intermediaries and the landholding social groups
which was absent in the initial historical period.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the features of feudalism in India.
8.7 LAND GRANTS: IMPLICATIONS FOR
AGRICULTURE AND POLITICAL STABILITY
a.Meaning and Origin of the grant system:
The institution of land grants had a very ancient origin but its
adverse impact on agriculture and political structure began to be felt
during the closing years of the anc ient period i.e., during C.E. 800
onwards. Land grant implied giving away land to certain sections of
society in lieu of their services performed to the ruler or the state.
Three factors initiated this practice. The ancient sacred books and
religious sent iments considered charity as one of the benevolent and
sacred acts. By such acts, a person acquired religious merit, and for a king
it was almost a religious duty. As such charity took the form of cash grants
or land grants. Another factor was the need to provide patronage to the
monks and priests for maintaining the monasteries and religious
institutions and to perform religious rites. For this purpose, land grants
became inevitable as a permanent source of income.
Some other factors also encouraged the offering of land grants. In
the third -fourth centuries C.E., a deep social crisis developed. There was a
great increase in the castes and sub -castes as a revolt of discarding the
functions prescribed for each caste. Due to excessive caste bondages and
barriers, imposition of heavy taxes, poverty and the desire to be free from
caste restriction and to choose one’s occupation that could be profitable, a
critical situation arose. The peasants and labourers refused to provide
labour for production and the Vaish yas refused to pay taxes. The Shudras
too neglected their duty. Manu, the law giver ordained that such people,
who deviate from their prescribed duties should be severely punished. But
it did not set things right.
To meet the situation, land was granted to brahmanas and priests.
Officials were also granted land so that they themselves could collect the
taxes and maintain law and order in lands donated to them and then pass
on a certain percentage of the taxes collected to the King. This gave the
king’s au thority to the intermediaries, the landlords who dealt with themunotes.in

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163situations with a heavy hand and collected taxes from those who had
earlier protested to pay to the king.
b.Advantages of land grants:
It had two clear advantages. It reduced the burden of the king. It
also helped in bringing new land under cultivation, as the landlord was
bent upon making the maximum profit by making the maximum use of the
available land.
c.Adverse effects of land grants:
It established landlordism, gave free hand to the land lords to
oppress the weak and helpless sections of the society in collecting taxes,
transferred the economic machinery to the intermediaries, decentralized
power and diluted or eroded the royal control. The rise of the power of the
landlords eroded the roy al control over his kingdom. The Brahmanas also
began to play an important role in decision making of the rulers.
Upto the 5thcentury the king retained the power to punish the
thieves and the wrong doers. But afterwards, the beneficiaries were given
the rights even to punish the criminal offenders in addition to the right
already given to collect taxes and maintain law and order. The situation
was quite satisfactory during the Mauryan period when the officers of the
King were responsible to collect taxe s and maintain law and order and in
return were paid in cash. The practice continued upto the Gupta period
when gold coins were meant for the payment of the army and high
functionaries. But from the 6thcentury onward, the position started
changing. Even t he law books recommended that the services of the
officers should be rewarded in land. Accordingly, from the time of
Harshavardhana, public officials were paid in land revenues. The
governors, ministers and officials were given portions of land for their
personal upkeep. Land grant system led to feudalism also.
Gradually a situation arose when a king having an empire had a
number of vassal kingdoms or vassal chiefs subordinate to the king but
having varying degree of control. The vassals or nobles or Jagirdars had
their own armies which they supplied to the king as and when need arose.
Thus, the loyalty of such armies was with the Chiefs and not the King.
This resulted in weakening the power of the King.
d.Changes in the agrarian economy:
Since time immemorial, Indian economy has been agrarian. The
farmer has been the master of the land he tilled. So, he looked after his
fields and worked hard to get the maximum produce from his land paid the
land revenue direct to the state. But with the land grants, the landlords
became the owner of the land and the ownership of the tiller became
extinct. The landed beneficiaries, whether Brahmanas or officers, could
not cultivate the lands by themselves. So actual cultivation was entrusted
to peasants, labourers, shudras, or sharecroppers who did not own the
land. Since everythin g depended on these labourers, they were not allowedmunotes.in

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164to leave the work on their villages. They were in a way, bonded to the
wishes of the landlord.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss the Land Grant system.
8.8. LANDGRANTS AND GROWTH OF FEUDALISM
This was one of the important changes of this period. The feudals
or those who held land received as a gift or subletting or on a hereditary
capacity constantly contended against each other and tried to enhance their
power, territory, and privileges by an y means. They could be defeated by
rajas, government officials, local chiefs, tribal leaders or even village
chiefs. They not only collected land revenue but usurped the right of
awarding punishment, exacting fines, and extra money. These were earlier
theroyal privileges.
Feudalism had become the dominating feature of the Indian
society. The literary works of the period provide evidence that ministers,
officials, feudal chiefs and those who accumulated wealth lived in great
luxury and splendor. Costly im ported clothes, They lived in imposing
houses of many storeys competing with the grandeur of palaces. A train of
numerous servants attended to their needs and comforts and a large
number of women in their household glorified their super status. But this
does not give the true picture of the common people. The ordinary people
had to remain contented with rice and wild vegetables that they could
procure.
Check your progress:
1] How did land grants lead to the growth of feudalism.
8. 9IMPACT OF FEUDALISM
There were the disadvantages of a feudal society where the feudal
chiefs or landowners dominated the society and drew their sustenance
from the land without doing any work. It weakened the position of themunotes.in

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165kings who became more dependen t on the feudal chiefs. The village self -
government was uprooted and foreign trade discouraged because the
largely self -sufficient village or group of villages would make the chiefs
free from depending on outside help.
But the kings and rulers or the chi efs of the innumerable states into
which this vast country was divided and sub -divided were so much
inflated with self -glory and pampered egos, too ready to crush their
neighbouring rulers or too quick to defend themselves from such an
onslaught that they could not foresee the swift marching steps of foreign
soldiers, the galloping horses, and the blaze of the shining shields and
swords of future events that were going to wipe them out for ever in the
words of J.C Aggarwal.
The ‘Jagirdari’ system among the Rajputs helped in enhancing the
regional loyalties and thereby formation of regional kingdoms. Therefore,
when the Arabs and Turks invaded India, they found it divided into many
states which were constantly fighting against each other. They failed to
unite themselves against a common enemy and consequently were
defeated one by one.
The feudal organization, the division of the society into several
castes and sub -castes, the deteriorating conditions of women, the increased
gap between the rich and the poor and different codes of conduct and
morality for different sections of the society, ultimately resulted in the loss
of social responsibility and political instability. The Indian society had
become corrupt, divided, ignorant and weak which resulted in its
subordination to the invaders. Indian rulers lost their independence.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the impact of feudalism.
8.10 FEUDALISM AND COUNTER NARRATIVES
Antagonists of Indian Feudalism contributed to its study either to
criticize the concept or to synthesize it. Like D.C Sircar’s work on
Landlordism Confused with Feudalism, in D.C. Sirkar (ed): Land System
andFeudalism in Ancient India in which here marked that feudalism was a
misnomer in the early Indian context as there are scarcity of inscriptions to
prove the point. He insisted that the majority of the charters record land
grants to religious institutions and Brahmanas without stipulating any
obligation of the donees to the donors.munotes.in

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166B.D. Chattopadhyaya has written on Trade and Urban Center in Early
Medieval India. Harbans Mukhia has also contributed on the Feudalism
Debate through his work, “ Was there feudalism in Indian History”?
Scholars such as Irfan Habib and Herbans Mukhia, have
questioned the use of the feudal model in connection with the study of the
political and economic history of medieval India. Harbans Mukhia argues
that agrarian surplus was available in the form of land revenue and o ther
taxes to the state in medieval period. The state formed the chief instrument
of exploitation. The peasants were kept at subsistence level. There were
peasant rebellions in the Mughal period. In short, in medieval society a
kind of equilibrium existed which facilitated the state appropriation of
peasant surplus in condition of relative security. Hence in the analysis of
medieval society, he argues that feudalism of Europe cannot be a good
tool of analysis in the Indian context.
Mukhia’s criticism of th e absence of feudal mode of production is
based on the following arguments. He says that in India, unlike in Europe,
there appears to have been no prolonged and acute scarcity either of labour
or of production. The routine increase in demand could perhaps have been
met by the routine extension of agriculture. Thus, Hurbans Mukhia argues
against the notion of Indian Feudalism. He also rejects the Marxist concept
of Asiatic production on the evidence that there was private property in
land. His conclusion is that the concept of feudalism cannot help very
much in the study of a wide range of social formations in India. He
substitutes feudalism with a term called free peasant production.
Irfan Habib has produced an excellent work entitled the Agrarian
System of Mughal India and Economic History of Delhi Sultanate. Like
Harbans Mukhia he criticizes the concept of Indian feudalism as
developed by Kosambi, R.S. Sharma and B.N.S. Yadava. He al so rejects
the Marxist concept of the Asiatic mode of production. He has suggested a
term for India, namely the “Indian Medieval Economy.”
Indian Feudalism concept was later challenged by a group of
American historians who came up with the theory of segme nt state while
explaining the formation of state in South India. The leading historian in
this case being Burton Stein (Peasant State and Society in Medieval South
India,1980) the idea which he derived from A.W. Southall who had
conceptualized the theory w hile studying the Alur Society in Africa.
Segment State Theory: As mentioned before this was first
propounded by Aidan Southall while analysing Alur Society in Africa.
Burton Stein in his Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India
refuted the earl ier work of K.A. Nilakanta Sastry on Cholas wherein the
latter had described Chola State as the Byzantine monarchy with a large
network of bureaucrats. Stein’s work traces state formation from the
Pallava period in the 3rdCentury C.E. to the Vijayanagara Empire in the
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167According to Stein the political structure of South Indian macro
region was distinctive by the almost total absence of kshatriya institution.
Kshatriya institutions of Northern India represented a warrior elite who
possesse d a monopoly of coercive competence beyond that of the
individual ethnic units (caste or tribe) and other corporate entities such as
village communities or guilds. It is only with the later Pallavas and the
Cholas the medieval institution of kingship was e stablished.
The Chola state as well as medieval South Indian states have been
conceived to be great unitary states under powerful kings whose will was
worked through elaborate bureaucratic apparatus. There is no direct
evidence of a central bureaucratic organization with competence over the
Chola macro region. And like the rule of the Cholas, Vijayanagara power
was often quite remote after an initial intrusion of its forces into territories
ruled by Hindu chiefs. Many parts of the deep southern peninsula
continued to be ruled by members of the same families whom the
Vijayanagara armies had conquered. This is particularly true of the
Pandyan territory through most of the fifteenth century. In most parts of
the Tamil country, the ancient territorial terminol ogy remained. The telugu
Nayakas and Brahmanas placed in positions of supralocal agents for
Vijayanagara authority. Hence, to overstate the ideological element and to
speak of a newly constituted basis of state power and legitimacy in the
Vijayanagara peri od would be to distort the historical evidence which are
of the period.
The characteristics of the segmentary state in South India are the
following:
Territorial sovereignty is recognized but limited and essentially
relative, forming a series of zones in which authority is most absolute near
the Centre and increasingly restricted towards the periphery, often shading
off into a ritual hegemony.
There is centralized government, yet there were also numerous
peripheral focuses of administration over which the Centre exercises only
a limited control.
There is a specialized administrative staff at the Centre, but it is
repeated on a reduced scale at all the peripheral focuses of administration.
Monopoly of the use of force is successfully claimed to a limited extent
and within a limited range by a central authority, but legitimate force on a
more restricted order inheres at all peripheral focuses.
Several levels of subordinate focuses may be distinguishable,
organized pyramidally in relation to the central authority. The central and
peripheral authorities reflect the same model, the latter being reduced
images of the former. Similar powers are repeate d at each level with
decreasing range; every authority has certain recognized powers over the
subordinate authorities articulated to it, and formally similar offencesmunotes.in

