Page 1
1Module -I
1
THEORIES OF STATE: SULTANATE,
MUGHAL, VIJAYNAGAR AND
MARATHAS
Unit Structure:
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Theories of State: Sultanate
1.3 Despotism: Benevolent and Tyrannical
1.4 Summary
1.5Questions
1.6Additional Reading s
1.1 OBJECTIVES
To understand the theories of state of the Sultanate and the Mughal
To understand the theories of states in Vijaynagar and Maratha Empire
To understand the theories of states in medieval period in India.
1.1 INTRODUCTION
In the abse nce of any written law or constitution the state in the
Delhi Sultanate functioned according to wisdom and political pragmatism
of the rulers. It is important to understand that the concerns of the state at
the beginning of the thirteenth century when it w as at its formative stage
were different from the concerns of the state in the fourteenth century
when it got consolidated. So it is suggested that the state under the
sultanate needs to be understood as a process rather than a monolithic
structure imposed from above
1.2 THEORIES OF STATE: SULTANATE
The Turks who came to India were deeply influenced by the
Islamic thinking or practices regarding the state, though they could not
completely shake off their tribal traditions. They also showed themselves
tobe intensely practical in their political dealings, simultaneously trying to
remain within the framework of Islamic law (sharia).munotes.in
Page 2
2Legal, Political and Social Character of the State
From a legal point of view, the Delhi sultanate can be considered
an inde pendent entity with the rise to power in 1206 of Qutbuddin Aibak,
a slave of Muizzuddin Muhammad bin Sam, and the end of it's
subordination to Ghazni. However, it was not till the consolidation of
Iltutmish's power that the rulers of Ghazni ceased to claim suzreignty over
the territories comprising the sultanate of Delhi. In fact, this was a
consequence of the conquest of Ghazni by the Mongol leader, Chingez
Khan. It led to the flight of Yalduz, the successor of Muizzuddin bin Sam,
to Delhi, and his defeat and imprisonment by Iltutmish.
Although asserting their independence, the rulers at Delhi were
keen to maintain their links with the rest of the Islamic world. One method
of doing this was to get a formal letter of investment (manshur) from the
Abbasid C aliph at Baghdad. In 1229, Iltutmish received such a letter of
investiture, along with splendid robes, from the Caliph of Baghdad.
Henceforth, the sultans of Delhi inscribed the name of the Caliph in their
coinage, and his name was included in the Khutba at the time of the Frida
prayers. The sultans also styled themselves Nasir -amirul -the lieutenant of
the leader of the faithful, the Khalifa or Caliph. It has been argued tha t
legally the sultans of Delhi became subordinate to the Caliphs. However,
the legal aspect was the least important in the eyes of contemporaries.
The legal independence of the sultans of Delhi had not been
questioned by any one before the receipt of the letter of investment. Nor
was the legal status of the sultans questioned by anyone even when
Mubarak Shah, the successor of Alauddin Khalji, repudiated allegiance to
the Caliphs, and declared himself Imam or Khalifa. The question of
getting the Caliph's letter of investment was really a moral question. It also
catered to, and helped to m aintain the fiction of the unity of the Islamic
world under the leadership of the Caliph. But this unity had broken down
much earlier, partly on account of the rise of various religious sects, and
partly on account of the rise of independent kingdoms under the Turkish
and other adventurers. The rise of the Mongols fractured this unity still
further.
When Muhamma dbin Tughlaq was facing a series of internal
revolts, he sought and obtained an investiture from a descendant of the
Abbasid Caliph, who was livi ng at Cairo after the murder in 1259 of the
Abbasid Caliph at Baghdad by the Mongol leader, Halaku. This was in
1343. Earlier, he had removed his own name from the coins, and put in it's
place that of the Caliph. But these steps had little impact on the le aders of
the rebellions. Firuz Tughlaq twice obtained investiture and robes of
honour from the Caliph, even before he stood forth as a champion of
orthodoxy. But the prestige of the Abbasid Caliph had gradually declined.
With the advent of the Turks, a ne w type of state was introduced in north
India. During the early phase, maximum freedom was given to the military
leaders to carry out conquests in different parts of the country while a
strong corp of troops was stationed with, and operated under the direc t
control of the Sultan. This type of loose or decentralized despotism wasmunotes.in
Page 3
3replaced by a highly centralized state by Balban. With some interruptions,
as for example, under Jalaluddin Khalji, the Delhi sultanate maintained its
highly centralized character t ill the end of the 14th century when,
following the downfall of the Tughlaqs and the rise of the Lodis to power,
a brief experiments was made at reasserting the principle of decentralized
despotism, with Afghan tribal leaders claiming a larger share in pow er.
This led to renewed clashes between the Sultan and the nobles leading to
the defeat of Ibrahim Lodi at the field of Panipat in 1526.
Despite it's outer appearance, the character of the state varied
considerably during the 13th and 14th centuries. Duri ng the 13th century,
the state was very much the institutionalized from of a foreign conquest.
The nobles, mostly of the Turkish extraction had little knowledge or links
with the country, and exercised control over the countryside from their
military canto nments in the towns and the forts sprinkled over the country.
It was during this period that the Sufi Saints, particularly the Chistis,
played an important role in establishing links between the new ruling class
and the populace as we already seen.
Balba n's reign has many contradictions. Balban dest royed power
of the chihalgani Turks. Simultaneously, he set his face against the India -
born Muslims, even for the appointment in the lower rungs of the
administration. The Khaljis ended the Turkish domination o r the policy of
Turkish exclusivism. They had not discriminate against the Turks, but
through the doors open to the talents among various sections of the
Muslims. Thus, Allauddin's wazir was Nusrat Khan Jalesar, and Zafar
Khan his Mir Arz. Both were famous warriors but were non -Turks,
possibly Indian Muslims. Another non -Turk who rose to power was Malik
Kafur.
The earliest Muslim political thinker in India Fakr -i-Mudabbir,
who wrote during the reign of Iltutmish, says: “Posts of diwan, shagird
and muharrir (revenue posts) should be given only to ahl -i-qalam (the
educated sections) and whose ancestors had served rulers and Amir's.”
Ziauddin Barani who wrote his political tract, Fatawa -i-Jahandari, while in
prison during the early years of Firuz Tughlaq, echoes the same views. He
says that at the time of creation, some mind were inspired with the art of
letters and of writing, others with horsemanship, and yet others in the
weaving, stitch -craft, carpentry, hair cutting and tanning.
Religious Nature of the s tate
The process of formation of the Delhi Sultanate started with the
rise of Qutbuddin Aibak to power in 1206. However, it was only during
Iltutmish’s reign that the Sultanate of Delhi in real terms became free from
the control of the rulers of Ghazni. I nfluence of Islamic thinking and
tradition definitely had a bearing on the rulers of the Delhi Sultanate, but it
was the need of balancing different dominant groups within the ruling elite
and the local challenges which primarily governed the decision maki ng
process. Satish Chandra observes that the state was not a theocracy
because sharia as defined by the clergy was hardly the core concern of themunotes.in
Page 4
4sultans. It was formally Islamic in character, but was based not on social
equality, but on hierarchy. In prac tice, there was little distinction between
the lives of the ordinary people,
Influence of Ulemas
The powers and the position of the ulema in the state, and it's
relationship with the secular rulers has been a matter of continuous debate
in the Islamic wo rld. After the end of the rule of the first four Caliphs at
Macca, there was a division between the spiritual and secular authority,
most of the leading clergymen remaining at Mecca, and the center of
political authority being shifted by the Umaiyyad Khali fas to Damascus.
With the shifting of the political control to Baghdad by the Abbasids, who
claimed descent from the Prophet, an attempt was made to reintegrate
spiritual and political authority under their aegis. However, in effect, the
political elements often dominated the spiritual. Even this unity, however
limited, ended with the break up of the Abbasid Caliphate towards the end
of the 9thcentury, and the rise of independent kingdoms mostly under the
Turkis sultans.
The Turks who were newly converte d to Islam, paid great
deference to the clergy, the ulema, who were supposed to interpret Islam
to the community. But they kept effective political control in their hands.
The attitude of contempt towards the clergymen and lower officials
(nawisandan, or w riters) for advising about higher political affairs is
explained by the remarks of Alauddin Khalji to Alaul Mulk, the kotwal of
Delhi, when he advised Alauddin to persuade the Mongols to depart by
using diplomatic and other means. Alauddin rejected the adv ice and
followed strong measure against the Mongols.
It has been argued that the state set up by the Turks was theocracy
because it was based on the Muslim holy law, the Sharia, which could be
interpreted only by the ulema. In this connection, it may be pointed out
that the word “theocracy ”was originally applied to the Jewish
commonwealth from the time of Moses to the rise of monarchy, and is
understood as “government or state governed by God directly to through a
sacerdotal class.” It was also implied t hat for such a sacerdotal class to
govern, it should be organized formally, as in the case of Jewish or
Christian Churches. It has been said that in the absence of an organized
church, the Muslim ulema could not govern, and hence there could be no
theocrat ic state.
In general, the sultans in India, while paying deference to the
ulema, did not feel bound to consult them or accede to their views where
matters of state were concerned. Thus Iltutmish did not consult the
theologians before he declared Razia as his successor. Balban introduced
pre-Islamic ceremonials in his court, including sijda and Paibos which
were considered un -Islamic by the ulema. In Alauddin Khalji's time, Qazi
Mughis declared that the treasures looted by him from Deogir were bait -
ul-mal, or part of the public treasury, and that as a sultan, he was entitledmunotes.in
Page 5
5to take from the treasury only as much as was allowed to a common
trooper.
Alauddin rejected the advice of the Qazi, and declared -“Although
I have not studied the Book (the Quran), nor am I learned, I am a Muslim.
To prevent rebellions in which thousands perish, I issue such orders as I
conceive to be for the good of the state, and the benefit of the people. Men
are heedless, disresectful, and disobey my commands. I am then
compelled t o be severe and bring them to obedience. I do not know
whether this is according to the Sharia or against the Sharia -whatever I
think for the good of the state or suitable for the emergency that I decree.”
Position of the Hindus
In addition to loyalty and service to the ruler, the Hindus are also
required to pay jizyah . The origins of jizyah are not clear, some trace it to
poll-tax on individuals levied in Greece and pre -Islamic Iran from which it
was taken over, others considers it to be a tax in lieu of military service,
and still others equate it to land -tax or kharaj. Some theologians argued
that as idolater, and not having a revealed book like the Quran, the Hindus
were ineligible for jizyah, and should be given the option of only Islam or
death. If B arani is to be believed, such an argument was put forward
before Iltutmish by a group of theologians. On behalf of the Sultan, his
wazir, Nizamul Mulk Junaidi, replied that such a policy was contrary to
tradition, not having been enforced by Mahmud the her o of Islam and
impractical because the Muslim were too few in numbers, “like salt in a
dish (of food).”
Barani perhaps did not know that the Turkish Sultans were only
following the example of the ruler of Sind who had granted the Hindus
there the option o f paying jizyah, and employed many of them in civil
administration. It is also necessary to remember that in the Delhi sultanate,
the Hindus formed a predominant section of population, even in the heart
of the empire, Delhi. They continued to dominate the countryside as khuts,
muqaddams, chaudhari, rana, thakur, etc., as also trade and finance in the
towns, as well as the transport trade (as banjaras).To what extent the
Sultanate affected the daily life of an average Hindu is a matter of debate.
According t o one view, he was hardly affected because the state interfer e
with his life as long as he paid his taxes which, in the villages, continued
to be collected by the khuts andmuqaddams , orranaandthakurs .
However, in a centralize state, the influence of t he state tended to
grow, as was shown by the agrarian policies of Alauddin Khalji and
Muhammad bin Tughlaq. In matters of religion, considerable freedom was
accorded. Jalaluddin Khalji's observation that the Hindu passed in
procession, beating gongs and sy mbols, outside his palace, to immerse the
images in the Jamuna exemplifies it. Muhammad bin Tughlaq even
participated in Hindu festivals, such as, Holi, and held discussions with
Jogis and Jain saints.munotes.in
Page 6
6Thus, while clamining to be Islamic, the State was m ilitaristic and
aristocratic in character, being dominated by a narrow clique of military
leaders, headed by and under the control of sultan.
Check your Progress :
1)Describe the nature of theories of state in Sultanate period.
1.3 DESPOT ISM: BENEVOLENT AND TYRANNICAL
In their thinking about the state, Muslim political thinkers raised
questions about the nature and legitimate objectives of state power, and
the basis of the moral authority of the state and the sultan. Political
thinkers co nsidered monarchy to be the only safeguard against social
anarchy in which property and the honour of women could not be
protected. In general, the political thinkers, preferred the rule of one
individual, the Sultan, who had the necessary social and moral qualities,
and who, in a sense, enjoyed the mandate of heaven over a oligarchy, or
‘noblocracy'. The question of despotism or autocracy bothered many
medieval Muslim thinkers. Ziauddin Barani considered despotism to be
basically un -Islamic, and considered that religion was the only check
against despotism or abuse of personal power by a monarch. However,
they did not give the right of rebellion against an unjust ruler, except in
some special circumstances, such as open blatant violation of the Sharia .
Barani compromised with despotism because giving of harsh punishment
was inescapable in a situation such as India. Specifically, Barani believed
that the mean and ignoble, whom he compares to “animals and beasts of
prey" were “plentiful and abundant.” Their pu nishment and stern
repression by a despotic ruler was not only inescapable but desirable.
Thus, Barani finds a social justification for despotism.
Theories of State under the Mughal
The Central Asian polity was adopted by the Mughals in many
ways, bearin g.Turkish and Mongol traits. But controversy exists about the
magnitude of Turkish and Mongol influences. Some scholars hold that
Mongol traditions were predominant, while others suggest that Turkish
influence was so strong that the Mongol system had real ly been converted
into what can only be designated as Turk -Mongol. Akbar was proud of
Central Asian connections and traditions. A blend of Central Asian and
Indian traditions with appearance of Perso -Islamic principles is, therefore
noticed in various sphe res of Mughal politics and administration.
Babur and Humayun
Some historians argue that the Timuri polity was influenced by
the Turco -Mongol polity and it was absolutist in nature and essentiallymunotes.in
Page 7
7oriented towards highly centralized state structure. They c onsider it
superior to the structure of the Afghan power which had reduced the
Sultanate to a confederacy of tribes holdings different regions. But for
others, it was only in the beginning that the Mongol influence was later,
the Mongol polity losing its c entralizing and absolutist character.
The division of the Empire among the sons of the ruler was the
cardinal principle of Mongol theory of kingship. But Babur never
approved this concept: when after the death of Husain Mirza. His two sons
shared sovereig n powers, he showed his surprise. Similarly he also
rejected any idea of sharing sovereignty with his begs (nobles), But the
Mughals at early stages do not seem to have totally alienated themselves
from Mongol influences. The Mongol principle of the divisi on of the
Empire was put to test soon after the death of Babur. Humayun divided his
Empire among his brothers but failed. In 1556 at the battle of Ushtargram,
Akbar and one of the daughters of Kamran were put on the throne, but it
was a short lived emergen cy measure. Nonetheless, Babur assumed the
title of 'Padshah' -a Turkish title. The Mughals considered sovereignty as
personal property of the 'Padshah'. Even the so -called hereditary privileges
of the nobles got the sanction of the ruler. Such privileges had to be
renewed by the new ruler. Therefore, it is not quite correct to infer that the
prevalence of hereditary privileges among a large section of nobility
discouraged the growth of absolutism in the early Turco -Mongol polity.
Later, both Babur and Huma yun are known to have respected the
Chaghatai code of laws (turah) which was allergic to the concept of more
than one ruler at one time.
Akbar
Abul Fazl says: "No dignity is higher in the eyes of God than royalty.
Royalty is a -remedy for the spirit of rebellion ...." Even the meaning of
the word Padshah shows this for pad signifies stability. A king is
therefore, the "origin of stability and possession". He adds "Royalty is a
light emanating from God, and a ray from the sun. Modem language calls
this li ght farriizidi (the divine light) and the tongue of antiquity called it
kiyan khwarah (the sublime halo). It is communicated by God to kings
without the intermediate assistance of anyone. Again many excellent
qualities flow from the possession of this ligh t like a paternal love towards
the subjects, a large border, trust in God, prayer and devotion, etc. At
another place, Abul Fazl repeats that "The shamsa of the arch of royalty is
a divine light, which God directly transfers to kings, without the assistanc e
of men" The king was therefore deemed to be divinely appointed, divinely
guided and divinely protected.
The theory of sovereignty propounded by Abul Fazl on behalf of
Akbar and reflected in his mahzar and "Ain -i rahnamuni" seems to be as
close to the Ce ntral Asian and Perso -Islamic concepts as to the Chingizi
traditions of sovereignty. It is significant that, the absolute traditions of
sovereignty and conjunction of spiritual and temporal ruler ship was
developed at many courts as a defense mechanism aga inst undue
encroachment upon king's authority.munotes.in
Page 8
8Abul Fazl elucidates that "when the time of reflection comes, and
men shake off the prejudices of their education, the thread of the web of
religious blindness break and the eye sees the glory of harmoniousnes s ...
although some are enlightened many would observe silence from fear of
fanatics who lust for blood, but look like men. The people will naturally
look to their king and expect him to be their spiritual leader as well, for a
king possesses, independent of men, the ray of Divine wisdom, which
banishes from his heart everything that is conflicting. A king will,
therefore, sometimes observe the element of harmony in a multitude of
things. Now this is the case with the monarch of the present age. He now
is the spiritual guide of the nation."
Theories of state in Vijaynagar Empire
Some scholars like Nilakanta Shastri, Ishwari Prasad and Vincent
Smith believed that the Vijayanagara Raya was an autocrat. Scholars like
Mahalingam argue that it was a paternalisti c kingship characterized by a
concern for the welfare of the people. Other scholars say that he did not
exercise absolute power, and argue that there were certain important
institutional checks on the power of the Raya. One was the Council of
Ministers, cu stoms and traditions also acted as a check on the
Vijayanagara Raya. Along with the local institutions also acted as a check
on the power of the king.
Centralization of the state
Scholars like Shastri and Mahalingam says that the Vijaynagar
polity was a centralized polity, and the king had control over the nayaks
and the provincial governors. Shastri emphasized the centralized nature of
the V ijaynagar state more emphatically than Mahalingam. He said that
Vijaynagar state was a centralized bureaucratic set up. This view is based
on the accounts of Paes and Nuniz, Portuguese travelers, who described
the nayaks as agents of the Vijaynagar state, indicating a centralized state
structure.
Segmentary State
Burton Stein completely rejected this theory of central ized state.
Vijayanagara state was not a centralized bureaucratic state like the Cholas
or the Pandya states. He applied the Segmentary state model and argued
that the Vijaynagar king exercised a ritual authority just like the Chol a
king. He identified cer tain Core regions, which were located in the fertile
riverine regions having high population density. Here the king exercised
maximum authority. The Chola state was located in the Kaveri river basin.
For the Vijayanagara state, the core region was situated in the
Tungabhadra region. He saw the macro areas where the king’s authority
takes the form of ritual authority, in the form of gifts, tributes and military
assistance. Stein saw this as constituting a pyramidal structure, with the
core region at the apex of the pyramid, where the relations between two
units were replicated at various levels. The relationship between the king
and the nayakas and the provincial governors were described in a ritual
manner. Scholars like Shastri and Mahalingam criticized the model of
proposed by stein as the provincial governors were subject to transfer andmunotes.in
Page 9
9dismissal, and were under greater control of the king as compared to the
nayakas who enjoyed relatively more autonomy.
Theories of State in Maratha
There are various inter pretation about the nature of Swarajya
founded by Chhatrapati Shivaji. Hindvi Swaraj is a term for socio -political
movements seeking to remove foreign military and political influences
from India. Imperialist historiography generally characterized the
eighteenth century Maratha domination as chaotic and anarchic. M. G.
Ranade and J. N. Sarkar has repudiated the theory of Grand Duff in their
writings. In ‘the rise of the Maratha power’ Ranade has accounted several
factors responsible for the rise of the Mara tha power. King Shivaji
provided them the leadership and created confidence among themselves
hence they rallied around him in the work creating independent state.
In attempt to develop Nationalist historiography, several Maratha
scholars saw the Maratha state as the last reincarnation of the Hindu
empire. Satish Chandra locates the successful bid for regional
independence by the Marathas in the crisis of the Mughal jagirdari system
which failed to balance income and consumption .C.A. Bayly notes the
emerg ence of three warrior states -Marathas, Sikhs and Jats and argues that
they reflected popular or peasant insurgency directed in part against the
Indo-Muslim aristocracy. The Marathas, he elaborates, drew their strength
from the ordinary peasant pastoralist castes.
Check your Progress :
1)Define concept of despotism.
1.4 SUMMARY
With the advent of the Turks, a new type of state was introduced
in north India. During the early phase, maximum freedom was given to the
military leaders to carry out conquests in different parts of the country
while a strong troops was stationed with, and operated under the direct
control of the Sultan. The Vijaynagar polity was a centralized polity, and
the king had control over the nayaks and the provincial gove rnors.
1.5 QUESTIONS
Q.1) Explain the theory of state in the Sultanate period .
Q.2) Describe the theory of state in the Mughal period.
Q.3) Trace the theory of state in Vijaynagar and Maratha Empire
Q.4) Describe the theory of state in medieval peri od in India.munotes.in
Page 10
101.6ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)Ishwari Prasad, History of Mediaeval India, the Indian press
(publications) Allahabad
2)Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals,
Delhi,1999
3)Burton Stein, Vijayanagara .The New Cambridge History of India .
Cambridge University Press
4)M. G. Ranade, Rise of M aratha Power, Panalekar co, Mumbai, 1901
5)Dr. R. S. Tripathi, Some aspects of Muslim administration, C entral
Book Depot, Allahabad
munotes.in
Page 11
11Unit -2
NATURE OF KINGSHIP: DELHI
SULTANATE, MUGHAL, VIJAYNAGAR
AND MARATHA
Unit Structure:
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Nature of kingship: Delhi Sultanate
2.3 Alauddin Khilji: Supremacy of King
2.4 The Lodis: Absolutism in Monarchy Declined
2.5 Nature of Kingship : Mughal rule
2.6 Nature of Kingship in Vijaynagar Empire
2.7 Nature of Kingship in Maratha
2.8 Summary
2.9 Questions
2.10 Additional Readings
2.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit the student wil lbe ab le to
1)Understand the nature of the kingship in the Sultanate.
2)Explain the nature of kingship in medieval India.
3)Explain the nature kingship in Vijaynagar and Maratha Kingdom.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
In medieval India, the monarchy held omnipotent power, but it
could not function entirely according to the king's whims. Several scholars
think that the institution of monarchy was not an Islamic institution. It
emerged steadily due to various circumstances. Gradually, the sultan
became the center of s ociety and polity. The powers of the state came to be
concentrated in his hands and he tended to be an absolute ruler. He became
the chief executive and legislator, ultimate court of appeal in all judicial
cases and the commander in chief of the armed forc es. He maintained a
magnificent court, and had great prestige and honour as patron of scholars,
artists and religious men.
The Turkish rulers of Delhi used the title of Sultan. The sultanate
was established in 1206 and the accession of Qutubuddin Aibak ismunotes.in
Page 12
12regarded as the beginning of the new political order. It was Iltutmish
whose reign marks the stability of the sultanate. Although the Sultans of
Delhi professed allegiance to the Caliphate, the Sultanate was independent
in political matters. Iltutmish int roduced dynastic principles into the
government of the sultanate. A tradition of hereditary rule in favour of the
Shamasi dynast yhas been established. During the reign of Iltutmish the
position of the sultan was not much higher than that of noble. Nonethe less,
with the accession of Balban, The prestige of the Monarchy increased.
2.2 NATURE OF KINGSHIP: DELHI SULTANATE
The Muslim jurists assigned the following functions to the sultan:
protection of the Islamic faith; settlement of disputes between his su bjects;
defense of territories of Islam, and keeping the highways and roads safe
for travelers; maintenance and enforcement of the criminal code;
protection of the frontiers against aggression; waging of holy war against
those who act in hostility to Islam ; collection of taxes and duties;
appointment of officers to help him in his public and legal duties; keeping
in touch with public affairs and the condition of the people by personal
contact. Though the sultan was apparently an absolute ruler, in actual
practice his authority was limited by certain factors. It has been pointed
out that that unrestricted individual despotism is a myth. According to both
Hindu and Muslim tradition religion was the major institutional check on
the misuse of power by a monarch. He was required to function within the
ethical and moral norms prescribed by the religion. The ruler who violated
the Quranic Law could be removed from power by the people, supported
by the religious leaders. Besides, the power of the sultan rested on the
loyalty of the army, support of the nobility, and the co -operation of the
Muslim theologians.
Balban: Theory of Divine Right
Balban decided to exalt monarchical prestige and power till it
became synonymous with despotism. To enhance the prestige and pow er
of the monarchy, Balban believed in the theory, which resembled the
theory of Divine Right of Kings. He expressed his views to his son Bughra
Khan. He said, “The heart of the king is the special repository of God’s
favour and in this, he has no equal am ong mankind.” He emphasized the
sacredness of the king’s person. He had an inherent despotic disposition.
He was convinced that unalloyed despotism alone could exact obedience
from his subjects and ensure the security of the state. Balban strengthened
hisclaim to the throne by asserting that he was a descendent of the
mythical Turkish hero, Afrasiyab.
Splendour of the Court
Balban established a pattern of court etiquettes, traditions and
customs that built a halo of splendour around him and his court and held
all the nobles in awe of his personality. According to Barani no sovereign
had ever before exhibited such pomp and grandeur in Delhi. For the
twenty -one years that Balban reigned, he maintained the dignity, honour
and majesty of the throne in a manner that could not be surpassed. On hismunotes.in
Page 13
13accession, Balban gave up drinking wine and kept himself in studied
aloofness and dignified reserve. He prohibited drinking of wine by his
courtiers and officials, prescribed for them a special dress and a fixed
ceremon ial from which no deviation was permitted. He introduced the
sijda (prostration) and poibos (kissing the monarch’s feet) in the court as
normal forms of salutation. To heighten the splendour of the court, Balban
regulated the court ceremonials on the model of the Persian court. He
introduced the annual celebration of the Persian New Year, Nauroz. He
appointed tall and fearsome bodyguards, who were to stand round the
king’s person with their swords drawn and dazzling in the sun.
Promotion of the Turkish Nob ility
To strengthen his claim to the noble blood, Balban stood forth as
the champion of the Turkish nobility. Important government posts were
granted to only those who belonged to the noble family. Lower officers
had no access to him except through the hig her dignitaries. He maintained
a grave demeanour in the court. No one was allowed to laugh or even
smile in his court. Thus, Balban infused dignity into monarchy and by
rigid ceremonials and dignity, he succeeded in restoring the prestige and
power of the court.
While claiming to act as a champion of the Turkish nobility,
Balban was not prepared to share power with anyone, not even with
members of his own family. He realized that one of the great obstacles in
the way of the sultan’s absolute despotism was the select group of leading
Turkish nobles, the ‘group of forty’, who had reduced the crown to a mere
figurehead. To make the throne safe for himself and for his successors,
Balban decided to destroy the ‘Group of Forty’. To reduce the importance
of the ‘G roup of Forty’, Balban promoted junior Turks to important
positions. To win the confidence of the public, he administered justice
impartially. He inflicted severe punishment on the members of the ‘Group
of Forty’ for even slight faults to repress them and reduce their importance
in the eyes of the people.
To keep himself informed of all happenings in the kingdom and the
movements of the Turkish amirs and refractory Hindu chiefs, Balban
organized an extensive espionage system. He appointed secret news -
write rs at every level of administration. They were required to transmit to
him daily report of all important events and movements. He paid special
attention to ascertain the character and loyalty of the news -writers. He
gave them good salaries and made them co mpletely independent of the
provincial governors. If the news -writer failed in his duty, he was given
exemplary punishment. The well -established and efficient espionage
system became one of the important means of Balban’s despotism.
Organization of the Ar my
For safeguarding his security and also that of the state, Balban
decided to reorganise the army on a sound footing. Balban did not abolish
the old practice of assigning lands in place of military service but took care
to see that only such persons who w ere capable of rendering activemunotes.in
Page 14
14military service were given such assignments. Balban placed the cavalry
and infantry under officers of experience, who had given proof of their
courage and loyalty in battles. He put the army under the charge of Imad -
ul-Mulk , a very competent and loyal officer and made him diwan -i-ariz
(Minister in charge of the Army). He was made independent of the
ministry of finance. Imad -ul-Mulk took special interest in matters relating
to recruitment, training, equipment and salary of th e troops. Under Balban
the army became a powerful instrument of force and the basis of his
despotism.
Having strengthened the position of the monarchy and
reorganization the army, Balban directed his attention to the suppression of
lawlessness in the Doab and the other neighbouring regions. He took stern
measures and suppressed the brigands and marauders. He also put an end
to the state of insecurity, which had been prevailing for some time in the
Doab and Awadh regions.
Check your Progress :
1)Expla in the Kingship theory of Divine Rights in Sultanate period.
2.3 ALAUDDIN KHILJI: SUPREMACY OF KING
Alauddin Khilji was a true militarist. To support his theory of
absolute kingship and to satisfy his ambition of conquests and annexations
andto guard the sultanate against the recurring Mongol invasions, it was
necessary to have a powerful army. With these objectives Alauddin
introduced far reaching military reforms.
Alauddin Khilji’s idea of kingship in its practical form is to be
deducted fr om some of his political and administrative measures. He
sought to enforce a code of conduct. Alauddin was opposed to
ecclesiastical interference in matters of state, and in this respect, he
departed from the traditions of the previous rulers of Delhi. The Sultans
political theory of kingship is outlined in his conversation with Qazi.
Alauddin clearly stated that he issued commands which he considered to
be beneficial to the state and prudent under the circumstances without
inquiring whether these were perm itted by Shariat or not. In exercising
independent judgment in opposition, whether necessary, to the
interpretation of the Shariat by the Ulema.
Muhhamad Bin Tughalak
Like Alauddin Khilji, Muhammad Bin Tughlaq was determined to
keep the secular issue fre e from the control of the Ulema. He did not go
out of his way to defy the Shariat. But at the same time, he did not strainmunotes.in
Page 15
15himself to win over the support of the Ulema on important matters. The
sultan wanted to make himself not only the absolute head of th e state but
also claimed himself to be ‘the shadow of God.’ He dropped all references
to the Caliphate. This naturally turned the Ulema hostile towards the
sultan. Initially the sultan did not think it necessary to seek the investiture
from the Caliphate. But, in spite of his justice, generosity and personal
ability, the sultan found that he was becoming more and more unpopular.
Thus, he changed his attitude towards the Caliphate and sought
confirmation from the Caliph of Egypt of his position as the sovere ign. He
removed his own name from the coins and inserted that of the Caliph.
However, these measures did not restore the popularity of the sultan,
neither was he spared from the recurring rebellions which ultimately
proved detrimental to his authority and ruinous to the sultanate.
Check your Progress :
1)Define the nature of Kingship in Tughalak period.
2.4 THE LODIS: ABSOLUTISM IN MONARCHY
DECLINED
The idea of a sovereign king, superior to them in status and power,
remains foreign to th e Lodi Nobles. At best, they regarded the tribal head
as ‘first amongst equals'. Consequently, "their traditions did not allow
them to think of a state where the relations of a ruler and the people could
be reduced to the status of a ruler and the ruled. T he Afghans refreshed to
concede any individual as their superior, including Bahlol Lodi who had
founded the Afghan empire. The position of the monarchy, therefore, was
inherently weak in such an organization as the throne was always the
cynosure all powerf ul tribal chiefs. As a result, the monarch had to
constantly persuade them. Bahlal Lodhi, lnfact, invited the Afghans as the
members of the Afghan tribes to come and take due share in the kingdom
of India. While Bahlol and lbraham Lodi, tries to conciliate their nobles -
Bahlol always referred to his kingdom as one of brothers. Sikandar made
deliberate attempts to elevate the monarchy. In the bargain, however, he
lost his throne. The Afghan polity required, a rare blending of brilliance of
arms and a Machiave llian shrewdness that could constantly cajole the
nobles and outwit them. A far the Lodis, constantly harassed with the
paradox of strengthening their kingship within the structure of the
principles of equality, often bind it impossible to function effecti vely and
had to pay heavily for their tribal concepts. Despite of their best
objectives, they failed to consolidate their dominions into a political whole
and paved way to the establishment of Mughal rule in India.munotes.in
Page 16
162.5NATURE OF KINGSHIP: MUGHAL RULE
Rulers of early medieval India did not style themselves fully
sovereign. The sultans of Delhi and local Muslim rulers regarded the
Caliph as their legal sovereign and usually used his name on the coins
issued by them and read the Qutba in their name. However , during the
Mughal Empire the position of the monarch underwent a drastic change.
Babur, the founder of the Mughal 209 Empire, took the title of padshah,
meaning emperor, and asserted his constitutional supremacy. His
successors continued to retain that t itle, till the dynasty came to an end.
The Mughal rulers refused to recognize the nominal sovereignty of the
Caliphs and regarded themselves as fully sovereign. They regarded
themselves as God’s representatives on earth. The Mughal ruler was also
known as the Amir -ul-Mominin (ruler of the Muslims). He was
responsible to his jamait (Muslim public) for his acts of omission and
commission.
Akbar’s Theory of Kingship
The rulers of the Mughal Empire saw themselves as appointed by
Divine Will to rule over a la rge and heterogeneous populace. Although
this grand vision was often circumscribed by actual political
circumstances, it remained important. One way of transmitting this vision
was through the writing of dynastic histories. The Mughal kings
commissioned co urt historians to write accounts. These accounts recorded
the events of the emperor’s time. Besides, their writers collected vast
amounts of information from the regions of the subcontinent to help the
rulers govern their domain. Modern historians writing in English have
termed this genre of texts chronicles, as they present a continuous
chronological record of events. Chronicles are an indispensable source for
any scholar wishing to write a history of the Mughals. At one level they
were a repository of fac tual information about the institutions of the
Mughal state, painstakingly collected and classified by individuals closely
connected with the court. At the same time, these texts were intended as
conveyors of meanings that the Mughal rulers sought to impos e on their
domain. Therefore, they give us a glimpse into how imperial ideologies
were created and disseminated.
Court chroniclers drew upon many sources to show that the power
of the Mughal kings came directly from God. One of the legends they
narrated was that of the Mongol queen Alanqua, who was impregnated by
a ray of sunshine while resting in her tent. The offspring she bore carried
thisdivine light and passed it on from generation to generation. Abu’l Fazl
placed Mughal kingship as the highest stat ion in the hierarchy of objects
receiving light emanating from God (farr -i izadi). Here he was inspired by
a famous Iranian sufi, Shihabuddin Suhrawardi who first developed this
idea. According to this idea, there was a hierarchy in which the divine light
was transmitted to the king who then became the source of spiritual
guidance for his subjects.munotes.in
Page 17
17Akbar changed this concept of kingship when he became the
emperor of Hindustan. Akbar asserted that the monarchy was a divine gift.
Abul Fazal observes, “Kings hip is a gift of god and is not bestowed till
many thousand good qualities have been gathered together in an
individual. Thus, the Emperor, the ‘Shadow of God on Earth’ was the
fountainhead of the administration, the center of all civil and military
author ity and the highest court of appeal in all judicial and executive
matters.” After conquering the whole of North India by 1576 by a
combination of diplomatic skill, military strength and religious toleration,
Akbar read the Qutba in his own name (1577). He initiated the practice of
sijda (prostration) and zaminbos (kissing the ground in front of the
monarch). Through these practices, Akbar proclaimed his absolute
sovereignty. He did not make a distinction between his subjects on
grounds of religion. He regar ded himself as the king and benefactor of all
his subjects. From Abul Fazal’s Akbarnama we know Akbar’s views on
kingship. He said, “King cannot be fit for this (kingly) lofty office, if he
does not inaugurate universal peace (toleration) and if he does no t regard
all classes of men and all sects of religions with a single eye for favour.”
Akbar claimed to be both the spiritual and political head of all his subjects,
both believers and kafirs (non -believers or infidels). Akbar’s ideal of
kingship was indeed lofty and noble. The Mughal Emperors including
Akbar tried to conform to the Quranic laws and did not do anything
contrary to it.
The emperor protects the four essences of his subjects, namely, life
(jan), property (mal), honour (namus) and faith (din), and in return
demands obedience and a share of resources. Only just sovereigns were
thought to be able to honour the contract with power and divine guidance.
Many symbols were created for visual representation of the idea of justice
which came to stand fo r the highest virtue of Mughal monarchy. One of
the favourite symbols used by artists was the motif of the lion and the
lamb (or goat) peacefully nestling next to each other. This was meant to
signify a realm where both the strong and the weak could exist in
harmony. Court scenes from the illustrated Badshah Nama place such
motifs in a niche directly below the emperor’s throne.
Royal despotism was a common feature during the medieval
period. In this respect, the Mughal Emperor was an absolute monarch
enjoy ing unlimited powers. The Mughal state was a centralized autarchy
(autocratic monarchy). There were no institutions or office, which could
check his supreme power. He was the supreme authority in the state. He
was the head of the state and government, the supreme commander of the
state forces, the fountainhead of justice and chief legislator. In the absence
of a clear law of succession, there used to be plots and counter plots by the
contenders to the throne. The principle of survival of the fittest operate d.
The contender with a superior military force was able to establish his
power.munotes.in
Page 18
18Royal privileges
To strengthen his de jure and de facto position in the eyes of the
people, Akbar vested certain special prerogatives in the monarchy. These
prerogatives w ere intended to enhance the power and prestige of the
monarchy. Some of the important prerogatives included: (a) Jharokha
Darshan, a practice by which the emperor used to appear in a special
balcony to receive the salutation of his subjects. The jharokha d arshan
signified that all was well with the emperor. Only when the king was away
on an expedition or sick, he was not able to give darshan. However,
Aurangzeb discontinued this practice. (b) When the emperor held the court
or went out, a powerful kettledru m (naqara) was beaten to the
accompaniment of many other musical instruments. (c) The emperor alone
could confer titles on his subordinates. (d) The emperor only had the
privilege to affix his special seal (mohar) and in special cases a vermilion
print of his palm (panja) on the farmans issued by him. (e) Capital
punishment such as death could be awarded by the emperor only. (f) The
emperor alone could organize elephant fights. (g) Akbar adopted the
practice of weighing the emperor on his birthday against g old and other
precious metals, which were later dispersed in charity.
A unifying force
Mughal chronicles present the empire as comprising many
different ethnic and religious communities –Hindus, Jainas, Zoroastrians
and Muslims. As the source of all pe ace and stability, the emperor stood
above all religious and ethnic groups, mediated among them, and ensured
that justice and peace prevailed. Abul Fazl describes the ideal of sulh -i kul
(absolute peace) as the cornerstone of enlightened rule. In sulh -i kula l l
religions and schools of thought had freedom of expression but on
condition that they did not undermine the authority of the state or fight
among themselves. The ideal of sulh -i kul was implemented through state
policies –the nobility under the Mugh als was a composite one comprising
Iranis, Turanis, Afghans, Rajputs, Deccanis –all of whom were given
positions and awards purely based on their service.
Sher Shah’s Benevolent Despotism
SherShah was an enlightened despot who regarded administration
asa part of his duty and gave personal attention to every business
concerning the administration of the kingdom. He was the first Muslim
sovereign of Delhi who placed before him the ideal of promoting public
welfare without distinction of caste or creed. He wanted to build his
greatness on the happiness and contentment of subjects and not by
oppressing them. Among the Muslim rulers of India, Sher Shah was the
first attempted to found an empire broadly based upon the people’s will.munotes.in
Page 19
19Check your Progress :
1)Write a note on Akbar’s theory Kingship.
2.6NATURE OF KINGSHIP IN VIJAYNAGAR EMPIRE
The Vijayanagar administration was a vast feudal organization
presided over by the king. The king of Vijayanagar, like all contemporary
rulers, was a n autocrat with unlimited authority in civil, judicial and
military matters. However, the desire of the king to promote the welfare of
the people according to the principles of dharma limited the urge for
despotism. A detailed study of Krishnadevaraya’s bo ok Amuktamalyada
helps us to understand the nature of political philosophy of the Vijyanagar
kings. Krishnadevaraya advises the king in these words, “With great care
and according to your power you should attend to the work of protecting
the good and punis hing the wicked, without neglecting anything that you
see or hear.” He further says, “A crowned king should always rule with an
eye towards dharma.” Enumerating the king’s duties Krishnadevaraya says
that he should rule collecting around him people skilled in state craft,
counteract the activities of his enemies by crushing them with force and
protect one and all of his subjects.
DIVINE ORDAINED KINGSHIP
There was a lot of religious resonance to the idea of kingship: the
king performed a sacred role, and i n some ways he was seen as an
incarnation of God. The structure of Vijayanagara seemed to consist of the
military system, the brahminical system and then the king -there was little
else. There certainly was no independent bureaucracy or an independent
idea of the state. The king was the military commander who upheld justice
according to dharma, the idea of sacred duty and law in the Hindu
tradition.
The concept of dharma, which is the basis of the Hindu tradition,
integrates the human with the divine very c losely. It is cosmic, divine and
human at the same time. It confers duties on the individual as a member of
a caste, as a member of a wider ethnic or religious group and it is also (or
at least aspires to be) a reflection of some kind of universal law. It is
sacred, according to an understanding of religion that doesn't separate
religion from real life.munotes.in
Page 20
20Check your Progress :
1)What is divine ordained Kingship with reference to Vijaynagar empire.
2.7 NATURE OF KINGSHIP IN MARATHA
Imperi alist historiography generally characterized the eighteenth
century Maratha domination as chaotic and anarchic. On the other hand, in
an attempt to develop Nationalist historiography, several Maratha scholars
saw the Maratha state as the last reincarnate o n of the Hindu empire.
Satish Chandra locates the successful bid for regional independence by the
Marathas in the crisis of the Mughal jagirdari system which failed to
balance income and consumption .C.A. Bayly notes the emergence of
three warrior states -Marathas, Sikhs' and Jats and argues that they reflected
popular or peasant insurgency directed in part against the Indo -Muslim
aristocracy. The Marathas, he elaborates, drew their strength from the
ordinary peasant pastorialist castes. The Brahmin administ rators who were
on the ascendant pictured the Marathas state a classic "Brahmin" kingdom,
protecting the holy places and sacred cattle.
The king was the pivotal point of the administration of the
Marathas. He was the only superman who used to run the very difficult
administrative machinery. Everyone in the administration like all heads of
eighteen Karkhanas, the twelve mahals, officers of secretariat as Fadnis,
Sabnis, clerks, military commanders and eight Pradhans used to receive
and execute orders of the king. The king was the final authority, without
his sanction no one, no department could actualize any design or plan.
Charge of the ecclesiastical department never tried to take any
decision without the sanction of the king. In the same way even Kalush,
the powerful minister of Sambhaji had consulted the king to readmit to a
repentant renegade into his former caste after he had under gone necessary
penance. Naturally, everything depended on the personal ability and
qualities of the sovereign king. There was no force to che ck him except his
own good sense and the external factors like wars of formidable
Muhammadan invaders. Hence, this elaborate administrative system
required a very strong and farsighted ruler like the founder of this
administration.
Allthe Maratha kings from the founder, Chhatrapati Shivaji to
Shahu were the most efficient and powerful kings and were able to carry
out the functions of the administration properly and without any
hindrances. But after the death of Chhatrapati Shahu due to changed
circumstances the central administration gradually came under the
influence of the Peshwas Fadnis , originally , one of the officers rose tomunotes.in
Page 21
21power considerably next to Peshwa and consequently, the central
administration was transferred from Satara to Poona. Although, there were
gradual changes in The Central administration but there were no changes
in the village communities even under. The Peshwas continued them and
the provincial administration as earlier. The king was the head of the
administrat ion. The king was assisted by his Council of Eight Ministers,
which came to be known as the Ashta Pradhan Mandal.
A benevolent administrator
Dr. R.C. Majumdar writes of him, “He was not merely a daring
soldier and successful military conqueror but also an enlightened ruler of
his people.” Shivaji was readily accessible to his all subjects. He was a
popular monarch. He kept a close watch on the administrative affairs of
the state. All powers were concentrated on him but he ruled with the
advice of his minis ters. The common people regarded him with great
devotion. They considered him as their greatest benefactor.
Under his rule the employment was provided to the members of all
castes and tribes to maintain balance among them. He assigned separate
responsibil ities to the ministers and each of them was made responsible for
his work to him. No hereditary officers were appointed. The practice of
confirming jagir or vatan was discouraged He gave special attention
towards the administration of the forts. In matters of administration, he
gave superior position to his civil officers as compared to military officers.
Check your Progress :
1)Discuss the nature of Kingship in Maratha period.
2.8SUMMARY
Iltutmish introduced dynastic principles into the g overnment of the
sultanate. Balban decided to exalt monarchical prestige and power till it
became synonymous with despotism. Balban established a pattern of court
etiquettes, traditions and customs that built a halo of splendour around
him. Alauddin was op posed to ecclesiastical interference in matters of
state, and in this respect he departed from the traditions of the previous
rulers of Delhi. The rulers of the Mughal Empire saw themselves as
appointed by Divine Will to rule over a large and heterogeneous populace.
The Marathas, he elaborates, drew their strength from the ordinary peasant
pastoralist castes. In Maratha kingdom, the king used to discuss the
matters with ministers nonetheless the final decision was taken over by the
king.munotes.in
Page 22
222.9QUESTIONS
Q.1) Explain the nature of the kingship in the Sultanate.
Q.2) Describe the kingship in the Mughal period.
Q.3) Trace the nature of kingship in Vijaynagar and Maratha Empire
2.10ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)Ishwari Prasad, History of Mediaeval India, the Indian press
(publications) Allahabad
2)Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals, Delhi,
1999
3)Stein Burton, The New Cambridge History of India: Vijaynagar,
Canbridge University press, New York
4)J. N. Sarkar, Shivaji and his tim es,Orient Blackswan Private Limited -
New Delhi
5)Dr. R. S. Tripathi, Some aspects of Muslim administration, Central
Book Depot, Allahabad
6)http://fathom.lse.ac.uk/Seminars/21701738/21701738_session5.html
munotes.in
Page 23
23Unit-3
MANSABDARI SYSTEM AND WATAN
SYSTEM
Unit Structure:
3.0Objectives
3.1Introduction
3.2 Meaning of Mansabdari
3.3 Benefits and drawbacks of the Mansabdari System
3.4 Watan System
3.5 Summary
3.6Questions
3.7Additional Readings
3.0 OBJECTIVES
To understand the Mansabdari system during Mughal period.
To analyze watan system under Maratah rule
3.1 INTRODUCTION
In the medieval period Sultanate, Mughal and Maratha Empires
follows different types of land revenue methods and land ma nagement.
Mansabdari in the Mughal Empire and Watandari in the Maratha Empire
are examples of this. Before the rise of Maratha empire under the
leadership of Shivaji the Great, the watandari system was prevalent in
Deccan. Although King Shivaji abolished t hewatandari system and
introduced the system of cash pay, the successors started it again.
The Mughal administration was run by a bureaucracy consisting of
different grades of military officers known as mansabdars. When Akbar
ascended the throne, the co ndition of the Mughal army was far from
satisfactory. The empire was divided into jagirs. The amirs who held them
were required to maintain certain number of horsemen and were required
to serve the empire in times of need. The soldiers maintained by the am irs
were mostly inefficient and absolutely unfit for service.
3.2MEANING OF MANSABDARI
The word mansab means rank, dignity or office. Irwin, who has
made a close study of the military system of the Mughals, writes that themunotes.in
Page 24
24object of the mansabdari syst em was to settle precedence and gradation of
pay. It implied that the holder of the mansab was bound to render military
or civil service when he was called upon to do so.Akbar’s attention was
drawn to the necessity of military reforms. In 1571, when Shahab az Khan
was appointed to the office of Mir Bakshi, the emperor drew up a scheme
of military reforms. The entire military establishment was reorganized on
the basis of the mansabdari system. According to Dr. Satish Chandra,
“The mansabdari system, as it dev eloped under the Mughals, was a
distinctive and unique system which did not have any parallel outside
India”.
Ranks in the Mansabdari System
The mansabdari system existed during the sultanate period.
However, Akbar seems to have perfected it. Abul Fazal, in his Ain -I
Akbari maintains that there were sixty -six grades or mansabs, but it
appears that there were not more than thirty -three grades in actual
existence. The army was organized on decimal basis, the lowest unit of
command was ten and the highest was ten thousand or more whose
commander was designated as the khan. The rank of 5,000 and above was
reserved for members of the royal family. During the rule of the later
Mughals this highest rank went up to 50,000.
Appointment and Elevation of the mansabda r
The appointment, promotion, suspension or dismissal of the
mansabdars rested entirely with the emperor. No portion of the
mansabdars dignity was hereditary. The sons of the mansabdar, as the
custom was, had to begin life a new after their fathers’ death. A
mansabdar did not always begin with the lowest grade. If he happened to
be a favourite of the emperor or a person whom the emperor was delighted
to honour, he could be appointed to any rank open to him. This shows that
a person could get the highest man sab without having to pass through the
various grades by long and faithful service. Raja Biharimal was appointed
to the rank of 5,000 right in the beginning. This mansab was usually
reserved for members of the royal family. Akbar depended on his
judgment o f people in making appointments. During Akbar’s reign, his
Hindu subjects could aspire for the higher ranks as he recognized merit.
Raja Todarmal and Raja Birbal held high mansabs. The mansab was a way
of fixing salaries and status of imperial officials.
The Zat and the Sawar Ranks
The three fold gradation of mansabdar’s caused much confusion in
the army ranks. The central government found it impossible to ascertain
the exact or even an approximate number of regular soldier’s controlled by
all the imperial mansabdar’s. The difficulty was solved by the introduction
of two ranks Zat and Sawar for each mansabdar historians are divided over
the interpretation and significance of there ranks. Some like A.L.
Srivastava say sthat while the rank of Zat indicates th e total number of
soldier’s number a mansabdar, the rank of Sawar indicates the number of
horsemen under him, other like Dr. R.P. Tripati hold the view that the rank
of Sawar was given to mansabdar’s to fix their additional allowances. Amunotes.in
Page 25
25mansabdar was paid rupees two per horse therefore, if a mansabdar
received the rank of 500 sawar he was given rupees one thousand as
additional allowance. According to Dr. J.L. Mehta, the Zat rank was not a
new introduction; it simply referred to the original mansab enjoyed by an
officer earlier, and it determined both its status and standing in the
administrative hierarchy as well as his position in the court. The sawar
rank referred to the actual number of soldiers under the command of an
officer. The sawar was essentially a military rank that showed the
distinction between the civil and military characters of the mansabdars.
The introduction of the double rank, however, made the threefold
classification of the mansabdars more intelligible and precise.
During later years o f his reign, Akbar introduced the rank of zat
and sawar in the mansabdari system. There is a distinction between the zat
and sawar rank. The zat rank was the personal rank of the mansabdar. It
indicated the number of cavalrymen a mansabdar was expected to
maintain to render service to the state. To this rank was added a number of
extra horsemen for which the mansabdar was allowed to draw extra
allowances. This was called his sawar rank. For every additional horseman
the mansabdar received extra salary. He g ot an increase of two rupees in
his zat salary for every sawar he maintained. Individual sawars received
payment according to their nationality; for example, a Muslim sawar
received more salary than a Rajput or an Indian Muslim sawar. For a force
of ten me n the mansabdar was expected to keep twenty or twenty -two
horses, so that replacement of horses during warfare was possible. On the
basis of this distinction, the mansabdars except those who held mansabs of
5000 or above were classified into three categori es: A mansabdar
belonged to the first category if his rank in zat and sawar were equal;
second category if his sawar rank was half of his zat rank, and third
category if his sawar was less than half of his zat rank or there were no
sawars at all. Blochman, who had made a deeper study into the military
system of the Mughals, is of the view that the zat rank indicated the
number of soldiers the mansabdars was expected to maintain and the
sawar rank indicated the number of soldiers actually maintained by the
mansabdar. However, this view does not seem to be correct. Akbar
introduced the sawar rank later during his reign, sometime during his
Deccan campaigns and rebellion of Salim. The Mughals preferred to have
mixed contingent of Irani, Turani, Indians, Afghans , Rajputs and Mughal
soldiers to break the monopoly of any one particular group. During the
reign of Akbar and his successors a commander was expected to furnish
1/3 of his sawar rank in Northern India, 1/4 of his sawar rank in the
Deccan and 1/5 for servi ce outside India.
Payment and Jagir
The mansabdar had to meet his personal expenditure out of his
salary. He also had to maintain certain number of horses, elephants,
camels, mules and carts. The mansabdar was paid handsomely. A
mandabdar of the rank of 5 ,000 could get a salary of Rs. 7,000 a year.
Roughly the mansabdar spent quarter income of his salary in maintaining
his force. The Mughal mansabdar was said to be the highest paid officialmunotes.in
Page 26
26in the world then. In certain cases the mansabdars were assigned a jagirs
and not paid in cash. The mansabdars also preferred this, as normally there
used to be a delay in payment of cash from the treasury. Receiving a jagir
or land in lieu of a salary also added to the social prestige of the noble.
The department of rev enue kept a register, which showed the jama or the
assessed income of the various areas. The account was kept in dams, forty
dams were equivalents to a rupee. This document was known as jama -
dami or assessed incomes based on dams.
Control over the Mansabd ars
Every mansabdar kept a descriptive roll or chehra of his troopers.
Every horse had two brands, the imperial sign and the first word of the
name of his commander. The emperor used to review his contingent once
a year. If the dag system worked badly the state used to suffer. The
mansabdari system was indeed a complex one. There was one imperial
service for both military and civilian officers. An officer could be
transferred at a short notice to an entirely new appointment. Birbal the
famous wit of Akbar’s court had spent many years at the imperial court,
but he was given a military assignment on the north -west frontier, where
he died fighting. Abul Fazal, a literary luminary and Akbar’s biographer
conducted military operations in the Deccan. Under Akbar ma nsabdari
system was not hereditary. He appointed only men of merit. As time
passed the system tended to become hereditary and worked to the
disadvantage of the empire.
Dakhils and Ahadis
Besides the mansabdars, there were certain other soldiers called
dakhils and ahadis. The dakhils were those soldiers who were recruited on
behalf of the emperor but were put under the charge of his mansabdars.
The ahadis were the soldiers of the emperor. They were looked after the
diwan and the bakshi. They were recruited, trained, disciplined and
maintained on behalf of the emperor. They were paid well. The
mansabdari system worked effectively as long as the emperor was
powerful and served by highly competent wazirs. The nobility remained
loyal when their services were rew arded and recognized. When merit was
recognized the system functioned well as the right men were chosen for
the right job. It was with the help of the mansabdars that the Mughal
Emperors built and administered their vast empire. But the military sy stem
was not without its limita tions. The troops were more loyal to their
immediate master, the mansabdar, than to the king. The mansabdar
recruited and paid them. If the mansabdar happened to raise his banner of
revolt against the emperor his troops were likely t o follow him. There was
no uniformity in training or equipping the soldiers. They were not properly
disciplined. They were not organized in any special regiments. It was left
to the mansabdar to organize them. Nothing much was done to upgrade
the infantry.
According to K.N. Chitnis, “The Mughal nobility constituted the
bed-rock of the Mughal administration. It formed the steel -frame of
Mughal bureaucracy and military system. It was the army, peerage andmunotes.in
Page 27
27civil service all rolled into one. All the nobles wer e brought under the
mansabdari system”.
Check your Progress :
1)Define the mansabdari system.
3.3 BENEFITS AND DRAWBACKS OF THE
MANSABDARI SYSTEM
The mansabdari system was an improvement over the systems of
tribal chieftainship and feudal ism; was a progressive and systematic
method adopted by Akbar to reorganize his army within the fold of
despotic monarchy. Although many mansabdari were allowed to recruit
soldiers on tribal or religious considerations, they were also made to know
that the y owed unconditional allegiance to the central government. These
men generally attached themselves to chiefs from their own race. Mughals
became the followers of Mughals, Persians of Persians and so on. This led
to certain homogeneity of military traits an d the development of tatics
particularly suited to the military prowess of individual groups.