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168differ in significance according to the order to authorities involved in
them.
The more peripheral a subordinate authority is the more chance it
has to change its allegiance from one power to another. Segmentary states
are thus flexible and fluctuating, even comprising peripheral units which
have political standing in several adjacent power pyramids which thus
become interlocked.
There were many opponents to Segment State Theory. But the
major deficiency in the work is the lack of empirical study. Burton Stein
had not covered the voluminous numbers of Chola inscriptions (around ten
thousand ) available. He relied on secondary records everywhere. It is very
obvious that he had no proficiency in the languages of Tamil and Telugu.
While talking about the Chola right -hand and left -hand classes he had
quoted the Diary and Consultation Reports of t he British of the 17th
Century.
Scholars like Champakalakshmi opposed the Segment state theory
citing the reason that there was no empirical study. Similarly, P.
Shanmugham in “The Revenue System of the Cholas (850 -1279 A.D) ”,
comments on Burton Stein’s unfamiliarity with the epigraphical material
available for research.
An examination of South Indian sources reveals that the period
under study underwent transition from kin -labour to non -kin labour, from
millet to growing paddy as the main crop and movi ng towards settled
agriculture. Resultantly, ruling clans transitioned to becoming chiefdoms
and became kingdoms and later to establishing imperium. The war and
redistributive economy in the Sangam period, transitioned to establishing
stability within the empire, and conducting war outside and redistribution
within to maintain prosperity.
Political fragmentation of North India in the Post -Gupta period
happened in the period that followed the Gupta Empire, and this
fragmentation was not due to land donati ons to secular and religious
donees but due to the intensive process of state formation on the local,
subregional, and regional level in some parts of North India, in many parts
of Central India and most parts of South India. It was during this period
thata process of indigenous state formation took place in many parts of
India.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the various counter narratives to feudalism.munotes.in

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1698.11 QUESTIONS
1.Discuss the Marxist views on Indian Feudalism?
2.What is Segment State Theo ry? Is it applicable to describing state
formation in South India?
8.12 REFERENCES
1. Bloch Marc, Feudal Society, London, 1961.
2. Critchley John, Feudalism, London, 1978.
3. Crooke, ed, Annals and Antiquities of Rajastan, vol. I.
4. Sircar D.C, ed, Land System and Feudalism in Ancient
India, Calcutta, 1966.
5. Marx Karl and Engeles F, On Colonialsim, Moscow and New Delhi.
6. Sastri Narayana, ed, Yajnavakyasmrithi, with Viramirodaya of
Mitaksari, Banares, 1930.
7. Sharma R.S, Indian Feudalism, Patna, 1965.
8. Sharma R.S, Methods and problems of the study of Feudalism in
early Medieval India, IHR, VOL. I, No. 1.
9. Singh Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India,
From the Stone Age to the 12thcentury, Pearson.
10. D.C. Sircar, (ed.), “ Land System and Feudalism in Ancient India ”,
University of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1966.
10. Burton Stein, “ Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India ”,
OUP, New York, 1985
11. Y. Subbarayalu, “ Political Geography of the Chola Country ”, State
Department of Archaeology, Chennai, 1973
12. P. Shanmugham, “The Revenue System of the Cholas: 850 -1279”,
New Era Publication, Madras, 1987
13. RadhakumudMookerji, “ The Gupta Empire ”, Motilal Banarsidass,
New Delhi, 1973
14. https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/132075/9/09_
chapter202.pdf
15.
https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/69234/10/10_cha
pter206.pdf[Indian Feudalism]
munotes.in

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170Module -III
Unit -9
RELIGION
A] RELIGIOUS WORLDVIEW OF RIG VEDA
B] RELIGIOUS FERMENTATION AND WORLDIEWS OF
UPANISHADS, BUDDHISM AND JAINISM
C] TANTRIC CULTS –RISE, NATURE AND DOCTRINE
Unit Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Religious worldview of rig Veda
9.3 Religious fermentation and worldviews of Upanishads
9.4 Buddhism
9.5 Jainism
9.6 Tantric cults –rise, nature, and doctrine
9.7 Summary
9.6 Questions
9.7 Additional Readings
9.0 OBJECTIVES
To orient students about the Religious Worldview of Rig Veda
To understand the religious fermentation and worldview of
Upanishads
To examine the teachings of Buddhism
To study the philosophy of Jainism
To understand the emergence and practices of Tantric cults
9.1INTRODUCTION
India has been a land of diverse re ligions each of them co -existing
with each other. It has given us the theme of ‘Unity in Diversity’ as one of
the overarching principles of Indian society. It is very enlightening to learn
about the religious world view of the Rig Vedic times. Likewise the re is
an equally rich process of religious fermentation which brings us to the
worldview of the Upanishads. Then we have the emergence of the major
religions Buddhism and Jainism with their focus on non violence. Finally
we also need to understand the emer gence and various practices of the
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171Check your progress:
1] Give a brief overview of the varios religious worldviews.
9.2 RELIGIOUS WORLDVIEW OF RIG VEDA
VEDIC GODS
The Rigvedic religion was very simple. Right from the beginning
the Aryans developed a polytheistic form of worship in which the natural
forces were personified as divinity and were worshipped Thus, they
personified these forces of nature and considered them as living beings to
whom the y assigned human or animal characteristics. The Rig Veda refers
to a number of such divinities. It contains several hymns composed by the
rishis in the honour of these deities.
There is a belief that the different parts of Rig Veda were
composed at differ ent periods. In the early Rig Vedic hymns, the natural
forces were personified and gradually the personified natural phenomena
were deified as in case of Ushas or Surya. In the advanced stage, the
defied phenomena were made anthropomorphic wherein they lost their
original attributes.
Though the ra nk of divinities increased over time the Aryans did
not give any hierarchy to their gods. No God was given a dominant
position. Too many functions and powers were held by two or more
deities. Vedic Aryans worshipped one God while not rejecting the
existen ce of the others. Fredrich Welcker described this phenomenon as
Henotheism and which Maxmuller called as Kat henotheism.
The Rig Vedic Gods are stated to be thirty -three in number and can
be broadly classified as terrestrial, aerial, and celestial.
Terrestrial (Prithivithsana):
Prithvi, Agni, Soma Brihaspati, and the rivers belong to this classification.
Aerial (Antarikshasthana):
Indira, Apamnapat, Rudra, Vayu -Vata, Parjanya, Apah, and Matarisvan
belong to this classification.
Celestial (Dyusthana):
Dyaus, Varuna, Mitra, Surya, Savitri, Pushan, Vishnu, the Adityas, Ushas
and the Asvins belong to this classification.
The Gods in general subdue the forces of evil and regulate the
order of nature which not only they enforced on the mortals but are dut ymunotes.in

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172bound to follow themselves. They punish the iniquitous and shower grace
on the virtuous.
Indra seemed to have been a favourite God as he was invoked
several times. About one -fourth of the total hymns of the Rig Veda have
been addressed to him in the fo rm of prayers and worship. He was
assigned a lot of power in his physicality. He was called ‘Purandara’ or
breaker of forts. He played the role of a warlord. His weapon was the
thunderbolt called vajra and he led the Devas to victory against their
enemies. He was known as the rain god. He was supposed to be
responsible for creating the much -needed rainfall. He was also considered
as the Lord of the eastern direction.
There were several minor gods who were associated with Indra.
They symbolized the other at mospheric phenomena or occurrences like
storms and winds. There were the storm gods who were known as the
Maruts . The wind god was called Vayu. There was a minor rain god called
Parjanya and there was Rudra, the howler. He was the lord and father of
the wo rld. Sometimes he was regarded as nasty, but he had healing and
benevolent powers as well. One more god who was particularly important
was Agni or the Fire -god. Apart from Indra, Agni was the other Vedic
deity often invoked by the Aryans. Two hundred hymns in the Rig Veda
are addressed to him. Fire played an important part in the life of the
ancients as it burnt forests and was used for cooking. Agni played the part
of a mediator between the gods and the human beings. It was believed that
the offerings of h uman beings were carried by Agni in the form of soma to
various gods to whom they were offered.
The oldest among the gods of heaven was Dyasu . Even the earth
was very divine. It was known as Prithvi. Heaven and earth were known
as the worldwide parents o rDyâvâprithvi . They are usually considered as
pairs in the Rig Veda. An extremely important god was Varuna. V.M.
Apte mentions him as ‘the All -Encompasser’, Varuna was the most awe -
inspiring deity. Rig Veda calls him an Asura. He was like Ahuramazda of
theZend Avesta . As a moral god of the Vedas, ‘he watches over the world,
punishes the evil doers and forgives the sins of those who beg for his
forgiveness. The Sun is his eye, the sky is his garment, and the storm is his
breath. Rivers flow by his command; the Sun shines, the stars and moon
are in their place because they fear him. He is the supreme god, the god of
gods, ruthless to the guilty and merciful to the repentant in heart’. Varuna
was considered as the custodian of rita, who regulated the cosmic o rder in
its regular course by which the day follows the night, and one season
properly succeeds another season. Varuna was also considered as the
overlord of the waters.
Along with Varuna, the Vedic Aryans also linked Mitra .H ew a s
the embodiment of the Sun’s energy. The Sun was especially an important
deity. He was Surya, the all -seeing god. He was called the eye of Varuna.
Another solar deity was Savitri , who was invoked in the famous Gayatri
stanza. The swift moving Sun w asVishnu , who covered the earth in threemunotes.in

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173paces. The inseparable twins corresponding to the Ushas (dawn) and
Sandhya (dusk),were worshipped as Ashwins . Gradually they were
assigned the role of physicians of gods and humans, protectors of marital
love and l ife.
The popular drink of the Aryans, Soma was also assigned a place
among the gods. The Soma sacrifice was the center of the ritual of Vedic
religion. The Soma was the juice of a plant growing upon the
mountainsides and from it an intoxicating drink was prepared and
accompanied by elaborate ritual. It was offered to gods and consumed in a
ritualistic manner during sacrifices. Saraswati was the river deity who
came to be regarded later as the goddess of learning. Abstract deities such
asSraddha [faith] a ndManyu [wrath] were also worshipped. Female
divinities mentioned in the Rig Veda include Gayatri , who is considered as
theVedamata andAditi, Ushas and Sandhya . However, the latter three
were not assigned any prominent place in the Aryan pantheon of go ds
during the Rigvedic period.
During the later Vedic age, the deities of the Rig Veda reappear.
Atharva Veda seems to preserve an aspect of primitive religious ideas
which are not to be found in the other Vedic texts. However, there was a
change in thei r emphasis. The two gods who share universal veneration
during the later Vedic period were Rudra and Vishnu , who are still
prominent and dominant in modern Hinduism. In the Rig Veda ,Vishnu is a
mere form of the Sun -god. His worship did not occupy any predominant
position. That was so in the case of Rudra. During the later Vedic period
Rudra occupies an important position as the ‘great god’ [ Mahadeva ] and
was called Siva [propitious]. Vishnu came to be regarded as the preserver
and protector of the people, replacing the predominant Rigvedic god
Varuna. The other god, Prajapati, the creator, also came to occupy an
important position in the later Vedic pantheon, who was identified with
Brahma.
The idea of a supreme God, Prajapti, as the creator and preserver
of the Universe, an impersonal creative principle are mentioned in Atharva
veda. The concept of Rudra -Siva too emerges in the Atharva Veda.
Concepts such as Kala, the time, Prana , the breat h and Kama, love have
been mentioned at various places as the first cause of all existence.
Yajur and Sama Veda emphasize the ritual aspect of the Vedic
religion. The hearth in each home was where offerings to the Agni or the
fire were offered. Even to t he major sacrifices the Agni or the sacrificial
fire was taken from the hearth. Even as grand sacrifices find mention in
the Rig Veda, it was during the Yajur and Sama period that they become
commonplace. These two texts were compiled for as framework and as
guidebooks for these rituals.
PRAYERS AND SACRIFICES:
The Rigvedic religion consisted of worshipping gods with the
recitation of prayers and offering of sacrifices. Pr ayers played anmunotes.in

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174important role in Rigvedic times. Prayers were offered individually and
collectively. It seems that prayers were offered by the entire tribe in
chorus. Sacrifices were also offered individually and collectively.
Sacrifices included offering s of vegetables, grains, milk products and flesh
of animals. Agni andIndra were invited to participate in the sacrifices
made by the whole tribe. During the Rigvedic period, the sacrificial
process was not accompanied by any elaborate rituals or sacrifici al
formulae. Elaborate ritual was prescribed only to the Soma sacrifice in the
Rig Veda. The early Vedic people offered prayers and performed
sacrifices to thank the gods for bestowing on them blessings such as cattle,
food, wealth, and health.
During the later Vedic period as the Aryans began to lead a settled
life.They began to worship certain objects as symbols of divinity. Thus,
signs of image worship appeared during the later Vedic period. The
Science and art of conducting sacrifices were evolved and three sacred
fires were required for grand sacrifices. The altars of these sacrificial pits
were made to dimension becoming the precursor to the religious
architecture. Organizer of the sacrifice was called the Yajamana, whose
role was to initiate the sac rifice and give a generous fee to the priests. The
grand sacrifices were called Srauta. The domestic sacrifices were called
Smarta. There were four groups of priests during this period: The Hotri or
invoker, the Udgatri or the chanter, the Adhvaryu or performer and the
Brahman or the high priest. Cows, horses, gold and cloth were given as
dakshina or gift to the officiating priests during the sacrifices. There is a
reference to a dakshina of 240,000 cows given to the officiating priest in
therajasuy asacrifice. Sometimes the priests claimed portions of territory
asdakshina. While private sacrifices were offered by individuals in their
houses, public sacrifices involved the king and the whole of the
community. Sacrifices involved killing of animals o n a large scale. There
were major sacrifices like Rajasuya, Vajapeya, Ashvamedha, Vrityastoma
andPurushamedha , which were performed by the kings and nobles.
In this period, Rudra is regarded as Mahadeva, and he is more
mentioned as Siva, the auspicious o ne. Vishnu gains prominence and
identified with certain sacrifices. This age also sees Narayana and Vishnu
being regarded as one. Gandharvas, Apsaras and Nagas were raised to the
semi-divine rank. Monotheism is advocated more. After life is referred to
andthe burial rituals are mentioned. Though Rig Veda talks about Karma
it is more elaborated during this period.Creation myths appear in
Brahmana literature. It also indicates resistance to excessive ritualism
leading to the next phase where knowledge and wi sdom were regarded
high and inner purity was insisted upon.
SAMSKARAS
Another important feature of the later Vedic religion was the
performance of different Samskaras by an individual during his lifetime.
Forty Samskaras are mentioned in the Vedic texts to be performed right
from one’s conception in the mother’s womb up till his death. Every
Samskara was associated with a yajna followed by a family feast.munotes.in

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175TAPAS
The lengthy and costly sacrifices with elaborate rituals created a
reaction among certain peopl e during the later Vedic age. As an alternative
to this method of pleasing gods through yajnas, the philosophy of tapas
was emphasized, especially by the Aranyakas. ‘ They are devoted to an
exposition of mysticism and symbolism of sacrifice and priestly
philosophy’. Thus, Tapas or penance accompanied by physical torture
came to occupy an important place in the Vedic religion. Men renounced
the world and retired to forests to practice meditation and various external
and internal austerities. These exercises were meant to attain moksha or
final deliverance.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the Rig Vedi Gods.
9.3 RELIGIOUS FERMENTATION AND
WORLDIEWS OF UPANISHADS, BUDDHISM
AND JAINISM
III. RELIGIOUS FERMENTATION AND WORLDVIEWS OF
UPANISHADS
An important feature of the religion during the later Vedic period
was the development of philosophic speculation. This was also a reaction
of a section of the Vedic population to the complicated and ritualistic
religious ceremonies. The Rig Vedic hymns po nder on the philosophy of
life and dwells deep into esoteric philosophical debates. The Upanishads
are considered the end of the Vedas where the philosophy is expounded
through narrative dialogue. The trend continued and grew in the later
Vedic period. These were the non -priestly intellectuals who came from
varied backgrounds from kings, warriors, to Brahmanas, to people of
Shudra Varna to women who debated on the way of knowledge or the
gyanmarga, who tried to find the correlation between Universal soul, t he
Brahman and the individual soul, the Atman. The gyanmarga was based
on the doctrine that he who realises God becomes one with God that he is
God (Aham Brahmasmi ). The Upanishads attached little importance to
ceremonies and external austerities and promoted principles like Brahman
or Universal soul and Atma or individual soul, Maya or illusion,
Punarjanma i.e transmigration of the soul or rebirth, Karma or action and
Moksha which is salvation or final deliverance.
‘Upanishad’ (literally, ‘to si t near someone’) is usually understood
as referring to pupils sitting near or around their teacher. Alternatively, itmunotes.in

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176could mean connection or equivalence; the Upanishads were constantly
suggesting connections and equivalences between things. The knowledge
that was to be imparted and absorbed was no ordinary knowledge. It was
all-encompassing, the key to liberation from the cycle of birth, death, and
rebirth, something that could only be taught to select, deserving pupils. It
was difficult to explain and ev en more difficult to comprehend. It was
revealed through discussion, debate, and contest among seekers, using a
variety of devices —stories, images, analogies, and paradoxes.
The oldest Upanishads are in prose, the later ones in meter. The
Brihadaranyaka andChhandogya are among the earliest. The Upanishads
and Aranyakas deal with similar things, and the distinction between the
two categories of texts is not always clear. For instance, the
Brihadaranyaka Upanishad is considered both an Aranyaka and
Upanisha d. While the early Upanishads are considered to belong to the
Pre-Buddhist period ,many others are of a later period. These texts explain
certain key ideas and practices that are associated with Hindu and some
other Indian philosophical and religious tradi tions. These include the
concepts of karma , rebirth, and the idea that there is a single, unseen,
eternal reality above everything. The Upanishads also deal with the
practices of meditation and yoga .
The Upanishads were the work of many different people living in
various parts of north India over many centuries. That’s why they do not
contain a single, unified, consistent system of ideas. They deal with many
issues but are especially concerned with the two fundamental concept s of
atman and brahman . A major concern of Upanishadic thought is to
explore and explain their meaning and mutual relationship. The word
brahman comes from the root brih, which means to be strong or firm. It
means something that grants prosperity, a vital force that strengthens and
animates. In the Upanishads, there are many efforts to describe brahman .
TheKena Upanishad asserts that the gods themselves were unable
to understand brahman , and even those who think they have understood it
do not. The Taitti riya Upanishad states that brahman is that from which
all beings are born, that by which they are sustained, and that into which
they enter on death. Brahman is the eternal, imperishable reality in the
universe. In the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad , the sage Ya jnavalkya tells
Gargi that the imperishable Brahman sees but can’t be seen, thinks but
can’t be thought of, perceives but can’t be perceived. The Mundaka
Upanishad explains that just as a spider spins and gathers its web, just as
plants grow upon this eart h, and just as head and body hair grow from a
living person, so does everything in this world arise from the imperishable
brahman .Kathopanishad expounds Karma theory wherein the Principal
character Yama explains to Nachiketa that he ( Yama) attained his ex alted
status due to his good deed (sat karma ) and when it gets over, he would go
back to earth and explains the ways to transcend the cycles of birth and
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177Upanishads speak of brahman as god. If brahman is the ultimate
reality pervading the universe, the atman is the ultimate reality within the
self of an individual. There are many explanations of the atman in the
Upanishads. The Brihadaranyaka Upanishad describes it as the knowing
subject within us, which sees but is not seen, hears but is not heard,
understands but is not understood, knows but is not known. In the
Chhandogya Upanishad , the atman is described as lying deep within the
heart, smaller than a grain of rice, barley, or mustard seed, smaller even
than a millet grain or millet kernel. Strangely enough, it is also described
as larger than the earth, the in -between region, and the sky, larger than
even all the worlds put together.
The word maya occurs in the Shvetashvatara Upanishad .Maya ,
often translated as ‘illusion’, can be interpreted in other, different ways. It
can mean ignorance ( avidya ), the inability to realize oneness with
brahman , or the creative power of ishvara (god) from the human po int of
view. The idea of a cycle of death and rebirth is present in the Brahmanas
and Upanishads. The Shatapatha Brahmana states that those who do not
perform the sacrificial rites correctly will be born again and suffer death
again. It also talks of a wor ld where material pleasures are enjoyed by
those who perform the sacrifices, and of a hell where evil doers are
punished. The same text refers to the dead as having to face two fires. The
good people pass through the fire unharmed, while wicked people peri sh
in the flames. A person is born again after death and is punished or
rewarded for his or her deeds.
Some of the Upanishads explain the doctrine of transmigration of
soul. Death and rebirth are connected to ignorance and desire, and
deliverance can be attained through knowledge. The Upanishads refer to
three worlds —the worlds of humans, ancestors ( pitris), and gods. Those
who will be reborn go after death to the world of the fathers, while those
who are destined for immortality go to the world of the go ds. The goal of
Upanishadic thought is the realization of brahman . Liberation ( moksha,
mukti ) from the cycle of samsara could only be achieved through such
knowledge. This knowledge ( jnana ) could not be obtained through mere
intellectual exertion. This was knowledge of an inner, intuitive,
experiential kind, which could only come upon the seeker as a sort of
revelation that would transform him instantaneously.
Upanishads such as the Shvetashvatara point towards yogic
meditation as a means of realizing brahman . Performing of sacrifices and
following an ethical code of conduct were of no use. In the Chhandogya
Upanishad , Yajnavalkya tells Gargi that even if a man were to make
offerings, perform sacrifices, and perform penance for thousands of years,
it would not amount to anything. The same text states that people who
performed sacrifices, recited the Veda, and gave gifts ( dana ), those who
devoted themselves to the performance of austerities ( tapa), and those
who led a celibate life of student hood in their t eacher’s house studying
the Veda —all these gain worlds earned by merit.munotes.in