Certain groups began to be identified with qualities .Rajput and
Pathan soldiers were considered most valuable for their martial prowess
and fidelity, for insta nce. As a result of the mansabdari system, the
emperor had no longer to depend exclusively on the mercenaries of the
feudal chieftains. The mansabdari system put an end to the jagirdari
system within the territories under the direct control of imperial
government. No portion of a mansab was hereditary, and a mansabdar’s
children had to begin afresh. All appointments, promotions, suspensions
and dismissal of the mansabdars rested entirely with the emperor. Every
mansabdar was thus held personally responsible to the monarch; this
factor eliminated chances of disaffection and revolts by the military
officers and may be said to be a major achievement of mansabdari system.
Nonetheless, the mansabdari system suffered from many disadvantage as
well. The system did not give birth to an army of national characters since
two-thirds of the mansabdars were either foreigners or descendants of
foreigners immigrants. In spite of Akbar’s secular policy in the matter of
recruitment, Hindus formed barely nine percent of the a ggregate strength
of the imperial cadre. The state’s failure to recruit all the soldiers under the
supervision of a central or imperial agency, was to cost it clearly. Since
mansabdars were free to recruit their soldiers as they pleased, they
preferred to enroll men of their own tribe, race, religion or region. While
this led to homogenization of military tactics, it also divided the imperial
army into many groups.munotes.in
Page 28
28Check your Progress :
1)Describe benefits and drawbacks of mansabdari system.
3.4WATAN SYSTEM
During the period of Marathas land was the main source of
income. It was considered much more important than any other sources
and was called watan. Watan means one's own native place and the land it
possessed over there. The one who held land was very proud of that and
was called watandar by virtue of its possession. The Marathas who were
the land holders were ready to do everything as well as prepared to
undergo any ordeals to retain the title of their land because their land was
called watan. The land or watan also was called Inam was inherited by
one's children as successors.
Development of watan system
The watandari system was practiced in the medieval period before
the advent of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj . He was a great king, creat or
and builder of civil institutions and a realistic ruler of Maharashtra. He,
therefore, tried to introduce several changes in the watan system which
was already prevailed in his territory since the medieval times. He came to
know that cultivators under t he period of previous rulers, used to respect
the watandars more than the king. Because, the watandars used to collect
the revenue, deposit very small portion of the collected revenue in the
Government treasury and keep the remaining revenue for them. The
watandars were in immediate touch with the cultivators and used to collect
much more revenue than actually assessed. This led them to be dominant ,
behave independently and develop the habit of defying the orders of king .
Naturally, such watandars recruit ed their own army and constructed
houses like forts for their own defense in any emergency. Shivaji
dismantled the fortifications of watandars, appointed his own people to
various forts and reduced the powers of the watandars considerably and
made them as ordinary people or cultivators in his kingdom. He
confiscated their illegally amassed property and fixed all privileges and
dues of watandars and other officials working at various levels like
villages, parghanas and prants. Although, Shivaji created new w atans on
various occasions, he took care of their growing influence over the
cultivators and brought watandars under his strict control .Thus he proved
himself a strict disciplinarian and an efficient administrator. Therefore,
Ranade compared him with Napo leon Bonaparte .
Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj started paying his soldiers in cash and
offered cash rewards to those who rendered meritorious services to themunotes.in
Page 29
29state. This led to create his utmost control on watandars and ultimately on
the administration. Thi s was the reason that the Maratha Sawaraj could
survive through the titanic struggle with the forces of Aurangzeb for more
than twenty seven years.
Types of watan
The king was the ultimate owner of the land in his kingdom upto
the medieval period in India and other countries of the world. But in order
to cultivate the land, it was handed over to the cultivators. Gradually, they
possessed it and they came to be known as the owner of the land. The king
ultimately, conferred the title of ownership of land upo n the cultivators,
who were cultivating the land since the beginning. Thus, the class of
Mirasdars or the peasant -proprietors come into existence and most of the
village land was held by such peasant -proprietors under the Marathas.
The rest of the land w as controlled by the Government assigned it to the
upris or tenants or farmers for appropriation of revenue. Thus the village
land was categorized as Khalisati and Inamati.
Khalisati land -it means the revenue of this land was directly deposited
in the King's treasury. Even that was also recovered by the Government
machinery.
Inamati land or watandari land -This was the land which was allotted
to various inamdars or watandars by the King or Government. These
inamdars or watandars were allowed to approp riate the revenue from this
land in lieu of cash payment by the Government or King. Therefore, this
land was called Inamati or watandari land. In short, the land held in
perpetuity by virtue of office was called watan or watandari land or
inamati land. The re were several such inamdars or watandars in every
village as Deshmukh, Deshkulkarni, Mukadam, Kulkarni, Padewar and
several military officers. These officials were hereditary inamdars or
watandars, who held around twenty percent of land under the Maratha s.
Although, these watandars or inamdars or jagirdars collected the land
revenue with the help of their own machinery, they did not dispossess the
cultivators under them from their rights. These cultivators paid the land
revenue as the cultivators of Khali sati land and other cultivators in the
village. It was with these inamdars or watandars or jagirdars whether to
use the whole land revenue for themselves or part with some portion either
to the king or for any other purposes.
Natures of watandari land
There were several personal and impersonal kinds of land grants
made by the king or the Government from which watandari or inamdari
system came into existence. These inami or watandari grants can be
summarised as under -
Religious Grants or Watans -These were the impersonal grants or watan
sanctioned to religious bodies or institutions. These institutions employed
cultivators to cultivate the land sanctioned to them and used the land
revenue for maintaining such institutions or defray the expendituremunotes.in
Page 30
30incurred by these institutions. These grants, watans or inams also were
called Devasthan inama or watans. They were granted to Temple, Mosque,
Math, Samadhi and Varsasanas. These watans or inams are discussed in
detail as under -
Temple -The Marathas sanctioned gr ants or watans to Temples for
religious worship or performing religious services or rites and rituals. As
Chhatrapati Shivaji had assigned a piece of land as watan or inam to the
temple of Dyandeva at Alandi. During the period of Peshwa not only this
watan or inam was confirmed but a new inam also was sanction for the
same temple.
Mosque -Sabhasad Bakhar mentions that Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj
granted land as well as sanctioned allowances to temples as well as
mosques equally for defraying the daily exp enditure of them and other
purposes of those religious institutions.
Mathas -As watan to temple and mosques, the Marathas also granted
some watans to mathas located at various places. Chhatrapati Shivaji
granted watan and inam to Ramdas, his guru for the maintenance of his
own matha at Caphal. He also had sanctioned some of watans or inams to
Maunibava of Patgar for maintaining the math -located at that place.
Samadhi -There were a number of saints during this period, who
attracted the attention of peopl e in general by their spiritual and religious
instructions to them. Such saints received posthumously some watan or
grants for maintenance of their Samadhi. For example the Samadhi of
Sopander at Sasvad received watan for its maintenance .
Varsasanas -This was one more type of religious watan or inam which
was sanctioned for performing religious services under the Marathas. It
was the varsasanas. It is said that a Brahmin was granted thirty bighas of
land for performing puja to a deity as his maintenance. In the same way
Gosavi of Jejuri received twelve bighas of land as watan for the similar
work which he used to perform to a local diety.
Agrahara watan or inam :-This was one more type of watan or inam
granted during the period of Marathas. Agrahara inam s or watans were
granted generally to Brahmins for their sustenance during the period of
their education and learning. These inami or watan lands were either
exempted completely from the taxes or were made to pay rents at reduced
rate.
Sanadi watan
The w atan or inami lands granted during this period could be
classified as -Sanadi inami lands or watans, Customary inam or
watan.Sanadi Watan ,in this watan, Sanad (charter) in connection with the
watan was given by the ruler or king to the watandar. In this watan the
nature of the watan like free from the government taxes, perpetuity or the
period, whether any portion was reserved like an half, one third, onemunotes.in
Page 31
31fourth as government claims were mentioned. The king or the ruler created
and confirmed such watans by the royal firman as and when the king
wished. Customary inam or watan was not reduced to any writing or
conferred by any sanad or firman. This watan was oral and as valid as the
sanadi watan.
Watans granted to Artisans
Artisans in every village were gran ted some land as watan on
which they were not required to any revenue or taxes. Generally, these
artisans were given the land in watan which was reclaimed from the waste
land. Such inam or watan was called as Tikanati Begari, which means the
land given to certain people for particular services to the village without
any remuneration. Artisans could mortgage this kind of watan but could
not sell it and they could also resume the watan even if they failed to
render the particular services to the people. Wilso n in his Glossary
mentions such inam or watan as watan Maval means such watans were
granted in the Maval area than the Desh or the Ghat -matha.
Creation and confiscation of watan or inami land
The king or the village granted watan or inam to appropriate
persons and they terminated the watan in case of failure to perform the
duties or the functions for which the watan or inam was granted. In the
case when new areas were added to the kingdom, the actual cultivators
working on the land were never disturbed. Ev en, the king used to order the
village officers to employ new cultivators in case the old cultivators had
fled the village due to fear. The king ordered the village officers for doing
every thing possible to get every piece of land cultivated.
Duties and responsibilities of a Watandars :
The grant of watans continued as long as the services were
rendered efficiently and till the watandars remained loyal to the king and
the village. Sometime, the watandar was paid in cash and kind for the
services he render ed to the village. The watandar referred to such payment
as his privileges and dues. These privileges and dues were recognized by
the state and were specifically noted in the watan deeds of the watandar.
The watandar being the permanent officer of the stat e and the village no
change in the Government affected his position at any level. Therefore,
several watandars who were working under the Mughals were continued
by Chhatrapati Shivaji as watandars when annexed the Muslim territory to
his kingdom . The wata ndar was to perform the following duties and
responsibilities under the Marathas.
1)The main duty of the watandar was to collect the assessed revenue of
the villages which were under his juridiction.
2)The watandar was to undertake the systematic pol icy of colonisation
and bring more and more barren land under cultivation.
3)The another duty of the watandar was to settle petty local disputes in
the village with the help of community council, which was called
Gotsabha.munotes.in
Page 32
324)The watandar was to take initiative in social, religious and cultural
programmes.
Importance of watan
Watan had much more importance during the period of Marathas.
That can be summerised as under -
1)The watan was the most important means for livelihood. It was main
source of income.
2)It was sign of dignity and prestige. It was a coveted institution and
became a root cause of disputes in the society.
3)Watan invited several claims and counter claims and generated lengthy
and excessive litigations against each other. It ga ve birth to severe
feuds, conspiracies, violence and ultimately led murder in the watan
area.
4)Watan was considered as a matter of great honour and it was held in
such a high esteem that they preferred to remain as watandars rather
than to be promoted to a higher position in the government.
Control on watandars
Ramchandrapant Amatya, a well -known diplomat in Maratha
administration, discussed in detail about the watan system functioning
during the period of Marathas. Ramchandrapant Amatya, therefore,
warned the king about such watandars and suggested to undertake the
following steps to avoid danger and control the watandars .
1) Amatya suggests that the king that he should avoid the policy of any
extreme end as withholding the watan of an in disciplined watandar or
another hand .He should not give any watandar excessive freedom of
action and movement by which the natural spirit of the watandars would
manifest. The king, therefore, avoid two extreme ends in formulating the
state policy.
2) In such situa tion, the king should follow the policy of conciliation and
punishment. The king should see that the watandars, while exercising their
duties, they should not increase their power over the people and get undue
advantages .The king should not allow the wata ndars to enjoy the powers
which were not included in their watan deeds.
3) The king should make them to obey all orders issued by the king and
the central government at any cost and execute them properly and
sincerely.
4) The king should not allow watan dars to build strong houses and
construct forts in their watan to avoid the watandars from reaping undue
advantages.
5) In case of disobedient, overbearing and unrestrained watandars,
Amatya, suggests that the king should entrust them with a difficult ta sk, if
they succeed in performing the task it would add to the king glory andmunotes.in
Page 33
33strength and other than if they fail, the king should punish them and bring
them under severe restrictions.
6) The king should never allow the watandars to quarrel among
themse lves. They should be motivated and encouraged to undertake
various assignments of the government to benifit both the cultivators and
the king. If they found transgressing traditional limits or provisions
recorded in their watan deeds, such watandars should be put down with
heavy hands.
7) Amatya further advises the king that he should recover regularly the
tribute from his watandars and habituate them to be punctual in all
matters.
Check your Progress :
1)Give an account of development of Watan System .
2)Describe the types and importance of Watan system.
3.5SUMMARY
The mansabdari system existed during the sultanate period.
However, Mughals perfected it. The appointment, promotion, suspension
or dismissal of the mansabdars rested entirel y with the emperor. No
portion of the mansabdars dignity was hereditary. There was one imperial
service for both military and civilian officers. The watandary system was
practiced in the medieval period before the advent of Chhatrapati Shivaji
Maharaj . The grant of watans continued as long as the services were
rendered efficiently and till the watandars remained loyal to the king and
the village. Sometime, the watandar was paid in cash and kind for the
services he rendered to the village. The watandar was t o perform the many
civic and military responsibilities under the Marathas.
3.6QUESTIONS
1)Explain the Mansabdari system and its features.
2)Assess the contribution of Mansabdari system with its merits and
demerits.
3)Explain the watandari syste m with duties of watandar.
4)Trace the nature of Watandari system during the Maratha period.munotes.in
Page 34
343.7ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanat to The Mughals, Har
Anand Publication .
2)Ishwari Prasad, History of Mediaeval In dia, the Indian press
(publications) Allahabad .
3)J. N. Sarkar, Shivaji and his times, Orient Blackswan Private Limited -
New Delhi .
4)M. G. Ranade, Rise of Maratha Power, Panalekar co, Mumbai, 1901 .
5)K.N. Chitnis, Socio -Economic History of Medieval India, Atalantic
Publisher, New Delhi, 2017.
munotes.in
Page 35
35Module -II
Unit -4
ISLAMIC INTELLECTUAL TRADITIONS:
AL-BERUNI AND AL -HUJWIRI
Unit Structure:
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Al-Beruni:
4.3 Al-Hujwiri:
4.4 Summary
4.5 Questions
4.6 Additional Readings
4.0OBJECTIVES
To underst and the concepts and theories of Islamic intellectual
traditions.
To explain the contribution of Al -Beruni in Indian history.
To understand and discuss the role of Al -Hujwin for spreding sufism
in India and to make aware about the Al -Hujwin’s literary work s.
4.1INTRODUCTION
The Islamic intellectual traditions is first of all a tradition that
contains theosophical and gnostic elements in addition to its logical and
rational elements Central Asia, it became enriched by the intellectual
contributions of a multitude of individuals, communities and culture in
regions that eventually the Muslim world. The Islamic world had already
become one of the dominant civilizations of the world, charadterized by a
diversity of literary and intellectual traditions in var ious field of learning,
while Islamic as a religion become elaborated in a plurality of expressions
and interpretations.
4.2AL-BERUNI
The period of 11thcentury was one of the great intellectual ferment
and churning in central Asia and across North Ind ia. It also saw great
empires collapsing and giving rise to regional polities and alliances.
Moreover, we see these two different worlds began to converge and came
into close contact with each other during this period. These contacts,
though at times vio lent in the form of the Arab and Turkish invasions,munotes.in
Page 36
36were also at times deeply cultural and philosophically engaging
represented through the writings of the Arab travellers, merchants and
observers like Al -Beruni.
Abu’l Rihan Muhammad bin Ahmad Al -Beruni w as amongst the
leading scholar and scientific minds of Central Asia in the eleventh
century. Renowned for his knowledge on a wide variety of subjects,
ranging from astronomy to mathematics to history and even astrology, Al -
Beruni has been also referred to as ‘al -ustadh’ in the works of some of the
contemporary writers. He has been described by his contemporaries in
different words. Abu’l Fazl Baihaqi –a contemporary, described Al -
Beruni in these words –“Bu Rihan was beyond comparison, superior to
everyman of his time in art of composition, in scholar like
accomplishments, and in knowledge of geometry and philosophy. He had
however a most rigid regard for truth.”
Al-Beruni first visited India in around 1017 CE along with the
armies of Mahm ud Ghazni. He travelled the Indian subcontinent, made
regular visits to North India for the next decade and interacted with many
philosophers as well as learned men thereby attempting to know and
understand in detail the customs and traditions of the count ry. We find that
he wrote extensively on the Indian society and culture. His principal work
on India was ‘Kitab fi Tahqiq ma li’l -Hind’ or simply, ‘Al -Beruni’s
India’. It has been pointed out that this work of Al -Beruni marked a
departure from the existin g historical and narrative traditions prevalent in
the country till that time. This work is much more than mere recording the
genealogies of tarikh tradition of narrating the political history in
chronological manner. Apart from providing information on re gional
geography and some political narratives, the work is also a survey of the
customs and traditions prevalent in especially regions of northern India,
social differentiations and customs, religious and philosophical ideas
espoused in Sanskrit texts, al so on mathematical and scientific knowledge
systems that were there in the country during this period i .e. in 11th
century.
Moreover, he translated many Indian works into Arabic as well as
wrote on various aspects of Indian sciences. He wrote his initial treatises
on astronomy, geography and mathematics. His abstract on geometry,
arithmetic, astronomy and astrology written in 1029 CE was known as
Kitab al -Tafhim li -awa’ilSina’atal-tanjim. About the other significant
work of Al -Beruni, historian Mohammad Habib put forth these words –
“For us the great importance of the Kitab -al-Hind depends upon its
methodology -a fine modification of the dialectical system of Socrates, in
which Al -Beruni had trained at Khwarizm, to suit the subject matter of his
enquiries . He gave us a unique survey, unsurpassed by anything yet
written in its comprehension of general sociological and philosophical
principles as well as minute, scientific details of achievements of Hindu
thought in ages gone by…”munotes.in
Page 37
37One finds that Al -Beruni did not discuss his ideas and approaches
regarding history and about writing history. Yet some glimpses may be
obtained from his introduction to two of his important works: Kitab al -
Athar al -Bakhiya an al kurun al -Khaliya (the Chronology of ancient
nations ) where he sees history as the unfolding of God’s divine plan
through the prophets; and Kitab fi Tahqiq ma li’l Hind , where he seems to
be adhering to the view that both sciences and recording of history are
aimed at finding out the truth. This can be supp orted from the fact that he
prescribed to the scientific principles for acceptance and examination of
historical traditions. He tries to be objective and impartial as much as
possible in his writings. At times, he acknowledges that he is writing may
not co nform to the traditional value systems of Islamic teachings and
theology.
He criticises the Hindus for the lack of interest in history and
chronology in the following words: “Unfortunately the Hindus do not pay
much to the historical order of things, t hey were careless in relating the
chronological succession of their kings and when pressed for information
are at a loss, not knowing what to say, they invariably take to story -
telling.” Further, he constantly compares the various philosophical and
scienti fic systems, as one would find in his methodology, to understand
the ideas that were prevalent in India then. Throughout his book on India,
one would come across the analogies taken by him from the Greek,
Zoroastrian, Christian, Jewish and Sufi sources. A l-Beruni approached
history with an idea that the aim and object of revelation, history -writing
and scientific enquiry is one and the same, that means to know the truth
and he considered them equally reliable sources of human knowledge.
According to E. Sac hau-“Al-Beruni was the only Arabic writer who
investigated the antiquities of the East in a true spirit of historical
enquiry.”
A study of Al -Beruni reveals that India always fascinated him and
that he was well -versed with the work done on Indian scien ces in Arabic.
At certain junctures, he also made attempts of translating some of the
works himself into Arabic from Sanskrit or even vice versa in order to
obtain a better understanding of the texts. For the same ,he also learnt
Sanskrit which he found ex tremely difficult to be mastered. He records in
his accounts the difficulty faced in learning Sanskrit and translating
Sanskrit texts into Arabic. To quote some of his words: “…. the language
is of an enormous range, both in words and inflections, somethin g like the
Arabic, calling one and the same thing by various names, both original and
derived, and using one and the same word for a variety of subjects, which
in order to be properly understood, must be distinguished from each other
by various qualifying epithets. For nobody could distinguish between
various meanings of a word unless he understands the context in which it
occurs, and its relation both to the following and preceding part of the
sentence….”
Though Al -Beruni’s work on India never intended to be a political
kind of narrative, it nevertheless contains some valuable informationmunotes.in
Page 38
38regarding the political activities and developments during the period he
travelled in the country. The hostility between the Muslim Turkish
invaders and the Indians has b een for the first time attested in the record of
Al-Beruni wherein he also laments about the widespread destruction
caused as a result of the invasions and migration of the learned men and
moving of the seats of Hindu learning to further east. Moreover, he
records with a fair degree of accuracy, the date of the conquest of Somnath
by Sultan Mahmud, and also noted its exact location and the legend
behind building of the temple. He also records the history of the
Hindushahis who faced the brunt of Mahmud Ghaz ni’s invasion in India.
Though lacking in authenticity with regard to the sources consulted, he
was still able to paint a fairly accurate picture of the dynasty with regard to
the last seven rulers. His account of the last seven rulers have also been
verified by the numismatic data onthe contemporary written accou nt of
Kashmir, which is Kalhana’s Rajatarangini.
Al-Beruni also records some anecdotes on Kashmir, which he
could not visit. It is surprising that for an outsider who had never visited
the regio n, he seemed to be rather well -informed about the geography as
well as the history of the region. He also records a tradition regarding the
victory of a ruler of Kashmir, named Muttai, over the Turks. This ruler has
been identified as Lalitaditya Muktapida (724 –760 CE) and the victory
that Al -Beruni mentioned, may be in reference to his conquest in the
region of Turkistan in the Upper Oxus Valley and in Northern Kashmir.
Not just Lalitaditya, but there are several other rulers of the Medieval
India who fi nd their mention in Al -Beruni’s chronicle. For instance, his
reference to Gangeya Vikramaditya of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri,
Bhojadeva of the Paramara dynasty, the Malayketu family of Kanauj and
so on.
To add to this, he also provides information in depth about the
regions which were under the control of Arab and Ghaznavid domination
in Indian subcontinent. His accounts of the conquest of Sindh and Punjab
are amongst the earliest extant records of the events, yet these accounts do
suffer from some glaring inaccuracies. He informs wrongly about the
route taken by the early Arab armies in Sindh. He also talks about the rule
of Carmathians in Multan but does not refer to Mahmud Ghazni’s attack
on Multan as well as about the general massacre that follow ed after the
attack.
Apart from the political conditions mentioned, one finds some very
interesting and telling observations made on the social conditions that
prevailed in India at the time, especially on the caste system and general
inequality. Al -Berun i also seems well -informed about the four -fold
division of the varna order, and the social status and duties assigned to
each varna or caste as it later turned into. He further speaks of the
existence of the eight classes of people outside the varna order, who were
segregated in accordance to their occupation and guilds. For instance,
shoemaker, juggler, basket and shield maker, sailor, fishermen, hunter,
weaver and so on. He also mentions or rather, elaborates on the mannersmunotes.in
Page 39
39of eating and various customs a ssociated with each of the castes and how
such a separation and segregation is provided a divine sanction, quoting
extensively from the Gita. But one realises that in keeping with the general
approach of just recording and not criticising, Al -Beruni seems to have
maintained distance from the society he had been so keenly observed. The
detachment of a scientific observation comes out very clearly in his study
on Indian society. He believed that the caste system and the associated
segregation of men is one of the main obstacles for any rapprochement
between the Hindus and the Muslims.
Al-Beruni provides useful glimpses into the geography of the eleventh
century India. His account has generally proven useful in identifying the
exact location of the cities lon g forgotten or names of the places which
had undergone much corruption over the years. To cite an example here,
there has been considerable difference of opinions among the historians
with regards to the correct location of the city of Vallabhi in Gujarat. Al-
Beruni’s statement that the town was located at a distance of 30 yojans
south of Anhilwara, had greatly enabled in identifying the town of Vala in
Saurashtra with the ancient capital city of Vallabhi. His knowledge on
Indian geography could be divided into two categories .
Ancient Indian geographical concepts and information
His own concepts and information
But the most significant contribution of Al -Beruni to the physical
geography was his concept of seas, and especially his theory about t he sea
route between the Indian Ocean and the Atlantic, south of the mountain of
the moon, the traditional source of the Nile in Africa, a concept which was
later adopted by the European travellers and adventurers who desired to
find a route between India and Europe. Also, he provided elaborate
account of the climate, physical features, rivers and mountains of India,
especially of the northern parts.
Regarding Al -Beruni’s views on Indian sciences, he considered
Indians to be well -versed in ast ronomy and mathematics. He gave detailed
account on the numerical systems used in India. He speaks about the
Indian numerical systems in his account on India as well as in his works
on astronomy and in his chronology of nations. With regard to the Indian
system, Al -Beruni writes that the numerical signs have different shapes
and styles in different regions of India. He also quotes that the decimal
system and the symbol for zero were known to the Indians. Al -Beruni also
mentions that the Indian astronomers h ad the knowledge about the real
cause behind the solar and lunar eclipses and that their calculations have
been scientific. He expresses surprise that they should mix up science with
popular religious beliefs.
Thus, one finds Al -Beruni representing an al together different line
of scholastic achievements, i .e.of pure science and reason. However, for
all his achievement in various scholarly fields, Al -Beruni continued to
crave for recognition and fame his whole life. This comes out to the foremunotes.in
Page 40
40in various p ages of his work through his lament that scholarship and merit
is not appreciated as much as it used to be.
Check your Progress :
1)Describe in brief about Al -Beruni’s book on ‘Tarikh -i-Hind.’
4.3 AL -HUJWIRI:
Sufism, as a liberal form of Isl amic philosophy, was not an isolated
phenomenon in the world. During eighth century to fifteenth century, the
same mysticism, laying emphasis on the spirit rather than he form, on the
relationship of life here with the reality rather than on the forms and
outward observances of a religion was given expression to in India by the
Vedantists and by the mystics in Europe.
Prof. Arberry describes Sufism as “the attempt of individual
Muslims to realise in their personal experience the living presen ce of
Allah.” The difference between the orthodox Islam and Sufism is mainly
that the latter stresses more on the internal purification as necessary for the
one to have the realisation of God. Good deeds done out of fear and
dictation are useless to the Su fi, whereas the orthodox teachings lay them
down as necessary as well as useful acts of virtue, even if the heart were
impure.
It is believed that the Arab sea traders operating between the
Malabar Coast and Ceylon first introduced Islam to that region of the sub -
continent. With the advent of the Muslims in India, Sufism entered this
country. Though it cannot be said with certainty who was the first Sufi to
come to India, but it may be said that as early as the beginning of the
eleventh century A.D. the Su fis came to India and found this land
favourable for preaching their tenets. According to Athar Abbas Rizvi,
“the annexation of Punjab by Mahmud of Ghazni and its incorporation
into his empire prompted many Sufis to settle in the area.” Among the
Sufis of the earliest times who had visited India, tradition mentions the
name of Mansur Hallaj. But the first important Sufi who made India his
home was Usman bin Ali Hujwiri (400 -465 A.H). He was born near
Ghazni, Afghanistan, during the Ghaznavid Empire and die d in Lahore (in
present -day Punjab, Pakistan) in 1077 CE.
So, one understands here that it was after the Ghaznavid conquest
of Punjab that a large number of Sufi saints appeared in India. Some
believe that Shaikh Ismail of Lahore was the first among them. He was
followed by Shaikh Ali bin Usman Al -Hujwiri, better known by his title
as ‘Daata Ganj Baksh’.munotes.in
Page 41
41Al-Hujwiri was an Islamic scholar as well as a sufi saint and a
writer of eleventh century. His contribution in spreading of Islam in South
Asia is huge. He might be described as the ‘founder of the Sufi cult in
India’ that gained immense popularity among the Muslim masses and
profoundly influenced their entire moral and religious outlook.
Regarding his title –Daata Ganj Baksh, some are of the opinion
that this title was given to him five centuries after his demise, that is in the
ninth century. As per the content of his book ‘Kashf al-Asrar’, the title of
Daata Ganj Baksh became popular during his lifetime. With his arrival in
Lahore, he was already we ll-known and acquainted with the title of Daata
Ganj Baksh and this remains true till this very day, centuries after his
passing away from this mortal world.
The words of Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti (1141 CE -1230 CE)
which is known throughout the world profe sses to this title –
“Ganjbaksh faiz e aalam mazhar e noor e khuda
Naaqisanrapeer e kamil kamila nr ehnuma”
(‘The treasure of forgiveness’ whose blessing is all over the world,
is a manifestation of the Light of Allah. He is the perfect mast er for the
spiritual destitute; the guide of the perfect!)
Al-Hujwiri spent most of his life journeying in pursuit of
knowledge and spiritual enhancement. He travelled extensively and his
journey is mentioned in his classic ‘Kashf al-Mahjub’ (Unveiling the
Veiled) which was the first Persian language treatise on Sufism. This work
debates Sufi doctrines of the past. Hujwiri said that individuals should not
claim to have attained “marifat” or gnosis because then it meant that one
was being prideful. True u nderstanding of God should be a silent
understanding.
Hazrat Daata Ganj Baksh was a great writer and poet. Kashful
Mahjub is methodical, comprehensive and thorough in its approach to the
issues at hand. The list of his famous works includes:
Kashful Mahju b
Diwan -e-She’r
KitabFanaWaBaqa
Israrul Kharq Wal-Mauniyat
Birri’ayat Be -Huqooq -Ullah
Al-Bayan Lahal -Al-Ayan Behrul Quloob
Minhaj al-Din
Sharah -e-Kalam
Kashf al-Asrar
The elders of the Chisti silsilah in the Indian subcontinent consult
and refer to Ka shfalMahjub and Awarif al ma’arif for the teachings andmunotes.in
Page 42
42guidance with the former having more significance and importance.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya gave it the title ‘Murshid barrhaq’ –meaning,
a guide by right. Al -Hujwiri, who passed away in 1088, is als o viewed as
an important intercessor for many Sufis.
Check your Progress :
1) Comment on Al -Hujwiri’s book Kashf al -Mahjub.
2)Define the concept of ‘Data Ganj Baksh.’
4.4SUMMARY
Both Al -Biruni and al -Hujwiri contributed a lot in Islam ic
intellectual tradition in India. Al -Biruni was the first prominent muslim
indologist was one of the greatest intellectual of the 11thcentury. His book
Kijab al -Hind in dealing with Indian society, it is fair to say Al -Biruni
deserve recognition as a great Muslim critical thinker, philosopher and
historian. His thinking was based upon his bounteous knowledge as well
as his religious personality and education.
Al-Hujwiri was medieval sufi intellectual and theoreticians wrote a
major theoretical work entitled “Kashf al -Mahjub (Revealing the hidden)
which enumerated twelve theoretical schools of Sufism. He saught to
establish balance among all dimensions of Islamic thought and practice
with Sufism as the animating spirit of the whole. He significantly
contributed to the spreading of Islam in South Asia.
4.5 QUESTIONS
1)Describe the contribution of Al -Biruni in the Islamic tradition in India?
2)Give an account of the role of Al -Hujwiri in establishing Sufismin
India through his literary.
3)Write a detailed note on Al -Biruni and Al -Hujwiri’s contribution in
Islamic intellectual tradition.
4.6ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)Qeyamuddin Ahmod (Ed.), India by Al -Biruni, National Book. Trust,
India, 2004.
2)R.A. Nicholson, (Translator), Kashf Al -Mahjub (Al-Hujwiri Apex
Books Concern 1985.
munotes.in
Page 43
43Unit -5
CLASS COMPOSITION OF MEDIEVAL
SOCIETY
Unit Structure :
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Social Structure during Medieval Period
5.2.1Urban Society
5.2.2Rural Society
5.3 Village Communities under Akbar
5.4 Points of Common Interest in the Urban Population
5.5 Class Composition of Medieval Society.
5.5.1Emperor
5.5.2Mughal Nobility
5.5.3The Ulema
5.5.4Mansabdars
5.5.5The Middle Class
5.5.6The Masses
5.6 Additional Readings
5.7 Questions for Self S tudy
5.0OBJECTIVES
To study the social structure during medieval period.
To understand the composition of urban society.
To make student aware about the Rural India during medieval period.
To throw light on village communities during Akba rperiod.
To m ake students aware of the class com position of medieval society.
To analyse the role of Emperor and Nobles in medieval social life.
To understand the position and importance of ulema in medieval
society.
To focus on prominent position of Mansabdars in mu ghal India.
To bring into light the life of middle class and the masses in medieval
society.munotes.in
Page 44
445.1INTRODUCTION
Society is the largest distinguishable unit composed individuals
connected by interaction. These individuals share a pattern of social
organiz ation that regulates the interaction between them. A complete
picture of a society would emerge if all individuals were taken as a group,
through their interactions & their relationships. These interactions
crystalize into different forms such as the famil y, clan, tribe, nation etc.
Every society has a structure and continuity. Social order is a basic need of
social life. This used is fulfilled by customs, laws, different patterns and
the rules of behaviours and a system of authority which controls the
violations of these codes of conduct. The variation in the social structures
of the Indian society was more prominent during Medieval period. This
period witnessed the rise and fall of several kingdoms and empires. Many
historians had put special emphasis on a n analytical study of the Delhi
sultanate, the Vijaynagara Empire and the Bahamani kingdom, which
dominated the history of early Medieval India. The rise of the Mughals
and the Marathas has been also traced in an in depth manner by many.
Though the fortune s of the various powers defined the impact of their rule
on the social, cultural and economic life of the country has been more
lasting, it is observed that comparatively less studied.
5.2SOCIAL STRUCTURE DURING MEDIEVAL
PERIOD
History is no longer a st udy of only the kings, the various battles
they had fought and the detailed provision of the subsequent peace
treaties, instead an attempt is made, as far as possible, the social structure,
economic life, trade and commerce of the concerned period of histo ry. The
socio -economic approach to the study of the study of history envisages a
complete picture of a given society in a particular period. Since we are
studying the socio -cultural history of Medieval India (A.P. 1200 -
A.P.1757), it is necessary for us t o know the social structure of the
medieval period, the various classes in the Medieval society, the nature of
caste system, the position of women in the society and slavery as an
institution.
5.2.1URBAN SOCIETY
The Social economic, political and cultura l life of the medieval
period was in general dominated by the village communities however,
there were political centres usually capitals, head quarters of important
officials like subhedars, the citadels of Jagirdars and Mansabdars were
hubs of great acti vities. Likewise the trading centres and port -towns on the
west coast and the pilgrim places were centres of large populations.
During medieval period many cities and towns were prospered due to
increase in land and foreign and local trade while numerous v illages
continued to care on their self sufficient village economy. The most
important cities of the empire were located in north India and some of
them were Delhi, Agra, Fatehpur, Sikri, Ajmer, Multan, Benaras, Jaunpu r,munotes.in
Page 45
45Allahabad, Patna, Hoogly, Dacca and Chitagong. These cities were very
prosperous and very wealthy traders and nobles lived in these cities. Even
the artisan class in these cities was economically well off while the
working class in general was not in a bad condition.
In the Deccan, Ahmedna gar and Bijapur were quite prosperous
cities of regional kingdom vijaynagar had declined but some towns were
emerging prosperous in the south of the Deccan. In Central India Ujjain
and Burhanpur and in Western India Ahmedabad were very prosperous
cities. A ccording to Abul Fazal Ahmedabad was 'a noble city in a high
state of prosperity'. Besides some sea ports were emerging as important
Urban centres on the western coast. The population of the political centres
and capitals showed a considerable number of cr aftsmen, artists and
wealthy merchants and aristocrats. The population of pilgrim towns, were
the meeting places of devotees from different walk of life from different
places in India. The population in the trading centres was heterogeneous.
At surat the l ocal sailors mixed up with the local traders as well as the
Habshi merchants and sailors who commanded the naval operation. At
places of political importance the Nizamshahi and Adilshahi, Jagirdars,
Hindus and Muslims held sway over the eco -political activ ities.
5.2.2 RURAL SOCIETY
The rural India showed innate strength to survive the floods of
foreign invasions. The life continued with a quiet confidence in the
village. During medieval period the varied political conditions in India had
overstrained the g overnmental machinery at higher level but the village
administration went on smoothly. The village communities were allowed
to administer their own affairs under the supervision of government
officers. In the rural areas of India, villages continued their self sufficient
economic structures but they showed some signs of progress owing to
Akbar's better deal to the people in the villages and growth of numerous
bazars in their vicinity. In south India the villages continued their self
sufficient economic stru cture and those near temples received considerable
prosperity.
India can be seen only in villages, as an overwhelming majority of
people live in village communities. The village communities during
medieval period were little republics. The social, economi c and cultural
life of the village was regulated by the village panchayat. The Panchayats
were highly respected and in fact, were regarded as next only to God.
There were two types of panchayats, namely caste panchayat and village
panchayat. The head of a village was known as 'Patil' in Maharashtra,
'Patel' in Gujrat and 'Pradhan' or 'Mukhia' or 'Bhojaka' in North India. He
enjoyed certain additional rights and obligations. He was the chief
spokesman of the villagers. At the same time, while dealing with th e
villagers, he acted as a spokesman of the government.
Each village community, constituted a basic unit of existing
administration and was a centre of socio -economic & religious life. The
village accountant maintained the land records and kept the land r evenuemunotes.in
Page 46
46account of the village. He was known by different names in different parts
of the country, such as Patwari, Shanbag, Menon etc. The basic feature of
Medieval Indian society was the self -sufficiency of village communities.
The self -sufficient village , as the basic economic unit, h ad existed for
centuries in India. Mountstuart Elphistone is full of praise for the village
communities .He says, these communities contain, in miniatures, all the
materials of a state within themselves and are almost suffici ent to protect
their members, if all other governments were withdrawn'. It is heartening
to note that when most of the urban medieval India was distracted by
selfish wars and court intrigues, the small villages in India not only furnish
us with instance of republican institution but also give evidence of
existences of democratic principles to a great extent.
The rural society might be classified into three categories namely
peasants, artisans and craftsmen and a class of manuals.
a)Peasants -From ages ag riculture is the main source of income for
India. Hence the village population was mainly composed of peasants. The
farmers produced crops for the need of the village. Except a share of
agricultural produce, which the village community had to surrender to the
representative of the ruler the entire agricultural produce was meant for
local consumption by the peasant and non -peasant village population.
b)Artisans and Craftsman -They rendered their services in return for a
share of grain every year. The vill age artisans and craftsmen secured
locally the raw materials such as wood, clay and hide required for their
craft. These artisans and craftsmen such as a carpenter, a potter, a cobbler,
a weaver, a goldsmith, an oilman, a barber and others worked almost
exclusively for the satisfaction of the needs of the village population
c)A Class of Menials -A very important category of people in a village
was a class of menials, the outcastes or chandals. They did the work of
scavenging, disposing of dead bodies of animals and such other menial
types of work. They rendered their services to the villages and sometime
in returns they got their share of grain.
Thus rural societies were completely cut off from the rest of the
world and remained totally unaffected by any political earthquakes,
religious upheavals and foreign invasions. Kingdom rose and collapsed,
revolutions were followed by countes revolutions but the village
communities remained essentially the same. As village communities were
self-sufficient, isolat ed and unaffected by changes they naturally became
self centred and narrow minded. They were primitive, ignorant and
superstitious. Hence they made very little progress.munotes.in
Page 47
47Check your Progress :
1)Describe the rural and an urban society structure in M edieval India.
5.3VILLAGE COMMUNITIES UNDER AKBAR
The village communities were an ancient system of village self -
rule or village government in India which continued to exist undisturbed
by changing dynasties. Sher shah surf tried to streamline the village
communities by some closer contacts with their traditional officers. Akbar
went a step further in this direction by making the village panchayat a
legalised court of justice and thereby added to its prestige without
interfering with village li fe and village administration. The ancient
division of village panchayat had been into six committees like Annual
Committee, Tank Committee, Gold Committee, Committee of Justice and
Panchvara Committee. These committees continued during Akbar's reign
too.
Early village community had a council consisting of head of the
families in the village and council was responsible for the administration
of the village, this administration being generally the management of civic
affairs including dispensation of justic e regarding minor cases, civil and
criminals. Besides, there were caste panchayats to decide caste and family
disputes. Th efunctionaries of the village community were one or two
watchmen, a priest, a school masters, anastrologer, a carpenter, a
blacksmit h, a potter, a washe rman, a barber, a physicians and a patwari.
5.4POINTS OF COMMON INTEREST IN THE URBAN
POPULATION
In the rural communities the points of common interest were the
traditional occupation and primary of land and agriculture. In the urban
population the traditional occupations were changing to suit the needs of
trade and military compulsions. In villages Jati Panchayats and Gram-
Panchayat swere active. In the towns and cities the population was not
homogeneous as men of different countries came together. The merchant
guilds and government rules were more important. The progress of the
urban population depended upon the state of law and order. Secondly and
importantly trade and financial transactions were more important than
possession of la nd and its cultivation.munotes.in
Page 48
485.5CLASS COMPOSITION OF MEDIEVAL SOCIETY
Although caste -
System set a pattern for social gradation, there were groups
engaged in political and economic activities cutting across caste
consideration. The means of livelihood an d the type of services rendered
to the government and the recognition of the same by the grant of 'watans'
was an important factor in the slowly changing society. In modern times
class denotes the economic status of an individual or a group of
individuals. The common division in Medieval India was king, nobility
Mansabdars, Middle class and the masses. At the apex of the social order
was the Emperor closely followed by the nobility which despite hard times
led a life of luxury and extravagance with great we akness for wine and
music. In the middle came the 'small and frugal' middle class comprising
small merchants, lower cadre of employees, lawn artists etc. At the lowest
rung of ladder was the majority of the poor agriculturist and artisan in the
village.
5.5.1 EMPEROR
The Islamic theory of state had gradually developed and undergone
radical changes long before the establishment of the sultanate of Delhi.
The monarchical form of government the basic feature of the sultanate,
was itself an extra -Quranic gro wth which had evolved and entered the
fold of Islam on the Persian soil. The emperor, as the absolute ruler, was
the head of the social system. According the traditional Islamic theory of
state, the sultan usually professed to administer theIslamic law th ough the
political institutions set up by them did not always conform to the
orthodox Islamic principles. These were deeply influenced by the Indian
traditions and customs and incorporated many elements of the Rajput
polity with or without modifications. T he real strength or weakness of the
sultanate depended on the personality and character of the sultan. Emperor
claimed divide status and powers for the crown and asserted proprietary
rights over the entire land is his capacity as the lord paramount of the
country Members of the royal family, their blood relations, friends and
favourites of the king enjoyed a privileged position in the society. The
royal court acted as trend setter in social and cultural affairs. These trends
were faithfully imitated by prov incial courts of governors of the Mughal
nobility and the aristocracy all over the Mughal empire.
5.5.2 MUGHAL NOBILITY
Society looked like a feudal organisation with the king at its apex.
Next to the king were the official nobles, who enjoyed special hon ours and
privileges, which never tell to the lot of common people. This naturally
produced a difference in their standard of living. The nobles originally
possessed qualities which made them efficient servants of the state so long
as it retained its vigour . During the sultanate the nobility consisted of men
of Turkish and non -Turkish origin. The latter was foreigners whether
prison or Afghans who had come from central. Asia and West Asia to
India in search of a better life of the two streams of nobles, th e Turks weremunotes.in
Page 49
49more powerful, the upper class of society and occupied important offices
in the state. As time passed the number of Turks and non -Turks migrating
to India began to decline. The Islamic population was composed by
intermingling of different race s. Native converts and even non -Muslims
were subsequently appointed as nobles.
According to the historian Barani, Itutmish had forty powerful
Turkish slaves who got the upper hand after his death. 'None of them
would bow or submit to another and in the di stribution of territories,
forces offices and honours, they sought equality with each other.' It is not
quite certain that they numbered exactly forty or that they formed on
organized and well -masked group fighting collectively against the firm
exercise of royal power. Throughout the period of sultanate the relation
between the crown and the nobility varied according to the character and
personal ability of the sultan. No general principle or pattern was evolved
in course of three centuries secondly the nob ility was not a single, united
political order : loyalty to racial feeling and clan sentiments, as also pure
adventurism in pursuit of personal interest, determined activities of
powerful individuals and groups.
During Mughal period also Nobility remain a s one of the important
institution of Mughal rule. A small group of fifty one nobles who returned
to India with Humayun were all foreign born Muslims. Twenty Seven of
them were from central Asia. They were high status chiefs from chaghtai
Turkish or Uzbeak Central Asian lineage. A second group consisted of
sixteen Persian Shia nobles, including Bairam Khan. Akbar recruited new
nobles to serve the needs of his expanding empire. During twenty five
years the imperial elite had grown to 222 amirs. Akbar's aim w as to reduce
the relative numbers and increase influence of his central Asian nobles.
Akba rrecruited new men from India, rather than foreign, racial and
religious background. More significant was Akbar's recruitment of Rajput
leaders into the Mughal nobil ity. By 1580 there were 43 % Rajput
members of the nobility. Each Rajput raja was awarded high rank, pay and
perquisites. His adult sons and other male relatives and kinsmen were
given lesser mansabdari rank in return for imperial rank and prevails, the
Rajas conceded tight Mughal domination over Rajasthan.
It must be noted that the Mughal nobility was a heterogeneous
body. It was comprised of the Turks, Tartars, Persians, Indians, Muslims
and Hindus. The Akba rwas able to command the services of a body of
warrior aristocrats consisting of royal princes, several hundred amirs and
highest ranking mansabdars. They served as a provincial governors, high
administrative officers, military commanders for armies in the field or as a
part of the central military. T hey also served as commanders of strategic
forts reporting directly to Emperor. The mughal nobility became and
remained a heterogeneous body of free men, who rose as their talents and
the emperor's favours permitted. The flow of new recruits helped to
prevent the growth of dissident cliques and factions within the nobility. No
single ethnic or sectarian group was large enough to challenge Emperor.
The check on royal power, which groups of nobles or individual noblesmunotes.in
Page 50
50exercised from time to time was never sou ght to be given an institutional
form. No one thought of establishing baronial assembly or of demanding a
charter which would provide some definition of the position of the nobility
in the state. There was a continuous struggle for power between the crown
and the nobility as also among different groups of nobles but it devoid of
any long -time constitutional interest.
During Medieval period the nobles were generally the heads of
central depostment and provincial administration. They enjoyed titles like
Amir , Malik, Khan, Ulugh Khan. The nobility comprised of officers of all
these three ranks. The nobles used to change with the change of dynasty
and even with the change of a king. It was not a hereditary class and did
not became the right of a few families. I n most of the cases when a new
king came to power, the older nobility lost their power totally as their
loyalty was suspected. Many were even put to death by the new sultan. A
capable Turkish noble could usurp the throne or become extremely
powerful when t he sultan was weak or a minor or when he was favourite
of the sultan. But generally the rise and fall of the Mughal was due to their
mutual jealousies and differences. Their rebellions, court intrigues and
palace revolutions were important factors contribu ting to the decline of the
Mughal Empire and sultanate.
The emperor and his nobles enjoyed a luxurious lifestyle. Their
standard of living was comparable to the high and lavish standards set by
the aristocracy in the Islamic world. It was said that sultan Muhammad bin
Tughalaq used to gift two robes of honour annually to each noble. Some
200,000 robes were gifted every year. Numerous other gifts were given to
the nobles on the sultan's birthday or the coronation ceremony one of the
prominent reason of extr avagance and waste by noble was the Akbar's 'law
of escheat' in accordance with which the whole property of a noble
assured to the state after his death and his son did not succeed to it, with
the result that he had often to start life a fresh. He had to b uild his fortune
gradually.
This showed that ability was the passport of progress. But the dark
side of this law was that it encouraged a luxurious mode of life because it
is a matter of human nature that when a man is not sure that his earning
will belo ng to his sons and successors he cannot have any intensive to
save and leave for the government. Sir J. N. Sarkar calls the result of the
system of escheat as most harmful. A famous historian observes, The
nobles led extravagant lives and squandered away a ll their money in
unproductive luxury during their life time. It also prevented India from
having one of the strongest safeguard of public liberty and checks on royal
autocracy namely, an independent hereditary peerage, whose position and
wealth did not de pend on the king's favours in every generation and who
could therefore, afford to be bold in their criticism of the royal caprice and
their opposition to the royal tyranny.
The noble possessed great wealth and power and consequently
they were highly visib le public figures. This personalities, habits andmunotes.in
Page 51
51movement were the topic of endless rumour and speculations. They
attracted empire -wide attention wherever they were posted, whether at
court or in the provinces the nobles were a focal point of aristocratic life
and culture. To the extent his resources permitted each noble emulated the
style etiquette and opulence of the emperor. In the cities like Agra, Delhi,
Lahore and Burhampur the settlement patterns of the Mughal nobility
determined the nature of urban life. The origin of many new towns and
villages throughout north India can be traced to investments by mughal
nobles in the facilities for local markets, which also served the needs of
each nobles entourage and increased his earnings from his jagir lands.
Most enterprising nobles invested their money in commercial ventures.
The role of nobles in the disintegration of the empire cannot be
ignored. The nobles were divided among themselves. The Mughal nobility
had degenerated and it contributed, immensely to the disintegration of
Mughal Empire. Men like Bairam Khan, Munim Khan, Mahabat Khan,
Abdul Rahim were possessed of great ability and strength of character.
Wealth and leisure fostered luxury and sloth among the nobles. They were
thus spot by luxury, perso nal ambition, envoy of fellow nobles. The result
was their physical, moral and intellectual degeneration. Sir J. N. Sarkar
observes 'No Mughal family could retain its official importance for more
than one or two generations. If a nobleness achievements wer e mentioned
in three pays, his sons occupied nearly one page and the grandson was
dismissed in few lines such as 'he did nothing worth of being recorded'.
5.5.3 THE ULEMA
The ruling aristocracy could be divided into two categories
1)the able saif or the uma ra
2)Ahle Qalam or the Ulema
The ahlesaif or the ahle -shamshir -'men of the sword' belonged to
the warrior class of immigrants who had fought the Rajputs. Their military
rank determined their social status in the aristocracy. They enjoyed titles
like kha n, Malik, Sipahsalar and Sar -i-chail collectively known as Umara.
They formed the backbone of the sultanate. They commanded armies and
contributed towards the expansion of the Empire. From among them the
sultan appointed his ministers, official and iqtadar s. In case of the rule of
weak sultan they aspired to the throne.
After the nobles, the ulema (ahi -l-qalam) the muslim intellectuals
and theologians exercised a great influence on the policies and functions
of the state. They constituted the brain of the sultanate while Umara can be
referred to as the sword -arm of the Turkish rule in India. The ulama were
mostly non -Turkish origin; the Arabic and Persian theologians and
intellectuals occupied a predominant position among them. They held a
firm hold over th e missionary organs of Islam and controlled the mosques,
Khanquhs, educational institutions and holy shrines. Most of them
belonged to the orthodox sunni school of thought.
They were trained in muslim law and the religious literature of
Islam and wore tur ban as a mark on completion of the prescribed course.munotes.in
Page 52
52Being the recognized interpreters of the shariat they exercised two very
important functions first, they were the crown's advisers in matters of
policy affecting religious issues. Second they held a vir tual monopoly of
the judicial office in the state. They interpreted the Islamic law and
regarded themselves as the spiritual guardians of the Islamic state. They
enjoyed respect and prestige among muslim massess and because of their
popular appeal, demande d attention of the sultan and the nobility alike.
The sultan always felt obliged to treat them with due respect. Under the
weak or orthodox sultans, the ulema asserted their influence in state
politics. The sadr -us-sadur and qazi -ul-quzat were usually thei r high
priests. Despite their close affiliation to religion and law, the ulama as a
class were hardly less self seeking than the nobles. Amir Khusaru says that
ulama were ignorant of the principles of the shariat, acted from hypocrisy
and vanity, disregard ed the injunctions of Islam in theis private lives and
were always prepared to support a monarch who was a tyrant. Muhmmad -
bin Tughluq thought that the ulama of his times were singularly irreligious
and greedy. Anxious of worldly gains ulama frequently inv olved
themselves in political affairs. During the entire period of Turko -Afghan
rule the ulama formed a section of the governing class, although they were
not classed as umaras and their role was less important than that of the
nobility. They could not pla y the role of king -makers, nor could they claim
the higher political offices, they were turban -bearer incapable of rendering
the most essential of all services which the military state required. But
theis turban vested them with an undefined authority in r eligious, legal and
social matters which were inextricably mixed up with state policy. In
theocratic state they hold a key position which no rules could ignore.
5.5.4 MANSABDARS
From Babur to they early years of Akbar's reign the Mugha larmy
consisted of generally the Mongols, Tusks, Uzbegs, Parsians and Afghans
each with commanders of the same race. They were granted large
assignments of land in lieu of their salaries .The system generated not only
irregularities and fraudulent practices by the commanders but also
rebellion generally by Mughal and Uzbeg officers. Akbar was therefore,
obliged to recognize the Mughal army on a new pattern which created
what is known as the mansabdari system means the system of ranks and
mansabdari means the holdes of rank in the imperial army.
The Mansabdari 'System was closely connected with the
introduction of a graded list of officers (mansabdars). The mansabdari
system was central Asian origin. According to one view, Babur brought it
to North India. But some features of the system were known in Al auddin
Khalji's time and the system was of long standing in sher shah's reign
probable the Mongol invention of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
familiarised the sultans of Delhi with Mongol principles of recruitment
and o rganisation of the army and these were gradually adopted by them. It
was Akbar who restored the vitality of the system and made it the basis of
Mughal military organization and civil administration.munotes.in
Page 53
53Literally the word 'mansab' means rank, dignity or offic e. It is
derived from the persion word 'Nasabkardan' which means a fixing a
particular person at a particular place. The mansab of a Mughal noble
fixed (i) his horses (ii) his status (iii) his number of horses, soldiers and
elephants he was required to mai ntain. It should be remembered that
mansab was not granted to military officers alone. But all the Mughal
officers in the revenue and judicial services and even the scholars of the
court were holders of mansab. It is, therefore, that Irvin says, 'mansab -dari
meant nothing beyond the fact that the holder of mansab was the employee
of the state ’. Mr. R. P. Khosla in a way reiterates the same when he
remarks'. In the Mughal state the army the peerage and the civil
administration were all rolled into one.
Akbar's system was an innovation in two respect. First he required
the mansabdars class to maintain a fixed number of horsemen, horses,
elephants, camels and carts appropriate to their respective ranks, to bring
their contigents to periodical musters and to g et their horses branded.
Secondly it was his intention that mansabdars should begin at the bottom
and earn promotion by merit. The mansbdars had two ranks: zat and
sawar. One view is that the zat rank indicated the nominal number of
troops which a mansabda r was expected to maintain, while sawar rank
meant the number of troops which a mansabdar was expected to maintain,
while the sawar rank meant the numbers of troops which he actually
maintained. A second view is that the sawar rank implied an additional
honour, but it imposed no obligation on the mansabdar to maintain the
number of troops indicated by it. According to a third view the zat rank
imposed an obligation on the mansabdar to maintain a fixed number of
elephants, horses, beasts of burden and carts, but no troops, while the
sawar rank indicated the actual number of troops that he had to maintain.
Recruitment, promotion and Dismissals of mansabdars were in the
hand of the Emperor. A person desirous of joining the Mughal service first
contacted a mans abdar who recommended him to Mir Bakshi. The latter
presented the candidate before the Emperor, impressing upon him the
qualifications of the candidate and his utility to the sate. The candidate
was then granted a mansab by the Emperor. His whole record kn own as
'Haqiqat' was prepared. Promotions of the mansabdars were also in the
hands of the Emperor and were made generally on such occasion as (i)
before and after an expedition (ii) on some auspicious occasions of
festivity (iii) at the time of vacancy. A mansabdar could be dismissed at
any time by the Emperor if the latter felt that the former was dishonest or
disloyal to him or had lost his utility for the state.
The mansabdars were paid high salaries, sometimes in cash but
generally in the form of assig nment of land. In Auragzeb's reign about
fifty person of them were jagirdars and other were nagdi (paid in cash).
According to Abul FazI there were 66 grades of mansabdars but in
practice there were not more then 33 grades. The lowest grade in the
beginnin g was that of 20 and the highest was that of 10,000. According to
Badaone the highest manasab in the latter part of Akbar's regine wasmunotes.in
Page 54
5412,000. The highest mansab were reserved for princes and ministers.