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178A person steadfast in the knowledge of brahman , on the other
hand, attains immortality.
There were many different interpretations of Vedas; the most
important being the Mimamsa. Of which the part that interprets the
Karmakanda is called the Purva Mimasa and the part that interprets the
Upanishadic thought wasknown as Uttara Mimamsa. Upanishadic thought
reflects different ideas about atman ,brahman , and the world, and
statements such as tat tvamasi (Thou art that), aham Brahm -asmi (I am
brahman ), and brahma -atma -aikyam (unity of brahman andatman )c a nb e
interpreted in different ways. The Bhagavad Gita combined certain
aspects of Upanishadic philosophy with a doctrine advocating righteous
action. One of the most influential interpretations of the Upanishads was
that of the 7th century thinker Shankara. According to Shankara’snon -
dualistic Advaita Vedanta the Upanishads tell us that there is only one
single, un ified reality —brahman —and everything else exists with
ambiguous reality. However, there is also a pantheistic strand in
Upanishadic thought which identifies the universe with brahman . There is
also a theistic strand of thought, which visualizes brahman asgod who
controls the world. Given the diversity and complexity of Upanishadic
ideas, it is not surprising that later thinkers interpreted them inmany
different ways.
The Upanishads lifted the religion from the folds of rituals and
provided an intellectual conception of God. According to the Upanishads,
‘The Universe is Brahman, but the Brahman isAtman. The Brahman is
power which manifests itself in all things existing, it creates, su stains,
preserves, and subsumes all worlds. This infinite divine power is identified
with Atman , that which after stripping off everything external we discern
in ourselves as our real and most essential being, our individual self, the
soul.’
TheUpanishads describe the material world as Maya or illusion,
and one should not attach too much importance to it. The Punarjanma
theory emphasizes that the body perishes and not the soul. The soul
migrates or passes from one body to another. Thus, the cycle of births and
deaths continues. The theory of Karma or action is intricately connected
with the theory of transmigration of transmigration of the soul. According
to the theory of Karma, the action of a man determines the nature of his
life in the next bir th. This cycle of birth and death can be brought to an
end only by the realization of the nature of Brahman and the merger of the
Atman into the Brahman. This is known as the Moksha . After the
attainment of the Moksha there will be no rebirths and the man could be
rid of the cycle of life and death.munotes.in

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179Check your progress:
1] Examine the religious worldview of the Upanishads.
9.4 BUDDHISM
Thesixth century B.C.E., constitutes an important landmark in the
religious history of India. It was a period of great social change and
intense religious activity leading to the rise of Buddhism which in course
of time spread practically to the most of Asia. During this period many
were no longer content with external formalities of Brahmanic rituals. The
complex sacrifices involving the slaughter of animals and the
predominance of the Brahmin priests in society and religion were disliked
by many. Besides, th e Shudras who were placed beyond the reach of
Aryan culture felt neglected in the society.
In north -western India there were ascetics who tried to go beyond
the Vedas. In the literature that grew out of this movement, the
Upanishads , a new emphasis on ren unciation and transcendental
knowledge can be found. But north -eastern India, which was less
influenced by the Aryans, became the breeding ground of many heterodox
sects. Society in this area was troubled by the breakdown of tribal unity
and the expansion of several petty kingdoms. Religiously, this was a time
of doubt, turmoil, and experimentation. Among the most important
movements to arise atand before the time of Buddha were the Ajivikas,
who emphasized the rule of fate [ niyati ], and the Jainas, an asc etic
movement stressing the need to free the soul from matter. Like Mahavira,
Buddha also took up the cause of the socially backward, economically
poor, and religiously ignored people. Out of the teachings of the Buddha, a
new faith, Buddhism came into exi stence.
Life of Gautama Buddha:
Buddhism, like many of the sects that developed in north -eastern
India at the time, was constituted by the presence of a charismatic teacher,
Gautama Buddha. The term Buddha, literally meaning ‘awakened one’ or
‘enlightened one’, is not a proper name but rather a title. According to
virtually all Buddhist traditions, the Buddha lived many lives before his
birth as Gautama. These previous lives are described in stories called
Jatakas that play an important role in Buddhist ar t and education.
Dr Upinder Singh states that in the Pali canon, the Buddha is
presented as a man, but an extraordinary one, whose body bore the 32
signs of great man ( mahapurushalakshanas) . He is the Tathagata, one
who has come thus ( tatha ) and gone ( gata) thus and has liberated himself
from the cycle of rebirth. The dates of the Buddha’s life are a subject ofmunotes.in

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180debate. Some elements of his sacred biography are contained in the Sutta
andVinaya Pitaka s, but more detailed accounts are given in later texts
such as the Lalitavistara ,Mahavastu ,Buddhacharita , and Nidanakatha .It
is difficult to extract a historical life story out of the sacred biographies
because they have moulded the Buddha’s life into a narrative aimed at
conveying a series of significant me anings to his followers.
While some of the episodes may have had a historical basis, some
are of a semi -historical and semi -legendary in nature. Buddha was born as
Siddhartha, son of Suddhodana, chief of the Sakya clan, who ruled from
Kapilavastu. His mot her Maya gave birth to him in a grove at Lumbini,
while travelling towards her parents’ home, and died within a few days.
The story goes that soon after he was born, certain Brahmanas saw the 32
marks of a great man on his body. According to Buddhist tradi tion, a
mahapurusha can be of two kinds —a world conqueror or world renouncer.
Suddhodana did not want his son to turn his back on the world and hence
took great pains to shield him from its sorrows, bringing him up in a
highly artificial atmosphere, surroun ded by luxury and pleasant things.
Siddhartha married a young woman named Yashodhara and they
had a son named Rahula. The hagiography tells us that when he was 29
years old, Siddhartha saw four things that completely shattered his
composure —an old man, a sick man, a corpse, and a renunciant. The first
three scenes brought home to him the harsh realities of old age, sickness,
and death, while the fourth pointed to the way of dealing with them.
Siddhartha left his home and family and wandered around for six years,
seeking the truth. He attached himself to teachers but was not satisfied by
their instructions. Accompanied by five wandering ascetics, he practiced
severe austerities until his body was emaciated. He then realized that he
must nourish his body and try to attain peace of mind. His companions
abandoned him, thinking he had compromised his ascetism. A young
woman named Sujata offered him a bowl of milk -rice. Nourished with
food, he once again sat under the pipal tree, resolving not to get up until
he had attained enlightenment. Some texts describe his rising to
progressively higher and higher states of knowledge through meditation.
Others describe how a wicked being, Mara, tried to tempt and taunt him
out of his m editative state, all in vain.
Siddhartha ultimately attained enlightenment and became known
as the Buddha, the enlightened one. He sat for seven weeks near this spot,
tempted to keep his extraordinary experience to himself. According to
Buddhist tradition , god Brahma had to implore him three times to go forth
and spread his insight. Buddha gave his first sermon on deliverance from
suffering to his five former companions in a deer park near Benaras. This
event is known as dhammachakka -pavattana (turning the wheel of
dhamma ). His first five disciples soon themselves realized the truth and
became arhat s. The Buddha wandered about teaching his doctrine for over
four decades. He established an order of monks and nuns known as the
sangha . He died at the age of 80 at Kusinara (identified with modern
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181Teachings of Buddhism:
1. Four Noble Truths: TheDharmachakrapravartana Sutra contains the
fundamentals of the Buddha’s teachings, the Four Noble Truths, and the
Noble Eightfold Path, which are accepted as basi c principles by all
Buddhist sects. Buddha’s repeated instruction to his disciples was to
follow practical methods in order to arrive at the Truth. He emphasized on
the need to remove ignorance, thirst, attachment etc., by a proper
understanding of the fou r Noble Truths [ Aryasatyas ].These four Noble
truths are:
[1]that theworldly existence is full of misery [duhkha]
[2] that thirst, attachment, etc., are the causes ofworldly existence
[thrishna ]
[3] that worldly existence can be ended [ nirodha ] by the destruction of
thirst etc. and
[4] that there is a path [ marga ] for the destruction of thirst etc.
2. Eightfold Path:
The exposition of the Eightfold Path [ Ashtangikamarga ] forms the
theme of the Dharmachakrapravartana Sutra which is said to be the
Buddha’s first discourse. It is also known as the Middle Path
[madhamapratipat ] as it keeps clear of the two extreme ways of life. One
being that of ease and luxury and the other of rigorous asceticism. This
path allowed a monk to l ive a life of moderate comfort, with the bare
requirements of food, clothing and residence. The eight principles
advocated by Buddha are: right speech, right action, right means of
livelihood, right efforts, right mindedness, right meditation, right views,
and right resolution.
3. Karma and Rebirth:
The philosophy of Buddhism is intensely rationalistic. It believes
in the laws of karma and rebirth. The present is determined by the past.
The belief in rebirth or samsara , as a potentially endless series is
associated with the doctrine of karma. According to the doctrine of karma,
good conduct brings a good result and bad conduct brings bad results.
Some karmas bear fruit in the same life, some in the succeeding life and
others in future lives. Buddhism popula rized the idea of rebirth with the
Jataka stories, relating to the previous birth of Buddha and his final
victory over evil.
4. Nirvana:
The ultimate aim and object of Buddhism is Nirvana , extinction of
the desire for rebirth. It is free from grief and im purityand is the highest
desired goal. In order to achieve Nirvana, Buddha asked his followers to
be pure in thought, word and deed.He laid down ten precepts ( dasasila )t o
be observed by his followers.
1. Not to covet others’ property.
2. Not to killmunotes.in

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1823.Not to use intoxicants.
4. Not to tell lies
5. Not to commit adultery
6. Not to take part in singing and dancing
7. Not to use ointments, flowers or perfumes.
8. Not to eat at odd hours
9. Not to sleep on comfortable beds
10. Not to accept or keep money.
The first five precepts ( panchasila ) were to be observed by the lay
followers also along with the monks. Buddha prescribed a practical code
of conduct for his disciples and discouraged philosophical speculations to
attain Nirvana.
5. Emphasis on Characte r:
Buddhism is essentially a moral code. Buddha laid great emphasis
on moral life rather than worship. The rules of morality insisted on
speaking truth, love, obedience to parents and respect to elders, living a
life of chastity, charity, kindness, and me rcy to the sick and to all living
beings.
6. Belief in Non -violence [Ahimsa]:
Non-violence was another chief feature of the teachings of the
Buddha. According to him the spirit of love is more important than good
deeds. He considered non –violence towards life as an integral part of
practical morality.
7. Agnostic Approach towards God:
In his religious teachings, the Buddha may be called agnostic. He
neither accepted nor rejected the existence of God. He refused to be drawn
into any theoretical discussio n about God or nature of the soul. Whenever
he was asked about God or gods, he either maintained silence or pointed
out that gods also were governed by the eternal law of Karma.
8. Rejection of the Caste System:
The Buddha refused to recognize the religi ous significance of the
caste system that was a long established and respected institution in India.
Thus, Buddhism was a welcome relief to the masses from caste -ridden
Brahmanism. By abolishing caste distinctions, the Buddha raised the
status of the peopl e who belonged to the lower castes.
Check your progress:
1] Examine some of the teachings of Buddhism.munotes.in

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1839.5 JAINISM, Early Jainism
THE JAINA TIRTHANKARAS, VARDHAMANA MAHAVIRA
Dr Upinder Singh mentions that the Jaina doctrine is much older
than the Buddhist one, but it is difficult to say precisely how old it is.
Buddha and Mahavira were contemporaries and there are some similarities
between their teachings, for instance in their rejection of t he authority of
the Veda, their non -theistic doctrine, emphasis on renunciation and human
effort as means to attaining salvation, and establishment of monastic
orders for men and women. However, there are also many differences in
their philosophical ideas.
The word Jaina means follower of a jina, which means victor, a
person who has attained infinite knowledge and teaches others how to
attain moksha , i.e., liberation from the cycle of rebirth. Tirthankara is
another word for jinaand means ‘ford builder,’ i.e., one who builds fords
that help people across the ocean of suffering. The Jaina conception of
time consists of an endless sequence of half -cycles called utsarpini s and
avasarpini s, lasting vast spans of time, and further divided into six stages
known askalas. There are supposed to be 24 tirthankara s in each half -
cycle of time. In our current half -cycle, which is an avasarpini , i.e., a
period of regressive happiness, the first tirthankara was Rishabhadeva.
According to Dr. Upinder Singh, the historicit y of all the tirthankara si s
not easy to ascertain. Neminatha, the 22nd one, may have belonged to the
Saurashtra region of Gujarat. The 23rd tirthankara was Parshvanatha, who
lived in Benaras. Vardhamana was the 24th tirthankara and came to be
known as Mahavira (great hero). All the jinaswere supposed to have
taught the same doctrine.
The jinais considered a human being endowed with superhuman
insight and knowledge. According to Jaina tradition, he is born with
certain unusual c haracteristics that mark him out for his future destiny. For
example, he has a tough body, one that is extremely hard and brilliant, like
a diamond. He possesses avadhijnana —superhuman cognition or psychic
power, through which he can see far -away things an d foresee future
events.
At some point in its early history, perhaps by c.300 CE, the
Jaina sangha came to be divided into two sects —the Digambara (sky -clad)
and the Shvetambara (white -clad). There are two different hagiographies
of Vardhamana Mahavira —aDigambara and a Shvetambara versions,
which agree on some points, but disagree on some others. Extracting a
historical biography of Mahavira out of the hagiographical material is as
difficult as in the case of the Buddha according to Dr. Upinder Singh.
Vardhamana, the future Mahavira, was born in c.599 BCE at
Kundagrama, a city near Vaishali, capital of Videha. Like the Buddha,
Mahavira had a noble Kshatriya background. His father Siddhartha was
chief of the Jnatri clan, his mother Trishala was the Vide ha king’s sister.munotes.in

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184According to Shvetambara tradition, Vardhamana was conceived by a
Brahmana named Rishabhadatta in the womb of his wife Devananda, but
Shakra (Indra) transferred the embryo to the womb of Trishala because a
Brahmana woman or one from a low family was not worthy of giving
birth to the future tirthankara .
Vardhamana is described as displaying extraordinary concern for
ahimsa (non-injury) even before birth. He lay still in Trishala’s womb so
as not to cause her discomfort and moved slightly to reassure her when he
realized through his superhuman powers the made her suspect that he was
dead in her womb. According to Shvetambara tradition, having realized
how easy it was to cause parents pain and anxiety, Vardhamana vowed
there and then not to renounce the world as long as his parents were alive.
TheAcharanga Sutra describes Vardhamana’s parents as followers
of the jina Parshvanatha. Shvetambara tradition states that Vardhamana
entered the householder stage by marrying Yashoda and had a daught er
named Priyadarshana. According to Digambara tradition, he never got
married. Vardhamana is supposed to have renounced the world when he
was 30 years old. The Shvetambara account asserts that he did so after his
parents’ death. Digambara tradition tells us that he did so while his parents
were alive, after taking their permission.
Digambara and Shvetambara traditions both describe Vardhamana
as wandering about for about 12 years, practicing severe austerities,
including meditation, and fasting. He attain edkevalajnana (infinite
knowledge, omniscience) outside the town of Jrimbhikagrama, on the
banks of the Rijupalika river, in the field of a householder named Samaga.
According to Digambara tradition, on attaining enlightenment, Mahavira
was freed from the defects of ordinary human existence such as hunger,
thirst, sleep, fear, and disease. He no longer engaged in mundane activities
and sat fixed and omniscient in the lotus posture in an assembly hall
created by the gods. A divine sound ( divyadhvani )e m a n a t ed from his
body, and the gods, demi -gods, humans, and animals listened carefully to
it.
The task of disseminating the teaching was that of the ganadhara s
(chief disciples). The first one was the Brahmana Indrabhuti Gautama and
his two brothers, who also became the first members of the sangha . The
number of ganadhara s soon expanded to 11, all of them Brahmanas. Thus,
thetirthankara created the order of mo nks, nuns, and laity indirectly.
Shvetambara tradition, on the other hand, describes Mahavira as travelling
widely and teaching his doctrine himself. Both traditions agree that he
died at Papa, i.e., Pava (identified with modern Pavapuri near Patna) at the
age of 72 and became a siddha —fully liberated and forever free of
embodiment. The traditional date of his passing away is 527 BCE, which
marks the beginning of the Vira -nirvana.munotes.in

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185Worldview of Jainism
The Jaina criticism of other philosophical systems is that their
statements about reality are a single ( ekanta ), partial, and extreme view of
things i.e., they accept only one of the seven standpoints. The views of
other schools are considered as partially true statements ( naya s), which
cannot lay claim to a bsolute validity. Jaina doctrine insists that reality is
multiple ( anekanta ). Everything that exists ( sat, i.e., being) has three
aspects —substance ( dravya ), quality ( guna ), and mode ( paryaya ). The
Jaina doctrine of anekantavada states that reality is very complex and has
multiple aspects. According to A. M. Ghatage, It is called the theory of
Syadvada or the theory of may be. To a question ‘Is there a soul?’, Jainism
would provide seven answers; is, is not, is and is not, is unpredictable, is
and is unpred ictable, is not and is unpredictable and is, is not and is
unpredictable.
The doctrines of anekantavada and syadavada emphasize the
relativity of all knowledge. According to syadavada , every judgement we
make is relative to the aspect of the object we are judging and the point of
view from which we judge it. No judgement is true without qualification.
The essential point behind syadavada and anekantavada is that reality
cannot be graspe d in its entirety and complexity. All that is possible are a
number of partially true statements about it. Every statement about reality
should be prefixed with the word syat(‘maybe’, or more appropriately in
this context, ‘in some respect’). Another word that is added to all such
statements is eva(in fact). Together, the words syat andeva, added to all
statements, emphasize that such statements refer only to a particular aspect
of reality from a particular perspective. So, with the addition of ‘ syateva ’,
the statement that the jiva(soul) is eternal would be accepted as partially
true from a certain point of view. But the statement that the jivais not
eternal, preceded with the words syateva , would also be accepted as
partially true from another point of view.
Dr Upinder Singh mentions in her book that every statement about
any aspect of reality is conditional on four factors —the specific being
(sva-dravya ), specific location ( sva-kshetra ), specific time ( sva-kala), and
the specific state ( sva-bhava ) ofthe thing that is being spoken of. These
ideas are further developed to construct the theory of sapta -bhangi -
naya (the seven -fold naya s). Existent reality consists of three basic
categories —sentient (i.e., that which has consciousness), material, and
neithe r sentient nor material. The sentient category is represented by the
jiva(translated as sentient essence, life, or soul). Matter is the second
category and is made of aggregates of atoms ( pudgala ), which have form,
colour, taste, and smell, and can be touc hed and felt. The third category is
known as arupi -ajiva . It includes four substances ( dravya )—space
(akasha ),the principle of motion ( dharma ), the principle of rest
(adharma ), and time ( kala).
Jaina philosophy conceives of an infinite number of jivas. The
jivadoes not have a form of its own. In the way in which light from a lamp
fills up a room, it acquires the size and form of the body it inhabits andmunotes.in

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186becomes co -extensive with it. The jivahas three main qualities —
consciousness ( chaitanya ), bliss ( sukha), and energy ( virya ). Jaina
doctrine holds that jivas transmigrate due to karma , but its ideas of
transmigration and karma are unique. Karma is understood as consisting
of material particles floating about in space. Karmic matter is of different
kinds; some have a directly negative effect on the jiva, others do not. The
major culprits are the mohaniya (delusion -causing) karma s. The karma
particles obscure and obstruct the consciousness, bliss, and energy of the
jiva, in the way in which dust mars the re flective power of a mirror. The
karma particles are attracted towards the jivadue to its association with
the passions, desire, and hatred. The state when the karma particles begin
to flow towards the jiva to bind it is known as asrava (flow). A jiva
associated with karma particles is a jivain bondage ( bandha ).
Some jivas have an important quality known as bhavyatva which is
the capability of becoming free. It does not get affected or overwhelmed
by the karma particles. By hard work and right knowledge, the influx of
fresh karma can be stopped ( samvara ). The next stage is that of nirjara
(wearing out). In successive stages, through a change of consciousness and
behaviour, the jivacan move from bondage to freedo m. When the last
karma particle has moved away from the jiva, ignorance disappears, and it
is restored to its omniscient, ideal state. The cycle of samsara is broken,
andmoksha is attained. The ladder leading from ignorance to omniscience
is visualized as having 14 rungs or stages of purification called
gunasthana s. One who has entered the 13th stage of kevalajnana is known
as an arhat .A n arhat who has also already acquired the capability of
teaching the doctrine is known as a tirthankara . The 14th stage is achieved
by an arhat immediately before his death, when he is liberated from all
activity and from the last few remaining karma particles. The final abode
of liberated souls is a world called siddha -loka.
THE JAINA DISCIPLINE
The triratna (three gems) of Jainism consists of right faith
(samyag -darshana ), right knowledge, (samyag -jnana ), and right conduct
(samyag -charitra ). There are five great vows ( panchamahavrata )f o r
monks and nuns i.e.
1. not to injure any living being ( ahimsa );
2. not to utter any falsehood ( satya/sunrita );
3. not to take what is not given, i.e., not to steal ( asteya );
4. to lead a celibate life ( brahmacharya ); and
5. non -possession, to call nothing one’s own ( aparigraha ). The aim of
these vows is to bring about inner purification.
Ahimsa is central to Jainism, and it is the first vow for monks as
well as the common people. The extent to which Jainas carry this principle
is connected to their idea of different forms of life. Jaina doctrine
recognizes four main forms o f existence —of gods ( deva), humans
(manushya ), hell beings ( naraki ), and animals and plants ( tiryancha ). Themunotes.in