Mansabdars were paid very fat salaries. For example a mansabdar of 5000
got from Rs. 28,000 to 30,000 out of which he would spend Rs. 16,000 to
maintain the soldiers and other obligation. He had to maintain 340 horses,
100 elephants, 100 camels or mules and 160 carts. Out of these salaries
they had to mainta in horses, elephant and carts for the use of the state and
the balance was intended for the maintenance of their households. The
mansabdars recruited their troops and were permitted to keep for
themselves five percent of the salaries of their troops to mee t various
expenses incurred for those troops.
The mansabdari system was a definite improvement upon the
system of military organization prevailing during the period of the
sultanate. The great mughalsmanaged to maintain a very big army without
a big organ ization for its recruitment and upkeep. A minimum standard of
efficiency and discipline was maintained by competition among the
mansabdars, all of whom aspired to gain imperial favour. But the system
had serious defects. There was widespread corruption whi ch Akbar sought
vainly to check by introducing the zat and sawar ranks and by issuing
elaborate regulations on branding of horses and muster of troops. The
practice of payment of the troops through their commanders was bound to
lead to abuses. The mansabda rs, as a class were divided into groups
seeking selfish ends and ignoring the general interest of the state. The
mansabdars were involved in civil administration and drawn into problems
which had little or no bearing upon military issues. They were not
interested in training troops and in thinking about improvements in the art
of war. The mughal empire never had a civil service separate from army.
A mansabdars might be entrusted at any time with any duty, there was no
room for specialization. Those mansabda rs who were paid by assignment
of lands even those who served actually as commanders of troops -
collected the land -revenue from their jagirs.
During the rule of later Mughals the mansabdars did not bring with
them even the required numbers of troops he e xpected to. The mughals
neglected the defence of their frontier regions. When Nadir Shah and
Ahmad Shah invaded India there was no strong garrison to obstruct their
progress into India. For their navy also the Mugual depended on foreigners
for help. The mu slim pilgrims secured protection form foreign ships. The
decline of military might of the empire contributed to the decline of their
power later on.
5.5.5 THE MIDDLE CLASS
Next to the two privileged classes there was a middle class
drawing modest incomes from small holding of land, or from services in
lower holding of land, or from services in lower posts under the state, or
from work under the nobles. As the Muslim society had for greater
mobility then the Hindu Society, the energetic and ambitions men of the
middle class found opportunities of rising to the highest class i.e. the
nobility. The middle class in mughal society was heterogeneous,
consisting of junior mansabdars, civil servants, judicial officers, landlords,
merchants, bankers professional men , priests, men of letters and artists.munotes.in
Page 55
55The fedual lords constituted a dominant material group. Possession of land
was a positive source of status in the society. Among the Hindus social
stratification was based on hereditary caste system, consequently only the
prosperous and influential Hindus could become a part of the middle class.
Muslims tended to determine social status on the basis of birth and racial
considerations.
In general, the middle class was very well off, but not extravagant,
they did not in dulge in high or luxurious living. But the petty Mansabdars
tried to copy the big Mansabdars in their extravagance and pomp and
show. They maintained a high standards of living. They did not hesitate to
borrow to maintain outward show. In order to maintain their position, they
resorted to all kinds of malpractices such as bribery and extortion. The
businessmen and bankers most of whom were Hindus, concealed their
wealth and pretended not to be rich as they were afraid of being exploited
by corrupt and unscr upulous bureaucrats.
5.5.6 THE MASSES
The nobility and the middle class constituted about ten to fifteen
percent of the Indian population during Mughal Period. The rest were
masses or lower classes. The masses comprised of the cultivators, artisans,
small traders, shop -keepers, household servants, slaves etc. Most of them
were condemned to live a hard and unattractive life. Their clothing was
scanty. They did not use woollen clothes at all. Very few of them could
afford to use shoes. Masses on the whole we re poor. The masses had to
depend on agriculture for their maintenance. It was very heavily taxed
under Alaud dinKhilji -50% of the production was charged as a state
share. The people could not even get two meals.
Financially, the petty shop -keepers were better off. The servants
attached to the officers were arrogant in their dealing with the public on
account of the backing of their masters. They demanded tips as a right.
The lives of the artisans were hard. They had to work in different villages
tomain tain themselves as there was not enough work in one village. Their
general standard of living was very poor and their wants were very few.
There was no scarcity of food except in times of draught or famines deaths
by starvation under normal circumstances w ere not known. The condition
of the farmers in the time of Akbar was not bad. The officers and
government also took into consideration their welfare. However, things
became bad when the officials became corrupt later on.
Check your Progress :
1)Explain the ruling aristrocracy (the Umara and the Ulema) in Medieval
India.munotes.in
Page 56
565.6ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)Ghurye G. S. -Caste and class in India , Popular Publication Ltd,
Mumbai.
2)B. N. Luniya -Life and culture, in Medieval India, Indore, Kamal
Prakashan 1978.
3)J. L. Mehta -Advance History of Medieval India vol I & II, New
Delhi, Sterling ,1983 .
4)K. S. Lai -Studies in Medieval Indian History, Delhi, 1966.
5)A. B. Pande -Society and Government in Medieval India, Central
Book Depot, 1965.
6)Chitnis K. N. -Glimpses Medieval Indian Ideas and institutions,
Pune, 1981.
7)Chitins K. N. -Socio -Economic History of Medieval India, Atlantic
publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, 1990.
8)Mohomad Yasin -Asocial History of Islamic India 1605 -1748,
Munshi Ram, New Delhi , 1974.
9)A. L. S hrivasta v-The Mughal Empire 1526 -1803, Shivlal Agrawal,
Agra, 1972.
5.7QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
Q.1 Give an account of the class composition of the society in medieval
India.
Q.2 Discuss the position of nobles in the Mughal Society .
Q.3What role did the Ulema Play in the medieval society and
administration ?
Q.4 Write a note on Mansabdari system during Mughal period .
Q.5Give a brief description of the social structure during the Mughal
period.
Q.6Bring out the main features of the rural society during medieval
period.
Q.7Explain the main features of the urban society during medieval
period.
Q.8 Comment on
A)Village Community
B)Rural Society
C)Urban Society
D)The middle class
E)The masses
F)Positio n of Emperor in me dieval period
munotes.in
Page 57
57Unit -6
CASTE SYSTEM, UNTOUCHABILITYAND
FORCED LABOUR
Unit Structure :
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Muslim Society
6.3 Hindu Society
6.4 Untouchability
6.5 Slavery in Medieval India
6.6 Forced Labour
6.7 Summary
6.8 Additional Readin gs
6.9 Questions for Self Study
6.0 OBJECTIVES
To look into the caste system during medieval period.
To study the Mughal society and its structure of medieval age.
To make students aware of the caste system among Hindus and its
impact on society.
To an alyse the evil practice of untouchability.
To understand the institute of slavery during medieval period.
To understand concept of forced labour during medieval period .
6.1INTRODUCTION
The real history of the people in medieval India, that is of their
social life, is of greater interest and importance for us today than more
catalogues of political events and military campaigns. The sources of
studying it are indeed meagre, but the valuable information can be gleaned
from the accounts of contemporary Euro pean travellers and records of the
European factories. Incidental references are available in contemporary
historical works in Persian as well as vernacular literature of the period.
The two phases of Muslim rule inIndia -the Delhi sultanate and the
Mugh al Empire led to the extensive settlements of foreigners. Their
number was increased by constant migration from the Islamic lands as
well as by occasional mass conversions of the indigenous people. This led
to the existence of two distinct social groups in India based on religious
differences the Hindus and the Muslims. The impact of the militant Islammunotes.in
Page 58
58had little effect upon the age -old social life of Hindus. The society and
culture during sultanate and Mughal period was not entirely new or
radically differ ent from the society and culture of the preceding or
succeeding age. The Hindu society in all ages has been fundamentally
same.
The Hindu and Muslim society was organized on the basis of the
caste system. The caste system in India is the paradigmatic ethn ographic
example of caste. It has origins in ancient India it continued to be the basis
of the social set up in the Mughal period. However, it had becomes less
rigorous because of the contacts with Muslims who believed in the
principles of equality and bro therhood of man. The Hindu attitudes of
exclusiveness pre vailing during the sultanate period slowly died out
because of better treatment and more economic facilities provided to them
by the Mughal rulers. During the Mughal period Hindus had given up their
earlier attitude of keeping aloof from the Muslims. They began to consider
the Muslims and their descendants as Indians. In turn Muslims during the
Mughal period began to feel a great attachment to the new land.
6.2MUSLIM SOCIETY
Despite ofprofessed ob ject of Islam to promote social equality and
brotherhood, there were clear -cutdivision of Muslim society. The cast e
system of Nino us had some influence on the Muslim society as well.
Similarly among the Muslims also numerous distinctions had arisen on th e
basis of birth, sect and race. The concept of a common brotherhood was
honoured only in principle. Contemporary historians speaks of persons of
high birth and low birth, with a pronounced contempt for the latter. There
was two privileged classes : the um aras or the nobility and the Ulema or
the theologians together with other religious groups.
In the early centuries of Islam the first distinction among muslim
was based on the division among Arabs and non -Arabs. Arabs regarded
themselves superior to Musli ms of non -Arab origin. They claimed a
higher status in society and monopolised all the higher posts. They were
proud to have belonged to the land of the birth of prophet Mohammed.
Even among the Arabs the Qurashi to which prophet belonged were
considered s uperior to other Arads. The Sayyids, who claimed descent
from Fatima, daughter of the prophet are esteemed the highest among the
Muslims. The Sayyids claimed the status among the muslims which the
Brahmans did among the Hindus.
At par with central Asian A rabs, there were Persian muslims who
had come to India for employment in the Mughal service or for trade with
Arabia and Persia. The persian influence became dominant during the
Abbasid caliphate. Most of the Persians were shia. They took pride in their
ancient culture and considered it much superior to that of Arabs. With the
acquisition of political power the persians began to assert their superiority
over the Arabs. In the same way when political power passed into themunotes.in
Page 59
59hands of the Turks they claimed supr emacy over all others. Thus, with the
passage of time the Muslims got themselves divided into Sayyids,
Sheikhs, Mughals, Pathans and lndo -Muslim racial groups.
Indian Muslims who were converts from the Hindu population or
were descendants of early conv erts were much larger in numbers than the
foreign muslims. Sectarian differences further subdivided these larger
racial groups. Hindu converts to Islam retained some of their characteristic
social customs. The central Asian Muslims and some persians who ha d
caw: for services were found mostly in northern India and small numbers
of them at the court of Bijapur, Ahmednagar and Golkunda. Foreign
Muslims dominated the muslim courts. Besides the Arabs, the Turks, the
Mongols and Uzbegs there were Abyssinians and Armenians. In some
areas of north India Afghans were also in considerable number. Thus there
was a marked influence of Hinduistan on Islam in social sphere, in the
creation of caste distinctions. They indicate social status as clearly as they
do in the Hi ndu society. The existence of caste system among the muslims
had been acknowledged by Prof. Mohammed Lobel. According to him
'Religious adventures set up different sectors and fraternities ever
quarrelling withone another and these are castes and sub -caste s like the
Hindus. Surely we have out -Hirldued the Hindu himself, we are suffering
from double caste system, which we have either learned or inherited from
Hindus.
Check your Progress :
1)Describe the structure of muslim society in medieval India.
6.3HINDU SOCIETY
The social structure of the Hindu society in India during our period
of study was basically same as in most part of India with slight variations
necessitated by geographical conditions. The invasions in the northern
India by the f ollowers of Islam from central Asia, the Turks, Mughals,
Afghans and others had posed a threat to survival of the native powers.
Thus one can see a severe religious orthodoxy among Hindus. As a result
the traditional fourfold division of the Aryan society as Brahmin,
Kshatriya, Vaisha and Shudra had multiplied and developed into myriad
sood units or caste. The failure of the Rajputs and the other traditional
military castes forced the people to seek refuge in religion. The power of
the priest increased as t he military by weak could not protect their homes
and heartn and they stubbornly stucked to the trad itional form of society.
Education and learning was confined to the higher castes in the hierachy.
The mass of the people was ignorant, illiterate and super stitious. Themunotes.in
Page 60
60purana sor the myths about divine activities to save the devotees found
favourable response.
The similar reaction we could see in the writing of Al -Biruni, who
was associated with the court of Sultan Mohammed of Ghazni. He says
that as a res ult of sultan Mohammed's invasion the Hindus became like
atoms of dust scattered in all direction' and 'their scattered remains cherish
the most inveterate aversion towards all Muslims'. The primary reaction of
the Hindu society to the advent of Islam was the adoption of a protective
armour in the form of a more rigid pattern of religious and social laws.
The principal of untouchability, applied initially to the lowest class, was
held to be applicable to the Muslims. Those who could not be absorbed in
the H indus society were to be kept at a distance from it by raising a high
social wall so that it could ensure its own immunity from pollution.
However, the population of Hindus in India was not homogeneous.
The Hindus constituted the great majority though div ided into a number of
castes and sub -castes including untouchable with their own sub -castes.
The social structure in the smritis consists of four primary castes -the
Brahmahas, the Kshatriyas, the Vaisyas and the Shudras with diminishing
rank and status. In north India, the upper classes of Hindus belonged
mostly to the Rajput (Kshatriya Caste), Brahmin, Kayastha and the
Vaishya caste but they did not interdine and intermarry among themselves.
The caste system was more vigorous due to the presences of the powerful
Muslim Community which was very much interested in the concession of
the Hindus to Islam. The Rajputs were military men and their class leaders
were high -ranking mansabdars in the imperial service. The Brahmans
were generally engaged in priestly p rofession and teaching. Vaishya or
Banias were engaged in the mercantile profession -shop -keeping, local
trade and also in inland trade. Kayastha were engaged largely as clerks,
secretaries and revenue officers. A middle caste Hindus were engaged in
theagricultural profession as tillers of land as well as landless labourers.
The establishment of the Muslim rule over India during medieval
age materially affected the traditional position of the Brahmans and the
Kshatriyas. With the elimination of the Hin du Kingdoms, the Brahmanas
Could no longer play any important part in the administration or obtain
royal patronage for their liter arywork and teaching academies. The
Kshatriyas lost their political power to the Turks and the Mughals. Besides
many of them lost an opportunity of easing their livelihood as soldiers.
The 0anges in the politico -economic life had their impact on caste
grouping. Many old caste rank led and new ones arose or came into
prominence, both in north and south. Among the innum arable sub-caste
in Northern India, the kayasthas came into prominence as government
servants. The Khattris who came from Punjab were astute financiers and
successful administrators and their influence spread over the whole
northing India. They excreised much polit ical and social influence in Agar
and Malwa. The Konkan and chitpavan Brahmans of Maharashtra
produced great administrators. In south India the Brahmanas retained theirmunotes.in
Page 61
61social leadership. They continued to be the custodians of the Hindu
religion.
The Medi eval period in India has witnessed multiplicity of
religious sects. Sri Shankaracharya of shrigeri in a bid to stem the spread
of Buddhism and Janism had strengthened the Hindu beliefs and tried to
shape the Hindu society according to his vision. His influ ence spread all
over India. However from the 12th Century onwards the impact of Islam
on Hindu society produced many religious sects each competing with
others for general acceptance. The most important religious sects of the
period were Nathpantha, Bhakti pantha, Bhairawa, Sahayavad Shakta. As
for as th ereligious climate was concerned the influence of Buddhism and
Jainism receded and Bhakti cult found acceptance all round. The devotees
ofVitthal prayed hard for their deliverance from the atrocities perpet rated
on them by intolerant and oppressive rulers. The saint pact had prepared
the people to wait patiently for the coming of the saviours. Their belief in
the social structure in fact.
Check your Progress :
1)Write an essay on Hindu society in Medieval India.
6.4UNTOUCHABILITY
Various historians, sociologist, Anthropologist have opin ions
differently about the origin of untouchability. As many scholars from
Karvelravati to Morton Llass have pointed out that basic group of caste
system is no t actually jati or caste but rather the sub -caste or potjati.
Untouchability goes back into far dimmers of the Hindu's past. This
system for elevating and debasing human being in rigidity separated
comportments developed as the actuality of Hindu life whil e Hindu
Philosophy was holding itself to be the most open and all inclusive of all
ways of thought, the Hindu religion, the most tolerant of any on earth.
There are many theories about the originality of this system. The
most commonly repeated version is that it all dates back to prehistoric
times, perhaps four to five thousand years ago when otherwise
unidentified 'Aryans' invaders made themselves masters of the indigenous
population they found in the land now known as India. Obviously, these
nomad Aryans proved themselves superior by all the means because of
their exposure to the different cultures, societies than local innocent
Indians. The word 'Vasna' actually means colour and Aryan said to be fair
and 'dasa' or 'dasyus' the local people were 'dark'. T o prove the superioritymunotes.in
Page 62
62in social, political and economic sp here of life further theories of Va rna
might have established by Aryan themselves.
The evils of Hindu Social order had always kept the Hindus
Society divided and backward. As the 'chatusvarnya' s ystem was
considered as divinely ordained any protest against that system was
unimaginable. Untouchability was the most objectionable part of the
traditional caste system which originated from 'Chatusvasnya' system. The
idea that man can touch any -animal b ut not man born in a particular caste
or a section of the same society was shocking. The shock might have been
intensely felt by the early 'shudras' termed as low born by the Aryans. The
idea of purity is found to have been a factor in the genesis of caste is the
very soul of the idea and practice of untouchability. The untouchables
were set apart outside and below a four main division of Hindu society.
There was a clear distinction between top three va rnasandthe forth, the
shudras. The top three are enti tled to wear the 'sacred thread' which
identified V 3 isas 'twice born' meaning that in symbolic second birth they
have been admitted to the study of thevedas or in effect recognized as
more or less fully privileged.
The ancient 'Chaturvarna' or four -fold division of the Hindu
society survived in its degenerated form in medieval period. The four
division of the society were named as Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisha and
Shudra. The political scenario during medieval period had not change
social structure of Hin du society. According to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar
untouchabolity is an integral part of Hindu Philosophy. Even if
untouchability was banned it could not be ousted from the mind of
Hindus. The Hindu society was tradition bound and it was also divided
into num ber of caste and sub -caste. It firmly believed in the dictum that if
you protect religion it will protect you. It was but natural that in such a
rigidity caste bound society untouchability gained wide acceptance.
Alberuni list eight 'antyaja' caste during medieval period below the
status of the shudras. They were the weaver, the shoemaker, the juggler,
the basket -marks, the sailor, the fisherman, the hunter of wild animals and
the blacksmith. All those who did not fit into any of the traditional castes
were simply classed as the outcasts or the 'chandals'. The high caste people
exploited the low castes and treated them in inhuman manner heaping on
them insults and indignities. Even the state discsiminated between the
citizens on the basis of castes. The sud ras continued to render menial
services to the higher castes though many of them had adopted agricultural
tenancy and artisans craft. The untouchables lived outside the town and
villages. Most of the people were poor, backward and ignorant of
education and learning. Having been neglected by the higher caste since
ages, they felt demoralised and dejected. They suffered many social and
economic disabilities which made their lives miserable. During muslim
rule the upper caste Hindus made their caste structure more rigid so as to
prevent their entry into the higher social structure. Even the artisan's
profession came to be treated as separate sub -caste of lower
denominations, like the weaver, iron -smiths and oilmen.munotes.in
Page 63
63The nature of untouchability throughout India was relative in most
cases. The Ramoshis, Mahars, Mangs, Dhors, Majahbis, Ravidasias,
Malas, Madigas, Parihas, pulayas were some of the lowest and the most
neglected caste -group. They were called atishudras or antyajas i.e. most
despicable ones. A certain was regarded as untouchables by some but not
always co -terminus with untouchability. Certain caste were regarded as
ritually impure in relation with some other castes with whom members of
the caste did not practice commensality or inter -marrige. Yet they d id not
regard them as untouchables. Distinction was also made in relation to the
degree of pollution caused by untouchables. Brahmins regarded the bodily
touch of certain lower caste as polluting, but they were allowed to do
specific jobs in their houses l ike cutting vegetables, cleaning cutensils etc.,
while in some other cases they were regarded as extremely untouchable
and even their shadow was held to be polluting. The most objectionable
aspect of the pollution belief was that certain castes came to be regarded
as extremely untouchable. Untouchability in their respect was not relative,
it was absolute.
Even during medieval period untouchables were not permitted
even to live within the outskirts of the village, they were obliged to reside
outside the vil lage wall. They were required to carry an earthen pot tied
round their neck into which they had to spit, for their spitum too was
regarded as defiling. Contemporary records show that Mahars in
Maharashtra were not allowed to enter into the city of poona be tween 3
pm. to 9 am., because their long shadow caste in the streets should defile
the persons of high castes. Even wood and metal were believed to be
defiled if touched by an atishudra. They were denied many civil rights on
the ground that their touch was defiling. Village priest, Barbars all denied
to give services to them. They were not permitted to enter Brahminical
shrines and temples. They could worship or offer their prayers to the
temple diety from the outer entrees of the temple. Thus the caste sys tem
was so deeply rooted that it could not be shaken to any considerable extent
by the liberal teachings of the medieval religious reformers.
Check your Progress :
1)Assess the nature of untouchability in Medieval India.
6.5SLAVERY, DURING MEDIEVAL PERIOD
During the medieval period Indian society suffered from two
serious evils -slavery and untouchability. While untouchability was
mainly confined to Hindus slavery was more popular with Muslims. The
Mughal household was a world of domestic slavery. Many male andmunotes.in
Page 64
64female slaver were maintained. Their status and tasks varied from the n.ost
ordinary to those which required skill, fact and intelligence. Younger
slaves of both sees were available for discreet sexual services to their
masters. Slav es acted as guards, ser vants or business agents and personal
assistants. The illustrious dynasty of slave king of in the thirteenth century
bring out a peculiar dimension of slavery as it was practiced in lndi a.
ORIGIN OF SLAVERY IN INDIA
Slavery was a re gular feature of the social system of the Muslim
period as it was of many contemporary social systems all over the world.
Slavery was an important characteristic feature of ancient Greece and
Roman Empire as well. The instituti on of slavery was prevalent i n India
even before the establishment of Muslim rule over the country. Institution
of slavery must have existed in India from ancient times, but its origin is
involved in considerable obscurity. Vedic literature refers to the class of
dasas i.e. slaves. Th e institution of slavery had been fairly well established
during the Buddhist period, if a number of references to it in the Pali
Literature are to be believed. The Hindu smritis speak of fifteen classes of
slaves, chief among whom were born of the domesti c slave -girl : secured
by purchase, obtained as a gift or charity, saved from starvation during
famine, insolvent debtor, was prisoner, a recluse returning to the life of a
house -holder and taking employment with somebody; one who self
himself. With the ad vent of the Turkish rule, slavery got a new dimension.
TheMamluk sultan and their Turkish n obility themselves happened to be
theproducts of a highly commercialised institution of slavery. In fact from
1206 to 1290 the rulers of the Delhi sultanate belong ed to the slave
Dynasty.
SLAVERY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
The system of slavery was prevalent in India before the advent of
Islam. But it was mamluk sultan and their turkish nobility, who
themselves happened to be the product of a highly commercialised
instituti on of slavery gave a new dimension to this social evil. Almost all
the manual and menial services were rendered by the slaves.
aldbusgeeaesmies of slaves were put to work for the construction of roads
and public buildings in state -owned kaskhanas and other public -utility
services. During sultanate period slaves constituted a familiar feature of K.
M. Ashraf, The life of a muslim nobleman was so much divided between
war and pleasure that he hardly found anytime to attend his personal and
domestic work. In co urse of time, the code of social behaviour began to
view domestic work as unworthy of a gentleman's dignity and honour. The
most important section of these domestic was comprised of male and
female slaves.
The Turkish sultans as well as nobility strove h ard to multiply their
slaves by all means. They allowed their slaves to marry and bring up
families because the off springs of the slaves also became automatically
the property of their masters. Both Muslim and Hindu communities
maintained slaves. Almost a ll the manual and menial services were
rendered by the slaves. Slave markets for men and women existed in Westmunotes.in
Page 65
65Asia as well as India. We have it on the testimony of Yule and Barbosa the
a flourishing trade was carried out in Bengal in the thirteenth centur y.
Skilled slaves, handsome boys and beautiful girls commanded higher price
in the slave market. Skilled slaves were much in demand among the
aristocratic classes. Firoz Tughlaq maintained a separate department of
slaves and collected about 180,000 of them . Many of them were employed
in the royal ka rkhanas, imperial household and as a sultan's personal
bodyguards.
There was a great demand for female slaves. Female slaves were of
two kinds, one was employed for domestic and menial work and other
who were b rought for company and pleasure. Those who were employed
for domestic and menial work lacked education and skills. They were
brought exclusively for rough domestic work. Hence they were often
subjected to all kinds of indignities. The other who were brough tf o r
company and pleasure were more honourable, might be beautiful and
skilled in performing art. They sometime even had dominating position in
the household.
There are different opinion of historians about the treatment given
to the slaves during medie val period in muslim community. One thought is
that, since a slave was usually a convert to Islam, he possessed the same
right as any other members of the muslim society with a feeling of
brotherhood and equality. Thus his moral claims, though they might n ot be
fully recognised could never be denied. K. M. Ashraf, on basis of his
intensive researches, throws interesting light on the institution of slavery
during muslim rule in India ,he writes," In practice, the position of a slave
was very different. He wa s usually a prisoners of war and according to the
military usage of the age, his life was at the mere of his captor, who had
full power of killing him or of otherwise disposing of him. This was
clearly understood on both sides king before a military engage ment
commenced. So when a conqueror (now the master of slave) chose to
spare the life of a slave and employ him for menial work, it was an act of
favour and of a special benevolence on the part of former. Similarly, when
the prisoner of war had been sold i n the market and brought by a
purchaser, he was a much the property of the buyer as any other
commodity and as such, could be given away as a gift or disposed of in
any other way.
As compare to the slaves among the Hindus, the condition of
Muslim slaves w as better. It was considered to be a great honour to be the
slaves of eminent person. Among the Hindus under no circumstances
slavery could be considered as a matter of pride. Among the Muslims,
slave of king or a nobleman commanded greater respect as they were
looked upon as their follower. With better training and sometime with
good look many of the slaves won the confidence and affection of their
masters. Aibak, Qabacha, Yaldoz were favourite slaves of Muhammad
Ghori. He treated them as his own sons. As a result after his death Aibak
sat on the throne of Delhi. Illtutmish and Balban, before they assume the
position of the sultan were slaves. Thus among Muslims there were manymunotes.in
Page 66
66slaves who not only commanded more respect than freeman but had a
number of free men serving under him.
The above -mentioned examples were few in number but in general
the slaves had a numbers of restrictions. In both communities a slave
could not do anything without the permission of his master. He had no
right of free movement neithe r he could receive any guests of his own. He
could not arrange marriages for himself or for his dependents without the
permission of his master. If at all slaves acquired some property master
claimed as his own. Under certain conditions if master got pleas ed with
the conduct of his slave, a slave can be set free. Among Hindus, a master
was supposed to some ceremony to set a slave free. Among the muslim a
slave was liberated by granting a letters of manumission. These The sultan
usually liberated their slave s after some time and some of the slaves rose
to political and social eminence by dint of merit and ability.
Check your Progress :
1)Explain the origin of slavery system in Medieval India.
6.6 FORCED LABOUR
Begar generally implies unpaid forced labour, extracted either by
landlords. or the state. In the agrarian system of North India ' dominated
as it was. by peasant proprietors, begar meant forcible extraction by the
state of labour and/or produce without any payment, or with nominal
wages.
Veth (or Vethi or Vetti -chakiri, from Sanskrit visti), also known as
Begar (from Persian), was a system of forced labour practised during
ancient, medieval and pre -independence India, in which members of
populace were compelled to perform unpaid wor k for the government.
Refusal to perform veth could mean imprisonment or fines.
The wide spread land -grant system during the post -Gupta period
had created a separate group of landlords in the rural areas. From seventh
century onwards the donce was given pastures, trees, water resources etc.
in addition to agricultural land. The land lords collect regular and irregular
taxes from the peasants. The regular taxes such as ‘bhaga’, ‘bhoga’ etc
continued and in addition to these regular taxes, the landlords co llected
several other taxes from the peasants. The peasants were under obligation
to pay all taxes imposed upon them. The landlords were free to evict the
peasants at the will of the farmers and replace them with new peasants.