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187animal and plant category is further sub -divided into smaller sub -
categories on the basis of their sense faculties. The lowest category
comprises t he single -sense bodies ( ekendriya ). The lowest of these are the
nigoda s, tiny organisms that only have one sense, that of touch. These are
born together in clusters and their life lasts a fraction of a second. The
nigoda s are supposed to be all over the pl ace, and they also inhabit the
bodies of plants, animals, and people. Above the nigoda s, slightly higher
in the scale, are single -sense organisms that inhabit the various elements
(sthavara ). They are known as the earth bodies, water bodies, fire bodies,
and air bodies.
Plant beings are higher in the scale —although they only have one
sense, that of touch, they have a more complex structure and a longer life.
Animals are still higher, as they have two to five senses. Those that have
all five senses are clas sified into ones that are totally dependent on instinct
and ones that have powers of reasoning. Injuring living beings is seen as
detrimental from two points of view —it causes the victim to suffer and it
harms the person who causes the injury. It is not on ly actions but the
emotions and intentions behind actions that count. As injuring others
draws on negative emotions and passions, it is detrimental to the
achievement of salvation. Strict vegetarianism is thus the most important
dietary rule for Jainas. Be cause it is believed that nigoda s are especially
found in sweet and fermented substances, figs, honey, and alcohol are also
forbidden. Even if an animal has not been killed for food but has died a
natural death, its meat is not to be eaten, because dead fl esh is considered
a breeding ground for the nigoda s. The Shvetambaras made some
exceptions —for instance, meat could be eaten if there was a famine or to
cure an illness.
The monk is supposed to take the observation of ahimsa to a
higher level in his daily living. Laypersons are supposed to avoid harming
beings with two or more senses, but the renunciant is supposed to refrain
from harming even single -sense beings ( ekendriya ) and element bodies
(sthavara ). Monks and nuns must not dig the earth, lest they kill earth
bodies. They must avoid bathing, swimming, or walking in the rain, lest
they kill water bodies. They must not light or extinguish flames, to avoid
harming fire bodies. They must not fan themsel ves, to avoid harming air
bodies. They must try not to walk on greenery nor touch living plants, to
avoid harming plant bodies.
Of the differences in daily practices between Digambara and
Shvetambara monks, the most important relates to clothing. Both
traditions agree that Mahavira and his early disciples had moved around
naked. The Digambaras follow that tradition strictly. According to them, a
monk must renounce all possessions, including clothes. The only things a
monk can carry are a small broom ( rajoh arana ) for brushing insects away
before sitting down and a water gourd ( kamandalu ) for toilet hygiene. The
Shvetambaras, on the other hand, wear white robes; they view nudity as a
practice that had fallen into abeyance and was now unnecessary. For the
laity, the basic discipline consists of the anuvrata s, which are a modifiedmunotes.in

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188form of the mahavrata s of monks and nuns. The first three vows are the
same as those enjoined on members of the sangha , but the last two are
replaced by chastity and limiting one’s nee ds. Theoretically, the lay path
cannot lead to salvation. But Jainism managed to negotiate the tightrope
between monasticism and the householder’s life quite well. There was
close integration of the monastic and lay community, right from the
earliest times .
Although Jaina doctrine distinguishes between acceptable and
unacceptable injury to living beings, certain occupations that necessarily
involve killing —such as hunting and animal husbandry —are ruled out.
The texts list six occupations —governing ( asi), writing ( mashi ), farming
(krishi ), the arts ( vidya ), trade ( vanijya ), and the practice of various crafts
(shilpa ). Of these, governing and agriculture potentially involve injuring
life (insects are destroyed while tilling the soil, while governing can
involve warfare) and therefore tend to get ruled out. Trade is likely to
cause less injury and it remains a preferred occupation for Jainas even
today. The teaching for the laity also emphasized dana —giving alms to
renunciants and other worthy recipients. T he highest form of death for a
person, whether renunciant or layperson, involved entering death by
fasting and meditating.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss the religious worldview of Jainism.
9.6 TANTRIC CULTS –RISE, NATURE AND DOCTRINE
Tantra comes from the root ‘tan’ which implies to spread out or to
extend. It may refer to a system of thought, a body of practices or a
methodological device. Tantra deals with the practical aspects and
methodological issues. Tantrism is worshipping image of God with rituals,
and word symbols (mantras).
The early history of Tantrism, its chronology, and initial locality are
difficult to reconstruct. It is also difficult to identify a nucleus of Tantric
thoughts and practices, because of their diversity and the mystery that has
always bordered them. Some general features of Tantra incl ude the
importance attached to energy, rituals, fierce deities, yogic practices, and
physical rites. During this and later periods, the impact of Tantra was felt
not only in Shaiva and Shakta sects, but also within the Buddhist fold,
although to a much les s extent in Jainism. Hindu and Buddhist Tantra
share some broad similarities but have many philosophical differences.munotes.in

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189Dr Singh states that the Tantric path was supposed to be a secret one,
divulged by preceptors to select initiates. It involved the cultiv ation of
beliefs and practices that were believed to lead to the attainment of
supernatural powers and a state of liberation. The Tantra of early medieval
India drew on diverse sources of inspiration including the Veda,
Mimamsa, Sankhya, Yoga, and Vedanta, but it developed its own unique
characteristics. Evidence for the worship of Tantric deities goes back to
the 5th century, and some of the texts may also have been composed in
this period. The early medieval period saw a further development of
Tantric cul ts and practices.
Tantra considers Godhead as involving the union of a masculine and
feminine aspect. Energy ( shakti ) is conceived of as feminine and is central
to the Tantric view of the universe and liberation. Tantric practice is
usually called sadhana . Initiation ( diksha ) into a sect involves ritual
initiation, an important part of which is the imparting of a secret mantra
by the guru to the initiate. Mantra s (prayers and formulae) and bijas
(syllables associated with various deities, believed to have a mystic
potency) have an important role. Mystic diagrams known as yantra s,
mandala s, or chakra s, and symbolic gestures known as mudra s play an
important role in rituals. Hathayoga postures and meditation ( dhyana )a r e
also important. All these are supposed to be harnessed towards awakening
thekundalini energy that lies coiled like a serpent in the body, drawing it
upwards towards union with the supreme.
Toward the end of the 5th century, the cult of the mother
goddess assumed a significant place in Indian religious life. Shaktism ,
theworship of Shakti, the active power of the godhead conceived in
feminine terms, should be distinguished from Tantrism, the search for
spiritual power and ultimate release by means of the repetition
ofsacred syllables and phrases (mantras), symbolic drawings ( mandala s),
and other secret rites elaborated in the texts known as Tantras (“Loo ms”).
In many respects the Tantras are similarto the Puranas. Theoretically,
the Tantras deal with (1) knowledge, or philosophy, (2) Yoga ,o r
concentration techniques, (3) ritual , which includes the cons truction
oficons and temples, and (4) conduct in religious worship and social
practice. In general, the last two subjects are the most numerous, while
yoga tends to center on the mystique of certain sound -symbols (mantras)
that s um up esoteric doctrines. The philosophy tends to be a syncretistic
mixture of Sankhya andVedanta thought, with special emphasis on the
god’s power, or shakti .
The Tantric tex ts can be divided into three classes: (1) Shaiva
Agamas (traditions of the followers of Shiva), (2) Vaishnava Samhitas
(“Collections of the Vaishnavas,”), and (3) Shakta Tantras (“Looms of the
Followers of the Goddess Shakti”). However, they all have the c ommon
bond of venerating the Goddess. The surviving Hindu Tantras were
written much later than many of those of Tantric Buddhism , which may
have heavily influenced the Hindu texts. Although there is early evidencemunotes.in

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190of Tantrism and Shaktism in other parts of India , the chief centers of both
were in Bengal, Bihar, and Assam.
1] Shaiva Agamas
Like much other Hindu sacred literature , this literature is vast and
spans several centuries. It is possible here to summarize only classes of
texts within the various traditions. The sects of Agamic Shaivas encompass
the Sanskritic Shaiva -Siddhanta in the north, the Lingayats or Virashaivas
in Deccan and Karnataka and the Shaiva -Siddhanta of the Tamil tradition.
TheShaiva -Siddhanta traditionally has 28 Agamas and 150 sub -Agamas.
Their doctrine states that Shiva is th e conscious principle of the universe,
while matter is unconscious. Shiva’s power, or shakti , personified as a
goddess, causes bondage and release. She is also the magic Word, and
thus her nature can be sought out and meditated up on in mantras .
Kashmiri Shaivism begins with the Shiva -sutra , or “Lines of
Doctrine Concerning Shiva” ( c.850), as a new revelation of Shiva. The
system embraces the Shivadristi (“A Vision of Shiva”) of Somananda
(950), in which emphasis is placed on the continuous recognition of Shiva;
the world is a manifestation of Shiva brought about by his shakti . The
system is called trika (“triad”), because it recognizes the three principles
of Shiva, Shakti, and t he individual soul.Virashaiva texts begin at about
1150 with the Vachana (“Sayings”) of Basava . The sect worships Shiva
exclusively, rejects the caste system in favour of its own social
organization, and is highly structured, with monasteries and gurus.
2.Vaishnava Samhitas
The Vaikhanasas are a small community of temple priests
belonging to the Taittiriya division of Krishna Yajur Veda. It has heavy
ritualistic orientation and is entirely Vedic in affiliation. Its viewpoint is
that the pathway to final emancipation is not devotion alone, but iconic
worship ( Samurtarcana ) done with devotion ( bhakti ). Their rituals are
conducted as ordained by the Tait-triya-brahmana texts. These consist of
two groups of texts, Vaikhanasa Samhitas and Pancharatra Samhitas,
which together include more than 200 titles, though the official number is
108. Vaikhanasa Samhita s are collections of the Vaishnava school of
Vaikhanasas, who were originally ascetics. They seem to have been the
original temple manuals for the Bhagavatas (devotees of Vishnu), which
by the 11th or 12th century had become suppla nted by the Pancharatra
Samhitas.
Pancharatra Samhitas :
The precise origin of Pancharatra Samhita is difficult to discern.
But it is believed to have been crystallized within the framework of
Bhagavata cult two centuries prior to Christian era. It center s around
Narayana as the supreme Godhead. This was popularized in south by
Ramanujacharya who lived between 1017 -1137 C.E. Pancharatra
Samihitawere collections of the Vaishnava school of Pancharatra —
“System of the Five Nights”. The philosophy of the latter is largely a
matter of cosmogony. They claim to have originated from the Srutimunotes.in