The collection of irregular t axes strengthened the power and position ofmunotes.in
Page 67
67the landlords, while it deteriorated the position of the peasantry. ‘Vishti’
or forced labour became a common practice in north India during 8thand
9thcenturies. Several of the land grants of this period ordere d the peasants
to carry out the orders of the landlords. Though agrarian expansion was on
the positive move, the condition of the peasantry was on deterioration
process .
Land revenue was the main source of income of the state during
this period. A regular revenue department functioned for the proper survey
and measurement of the extent of land as well as for the collections of land
revenue. The land tax collected from the peasants normally varied from
1/6 to 1/4 of the total produce. Whenever the army mar ched through the
villages, it was the responsibility of the villages to provide food and
shelter to the army. The rulers used to impose forced labour known as
‘vishti’ upon the peasants, thereby the peasants were subjected to work in
the fields of the rule r for several days, for no wages. In the post -Gupta
period, it is assumed that the position of ‘Shudras’ in the society had come
up to the status of peasants from their earlier position of servants and
domestic slaves. Huen -Tsang, in his accounts character ises ’Shudras’ as
agriculturists.
By c.1600 slave labour formed a small component of the labour
force, being restricted largely to domestic service (where free servants
normally predominated) and concubinage. Emperor Akbar made notable
attempts to forbid the trade in slaves and forcible enslavement. He freed
all the imperial slaves, who “exceeded hundreds and thousands”. But
domestic slaves and concubines remained an essential feature not only of
the aristocratic household but also of the homes of lower of ficials and
even ordinary people.
The practice of forced labour (begar) was generally considered
unethical, though it was widely prevalent in relation to certain occasional
tasks, such as baggage conveyance, imposed on specific lowly rural castes
or comm unities. Akbar in 1597 and Shahjahan in 1641 issued orders
abolishing the practice of begar (forced labour) extracted for various tasks
in Kashmir, such as picking and cleaning saffron flowers and carrying
timber and firewood. It is interesting that an ins cription at the gate of
Akbar's Fort at Nagar in Srinagar (Kashmir), built in 1598, explicitly
proclaims that no unpaid labour was used there, and 11,000,000 dams
(copper coins) from the imperial treasury were spent on wages for labour.
6.7 SUMMARY
Caste system in India is composite structure of different social
classes in the Hindu religion. Caste panchayat had become very strong
instruments for regulating the behaviour of its members. Caste system in
India is complex system of several distinctions, whi ch have divided the
society into high and low strata. Caste system became rigid and hereditary
in Medieval period. Thus caste system was so deeply rooted that it couldmunotes.in
Page 68
68not be shaken to any considerable extent by the liberal teachings of the
medieval religi ous reformers.
Untouchability was most objectionable part of the traditional caste
system which originated from ‘chatusvarnya’ system. The most
objectionable aspect of the pollution belief was that certain castes came to
be regarded as extremely untouch able. Untouchability in their respect was
not relative, it was absolute.
Slavery was a drag on Medieval society the slaves in Medieval
India no doubt received generally better treatment at hads of their Master’s
than Negro’s slaves of the 19thcentury. But economically slavery was a
course of cheap supply of labour, politically it helped to autocracy,
morally it proved unjustible. Slaves did not enjoy any such rights as
privilege, on the other hand salves were property of master.
But, forced labourer condition were very stiff and miserable. This
was a system of forced labour , which was brough into practice by money
leaders and Zamindars. By land lords, money lenders, forced labour
(Begar) Meant forcible extraction by the stat of labour and produce
without any payment. But during Maratha period, the people in power
availed service of poor people. Without paying anything for the same.
Thus, forced labourer contions were very deteriorated and miserable
during Medieval period. Practice of forced labour was generally
considered unethical, though it was widely prevalent in relation to certain
occasional tasks, such as baggage conveyance, imposed on specific lowly
rural castes.
6.8ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)Dr. lswari Prasad -The Mughal Empire, Allahabad, 1974.
2)Dr. R. Tripathi -Rise and Fall of te Mughal Empire, Allahabad, 1981.
3)A. L. Shrivaste v-The Mughal Empire, 1526 -1803 Shiv Lal Agrawal,
Agra, 1970.
4)S. A. A. Rizvi -The wonder that was India Vol. II Sidwick and
Jackson London -1987.
5)S. R. Sharma -Studie s in Medieval Indian Society, Solapur.
6.9QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
Q. 1 Explain the difficulties of the untouchables during Medieval period.
Q. 2 On what grounds was untouchability continued in the Middle Ages.
Q. 3 Discuss the main features of the so cial order of the muslim society
during medieval period .
Q.4 Write a detailed note on the Forced labour (Vethabegar)
munotes.in
Page 69
69Unit -7
EDUCATION DURING MEDIEVAL INDIA
Unit Structure :
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 The Sultanate Period
7.2.1 Hindu System of Education
7.2.2 Hindu Institute of Higher Education
7.2.3 Muslim System of Higher Education
7.2.4 Muslim Institute ofH i g h e rE d u c a t i o n
7.3 The Mughal Period
7.3.1 Hindu System of Education
7.3.2 Muslim System of Education
7.3.3 Educational Development under Mughal Emperor
7.3.4 Women Education
7.4 Additional Readings
7.5 Questions for self study
7.0 OBJECTIVES
Tostudy the system of education during medieval India.
To understand the Hindu system of education under sultanate rule.
To know about Muslim system of education under sultanate rule.
To analyse the Hindu system of education during mughal period.
To estima te the contribution of Mughal emperor towards muslim
system of education.
To understand to the Women Education System in Medieval India.
7.1INTRODUCTION
Education is a part of culture serving two purposes -conservation
and modification or renewal of c ulture. It is a systematic effort to
maintain, transmit its cultural heritage from one generation to the other
Education is also an effective instrument to shape the society's future. The
basic pattern of culture of any society is formed by the kind of edu cation it
promotes for it younger generation. If society aims at progress; its
educational system must be so oriented as to promote modification and
renewal which are the ways of cultural enrichment. During ancient period
India was indeed famous for its ce ntres of education. With the advent of
Islam, ancient centres of Hindu learning were destroyed. Eminent centres
of education like Taxila, Nalanda and Vikamshila closed down and theirmunotes.in
Page 70
70collection of manuscripts in the ancient system of education. However
Hindu rulers in Gujarat, Rajasthan and the Deccan continued to patronise
to ancient system of education.
7.2THE SULTANATE PERIOD
Before the advent of turko -Afghan conqueror the Hindus had a
mature and highly advanced system of education. It constituted t he
backbone of the ancient Indian culture and civilisation. The brahmanic and
jain tramples and Buddhist monasteries were the primary centres of
ancient Indian education. The higher seats of indigenous learning at
Thatta, Multan, Mathura, Varanasi, Nalanda and Vikramasila fell victims
to the asmies of muslim. At many places educational institutions and
libraries set on fire. But the part of the country remained free from Turkish
domination, the ancient or Hindu system of education remained intact and
contin ued to flourish as ever before, with new ruler, there emerged a new
system of education for muslims in India. Like Hindus, the muslims also
attached great importance to education as a vehicle of change and
progress.
7.2.1 HINDU SYSTEM OF EDUCATION
Educati on was not regarded as state responsibility. It was
nourished and maintained by the Hindu society through its own resources.
It was a private affair of the people, managed entirely by the Brahmin,
Buddhist monk and jain priests. The primary school called p athshalas
were usually attached to or housed in the promises of the brahman or jain
temples. Either the priests themselves acted as teacher or appointed
pandits or jai scholars to impart education to the minor children of the
locality free of charge. The i nstitutions rarely received state grants or were
maintained entirely by the public endowments and charity. Education led
more emphasis on the three Rs. viz; reading, -writing and arithmetic
besides the knowledge of holy scriptures to their young wards. Apa rt from
the temples and shrines, big villages and town, which contained a
substantial population of the caste Hindus, maintained their own
Patbshalas. They were set up by the local in habitants -through corporate
activity and run on public charity. The brah min scholar and priest, with the
resources at their command continued the tradition of education.
Sometimes the schools were run in their homes however education was
denied to the lower caste. Buddhist monks imparted education to all those
who wanted to le arn as they did not believe in social hierarchy and the
caste system.
The Hindu population of the sultanate period did not allow their
institutions of elementary education or primary schools to die out of
existence. Through deprived of the state patronag e, the pathshalas were
maintained by the Brahmin scholars and priests with what ever merge
resource at their command. Sometimes a teacher would conduct his
classes within his family quarters. Education in brahmainic pathshalas was
free and accessible to al l except to sudras. The Buddhist had no caste, so
they imparted education to all without any restriction or discrimination.munotes.in
Page 71
71Broadly speaking the prese rvation of ancient heritage and culture and its
enrichment was the primacy aim of education. The specified objectives of
Hindu education during sultanate period were -the formation of character,
building up of all -round personality and the training of rising generation in
performance of social and religious duties. The Hindu system of education
stood for the moral and spiritual progress of students. Purity in thought
and life formed the key stone. The educational system laid particular stress
upon civic and social duties and responsibilities. It 'helped the
development of personality cultivating self -respect, self-reliance and self -
restraint.
The child was usualy sent to the Pathshala at the age of five when a
formal initiation ceremony 'upanayana' was performed at an auspicious
time. The period of study and the duration of courses were not fixed.
Normally it lasted till an individual attained the age of twenty -five
according to the Manusmriti. The teacher treated the students like their
own sons while the latter performed all sorts of domestic services for
them, including scavenging, washing of cloths and look ing after the cattle.
The teacher also fulfilled his obligation towards his pupils as their spiritual
father, he provided food and clothing for them out of provision received at
the institution thought public charity or collective efforts of the pupils
themselves and looked after their spiritual physical and moral health.
Sanskrit was the medium of instruction form the elementary school level.
The method of teaching was oral because of the fact that printing was
unknown in those days and the handwritten man uscripts were rare.
Seats of higher learning were known by different names in
different parts of the country. This seats where known as tolls or
chopparis. Formation of character, building a personality , preservation of
ancient culture and the training of rising generation in the performance of
social and religious duties where some of the aims of higher education.
Along with this yoga, logic, philosophy, medicine and military science
were taught. Self reliance was given importance. Like modern days the re
were no formal examination, throughout the year student was on test
during his stay at the guru's ashram. Student own teacher were the best
judge of his performance hey during those days formal degree was not
awarded but they were given the titles like ‘Upadhayaya’,
Mahaupadhyaya. The title of ‘Saryantri’ was given to the scholar who was
question on different topics by the learned men and the public specially
held meeting once the student education was complete, which took about
ten to twelve years. T he fees of the teacher could be a cow, fruits and
eatables, grain, horse, garments or anything which student could obtain
easily. According to RK Mukherjee, the gurudakshina was ‘ enjoying
more as religious act formally bringing two clothes the period of
studentship and marking the fulfillment of a sacred vow then ask any kind
of material remuneration’ for the education imparted to him by the
teacher.
7.2.2HINDU INSTITUTE OF HIGHER EDUCATION
The curriculum of the institutions of higher education was fair ly
expensive and diversified. Besides the specialised study of sanskritmunotes.in
Page 72
72language and literature and the religious scriptures of the brahmanic,
Buddhist and jain cults, it comprised a large number of secular subjects
such as mathematics, astronomy, astrolog y, yoga, logic, Philosophy,
biology, geography, medicine and military science. Caste and professional
requirement were taken into consideration in granting admission to the
students for various courses of study.
Usually a period of ten to twelve years was needed for graduation
in a subject. Student was put to various types of tests by the teacher from
time to time and promoted next higher standard. The teacher himself was
the sole judge of his pupil's standard of attainment at a given stage. No
formal degr ees or diplomas were awarded. Only some of the outstanding
student did receive the honorific titles of Sarvabhuma, Upadhyaya,
Mahaupadhyaya, Vedi, Dwivedi, Trivedi, Chaturvedi etc., either from
their teacher or the group of scholars on the basis of their a cademic merit.
The Hindu centre of higher learning where usually attach to
temples or where situated at center of pilgrimage as devotees made
generous grand at this places. Renowned scholars lived here and could
pursue their profession from the endowments and charity these centers
received. Some of the institutions became famous due to the presence of
scholars from The Muslim occupied areas and the generous patronage of
Rajput rulers.
As a matter of fact most of the Hindu institution of higher learning
were destroyed by Arab and Turko -Afgan invaders. Some of the these
educational institutions were revived by the brahmin and buddhist scholars
after the establishment of sultanate. Having been deprived of the state
patronage, social status and religious freed om, the Hindu system of higher
education did not attract many students or teachers. At places like Thatta,
Multan, Sirhind, Mathura, Vrindavan, Prayag, Ayodhya and Varanasi,
Hindu institute of higher learning were re -established by some individuals
but non e of them regain the past glory and prestige of pre -muslim days.
On the other hand, those parts of the country which remained beyond the
pale of the muslim rule were studded with numerous institutions of higher
learning of national and international fame a s ever before. University of
Mithila, University of Nadia, University Ramavati (Bengal), cent ersa t
Kashmir valley were some of the prominent centres of higher education
for Hindus during eas ily medieval period.
Rajput rulers where patrons of education. I n Malwa, Dhar an d
Ujjain where famous seats of learning. The Parmar Raja Bhoj or Dhar was
a scholar in his own right. Science, astronomy, astrology, mathematics,
medicine etc .where taught at his center of learning. Sirhind what's famous
for it's scholarsh ip in the Ayurvedic system of medicine. Thatta was the
Center for study of Theology, Philosophy and Politics. In the deccan, in
medieval, Madurai was an important center of learning. Thus in spite of
Muslim invasions and establishment of Muslim rule Hindu centres of
education retain their identity and continue to flourish.munotes.in
Page 73
737.2.3 MUSLIM SYSTEM OF EDUCATION
The muslim system of education in India was planted and
patronised by the sultans of Delhi and other muslim rulers of early
medieval India. The ministe r in charge of the ecclesiastical department
and religious endowments was the head of educational department as well.
He was the chief representative or spokesman of the Ulama who shared
power of the state in association with the umara. The muslim system o f
education, like its Hindu counterpart was religious in nature, its primary
object was to propagate Islam. The state provided finance to muslim
education and exercised general supervision and control over it. The
Ulema determined the educational policy an d managed the educational
institutions. The centres of higher learning, called the mad arsawere
almost exclusively financed by the state while the primary schools, called
maktabs, formed a part of the masjids, khangahs, dargah and other holy
shrines or pla ces of worship. These were run by liberal financial and from
the state and its official and public charities.
The duty of Islamic state and its sultan was to spread Islam.
Elementary education was given in the maktabs which was attached to a
mosque or mas jid. It was like a Hindu pathshalas. A mulla or maulvi was
incharge of a masjid. In each muslim locality maktab was run by a single
teacher. According to an Islamic tradition, a child should be sent to the
school when he was four years, four month, and fou r days old. A bismillah
ceremony, similar to the upanayana of the Hindus was performed at an
appropriate time, fixed in consultation with an astrologer. A wealthy child
might receive elementary lesson in education from tutor at his parental
house. These tu tors were paid handsomely by their patrons. Otherwise
education was free and open to all without discrimination primary
education was based on the study of the Islamic scripture.
The elementany knowledge of three Rs was imparted through the
persion langua ge while the oral instruction, accompanied by memorisation
of the religious texts, was given in Arabic. Thus a child was made familiar
with the Arabic and Persian languages almost simultaneously. He was
taught elementary rules of grammar and asked to study small books
containing short stories, poems or lessons in Hadis written in simple
language.
7.2.4 MUSLIM INSTITUTE OF HIGHER EDUCATION
The institute of higher learning for muslim were called madarsas or
jamias. These were established by the sultans and t heir provincial
governors at central or provincial headquarters and other important towns.
Like the Hindu gurukuls, there were also residential institutions. A
madras ahad invariably to be a state enterprise because its cost of
establishment and maintenanc e was very high. Unlike Hindu teachers, the
muslim scholars, particularly the subject specialist of repute were paid
hand somely and were well provided for their families. The number of
Muslims in India being very small, the state had to undertake
responsi bility for the promotion of higher learning.munotes.in
Page 74
74The contemporary literature gives us the information about the
curriculum adopted by the various madarsa. About from advanced study in
the languages and literature of Persian and Arabic, many more subject
were taught. Theology, exposition of scriptures, traditions of the prophet,
jurisprudence, mathematics, scholasticism astronomy, ethics, philosophy,
mysticism, logic history and rational sciences were the part of syllabus.
Even the elementary knowledge of moder n biology, physics and chemistry
was included in highest studies. Numbers of popular text -books on various
subjects written by Indian and foreign scholars were made available to the
students of higher education. Each madrasa had a library of its own with
valuable collection of popular text -books and rare -manuscripts. The art of
calligraphy was taught to every scholars. On the whole the madarsa laid
stress on religious studies, linguistics and abstract subjects which were not
conducive to the development of scientific outlook among the scholars.
The Quran was relited everyday by those who had memorised its text by
heart. The teachers lectured in the class rooms while religious discourses
and seminars were also a common feature.
During sultanate period we fin d many evidences to prove that
rulers made worthy contribution towards promotion of learning. The
Arabs first established 'maqtabs' attached to masjid for religious studies in
passion and Arabic in the province of sind. Qutub -in-Aibak, the first
Muslim gov ernor of Delhi under Muhammad Ghori built the first masjid
and attached to it was an institution of higher learning known as 'madrasi -
i-Muizzi. Aibak established many mosque which become centres of
learning. Illtumush established the Naisiri Madrasa' in De lhi. During the
reign of sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud two 'madrass' known as 'Munnizzi'
and 'Nasiri' flourished at Delhi. Al auddin khilji tried to separate religions
from politics and was not literate himself, encouraged centives of learning.
He partonised le arned men and granted them stipends from the treasury.
Firoz Tughlaq built as many as thirty 'madrasas' in his kingdom.
Thus during sultanate period muslims were encouraged to take
education. But education of girls and the poorer section of society was
mostly neglected. The state did not consider it to be its duty to impart
education to all its subject. There was no concept of universal education.
The state did not take the responsibility of promoting public edu cation. In
order to get jobs some sections of Hindus also started learning Persian.
Check your Progress :
1)Describe the Hindu education system during sultantate period.
2)Discuss the Muslim Education system in sultanate period.munotes.in
Page 75
757.3 THE MUGHAL PERIOD
The mughal period witnessed almo st a renaissance in the fields of
ancient and medieval learning the scholars of all races, religious
communities and linguistic groups were given royal patronage without
discrimination. The imperial mughals were highly educated and cultural
princes of thei r times who extended liberal patronage to education .Their
appreciation for educational and cultural values and the policy of religious
tolerance was highly conducive to the advancement of education and
learning.
7.3.1 HINDU SYSTEM OF EDUCATION
The Hindu system of education continued as it from sultanate
period with few changes. Primary education was imparted at Pathshalas
from their Brahmin guru or teachers. The pathshalas were attached to the
temples. The Higher education was imparted thr ough gurukul sys tem
where the pupil stayed with the guru. The Guru imparted instructions in
sanskrit and the student in return rendered all kinds of service to his
teacher. Along with studies in religion, subjects like astronomy logic,
mathmaties were also taught. The dev elopment of regional languages got
boost up due to Bhakti movement. Centers of higher learning for the
Hindus were Benaras, N adia, Mathura, Tirhut, Paithan, Kashad, Thatta,
Multan and Sirhind. In 1680 at Nadia in Bengal there were 4000 students
and 600 tea chers .Mithila continued to be an important centre of learning.
Thatta was famous f or study of theology, philosophy and political. Multan
was a centre of study of astronomy, astrology, medicine and mathematics.
Hindu population in general were more interes ted in the study of grammar,
logic, philosophy, mathematics, science any medicine.
7.3.2 MUSLIM SYSTEM OF EDUCATION
Modern education as we see today, is highly organised system and
it is mostly run by the government itself .During Mughal period, it was
controlled and run by theologians, Muslims and Hindus. Rich families
made special arrangements for their kids and middle class use to send their
wards either to mosques. Muslim boys use to start their education after
Muktab ceremony. The muslim students rece ived the primary education in
the mak tab attached to the mosque. For higher education in the madarsas
sufi saints established khanqa hsindifferent places. Instructions were free
sacred scriptures were taught. Student could read the Quran. Education
was ma inly religious oriented. Along with Arabic and Persian languages
subjects like medicine, astronomy and public administration were also
introduced. The Ani -i-Akbari mentions the change in educational
curricularn and instructions. Akba rencourged the Hindus to join the
madrasas and study persian. Akbar patronised Hindu institutions as well.
7.3.3 EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT UNDER MUGHAL
EMPERORS
However, during mughal period, primary and secondary education
was not ignored. Free grants of land were made in favou rs of mosques,munotes.in
Page 76
76monast ries. All sorts of encouragement was given to teachers to take
delightful interest in the work of advancing the cause of learning and
culture. Practically all mosques maintained maktabas where primary
education was imparted. Most of th e mughals gave financial assistance
both to pathshalas and maktabs. The mughal emperors greatly patronised
the cultural activities. Humayun was greatly devoted to learning and
education and was specially interested in Geography and Astronomy. He
possessed a rich library of his own. He established Madarsa at Delhi and
Purana -Qila was converted into a library.
Akbar started a new era in the art of imparting sound education. A
number of colleges were established at Agra and Fatehpur Sikri. He
wished to reform the Muslim system of education and introduced several
changes of far reaching importance in its curriculum. Muslim scholars
were encouraged to study Sanskrit and Hindi. He had a translation
department where works of Sanskrit were translated into Persian a nd
Arabic. Delhi, Agra Fatehpur Sikri were centres of learning. Akbar had a
magnificent library at Agra containing 24,000 book. Akbar encouraged the
study of rational sciences and promoted technical education. Mir Fathullah
Shiraz, a Persian scholar and sc ientists was invited to take the office of
chief Sadr. Akbar used to have a fruitful discussions with him on varied
subjects ranging from weapon of war, artillery and researches in sciences.
Jahangir himself was the master in Persian and Turkey languages.
He ordered that money realized from the operation of the law of escheat
should be utilized in the building of a Madrasa and other places, where
education was imparted. Thus he devoted his time and attention for the
spread and encouragement of education.
During the reign of Shah Jahan the property of heirless Hindus was
to be handed over to the madrasa. He also encourged education by giving
handsome rewards and scholarships to students and men of real learning.
His son Dara Shiko was a great scholar. He ha d mastered languages like
Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit. He translated upanishads, Bhagwat Gita,
Ramayana and Yoga Vasishta.
Aurangzeb, the last great Mughal Emperor, was also educated and
had love for education. However, he spen tmost of the funds for the
education of the Muslim subjects. There he tried to extend his orthodoxy
to the field of education and neglected Hindus. He gave liberal grants to
poor children belonging to Muslim Families. Aurangzeb gave liberal help
to Muslim scholars. He also carried out amendments in the curriculum to
make the education more practical and useful.
During mughal period along with Sindh, Lahor, Delhi, Multan
other centers of muslim education came up. They were Agra, Gujarat,
Jaunpur, Kashmir, Fatepur Sikri, Gwalior, Sia lkot, Ambala, Narnaul etc.munotes.in
Page 77
77Check your Progress :
1)Write a note on education system in Mughal period.
7.3.4 WOMEN EDUCATION
There was a definite improvement in women education in Mughal
period. Unfortunately, we could see this change on ly for the education of
women in royal families. Since the Muslims were staunch observers of
Pardah, their girls did not attend Madrasa in their ordinary way Prof
Aatulnanda Sen says 'The education of women, Hindu and Muslim, was
mostly confined to the ric h and the well -to-do sections of the society. The
growing curtailment of their freedom caused by pardah system, child
marriage and other social evils and practices was chiefly responsible for
the prevailing mass illiteracy among them during Mughal age. Thu s
during Mughal age, the royally and aristocracy paid much attention to the
education of their womenfolk. Gulbadan Begum wrote the famous
Humayun Nama, Jahan Ara produced outstand poetry, Zebunnisa wrote
poetry of high order. Salama sultana, Maham Angah, N ur Jahan, Chand
Sultana, Mumtaz Mahal were all educated women.
7.4 SUMMARY
The system of education which had been gradually developed in the
earlier period continued during this period without much change. There
was no idea of mass education at that ti me. People learnt what they felt was
needed for their livelihood. Reading and writing was confined to a small
section, mostly Brahmans and some sections of the upper classes, specially
Kayasthas. Sometimes temples made arrangements for education at a
highe r level as well. The responsibility for giving craft and profession
education was generally left to the guilds or to individual families.
During the medieval period, the education system was influenced
by the muslim system. Primary education was imparte d in maktals, and
higher education was imparted in the madrases. There was initiation of
modern and innovative methods and strategies in the teaching and learning
processes. Main objectives of education focused upon religious extension
of knowledge and pro pagation of Islam. There were not any satisfactory
provisions made to promote girls, belonging to community. Education was
limited to women, only belonging to upper and royal, wealthy families.
Grad ually, the system of education turned out to be more metho dical and
systematic, due to introduction of policies and strategies.munotes.in
Page 78
787.5ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)Jafar S. M., Education in Muslim India' Peshawar, 1936.
2)Law N. N., 'Promotion of Learning during Muhammedan Rule'
London, 1916
3)Pande A. B., 'Society and Government in medieval India ,1965 .
4)Frazes R. W., 'Literary History of India, London 1898.
5)Majumdar R. C. (ed), 'The Mughal Empire' ,Bhavan's Volume -7,
Bombay 1974.
6)Raychoudhary R. C., Social, Cultural and Economic History of India,
Delhi, 1984.
7.6QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
Q1.Write a critical note on Muslim Education.
Q2.Describe the salient features of Hindu education during the period of
your study.
Q3.What were the prominent centres of Hindu and Muslim learning?
Explain briefl y the courses taught at various centres in Mughal India.
Q4.Make a comparative susvery of educational development during
sultanate period and during Mughal period.
Q5.Outline the development of female education in India between 1526
to 1707 A.D .
munotes.in
Page 79
79Module -III
Unit -8
BHAKTI MOVEMENT -
ITS ORIGIN AND IMPACT
Unit Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Origin of Bhakti Movement
8.3 Bhakti cult as a Reformative Movement
8.4 Factors responsible for the rise of Bhakti Movement
8.4.1 Degenerat ion of Hinduism
8.4.2 A threat from Islam
8.4.3 Selection of Bhakti Marg
8.5 Nature of Bhakti Movement
8.6 Impact of Bhakti Movement
8.7 Additional Readings
8.8 Questions for self study
8.0 OBJECTIVES :
To study the Bhakti Movement in India.
To lo ok into the origin of Bhakti Movement.
To trace the major factors responsible for emergence of Bhakti
Movement.
To analyse the impact of Bhakti Movement on masses and religious
conditions in India.
8.1INTRODUCTION
Bhakti movement in India became a power ful movement in the
medieval period. In the medieval age some great reformers of India started
in various parts of India a religious movement known as Bhakti
Movement. The Upanishad, Philosophy and the shadadarshanas' or six
systems of Philosophy were beyo nd the understanding of common man.
The object of the movement was to reform Hinduism which at time was
suffering from many serious ills. The reformers strongly denounced the
evils in Hinduism including superstitious practices, formalism and caste
system e tc. As their chief emphasis was upon Bhakti i.e. true devotion to
God, the movement began to be known as bhakti Movement and its
advocates Bhakts i.e. devotter. According to R. G. Bhandarkar, thismunotes.in
Page 80
80movement was first known as 'Advaita Dharma' for its emphas is on the
worship of the one God with singular devotion. These reformers did not at
all try to expound a new religion but what they wanted was that our
existing evils should be wiped out from our society. The chief advocates
of the movement were Ramanuj, N amdev, jaidev, Chaitanya, Ramanand ,
Kabir and Nanak.