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191literature and have been greatly inspired by Yoga teachings. The Lakshmi
Tantra declares that surrender to the goddess Lakshmi as well as
toVishnu is necessary for salvation . The emotional and spiritual surrender
is marked with a ritual in which the devotee transfers the burden of his
salvation to Lakshmi and Vishnu, is given a new name, and is bran ded
with the marks of Vishnu on his upper arms.
Apart from their theology , in which for the first time the notion
ofshakti is introduced into Vaishnavism , the Vaishnava Samhitas are
important because th ey give an expositi on of Vaishnava temple and home
rituals. The texts also maintain that the supreme
godKrishna Vasudeva manifests himself in four coequal “divisions”
(vyuha s),representing levels of creation. God has the primary creation
started by his shakti . In the primary creation, Shakti manifests herself as a
female creative force. Stress is laid on manifestation of God in the
consecrated image —“iconic incarnation” —in whic h the divine being is
actually manifestin the consecrated stone statue, which thus becomes an
icon; therefore, the icon can be worshipped as God himself.
3. Shakta Tantras
Shaktism in one form or another has been known since Bana
(c.650) wrote his Hundred Couplets to Chandi (Chandi -shataka )
andBhavabhuti his play Malati Madhava (early 8th century), about the
adventures of the hero Madhava and his belov ed Malati; both of these
works refer to Tantric practices. There is no traditional authoritative list of
Tantric texts, but many are extant .
Shakti sm is an amalgam of Shaivism and mother goddess
traditions. The Shaiva notion that Shiva’s shakti , not Shiva himself, is
active is taken to the extreme. Without Shakti, Shiva is a corpse, and
Shakti is the creator as well as creation. Another important not ion (partly
derived from Yoga philosophy) is that throughout the body there are
subtle canals that carry esoteric powers connected with the spinal cord ,a t
the bottom of which the Goddess is coiled around the lingam
askundalini (“coil”); she can be made to rise through the body to the top,
whereupon release from samsara takes place.
Physical symbolism and magic are other fringe aspects of Tantra.
They are condemned by the Sankara and other Acharyas. The notion of
puja (worship) in Tantra involves transforming the worshipper into the
deity. It is often associated with five elements ( panchatattva )—namely
mada (alcohol), mamsa (meat), matsya (fish), mudra (generally parched
grain), and maithuna (physical re lations). Tantrism was divided into a
number of sects, the principal ones associated with the worship of Vishnu,
Shiva, and Shakti. The various sects had their own texts, most of the
important ones being in Sanskrit. There was a close relationship between
the Shaiva and Shakti cults as the deities Shiva and Shakti were
considered closely related. The most important early Tantric sect among
the Vaishnavas was the Pancharatra. The Sahajiyas of Bengal were a later
sect belonging to the Tantric variety of Vaish navism. The Shaiva Tantricmunotes.in

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192sects such as the Kapalikas, Kalamukhas, and Nathas came to the fore in
the early medieval period. Apart from the existence of probably small
groups of Tantric practitioners, there was the larger phenomenon of a
widespread impact of Tantrism on non -Tantric cults and traditions.
One among the Shakta Tantras are the Kularnava -tantra (“Oc ean
of Tantrism”) It gives details on the “left -handed” cult forms of ritual
copulation (i.e., those that are not part of traditional Hindu practice);
theKulachudamani (“Crown Jewel of Tantrism”), which discusses ritual;
and the Sharadatilaka (“Beauty Mark of the Goddess Sharada”) of
Lakshmanadeshika (11th century), which focuses almost exclusively on
magic. The goddess cults eventually centered around Durga , the consort of
Shiva, in her fiercer aspect.
Check your pro gress:
1] Examine some of the Tantic texts.
9.7QUESTIONS
1.Examine the evolution of religious belief in the Vedic period.
2.Evaluate the nature of relationship between Atman and Brahmanas
discussed in the Upanishads.
3.Asses the philosophy of Jainism
4.Review the philosophy of Buddhism.
9.8ADDITIONAL READINGS
1.Singh Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India, From
the Stone Age to the 12thcentury, Pearson.
2.https://www.britannica.co m/topic/Hinduism/Tantrism
3.Basham, A.L., The Wonder that was India (34th impression), New
Delhi,Rupa & co., 1999.
4.Majumdar R.C., (ed), The History and Culture of the Indian People:
The Vedic Age, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai (reprint) 2010.
5.Ramachandra Rao, S.K., The Agama Encyclopaedia Volumes I, II, III
& IV,Sri Satuguru Publications, Indian Books Centre, Delhi, (reprint)
2005
6.Swami Gambhirananda (tr.), “Eight Upanisads with Commentary of
Sankaracarya”, Volume II, (9thimpression), November 1992.
7.Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, “History of the SaktaRelgion”,
MunshiramManoharlal, New Delhi, 1996.
munotes.in

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193Module -IV
Economic Transformations
Unit -10
IRON TECHNOLOGY, SETTLED
AGRICULTURE AND RISE OF
URBANIZATION.
Unit Structure :
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Early Iron Age Cultures of the Subcontinent
10.3 Introduction of Iron Technology in Ancient In dia
10.4 The Impact of Iron Technology
10.5 Conclusion
10.6 Settled Agriculture
10.7 Rise of Urbanization
10.8 History of Urbanization
10.9Urbanisation in Ancient India -A Cultural Process:
10.10 References
10.0 OBJECTIVES
1. To study Early Iron Age Cultures in the Subcontinent.
2. To analyse the impact of Iron Technology
3. To orient students about settled a griculture in Early India
4. To study the rise of Urbanisation in Ancient India.
10.1 INTRODUCTION
This unit looks at the economic transformations that took place
over a period of time in ancient India. Iron technology played a crucial
role in the devel opment of settled agriculture and the rise of urbanisation
in ancient India. Discovery of the metal revolutionized life in a major way.
Iron is an important metal which has influenced the march of civilization
for over 5000 years. The ancient scriptures an d legends have extensive
references about the use of iron. The archaeological evidence show that
iron was being made all over India and there were no written records of
the process of manufacturing iron. The technology had been handed over
from generation to generation within a limited group.munotes.in

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19410.2 EARLY IRON AGE CULTURES OF THE
SUBCONTINENT
Dr Upinder Singh has examined the transition to the Iron Age. All
over the world, the iron age comes after the copper -bronze age. The
transition from copper to iron raises several questions: Was iron smelting
an accidental by -product of copper smelting? Were the smel ting and
working of iron well within the range of the technical expertise of
coppersmiths, or did they involve a gigantic technological leap? After
using metals such as copper and bronze for so many centuries, why did
some communities start making and usin g iron tools?
There are certain important technological aspects to the issue. Iron
is a dense metal. Copper melts at 1083°C, while iron melts at the much
higher temperature of 1534°C. Therefore, the smelting of iron requires
furnaces that can maintain v ery high temperatures. Iron ore has more
impurities than copper ores and requires the maintenance of a number of
conditions for successful smelting. A temperature of 1250°C has to be
maintained in the furnace for the separation of unwanted gangue materials
from smelted material. A good blast of air has to be supplied to the
furnace, along with constant supplies of fuel. Another important
prerequisite is the efficient use of fluxes. A flux is a smelting aid, a
substance added to molten ore, which combines wi th impurities to form
slag that can be extracted. The technology of carburization —heating the
iron in association with carbon to make steel —was another important step
that had to be mastered before iron came into widespread use.As at 1150
to 1250 degree on e would get lumps known as bloom (pure iron with
some slag), they had to further heat the blooms in high temperature and
hammer them to remove impurities. Bowl furnaces were constructed by
digging a small hole in the ground and arranging for air from a be llows to
be introduced through a pipe or tuyere. Stone -built shaft furnaces, on the
other hand, relied on natural draft, although they too sometimes used
tuyeres. Both the methods must have been used in Ancient India. In
Kodumanal, a megalithic site in we stern Tamil Nadu, bowl furnaces have
been found in excavations.
The evidence of iron lumps, pieces, or artefacts from chalcolithic
levels at sites such as Lothal, Mohenjodaro, Pirak, Allahdino, Ahar, and
Gufkral indicates that certain Chalcolithic commu nities were familiar with
iron and were able to smelt it from the ores. Iron may have initially been
extracted accidentally in the copper -smelting furnace when sufficiently
high temperatures were attained, if there was iron oxide in the copper ore,
or if a hematite flux was used to smelt these ores. But this represented an
initial, experimental stage. The large -scale use of iron and the achievement
of technical finesse in iron working was something that happened
gradually and at a later stage.
Copper ores are not as widely available as iron ores, and it is
possible that a shrinking of trade networks may have given an impetusmunotes.in

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195towards replacement of copper with iron. This was especially so once the
requisite technological knowledge of iron smelting and worki ng had been
achieved, and people realized the superiority of iron over copper and
bronze in terms of hardness and durability.
The beginning of iron technology is not the same thing as the
beginning of the Iron Age. A distinction must be made between the
presence of a few iron objects at a site and a significant use of iron. But
how is ‘significant use’ to be assessed? This has to be done on the basis of
the total volume of iron artefacts found and in relation to those of other
metals and materials, and by their nature and purpose. It is necessary to try
to identify when people started using iron for everyday activities,
especially for production purposes. In the case of the agricultural societies,
it is necessary to try to identify when iron implements wer e used in
agricultural operations for making tools such as ploughs, hoes, and sickles.
This marks the beginning of the Iron Age.
Iron ores are found in all parts of the subcontinent, except the
alluvial river valleys. Evidence from later Vedic texts sugg ests familiarity
with iron. Iron was used in agriculture in the Indo -Gangetic divide and
upper Ganga valley in c.1000 –500 BCE. The evidence from archaeology
gives more detailed and specific evidence for the beginning of iron
technology and the beginning of the Iron Age in various parts of the
subcontinent.
At least six early iron -using centers can be identified in the
subcontinent. They are Baluchistan and the north -west; the Indo -Gangetic
divide and the upper Ganga valley; Rajasthan;
Eastern India; Malwa and Central India; Vidarbha and the Deccan;
and South India. All these centers are in or near iron ore resources and all
of them have given evidence of pre -industrial smelting. There is a widely
prevalent belief that iron technology was introduced into the subcontinent
by the Indo -Aryans. Chakrabarti’s analysis indicates that there is no
evidence that iron technology d iffused into the Indian subcontinent from
West Asia or anywhere else. Since, iron ore is widely found in South
India, the smelting technology might have started there. The use of iron in
central and South India seems to have started earlier than in the nor th-west
or the Ganga valley. Though the earlier estimate was that the metal seems
to have entered the productive system in most parts of the subcontinent
by800 BCE, the recent excavations in Adichanallur, Mangadu,
Thelunganur, Porunthal and Kodumanal and t he carbon dating here
suggests a date of 3750 BC and the production of steel to around 1500
BCE. In Assam, Orissa, and Gujarat, there is no evidence of iron before
the historical period. The picture in the Punjab plains and Sindh is unclear.munotes.in

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196
Source: Indian Journal of History of Science, 46.3 (2011) 381 -
410[Ancient Indian Iron and Steel: An Archaeometallurgical Study by B
Prakash]
Check your progress:
1] Examine the early iron age cultures of the subcontinent.
10.3 INTRODUCTION OF IRON TECHNOLOGY IN
ANCIENT IN DIA
The middle Gangetic basin has had an average annual rainfall
between 114 and 140 cm. We come to know about this from references to
the four great forests (Mahaaranyas). Some modern place names also
indicate that they are derived from forests. For example, Arrah is derived
from ancient aranya or forest, Saran from Naimishar anya and Champaran
from Champaranya.munotes.in