8.2ORIGIN OF BHAKTI MOVEMENT
The Bhakti cult became the dominant feature of Hinduism in
fourteen and fifteenth centuries, but it was not a medieval contribution to
religious thoughts. The devotional w orkship of God with the ultimate
object of attaining moksha or salvation is called 'bhakti'. The cult of bhakti
is as old as the Indian religious traditions going back to the pre -historic
times of the Indus valley civil lization and culture. The latter pro vides us
with the earliest evidences of workship of Shiva Pashupatis eated in the
Vedas, Upanishadas, the Epics and the puranas. Its origin also has been
traced to vedic literature, it is recognized in the Mahabharata, in the Gita
as also in the Vishnu Pur ana.
The relationship between soul and God is like the one which exists
between a part and the whole, between a drop of water and the ocean. Man
is mortal but the soul is immortal, being a part and parcel of God, its
ultimate object is to seek reunion wit h the latter and become one to God.
This is what is meant by salvation variously termed as mukti, moksha or
nirvana or liberation from the cycle of births and rebirths. The vedanta
suggests three ways for the attainment of salvation, referred to as gyan -
marg, karma -marg, and bhakti -marg respectively. The gyanmarg stress on
the acquisition of True knowledge or Enlightenment as a means to the
attainment of mukti. The karmamang, as recommended by Lord Krishna
to his disciple Arjuna in the Bhagwatgita, calls fo r selfless or disinterested
action for this purpose, whereas, the bhakti marg suggests the devotional
of God to be the earliest method to win. His favours and seek reunion with
him after his death. It is recommended by Ramanuja (eleventh century). It
was p ropagated in the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in south
India by great Vaishnava teachers like Nimbarka, Mahava Pillai,
Lokcharya and Vedantadesika.
Although the Bhakti cult developed within the polytheistic
framework of the Brahminical rel igion, it had monotheistic care from its
early stages. In its scriptural form of Bhakti cult was meant primarily for
the spiritual emancipation of man, not for his liberation from social
bondage. Bhagvatgita and the puranas offered an easy solution to the
frustrated souls. It was the devotion to God, a complete surrender of soul
and body in the workship of God. The scholarly thoughts on the ultimate
goal of life put forward by Dnyeshwar were blended with the boundless
flow of devotional songs of Namdev, Ekn ath and Tukaram to produce on
all-pervasive emotional force in the form of Bhakti Movement.munotes.in
Page 81
81Check your Progress :
1)Explain the origin of Bhakti Movement in medieval period.
8.3BHAKTI CULT AS A REFORMATIVE MOVEMENT
Different kinds of mov ements were launched in India by various
stalwarts. It is very much necessary to understand conceptual meaning of
the team movement. A social movement is a form of response to the needs
and development or a reaction against imbalance in development
represe nting social currents in the collective life of the society. The
English word 'movement' derives from the old French word 'movoir'
which means to move stir or impel. The general English usage of
'Movement' to designate' a series of actions and endeavours o f a body of a
persons for a social object. In term of general usage social movement -as
a series of action and endeavour of a body of persons for special object.
The main criterion of social movement is to bring about fundamental
changes in the social ord er. Thus a social movement is socially shared
activities and beliefs directed towards the demand for changes in some
aspect of social order. It is a collective action to achieve certain specific
need. There are two basic features of social movements namely collective
mobilization and charge orientation.
Reformative movement grows out of general social movement.
Their goals are quite well defined. These movements be of a reformatory
or revolutionary nature, headed by generally acknowledge leaders and
having an overall organization with division of roles and possessing strong
'we consciousness'. The cult of bhakti assumed the form of a reformative
movement in the medieval period when a number of holy men and scholar
saints took up the cause of socio religiou s reforms among the people in
various parts of the country.
Indeed bhakti cult is a Reformative Movement. Here we can
discuss through following argument that it is a reformative movement.
a) As Religion played the premier role in all walks of life, the s upremacy
of Brahmins in socio -cultural, political and even economic field was
complete. Their hold over the Hindu society was further strengthened
during the Rajput period. it was Brahmin priest who gave sanction or
recognition to Rajput chiefs and nobilit y as kshatriyas. Subsequently the
defeat of the rajputs at the hands of the Turkish invaders and the decline of
their power in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, actually left the
Brahmins as the only saviours of the ancient Indian religion and culture.
The caste system was made still more rigid and the evil of untouchabilitymunotes.in
Page 82
82practised with a vengeance. Needless to say the high -caste people
exploited the low castes and heaped all sort of insults upon them. Even the
state discriminated between the citizen s on the basis of caste. The social
atmosphere was so sickening that it depressed and demoralised even the
most intelligent and well -to-do householders. It so appeared that the whole
society had been held to ransom by the self -seeking and fanatical priests .
Slowly and steadily, the lower castes began to show sings of discontent
against exploitative tendencies of the higher castes. It acted as an eye -
opener to some educated persons, religious minded saints and critics
belonging to various sections of the soc iety. They raised their voice of
protest against the falsehood that prevailed in the name of Hindu religion,
denounced caste system. They boldly demanded reform in the society and
at the same time set an example through their own high moral character
and i deal way of living emulation by their followers. Through their
untiring efforts, the cult of bhakti was transformed into a forceful reform
movement which spread into the whole of the country.
b) Secondly the argument which gave an impetus to the Bhakti Mo vement
was the advent of Islam and establishment of Muslim rule in India. Islam
was opposed to Hinduism in more respect than one. It posed a serious
danger to the ancient Indian socio -cultural traditions. Religious -minded
leaders, belonging to all caste an d social strata of the Hindus, realised that
unless radical reforms were brought about in their religious and social set
up they would be knocked out by Islam. This apprehension added an
element of urgency to the reform movement. Hence, one of the objectiv e
of the bhakti reformers was to halt conversion to Islam by setting their
own religion in order. They thus used the bhakti movement as a defensive
weapon to the rising tide of Islam.
c) There is a another view about the bhakti cult is that, the bhakti
movement was based on an attitude of escapism from the bitter realities of
life. With the establishment of the muslim rule, the Hindus not only lost
their political independence but also suffered from numerous political,
religious and economic disabilities. Hence, they sought solace in bhakti
preaching and teaching.
Check your Progress :
1)Enumerate Bhakti cult as reformative movement.munotes.in
Page 83
838.4FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE RISE OF
BHAKTI MOVEMENT
The Bhakti Movement assumed the characteristic o fr e f o r m
movement in the medieval period. The numbers of factors contributed to
the development of Bhakti movement during medieval period. The
primary cause was the degeneration of Hindu religion and social structure
of Hindu society. This and some other f actor that gave rise to Bhakti
movement.
8.4.1 DEGENERATION OF HINDUISM
During medieval period Hinduism had greatly degenerated. It had
lost its ancient purity and appear superstitions, caste system, false and
frivolous practices had taken place of substa ntial fundamental principles
of Hindu religion. Hindu religion had been reduced to mere farce. At this
time some bold reformers came forward and they strongly denounced the
will practices of Hinduism and launched a Bhakti movement to reform the
society.
8.4.2 A THREAT FROM ISLAM
Another important factor that gave rise to Bhakti movement was
the advent of Islam on the political scene of India and its danger to
Hinduism. The muslim preachers as well as their rulers were equally
pledged to convert the Hindus into Islam by all means. And secondly,
Islam had already earned a worldwide reputation for its cardinal principles
regarding its religious philosophy and social organisation. Its bold and
direct approach to the concept of one God, opposition to idol -worshi p,
equality of all were bound to attack the oppressed and downtrodden Hindu
masses.
8.4.3 SELECTION OF BHAKTI MARG
In order to combat the Islamic danger successfully the religious
reformer of medieval ages laid stress on the third way i.e. bhakti marg in
order to combat the Islamic danger and to make Hinduism popular and a
live force among the masses.
Check your Progress :
1)What were the factors responsible for the rise of Bhakti movement?
8.5NATURE OF BHAKTI MOVEMENT
Each of bhakti refor mers carried on his missionary work in his own
original and individualistic style. The teachings of bhakti reformers sometimesmunotes.in
Page 84
84showed differences in contents. Views and methods of approach adopted by
them for eradication of socio -religious evils varied fro mr e g i o nt o region. Hence
it is difficult to draw a fairly comprehensive list of their general teaching.
The teachings of the bhakti reformers revolved round the two cardinal
principles (a) unflinching faith in the omnipotent, ominipresent and omniscient
one God and (b) devotional worship of God for the attainment of salvation.
The bhakti saints did not observe any rituals or ceremonies, nor
followed any dogma. Most of them severely denounced idolatry. They
condemned polytheism, believed in one God and realised the unity of God
invoked by various religious sects under different names such as Krish na,
Rama, Siva, Allah etc. The bhakti cutt -cut across distinctions of high and low
birth, the learned and unlettered and opened the gateway of spiritual
realisatio nt oo n ea n da l l .B e i n gar e v o l u t i o n a r y reformers, most of the
Bhakti saints campaigned vigorously against the deep rooted socio -
religious evils. They refused to accept the supremacy of the Brahmin priests
who considered themselves as the custodians of all religious knowledge
and institutions. Some of the saints challenged the sanctity of ancient Indian
scriptures and Sanskrit language which had become unintelligible to the
masses. As a rule Bhakti saints preached through vernacular languages and in
local d ialects of the people which could be easily understood by them. The
bhakti reformers laid stress on the importance a guru or spiritual guide who
could help the devotees in the attainment of their objectives.
Moral education was an essential part of the te achings of Bhakti
saints. High moral character and virtuous living were an integral part of
the Bhakti movement. Complete self surrender or total dedication to God
was considered essential for the attainment of spiritual knowledge. Every
devotee was requir ed to suppress his ego. Personal desires, pleasures and
other worldly temptations. He had to devote himself to the worship of God in
thoughts, words and deeds. He believed a bhakti as the only means of
salvation. Bhakti meant single minded, uninterrupted a nd extreme devotion
to God without any ultimate motive growing gradually into an intense love.
Check your Progress :
1)Explain the nature of Bhakti movement.
8.6IMPACT OF BHAKTI MOVEMENT
The Bhakti movement though originated in south assume d the
form of a widespread mass movement, which embraced practically the
whole of country. Perhaps, after the decline of Buddhism, there had never
been a more widespread and popular movement in India than Bhakti
movement. It achieved to a considerable exte nt the objectives it set forth.munotes.in
Page 85
85The following are the some of the important impart of the Bhakti
movement.
a)Rejuvenated Hinduism -Bhakti movement rejuvenated Hinduism by
striking a serious blow at the predominance of the Brahmin priesthood in
the socie ty. The ground lost by the Brahmins in the field of Hindu religion
could never be regained by them thereafter.
b)Widespread mass movement -The cult of bhakti assumed the form
of a widespread mass movement towards the close of fourteen century
when the s ultanate of Delhi was on the way out. Bhakhi movement was
essentially an indigenous movement which involved all sections and
castes of the Hindus.
c)Restored the confidence -Bhakti movement restored the confidence
of the masses in their religious and so cio-cultural heritage and stopped
concession to Islam on a large scale.
d)Minimise evil effects of caste -Bhakhi movement did not break evil
effects of caste system but defenately it was minimised by the
development of harmonious relationships and free social intercourse
between the high caste and low -caste Hindus.
e)Improved General Moral Tone of the Society -The numerous
Social evils from which the Hindus suffered could not be eradicated
altogether nevertheless when thoroughly exposed they tended to subside
and take the back seat in the moral conscience of the people. The Bhakti
movement laid stress on the fines valves of the life and thereby improved
the general moral tone of the society as a whole. The Bhakti movement
marked the end of an era oppre ssion of the Hindus under the Muslim
rulers because it gave them moral courage to face the hardships with
contentment and cheefulness.
e)Brotherhood and Fellow -feelings -The bhakti reformers and safi
saints, individually as well as collectively, helped in the creation of an
atmosphere of brotheshood and fellow -feelings between Hindus and
Muslims and strengthened the hands of 'Muslim rule to a national
government under Akbar the Great. The movement gave an impetus to the
forces of national integration and synthesis between Hindu and Muslim
culture.
Check your Progress :
1)Assess the impact of Bhakti movement.munotes.in
Page 86
868.7 SUMMARY
The spirit of Bhakti pervaded the whole of India and found vivid
and beautiful expression in the religious poetry of the medieval saints and
mystics, no matter what regious faith they believed in. their literary
compositions, rendered into geet, Abhangas, quawali, etc. united people,
as nothing could have done. It also stimulated development of regional
language. The heirs to the Bhakti tradition are not religious in the sense of
emphasizing workship and devotion. Their concerns, indeed devotion, is
to the cause of economic justice and a more egalitarian world.
8.8A D D I T I O N A LR E A D I N G S
1.K. A. Nilakanta Shastri -Developmen t of Religion in south India,
orient longmans, 1963.
2.G. C. Narang -Transformation of Sikhism, New Delhi, 1960.
3.Tara Chand, Influence of Islam an Indian culture, Allahabad 1946.
4.Hussain Y. Glimpses of medieval Indian Culture, Bombay 1957.
5.Chopra P. N. -Society and culture during Mughal Age, 1963.
6.Rashid A -Society and culture in medieval India, Patna 1969.
8.9QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
Q.1Critically examine the origin of Bhakti Movement in India.
Q.2Trace the major factors responsible for emergence o f Bhakti
Movement.
Q.3Analyse the impact of Bhakti Movement on masses & religious
conditions in India.
Q.4‘Bhakti movement was a reformative movement ’.Comment.
munotes.in
Page 87
87Unit -9
PROMINENT BHAKT IREFORMERS
Unit structure :
9.0 Objectiv es
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Sankaracharya -the Pioneer
9.3 Ramanuj
9.4 Ramanand
9.5 Kabir
9.6 Guru Nanak
9.7 Chaitnya Mahaprabhu
9.8 Tulsidas
9.9 Saint Tradition in Maharashtra
9.9.1 Dnyaneshwar
9.9.2 Namdeo
9.9.3 Eknath
9.9.4 Tukaram
9.9.5Ramdas
9.10 Additional Readings
9.11Questions for self study
9.0 OBJECTIVES
To study the Bhakti Movement in India.
To analyse the impact of Bhakti Movement on masses and religious
conditions in India.
To look into the teachings of prominent bhakti reformers.
9.1INTRODUCTION
One of the greatest characteristics of medieval India was the birth
and progress of a movement for religious reform known as Bhakti
movement. This movement got to be spread to the whole of India. The
Bhakti movement, though originated in south assumed the form of a
widespread mass movement, which embraced practically the whole of the
country. Each of the bhakti saint carried on his missionary work in his
own original or individualistic style. Thus, the teachings of the bhakti
saints somet imes showed differences in contents and the methods of their
approach to eradicate the socio -religious evils. Being revolutionary
reformers most of the Bhakti saints campaigned vigorously against themunotes.in
Page 88
88deep rooted socio -religious evils. High moral character and virtuous living
were integral part of the Bhakti movement. Complete self -surrender or
total dedication to god was considered essential for the attainment of
spiritual knowledge. Bhakti meant single minded, uninterrupted and
extreme devotion to God with out any ultimate motive, growing gradually
in to an intense love. A large number of the Bhakti saints belonged to the
traditional 'saguna' school which believed that god has many forms and
attributes that. He manifests himself in in carnations and that his spirit is to
be found in idols and worshipped at home and in temples. Other belonged
to the 'nirguna' school which believed in a God without form or attributes.
9.2SANKARACHARYA -THE PIONEER
The pioneer of the Bhakti movement in South India was Guru
Shankaracharya. Born in a Brahmin family at Kaladi (Malabar) in 788
A.D. Shankaracharya from his very childhood passed wonderful talent and
had considerable spiritual learning. As he great up he became a great
advocate of monastic philosophy. By boldly preac hing the unity of
Godhead, he varily brought about a revolution in Hinduism and became a
great fore -runner of Bhakti cult. He died at the age of 32 in 820 A.D.
9.3RAMANUJ (1017 -1137)
With some differences in detail, all the reformers were exponents
ofliberal bhakti cult, the message of which they sought to carry before the
unlettered masses. According to Dr. lswari Prasad, the first great exponent
of Bhakti movement was Ramanuj. Some of the writers assign him the
first position as the founding father o f the movement because strictly
speaking, it was he who showed preference to bhakti over gyan as the
principal means of attaining salvation. He was born in 1017 A. D. at
perubhadur near (kanchipuram). A vaishnava by faith, Ramanuja received
training in the vedanta from his teacher Yadav Prakasa of Kanchipuram
who belonged to the school of Sankaracharya. Ramanuja differed with
some of the Philosophic aspects of Shankarcharya's theory such as the
concepts of universe being an illusion and absolute monism, as deduced
by him from upanishadas.
Ramanuja was great 'vaishnava' teacher. He popularised the cult of
devotion to a personal God and emphasised that salvation can be achieved
through the 'Bhakti marg' alone. He redifed the vedanta philosophy by
laying great er stress on devotional worship to a personal God who
constituted the supreme reality. He was great vaishnava who preached the
worship of Narayan and Lakshmi. He was of the view that the the sincere
worship of Narayan and Lakshmi can liberate the soul from the circle of
life and death. He emphasised that God was the supreme creator,
Destroyer and Preserver of the Universe and the soul, though a part and
parcel of same divine force, was yet distinct from it Ramanuja suggested
the existence of dualism within the monastic philosophy of the vedanta.
His message had a wide appeal and soon he came to have as many asmunotes.in
Page 89
8910,000 followers. Ramanuja travelled widely to popularise his teaching. A
great scholar and widely travelled man, Ramanuja wrote a number of
books and treatises on the bhakti cult, including Vedanta Sanghmahaand
the commentaries on Brahmasutra and Bhagwatgita. Ramanuja was very
liberal in his social outlook and he broke the caste barriers in his
teachings. He attained national fame as a bhakti reformer in his lifetime.
Thus it was he who actually gave birth to Bhakti movement in Southern
India. He died at the age of 120 in 1137 A.D.
Check your Progress :
1)Write a note on the role of Shankaracharya and Ramanuj in Bhakti
movement.
9.4RAMAN AND
Ramanand was the great reformer in Northern India, who
flourished in 15th Century. It should be noted that there are difference of
opinion regarding the dates of his birth and death. He was born at
Allahatad in a kanyakubja Brahmin family. Ramanand re ceived his higher
education in Hindu religious Philosophy at varanasi and joined the school
of Ramanuja as a preacher. He travelled widely and visited various
religious places in North India. He also came in contract with learned
scholars of all faiths inc luding muslims. He set up his own independent set
based on the doctrine of devotional worship of Rama and Sita in place of
vishnu. He believed in ‘vishistadvaita’ philosophy of Ramanuja. He
preached through Hindi, the language of the common people in the
Genetic valley.
Philosophy and preaching of Ramananda was different from the
Ramanuja sect in three respects. First he substituted Rama and Sita for
Vishnu and Lakshmi as object of Bhakti. Second He put his teachings in
the common people's tongue. Thirdly he adopted liberal views on social
issues. He made considerable relaxation of caste rules in respect of
religious and social matters. He threw his spiritual door wide open,
admitted disciples of all castes and allowed them to eat and drink together
irrespe ctive of birth. Religion was thus brought to the level of common
people. Thus his twelve principal disciples ones was barber, another a
cobbles and the third a Muhammadan weaver. From the social point of
view it assumed a distinctly liberal character under the leadership of
Ramanuja. He has been described as 'the bridge between the Bhakti
movement of the south India' Ramananda even admitted women as his
disciples, two of them were Padmavati and Sursari. His liberalism in
respect of practices which the Hindu s associated with caste, such as inter -munotes.in
Page 90
90dining and inter -marriage, appeared as a formidable threat to the orthodox
Hindu community.
9.5KABIR (1440 -1510)
The most popular of all the disciples of Ramananda, occupies a
place of pride in the annals of the B hakti Movement in northern India.
Kabir made the most earnest efforts to foster a spirit of harmony between
Hinduism and Islam. His life is shrouded in a good deal of obscurity and
the dates of his birth and death are uncertain. He was initiated into the
bhakti cult by Ramananda. With a filial attachment to both the religious
communities, kabir was free from religious prejudice against either. He
rubbed shoulders with bhakti reformers as well as the sufi saints. He was
not bias of either Hinduism or Islam. He was a man of absolutely
independent thoughts and boldly criticized the evils of both the religions
Kabir used to addressed mixed gathering, consisting of Hindus and
Muslims and made disciples from both. He refused to accept the sanctity
of vedas as well as quran to be the revealed scriptures'.
Kabir's cosmopolitanism was probably due in large measure to the
variety of his religious experience. He speaks of himself a sudra, but he
was most probably brought up in the family of Muslim weaves at Banaras
andhe took up weaving as his profession. He lived in a predominantly
Hindu environment, but his association with Muslim saints is indicated in
his composition. He preached a religion of love, which would promote
unity amongst all classes and creeds. To him, 'Hindu and Turk were pots
of same clay : Allah and Rama were but different names'. He wrote 'It is
needless to ask of a saint the caste to which he belongs'. Kabir did not
believe in the efficacy of ritual or external formalities, either Hinduism or
Islam. To him the true means of salvation was Bhajan or devotional
worship, together with the freedom of the soul from all shame, insincerity,
hypocrisy and cruelty. Kabir's teaching exercised considerable influence
on later generation. He was gifted with consid erable poetical genius. His
dohas (couplets) could be easily understood by the common people. After
his death, the followers of kabir, both Hindus and Muslims, became
known as kabirpanthis. The devotees as well as the priesthood of the
kabirpanth retain th eir distinct identity up till this day.
Check your Progress :
1)Explain the philosophy and preaching of Ramanauda.
2)Define the Kabir’s cosmopolitanism policy.munotes.in
Page 91
919.6GURU NANAK (1469 -1539)
Another great reformer of the period was Guru Nana k, the founder
of sikhism and the reviver of the pure monotheistic doctrine of the
upanishadas. He was born in a Khatri family of Talwandi (modern
Nanakana) about thirty five miles to the south -west of the city of Lahor in
A.D. 1469. From his childhood he evinced spiritual learning and paid no
attention to his studies. He then adopted various professions for his
livelihood but could not succeed in either because of his real interest lay in
the spiritual affairs and in the worship of God. From 1495 to 1530 A .D. he
travelled not only in various parts of India but also in foreign countries
like Ceylon, Mecca, Medina, Tibet etc. He was a contemporary of Kabir
who took up the cause of social -religious reforms in Punjab. He proved to
be the most celebrated of all the bhakti reformers of medieval India.
Nanaks universe of thoughts revolves round the idea of the unity of God.
There is one indivisible Supreme Being whose power, majesty and
eternity cannot be shared by any other deity. Naturally
Nanak rejects the Hin du doctrine of sikhism, was mystic of the
'nirguna' school. His followers branced off from Hinduism and founded a
separate religious system. He however, believed in the doctrine of 'karma'
and the transmigration of soul. He had both Hindu and Muslim discip le.
His teachings are included in the 'Adi Granth' compiled by the fifth guru,
Arjun Das. One of these, the Japji is one of the greatest religious poems in
the literature of the world. Nanak's conception of God is expressed in brief
in Mul Mantras which is a part of the Japji. The goal of man, as prescribed
by Nanak, is union of with God. The end of man's journey through life is
not conceived in terms of the Semitic pattern of heaven and hell. One who
fails to reach the required level of spiritual excellenc e remains subject to
the cycle of birth and death. Instead of advocating the traditional Indian
way of escape from 'domestic entanglements' through renunciation of
worldly life, Nanak asks man to 'abide pure among the impurities of the
world' Nanak concept ion of world society is based on the ideal of
universal brotherhood. This is evident from his first significant utterance
at sultanpur : 'There is no Hindu and no Mussalman. Every individual is
primarily a man, he becomes a Hindu or a Muslim by the acciden to f
birth'. He died in 1539 at kustarpur. But his name is still a household affair
in the whole of Punjab. His message is due course of time led to the
foundation of sikhism.
Check your Progress :
1)Commont on the Gurunank and Shikism.munotes.in
Page 92
929.7CHAITANY MAHAPRABHU (1486 -1534)
The saint who played the most outstanding role in the progress of
Bhakti movement in the East was Chaitany Mahaprabhu. The greatest
saint of the Bhakti movement was Chaitanya, who was born in a learned
Brahmin family of Nod ia in Bengal in 1486. He showed great promised as
student and mastered all branches of sanskrit learning. He renounced the
world at the early age of 25 and became aisanyasr. He adopted the Krishna
cult. He stayed at Mathura and Vrindabana for many years an da t t r a c t e d
lakh of devotees. He travelled from place to place preaching his ideas
about oneness of God and condemning unnecessary rituals. Chaitanya
displayed a wonderful literary acumen in his early life and his soul aspired
to rise above the fetters of this world.
Chaitanya Mahaprabhu is regarded by his followers as an
incarnation of Vishnu. He laid the foundation of Vaishnavism in Bengal
and preached the doctrine of love for and worship of Krishna. He laid
stress also on piety and humanity as essential traits of one's character.
Chaitnya also strong by condemned caste system and preached universal
brotherhood. Chaitany a left no written account of his views and
teachings. The general view is that these are explained in the works of his
disciples -Rupa, Sanatana, Jiva, Gopal Bhatta, Raghunath Das. The work
of biographers, particularly the Chaitanya -Charitamrita should be used as
supplementary sources for elucidation of the Master's views.
Chaitanya Mahaprabhu recognized no caste limits in the practice
of Bhakti. He brought religion within the reach of the masses by laying
great stress on the emotional approach to God as a loves of his beloved.
He insisted that simple recitation of the Nam or Hari or Krishna can give a
man a salvation. He did not discar d the workship of images as utterly
useless, but he did not lay stress on rituals. Whoever took the Nam of the
lord became purified by that one single act and was qualified to warship
him. His liberal outlook brought all men within the fold of his religion of
love, brotheshood and charity. Chaitanya and his associates simplified the
ancient laws and customs regarding important socio -religious ceremonies
such as marriage and sradh. He died in 1534, but his name is still a
household world in Bengal and there are millions of men and women who
still worship him as an incarnation of shrikrishna or vishnu.
Check your Progress :
1)Examine the role played by chaitanya Mahaprabhu in the progress of
Bhakti movement in West Bengal.munotes.in
Page 93
939.8TULSIDAS
Bhakti m ovement led to the reform of Hinduism. The Bhakti
movement affected the social life of the people. It gave a blow to caste
system was strongly denounced by the bhakta. As regard the 'saguna'
school of Hindu mystics in North India. Tulsidas, Surdas, Mirabai and
Chaitanya were the most important. Among the writers of the Rama cult,
the most illustrious was Tulsidas, who lived in Banaras. He was not
merely a poet of high order but also a spiritual teacher of the people of
Hindustan. Tulsidas, the famous author of 'Ramcharit Manas' was a great
poet and a devotee of Rama. He has depicted Rama as the incarnation of
God and believed that man could reach him only through bhakti or
devotion. This work of Tulsidas has justly described by Sir George
Grierson as the one bible of a hundred million people of Hindustan. Its
verses are still recited with reverence by million of people all over India.
9.9SAINT TRADITION IN MAHARASHTRIA
The credit for bringing about socio -religious revolution in
Maharashtra goes to saints i n Maharashtra. Even when Maharashtra was
being conquered and subjugated by the Muslim conquerors, there was a
new intellectual and spiritual awakening in Maharashtra. Dnyaneshwar
can be said to have begun this movement. He lived under the patronage of
Ramd eorao Yadav of Deogiri and died soon after the first invasion of
Alauddin Khalji. The saint tradition was carried forward by saints like
Namdeo, Eknath, Tukaram, and Ramdas. Each one of them preached
different type of mysticism. Whatever the category to wh ich these sainst
belonged the total effect of their teachings was a propagation of
Maharashtra Dharma. Apart from these more prominent there were many
more from all strata of society, make and female, high and low, literate
and illiterates.
9.9.1 DNYANESH WAR
The state of Maharashtra when dnyaneshwar appeared on the scene
was extremely depressing. A handful of Brahmin pandits enjoyed the
monopoly of exploiting the superstitious beliefs of the people.
Dnyaneshwar preached the virtues of fearlessness, purity, steadfastness,
sacrifice and selfless duty. He stimulated clear thinking and more than
anything else, filed the people with pure faith and hope in redemption.