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197The large -scale spread of agriculture in an area under thick forest
cover was possible due to the greater use of iron tools and implements for
clearing the land. Iron tools were also used for various agricultural
opera tions. The use of bellows, hammers, anvils etc. made possible the
manufacture of iron tools and implements on a large scale. Textual
references to iron plough shares are many, and archaeological evidence, is
comparatively weak.
Iron ploughshares are found at Ropar, Jakhera, Kaushambi,
Raghuasoi (near Vaishali, Rajghat (Banaras) etc. The mention of the
Kuddala (hoe/spade) and Kuddalika in a brahmanical text sug gests that the
use of iron ploughshare was supple mented by that of hoe. All this
indicates the d iffusion of iron technology. More importantly, iron tools
and implements were used, for purposes other than war.
Check your progress:
1] Discuss the introduction of iron technology in ancient India.
10.4 THE IMPACT OF IRON TECHNOLOGY
Upinder Singh has comprehensively looked at the impact of iron
technology. She states that there is often a time lag between the
beginnings of a technology, its maturation, and its significant impact.
Small quantities of iron are found at a few sites in ea rly 2nd millennium
BCE. The metal became more widespread in c.1000 –800 BCE. During c.
800–500 BCE, the use of iron was known in all regions of the
subcontinent. At this time most regions including the Ganga valley seem
to have entered the Iron Age. Howev er, in certain areas, this change took
place much later.
There has been a decades -long debate over the impact of iron
technology on the history of ancient India. This debate was due to the
question of the role of technology in history. There was also a qu estion of
assessing the literary and archaeological evidence of iron. The debate has
especially focused on the Ganga valley in the 1st millennium BCE.
According to Dr. Upinder Singh, some of the older hypotheses are not
supported by evidence and need to be discarded. For example, many
decades ago, D. D. Kosambi suggested that the eastern movement of the
Indo-Aryans was to reach the iron ores of south Bihar. A near -monopoly
over these ores was responsible for the political dominance attained by the
state of Magadha in south Bihar in early historical times. These
hypotheses are on shaky ground, given the very wide distribution of iron
ores in the subcontinent. Chemical analysis of early iron artefacts atmunotes.in

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198Atranjikhera points to the hills between Agra and Gwalio r, not Bihar, as
the probable source of ores.
R. S. Sharma highlighted the role of iron axes in clearing the
forests of the Ganga valley and iron ploughs in agricultural expansion in
this area. He argued that the use of these implements was responsible fo r
generating an agricultural surplus, which paved the way for the second
phase of urbanization. Religions such as Buddhism were a response to the
new socio -economic milieu generated by iron technology. Many aspects
of this hypothesis were questioned. A. Gh osh and Niharranjan Ray argued
that the forests of the Ganga valley could have been cleared through
burning.
It was pointed out that Sharma’ s argument was not supported by
archaeological data. The impact of iron technology was gradual. It
manifested itself in the mid -NBPW [Northern Black Polished Ware] phase
when urbanization was well underway. Socio -political factors had an
important role t o play in the historical transformations of the Ganga valley
in the 1st millennium BCE. Makkhan Lal described the idea of large -scale
forest clearance using the iron axe and the generation of an agricultural
surplus through the use of the iron plough as a myth. He argued that there
was no significant increase in the use of iron from PGW [Painted Grey
Ware] to NBPW levels. Iron technology was not an essential prerequisite
for an agricultural surplus or urbanization. He stated that the Bihar iron
ores were no t tapped during this period and the Ganga plains remained
heavily forested till as late as the 16th and 17th centuries CE.
Technology is certainly an extremely important factor in history,
but it must be considered along with other variables. Archaeologic al data
indicates that the beginning of iron technology in parts of the Ganga valley
can be traced to the 2nd millennium BCE. The earliest iron artefacts occur
in BRW[Black and Red Ware] or PGW contexts. The use of iron and its
impact increased gradually o ver the centuries and is reflected in the
increase in the number and range of iron objects in the NBPW phase.
While the expansion of agriculture must certainly have involved some
amount of land clearance, large tracts of land continued to be forested.
Mass ive deforestation in the Ganga valley and in the subcontinent in
general is a feature of the colonial period, when the extension of the
railways, increase in population, and the commercialization of agriculture
led to a dramatic, unprecedented reduction in forest cover, as mentioned in
Upinder Singh’s book.
In Eastern India around 1000 B.C.E., the locals were initiated into
the iron technology. Many sites including Pandu, Rajar Dhibi, Barudih,
Chirand, mongolkot, Bahiri, Hatikra, GolbaiSasan and Badmal wer e
notable iron age sites. The easy availability of iron ore in the region led to
the new craft of solid -to-solid transfer of iron ore into spongy mass a
viable occupation. People also practiced the technique of tempering and
quenching in steel making. Scho lars believe that iron technology was
initiated independently of the progress made in the Ganga valley.munotes.in

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199In far south it was during the iron age there was an extensive
horizontal mobility of the society. Micro -settlements emerged all over
Tamilnadu during this phase. The megalithic culture was the end phase of
the iron age before it ushered in the Sangam age. The Sangam literature
talks about the megalithic practices of the previous phase. There is a belief
thatcommunities using metal in everyday life ente red Tamilnadu from
Karnataka and Andhra though the recent excavations in many megalithic
sites of Tamilnadu question that assumption. The North west and north
eastern Tamilnadu became the nucleus of the iron age culture. The
migration could have been due t o abundance of iron ore availability in the
Salem region. Excavations in sites such as Guntur (Andhra), Mullikkadu,
Dharmapuri, Paiyampalli, Appukkallu, and in Coimbatore suggests the
presence of a community specialized in agropastoral economy. The
profus e occurrence of iron artefacts. The iron age population diffusion into
interior Tamilnadu happened through the valleys of major rivers or
through their tributaries. The community migration in iron age to areas
where trade and commerce flourished leading to establishment of large
towns led to the transition from pre -historic to early historic culture in the
region.
Check your progress:
1] Examine the impact of iron technology.
10.5 CONCLUSION
Literature and archaeology reveal the varied cultural mosaic of the
subcontinent between c.2000 and 500 BCE. During these centuries, many
parts of the subcontinent made the transition from the Chalcolithic to the
Iron Age. Historians have used the Vedic t exts to identify broad patterns
of historical change in the north -west and the upper Ganga valley.
Archaeology outlines the features of the everyday life of people living in
these and other parts of the subcontinent. The evidence indicates many
settlements relying on a well -established and stable agricultural base with
at w o -crops -a-year cycle, supplemented by animal domestication and
hunting. In some areas, there was a two -tiered hierarchy of settlements,
with a small number of fairly large settlements, so metimes fortified,
supporting substantial populations. Traditions of specialized crafts and
metallurgical techniques for iron crafting become visible in most areas.
There is also evidence of inter -regional and long -distance trade in raw
materials and finis hed products. All this suggests increasing levels of
socio -economic complexity. Archaeological evidence from Inamgaon in
Deccan reflects a chiefdom stage of society and polity, while later Vedic
texts reflect the process of transition from tribe to territ orial state in the
Ganga valley.munotes.in

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20010.6 SETTLED AGRICULTURE
1. THE EARLIEST VILLAGE SETTLEMENTS IN THE INDIAN
SUBCONTINENT, C. 7000 –3000 BCE
a. THE NORTH -WEST
Several sites in Baluchistan illustrate the change from a semi -nomadic
pastoral life tow ards settled agriculture. The oldest and best documented
evidence comes from Mehrgarh. This site is located in the Bolan valley
which was an important link between the Indus plains and the
mountainous valleys of north Baluchistan, and people and animals mu st
have moved along this route from very early times. Excavations at
Mehrgarh revealed the remains of ancient settlements scattered over an
area of about 200 hectares on a low mound and the surrounding plain.
Seven occupational levels were identified, givi ng striking evidence of
continuous occupation and of cultural continuity and change over many
millennia. The first six levels, i.e., Periods, are relevant for us here.
Periods I and II at Mehrgarh are considered Neolithic, even though
there is a small amo unt of Copper present. The remains of Period I (sub -
divided into Periods IA and IB) were located in an 11 m thick deposit at
the northern end of the site, on the high bank of the Bolan river. The
majority of the dates fall between 6000 and 5500 BP ( c.5000 BCE,
calibrated). The people of Period I lived in houses made of handmade
mudbricks with small, rectangular rooms. One of the rooms at the lowest
levels of Period I, measuring 2 × 1.8 m, had reed impressions on the floor
and a grinding stone. The bricks u sed for house walls were of a
standardized size, with rounded ends and finger impressions on their upper
surface. Some of the structures divided into small units may have been
granaries.
The stone tools of Period I included thousands of microliths, most
of them based on blades. A few ground Neolithic handaxes (celts) were
also found. Some of the blades were set into wooden handles with a thick
layer of bitumen and may have been used as sic kles to harvest grain.
Grinding stones indicate food processing. There were a few stone vessels
and objects such as perforated discs and spatulae incised with a crisscross
design. Bone tools, including needles and awls, were also found, as was a
handmade c lay female figurine. Mehrgarh I was basically a -ceramic, i.e.,
it had no pottery; the first few pieces of pottery appeared in Period IB.
Mehrgarh has the location with the oldest known cotton in the
Indian subcontinent. It suggests that while some agricult ural practices may
have spread east to the Indus valley, others, like rice and perhaps cotton
and crops that could rotate with other crops may have spread westwards
from the Indus region. The many river eco -systems would have allowed
ample time for experim entation and the perfection of different crop
strains.munotes.in

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201In a Neolithic burial (6thmillennium) at Mehrgarh, several threads
preserved by mineralization in a copper bead were subject to rigorous
metallurgical analysis and the fibres were identified as cotton .The
exceptional preservation of cotton fibers represent a unique find. The
preservation results exclusively from the corrosion process of copper in
which metallic salts are liberated and can thus impregnate the organic
material. This type of conservation is rare, especially for periods before
the ‘‘true’’ metal ages.
Cotton, either in the form of fibers or seeds, has been identi fied at
several other sites in South Asia. Remains of a cotton string, conserved
inside a carnelian bead, was found in a 4th millennium grave at Shahi
Tump in the Makran d ivision of southern Balochistan . The situation is
somewhat different at Dhuweila in eas tern Jordan, where fibers and
impressions of a woven cotton fabric were also found in a 4th millennium
context. For ecological reasons, the Dhuweila cotton was most likely
imported from elsewhere, perhaps from the Indian subcontinent. By the
beginning of th e 2nd millennium the evidence for both cotton fibres and
seeds becomes more frequent, especially in the Indus Valley and
Peninsular India. Fragments of a cotton fabric and a piece of cotton string
were preserved in contact with a silver vessel at Mohenjo -daro.
The people of Period I buried their dead in the open spaces
between their houses. Grave goods included bitumen -lined baskets and
food offerings. The nearest source of marine shells is the Makran coast,
about 500 km away. The presence of such items in the graves indicates
that the people of Mehrgarh were engaged in some amount of long -
distance exchange.
In Period IB, a graveyard consisting of 150 burials covering over
220 sq m was unearthed. The burials were more elaborate than before. A
small niche wa s cut into one side of a pit, and the body and grave goods
were placed inside. The niche was then sealed with a wall made of mud -
brick, after which the pit was filled up. A few copper beads were found in
the burials. There are some instances of double buri als and also of
secondary burials , where the bones of one or more people were collected
and buried after exposing the body to the elements. The significance of
these changes in burial practices is unclear.
Period II at Mehrgarh, dated c.6000 –4500 BCE, is divided into
three sub -phases —A, B, and C.
The size of the settlement increased during this period and there
were several mud -brick structures divided into small cell -like
compartments. Some of these may have been houses, but others may have
been used fo r storage. For instance, double rows of small rooms with a
passage in between, with barley seeds on the floors, may have been used
to store grain. The stone and bone tool types of Period I continued. There
were two sickles made of microliths hafted onto a bitumen matrix. P.
Vaughan’s microwear study of stone tools found in an area of Period IIAmunotes.in