Confidence in God was beginning of Bhakti. By doing this he purified and
simplified religion and made it very popular. His teachings proclaimed a
revolt against the traditional ideas and practices. He chose to interpret
Bhagavat Gita in the language of the people of Maharashtra -marathi. By
doing so he rendered a great service to to cause of Maratha freedom. From
purely linguistic point of view he made marathi very popular. He wrote his
commentary on the Bhagvat -Gita in marathi so what the most ordinary
people in Maharashtra could understand it.munotes.in
Page 94
949.9.2 NAMDEO
Namdeo, a tailor by profession and cas te, became the first
prominent bhakti reformer in Maharashtra. He represented the emotional
aspect of the Bhakti movement. He declared that a stone God and his
mock devotee can not satisfy each other. He would ask only one favour of
God, that we should alw ays feel him (in heart) utter his name only with
our tongue, see him alone with our eyes. The emotional import of his
ecstatic appeal on the people could only be imagine. This like other
reformers of his age, Namdeo protested his faith in the unity of God and
was opposed to image worship and caste system. He boldly challenged
thesupremacy of Brahmin priests in Hindu religion. His followers
belonged to all castes and classes, including few Muslim converts to
Hinduism. Namdeo promoted worship of God by the n ame of Hari. Some
of the abhangs of Namdeo are included in 'Guru Grantha Sahib'.
9.9.3 EKNATH
Eknath believed in Bhakti as way of salvation but it must be
sincere and true love for God. Although he believed in the caste system he
held that God was to be f ound in all men, Brahmins and shudras as well.
He was the grandson of the well known Maharashtrian saint Bhanudas. He
composed many abhangas and 'kirtans'. He also wrote the Bhavartha
Ramayan and edited the text of Dnyaneshwari. The style of Eknath is
reckoned to be superior to that of Dnyaneshwar himself. His Bhagvat
covers every conceivable subject connected with vedantic philosophy with
religion and with morality. He believed that knowledge would lead to
salvation, but the knowledge must be without hypoc racy.
9.9.4 TUKARAM
Tukaram is most popular saint of Maharashtra. He has denounced
caste system and helped the people in building a homogenous society in
Maharashtra. By caste vani he ran a small grocery shop in little village,
but he was not interested i n worldly affairs. His poetic inspiration came to
him unexpectedly. He thought and spoke only in his abhangas. His words
flowed out of a heart full of love of God and goodwill to men. He took up
life of asceticsm and service. He rejected rituals, ceremonie s, vedio
sacrifices visit to holy places, fast and other austerities. Tukaram also
promoted Hindu -muslim unity. His writing is full of overpowering
emotion and reassuring philosophy' in which he used the daily speech of
the masses. The abhangas (verses) of Tukaram continue to be popular
even today of all the Marathi saint, he is the greatest in popular estimation
and the widest in the extent of his influence.
9.9.5 SWAMI RAMDAS (1608 -1691)
Ramdas was the revered teacher of shivaji who provided a moral
and spiritual background to the rising power of the Marathas in
seventeenth century. He inculcated the spirit of nationalism among them.
After years of wandering in search of spiritual light and attaining
realisation, saint Ramdas settled down at chafal in sa tara district on the
banks of krishna. He was indeed a different in his ways of preaching. He
sought to combine spiritual and preaching life. He showed great interest inmunotes.in
Page 95
95politics. Shivaji as well as his mother Jijabai were both disciples of Swami
Ramdas. H e was the great devotee of Hanuman and Shri Ramchandra.
More than any saint Ramdas called people's mind to the performance of
duty. Apart from his abhangas, saint Ramdas wrote his monumental work
'Dasabodha', which gives advice on all aspects of life.
Check your Progress :
1) Describe the role of various saints of Maharashtra in Bhakti
Movement.
9.10ADDITIONAL READINGS
1.Ranade M. G. -Rise of the Maratha Power.
2.K. A. Nilkantha Shastri -Development of Religion in south India,
orient longmans 1963.
3.G. C. Narang -Transformation of sikhism New Delhi, 1960.
4.Tarachand -Influence of Islam on Indian culture, Allahabad 1946.
5.Hussain Y -Glimpses of medieval Indian culture, Bombay 1957.
6.Chopra P. N. -Society and culture during Mughal Age, 1963.
9.11QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
Q1Analyse the impact of the teachings of Bhakti movement on masses.
Q2Describe the work of saint poet before the rise of Maratha period.
Q3Discuss the singificance of the teaching of the Ramanuj, Ramanand and
Kabir.
Q4Make an estimate of kabir and Guru Nanak.
munotes.in
Page 96
96Unit -10
SUFI MOVEMENT
Unit Structure :
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2Origin of Sufi Movement
10.3Nature of Sufism
10.4Concepts and Teachings of Sufism
10.5Silsilas or orders in sufism
10.5.1 Chishti Silsilah
10.5.2 Subr avardi Silsilah
10.6Bhakti Cult and Sufism
10.7 Summary
10.8Additional Readings
10.8Questions for self study
10.0 OBJECTIVES :
To trace the origin of sufi movement in India.
To understand the nature of sufi movement in India.
To make student awar ea b o u tt h ec o n c e p t sa n ds i l s i l a si ns u f i s m .
To analyse the relation with other religious groups.
10.1INTRODUCTION
The most interesting aspect of Islam in its medieval Indian
environment is sufism. The medieval period witnessed the rise and
development of a large number of Muslim religious movement, mystic
organisation, religious cult and attitudes. The Islamic mysticism was known
assufism. As a matter of fact both Hindus and Muslims had mutual
admiration for each others culture, since the early days of the advent of
Islam into India. Famous Muslim scholars and saints lived and laboured in
India during the medieval per iod. They helped the dissemination of the
ideas of Islamic philosophy and mysticism in India. The early sufis traced
their ideas to some verses of the Quran and Tradition of the prophet.
However they gave a mystic interpretation that they differed from the
orthodox Muslims who insisted upon a literal interpretation. They lived
asascetics, wearing gasments of coarse wool (suf) as a badge of poverty.
From suf iderived the name sufi.munotes.in
Page 97
9710.2ORIGIN OF SU FIMOVEMENT
Sufism is typical mysticism. According to Tarachand, 'sufism is a
complex phenomenon, it is like a stream which gather volume by the
joining of tributaries from many lands. Its orig inal source is Quran and
the life of Muhammad. Christianity and neo -platorism swelled it by a
large contribution. Hinduism and Buddhism supplied anumber of ideas
and the religions of ancient Persia Zoroastrianism etc. brought to it their
share are .T h eI s lamic mysticism, known as Tasawwaf or sufism, was as old
as Islam itself. It was born in the bosom of Islam. It is said that during the
very lifetime of Hazarat Muhammad there were some men of virtue
and of retiring nature who embraced Islam with pleasure but showed
laity in the observation of its ritualistic or dogmatic aspects. Such liberal
minded men of God drew their inspiration from the Quran and the life of
theProphet. But instead of parading about their religious orthodoxy, they
laid greatest stress on the purification of one's inner selfin order to attain
acting spiritual .
Sufism had no creed or dogma other than that of Islam and for a
long time, it had no organization or monastic order. It is said that it
assumed the form of a regular movement in Persia in the ninth century as a
reaction against the rigid formalism of Islam. It received a theosophical
basis during the age of Abbasid caliphs of Bagdad and the sufi saints drew
freely from the mystic concepts of other peoples and religions, including
Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. The credit for bringing
about reconciliation between orthodox Islam and sufism goes to Al
Ghazali (1057 -1112 A) an Arab Philosopher. He provided a metaphysical
basis to mysticism as a part and parcel of the Is lamic theology.
Sufism gained a foothold in Punjab before the establishment of
Muslim rule there by Sultan Mahumad of Ghazni. In the eleventh and
twelfth centuries Lahor and Multan attracted many well know sufis from
countries outside India. The greatest figure in the history of sufism in
India, Khwaja muinuddin Chishti, arrived at Lahor from Ghazni in 1161
and settled at Ajmer during the reign of Prithviraj. There he died in 1235,
his tomb continues to attract many pilgrims even now. After the
establishme nt of the muslim rule in northern India, the sufis from the
muslim countries of Central Asia, began to migrate to India in large
numbers. They moved about in the robber and styles of the Indian sadhus
and established their hermitages at a number of places. They set up their
abode in the residential quarters or colonies of the low castes on the
periphery of the Hindu towns. There first object was to win their love and
confidence and reconcile them to the alien rule. Secondly, they persuaded
them to embrace I slam on merit. The sultanate of Delhi was confined to
only a part of India most of the time but sufis spread themselves
throughout the country and carried on peaceful propagation of Islam.munotes.in
Page 98
98Check your Progress :
1)Give an account of origin of Sufi Mov ement.
10.3NATURE OF SUFISM
The sufis were men of deep religious feelings. They led ascetic
lives and laid emphasis on the practices of self discipline. They sought
personal communion with God through self -surrender, meditation and
total dedic ation to the service of mankind. The sufis did not form an
organized sect. They neither had a Prophet, nor a sacred book, nor a
uniform code of religious doctrines. They accepted Muhammad as their
prophet and the Quran as their sacred book According to an observation,
the orthodox Muslims depend upon external conduct while the sufis seek
inner purity. The orthodox believe in blind obedience to, or observance of
religious rituals while the Sufis consider love to be the only means of
reaching God. The sufis u sed singing and dancing, forbidden by the
orthodox as means of inducing a state of ecstasy which brought a sufi
nearer to his goal of union with God.
There are different opinion about the term 'sufi' derived from.
According to some, the term sufi was deri ved from 'safa' (pure) because of
the purity of their thoughts and the nobility of their action. Other derive
the term from saff (line, queue) and hold that the sufis were so called
because they were in the forefront of the line or queue before God.
Accord ing to a third definition, the sufi has been derived from the word
suffa (a bench) as the virtous character and qualities of there saints were
similar to those of 'Ashab al suff -or 'People of the Bench' who were
attached to the prophet. They were called h is companions (sahaba).. The
term sufi also bears resemblance with the word suf or coarse wool,
suggesting thereby that the sufis might have been so called because of
their habit of wearing a woollen blanket purpose sheet of cloth.
The sufis migrated to t he far -off countries and lived in the midst of
the non -muslims called kafirs where they carried on the work of
proselytisation through peaceful means. The Sufis were the peaceful
emissaries of Islam. They dedicated their lives to the service of making
andthe spread of the Islamic faith. The propagation of Islam was regarded
by them to be the greatest and the most meritorious service to be rendered
to the people. Consciously or unconsciously they also played the role
similar to the one played by the Christi an missionaries in the wake of the
establishment of European colonialism in Asia and Africa. More often,
they carried on the work of consolidation of the Islamic faith among the
conquered people by the application of pacific and humanitarian means.munotes.in
Page 99
9910.4CONCEPTS AND TEACHING OF THE SUFISM
Most of the sufi saints belongs to the liberal school of thought.
Their popularity in India was due to their understanding of the Indian
conditions and the religious attitudes and aspirations of the Indian people.
They ad opted many Hindu customs and ceremonics in the initial stages of
the development of their silsilas in India. They laid much emphasis on the
service to mankind. The monistic philosophy of sufism was based on the
theory of wandat ul wajud or 'the unity of Be ing' according to which the
creator (Haq) and the created (Khalq) were identical. Means God was the
Unity behind all plurality and the Reality behind all phenomenal
appearance. Sheikh Muhiuddin I bnul Arabi, the author of the theory,
explain it in these wo rds, 'There is nothing but God, nothing in existence
other than He, there is not even a there', where the essence of all things is
one.'
The sufis stood for the establishment of harmonious relationships
with God could be attained in this very mortal life (Khaki Jame) through
intense love for and total surrender and dedication to the Supreme Power.
The sufi saints, in their capacity as pirs were the living teachers or spiritual
guides. They showed the path and suggested the means to their followers,
called (murids) for the attainment of eternal bliss which was called union
(ma'rifat and wasl) by them. According to sufi saints, the presence of the
God could be felt by any one who attended to his call with a loving heart.
The Sufis held that God was an invisib le. Absolute Reality and an Eternal
Beauty which they named as Jamal and this universe was not a mere
illusion either. It was the visible manifestation of God and it was named as
Husn (lovable beauty). They argued that 'self manifestation and desire to
beloved was an essential attribute of the Eternal Beauty. Thus the sufi
philosophy was based on the principal of 'Love' which was the essence of
all the religions.
Sufis felt that purity of heart was far greater than rituals and
ceremonies and that it was o nly way by which truth could be realised.
According to one version, a sufi had to pass through ten stages of
dedication to God before he could attain communion with him, these were
Tauba(Repentance), ware (Abstinence), Zuhd (Piety), Faqr (Poverty), Sabr
(Patience), Shukr(Gratitude) and Khauf (fear), Raja (hope), Tawakkul
(contentment) and Riza (submission to the Divine will). Some of the sufi
saints observed celibacy while other married and lived as ordinary
householders. Like the bhakti reformers, most of the sufis renounced the
materialistic pursuits of the world. it was called ' Tark Ki Dunya'. They
mostly depended on `futuh' or 'unasked fort charity'. Some of them took
up to the cultivation of waste land as the means of their livelihood. The
sufilived in the hermitages, called 'khangahs' (monasteries) or
jamailkhana.munotes.in
Page 100
100Check your Progress :
1)Describe nature and meaning of Sufi movement.
2)Comment on the concept and teaching of the Sufism.
10.5SILSILAS OR ORDERS IN SUFISM
Just like the bhakti reformers, the sufi also differed with one
another in many respects as regards their methods of teaching. That is
why, in the final phase of its development sufism came to be organised
into a number of silsilas or orders. The founder of each silsila was said to
have made some special contribution. They gave an individualistic touch
of the mystic philosophy or organisational set up of his disciples. The sufis
were divided into number of sects, called silsilahs or orders. According to
one estimate, as many as 175 such orders of sufis came into existence in
the Muslim world. Abul Fazal lists 14 orders of the suffis which
apparently found their way to India. Out of which only two took deep
roots in the Indian soil. These were Chisti and the Suhravardi ord ers. The
Subravardi silsilahs made its presence felt in sind and north -western India.
Whereas the Chistis silsilah became most prominent throughout the
country.
10.5.1 CHISTI ORDER
The chisti silsilah established itself at Ajmer and gradually spread
to ot her parts of Rajasthan, Punjab, Utter Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa
and Deccan. The chisti order was founded by khwaja Abdul chisti. It was
introduced in India by Khwaja Muinuddin Chisti, a native of Sijistan in
Persia. He reached India and settled down a t Ajmer which was a place of
considerable political and religious importance. He worked amongst the
low caste people and spent his life in the service of the helpless and down -
trodden. He died in 1236 A.D. Thus, he won over the hearts of the people
around him by selfless service to the poor and needy. He made many
converts to Islam through peaceful means. Since then Ajmer became an
important centre of pilgrimage for Hindus and Muslims alike Sheikh
Hamiduddin and Sheikh Farid or Baba Farid, Shaikh Qutbuddin Bhaktiyar
Kaki, Shaikh Nizmuddin, Auliya, Shaikh Salim Chisti and many other
disciple popularized chisti order throughout the India.
The Chishtis favoured asceticism and isolation from public life.
Most of the Chisti saints belonged to the liberal school of thought. Their
popularity in India was due to their understanding of the Indian conditions
and religious attitudes and aspirations of the Indian people. They laid
much emphasis on the service to mankind. The Chishti mystics were
believers in pantheistic monism, which had its earliest exposition in themunotes.in
Page 101
101upanishad of Hindus. Many of the Chishti saints lived in utter poverty and
refused to accept any grants from the state. They were of the opinion that
possession of any kind of private property was an obstac le to spiritual
advancement.
10.5.2 SUHRAVARDI SILSILAH
It was the second most popular order of the sufis which flourished
in north western India. It was founded by Shihabuddin Subravardi (1234),
a teacher in Bagdad. Its foundation on Indian soil were lai d by Sheikh
Bahauddin Zakariya of Multan. He carried on his missionary work at
Multan for about twenty -five years and rose to be the most prominent
muslim divine of his age in north -western India. The Chishtis and
Suhravardis differed in respect of religio us practices as also their attitude
towards secular activities. Unlike the Chishti saints, the exponents of the
suhravardi order did not believe in excessive austerity or self -
mortification. Rather they constituted an influential and affluent
priesthood of the muslims. They lived comfortable family live's and felt
no scruples in accepting expensive presents and patronage from the
muslim aristocracy. They took active part in the state politics. Thus
Surhravardi silsilah was confined mostly to upper strata of the Mughal
society.
Many other sufi mystic orders also were introduced in India. But
they did not make much impact on the people of India. Some others
silsilah were limited to certain regions only some of them were:
The QadiriSilsilah -introduced in Ind ia by ;‘,Iyyid Muhammad
Gilani (1517), The Firdausi Silsilah Shaikn Badruddin. The Shattari
Silsilah -Shaikh Abdullah Shattari. The Nagshahandi Silsilah -Khwaja
Baki Billah.
In the fourteen century the influence of the sufis declined. They
were weakened by doctrinal differences among themselves as also by the
unfriendly attitude of some of the muslim rulers. However, sufis played an
important role in spreading the muslim culture among the masses in
various parts of the country. Sufism also contributed to a great extent in
moulding the character of the medieval Indian society.
Check your Progress :
1)Assess the achievements of Chisti Silsila.
2)Explain the Suhravardi Silsilah in Sufism.munotes.in
Page 102
10210.6BHAKTI CULT AND SUFISM
Hinduism particularly Bhakti cult and sufism largely borrowed
from each other. They were complementary to each other in several
respects. Bhakti cult in medieval times was radically different from old
traditions. String similarities between sufism and Bhakti cult were as
follow s.
Concept of lanai in Sufism was originally a Hindu idea. Approach
to God is through love and intelligence or Yogic exercises or 'Karma' are
hurdler, is the central idea of Bhakti, which we find reflected in sufism
also. Submission to pir or Guru, recita tion of sacred names of God is both
common in Bhakti and Sufi Cults. Vedent Philosophy of Shankaracharya
found in Sufism also. It is due to the simplicity and broad humanism of
Sufi Saints, Islam received its largest number of converts. These two
parallel movements based upon doctrines of love and self -less devotion,
helped a lot in bringing the two communities closer together. The eastern
version of Sufism which was in Bengal, Assam and Bihar was an offshoot
of Vedanta of the Hindus. These two cults also b rought cultural synthesis.
Bhakti cult and Sufism emerged and became powerful forces because both
Islam and Hinduism became orthodox, rigid. Saints in Bhakti and sufi cult
found a personal method of self -expression, a convenient vehicle for
intellectual, p hilosophical and emotional enjoyment for spiritual
attainment.
CHRISTIANITY
Europeans were visiting the courts of Mughal emperors since the
establishment of the Mughal rule. Before the advent of the Mughals, the
Portuguese come to India and established th eir colonies in Calicut (1498
A.D.) Jesuit fathers who came along with Portuguese settlers had in touch
with Mughal Emperors.
In 1579, Akbar sent envoys to Goa, and invited Jesuit father to
Fattepur Sikri for religious discussion in Ibadatkhan Portuguese Christian
became overjoyous they conveniently though that this was a golden
opportunity to convert local people. Hinduism and Islam both were
inferior religion in the eyes of the Europeans, and they were eager to
convert entire subcontinent. Emperor Akbar was interested in the studies
of comparative religions, he invited loin muni's parses Hindu Pandits and
in the same fashion, he also extended similar invitations to the lesuit
fathers. The great seeker of truth -Akbar wanted to know the main tenets
of Chr istian Philosophy.
Abul Fazl described these Jesuit fathers as 'Nazrin' -sager, Rudolf
Aquaviva, Antony rvionserrate and Francis Henriquez arrived in Sikri in
1580. The Mughal emperor treated them respectfully. The historians in the
Akbar's court have de tailed the entire account of the meeting that took
place between the emperor and the Jesuit fathers. The church fathers
saluted the king according to Portuguese Style and talked to him in a verymunotes.in
Page 103
103friendly Sikri. The Mughal emperor was very much impressed by life style
and standard of education of the missionaries.
He employed one of the Jesuit father as tutor of The Prince.
Christian missionaries staying at Sikri were given religious freedom.
In 1582, Akbar announced the establishment of Din -i-Ilahi and th e
christian missionaries at Sikri were shocked. Jesuit Fathers were highly
disappointed they were under the impression that Akbar would accept
Christianity and after him, the whole country would be converted
disillusioned fathers went back to Goa and anoth er set of christian
missionaries came to Sikri and continued the religious work.
Akbar had religious discussion in ibadatkhana, he had slightly
distanced himself from Islam.His inquisitive mind was searching ideal
religion, during the period of this there were mrumours search, in the
capital. According to some people, Akbar had leanings towards
christiaannity. According toorthodox Muslims Akbar had kept Christian
ladies in his Laren three princes werebaptised said one orthodox Muslim.
Mullah and Moulavi we re of the opinion that Akbar was patronising
Jesuits because he did no like the company of Muslim preachers.
Finally, All these base less rumours were proved to be wrong.
Mughal emperors carved out a might empire in India but they did not pay
sufficient a ttention towards navy. During the whole Mughal period, we
find a strange phenomenon, that Mughal ships and their Haj -Religious
pilgrimage to Mecca and Madina was guaranteed by the Portuguese.
Portuguese provided necessary protection to the Mughal Ship, C argo
Ships were also given protection by Portuguese vessels. Portuguese
authorities used to issue pass port to the traders and pilgrims and quite
strangely, they also dictated the versels, carrying pilgrims to Mecca, to
exhibit portraits of Ha, Mary and In fant Jesus at a prominent place,
mughals had to accept these humiliating condition Sir Thomas Roe,
approached Mughal emperor and promised to give necessary protection
tothe Mughal ships. It is also noted by the contemporary chroniclers that
missionaries in Sikri presented some European paintings to Akbar and the
Emperor was so influenced by those paintings that he ordered his painters
to make copies of those pieces of art.
In 1632, Shahjahan attacked temples of the infidein and the
religious structures whi ch were demolished Shahjahan had some church
buildings. He also attacked on the Portuguese factories at Surat, the reason
for the sudden attack on the Portuguese possession at Surat was the
Portuguese policy of conversions, and their piracy. He also attack ed on the
portuguese at Hooghleg several reasons were advanced by Shahjahan for
the persecution of portuguese, one reason was that they did not support
him in the war of succession. He was so angry with portuguese that he
arrested and a kept 4000 women and children into confinement, the
emperor wanted the women and children should embrace Islam but most
of them refused and Mughal emperor disappointed and disgusted, finallymunotes.in
Page 104
104distributed portuguese women as slaves to different Mughal courtiers.
Shahjahan was a ngry with Christians but finally he allowed them to settle
down in Agra.
THE SIKH RELIGION
Sikhism very often, is Characterised as the product of Bhakti -
movement. Guru Nanak, the founder of the religion, wanted to build a
bridge between Hinduism and Islam and at the same time, intended to
remove idolatry and Caste -distinctions in the Indian society. Nanak tried
to conquer the hearts of muslims by visiting mosques, emphasising 5 daily
prayers. He also won admirations of the majority people -lower castes in
Hindus -by sharing meal with them. He also introduced novel institutions
like sangat (congregation) and langar (common kitchen and inter -dining).
Five principles of Nanak -'Nam', 'Dan', 'Ashnan', 'Seva', and 'Simran' are
well -known. His journey to th e Hindu, Jain, Buddhist and Muslim
shrines in East India, South India, West Asia are also recorded in history.
His emphasis of Guru -teacher was also quite keeping with the Indian
tradition. He condemned sati, Purdah system, he also preached equality
betwee n man and women. Thus Nanak tried to unite Hindus and Muslims,
higher castes and lower castes, his emphasis on man -woman equality was
also unique. His teaching was plain and simple, appealing to the hearts. is
religion had no mythology, no traditions, and therefore, no complications
of rituals.
Guru Nanak did not condemn Islam and Hinduism but pointed out
the defects in the theory and its practice. He was not trying to unsettle any
religion, his objective was to reform the old religions and thus, reform
social structure.
During the early Mughal period, Sikhism became popular in
several parts of the country, especially in Punjab. Renunciation had no
place in Sikhism it was a religion of married people and householders.
Sikhism had well -laid traditions of Gu ruship. Guru became the central
figure in the Sikh organisation. Gurumukhi was developed as the script of
the religious books. Emperor Akbar was generous towards Sikhism, he
gave them few villages as grant.
Guru Arjun (1581 -1606) compiled 'Adi Granth' or Guru
Granthsaheb. it contained hymns of Guru Nanak, Guru Angad, Guru
Amardas, Guru Tej Bahadur. Compilation of the 'Guru Granth Saheb' is a
turning point in the history of sikhism, the sect transformed into a religion.
Sikhism was not a spiritual force al one, it attained a political and
military status during Mughal rule, Guru Nanak was an eye witness to the
slaughter ordered by Babur after the invasion of Delhi. There was no clash
between Sikhs and Mughals during the regimes of Humayun and Akbar.
Johangir s introduced a long bloody struggle between Mughals and Sikhs
by executing Guru Arjun. His only offence was that he helped prince
Khusro against Emperor. After the death of their Guru, Sikh community inmunotes.in
Page 105
105Punjab resolved to defend their religious rights by r esorting to arms. This
incident proved turning point and the Sikh religion became more militant
day by day. Riding rustling and hunting became part of religious training.
They tried to build up a sovereign state within a Mughal state.
During the period of Emperor Aurangzeb, the enmity between
Sikhs and Muslims further increased. Mughal emperor converted several
Sikh temples into mosques. There was conversions of Gurudwaras in
Punjab and Kashmir. Religious atrocities of mughal emperor transformed.
In to tem perament of Sikh community. In 1675, Guru Tegh Bahadur was
killed along with two followers by Aurangzeb.
"Murders of two Gurus imprisonment of other Sikh saints and
wretched condition of Hindus all over India ushered a new note in the
Sikh-Mughal relation ship." Guru Govindsingh (1675 AD to 1708)
appealed sikh community that they must fight against cruelty and tyranny.
The creation of 'Khalsa', devoted band of followers who were ready to lay
down their lives for freedom and sovereignty, in a distinct phase in the
religion and political history of Sikhs. There were series of battles between
Sikhs and Mughal forces in the first decade if eighteenth century. Thus
persuasion at the hands of mughals transformed entire character of sikh
community, "They became lio ns in war and lambs in peace". Guru
Govindisingh died in 1708 AD, at young age, succeeded in dispelling the
fear of mughals, and he left behind an army of free, sacrificing soldiers
ready to give up their lives for their conscience.
Check your Progress :
1)Write a note on Bhakti cult and Sufism.
10.7 SUMMARY
They early Sufis were known for their asceticism. They thought
that it was the world that distrached their attention from God. The Chisti
and the Suhravardi order helped the rulers in their own way by creating a
climate of opinion in which people belonging to different sects and
religious could live in peace and hormony. While Mecca remained the
holy of holies, the rise of popular sufi saints provided a useful point of
veheration and de votion to the mass of muslims within the country.
In the fourteen century the influence of sufi declined. They were
weakened by doctrinal differences among themselves as also by
unfriendly attitude of some of the muslim rulers. However, Sufis playedmunotes.in
Page 106
106very important role in spreading muslim culture and its brotherhood policy
among the masses in various part of country. \
10.8 ADDITIONAL READINGS
1.S. R. Sharma -"The Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors"
Calcutta ,1940.
2.Sen-"Medieval mysticism in India ",London ,1936
3.Laehner R. C -"Hindu and Muslim mysticism" London 1960.
4.Kane P. V. -"History of Dharma Sastra" Poona 1930 -58.
5.Crooke W -‘Isalm in India’ , Routledge Library Editions.
6.Hussain Y. -Glimpses of Mediaval Indian Culture’Bombay, 1957
7.Arberry AJ, ‘Introduction to History of Sufism’ ,London, 1942
8.Field Dorothy, ‘Religion of Sikhs’ ,London 1942
9.Singh, Khazan, ‘History and Philosophy of Sikh Religion’ , Dept. of
Languages, Punjab, 1970.
10.Ashroof K. M.,’Life and condition of Hinusthan’, New Delhi, 1959
11.Chopra P .N,’ Society and Cultural during Mughal period’ ,Agra 1963
12.Chopra P .N, ‘Social life under Mughals’, Agra 19 63.
10.9QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
Q1 Discuss thePhilosophy of Sufism? To what extent sufusm was
influenced by Bhakti Movement?
Q2. Write a critique on Christianity during Mughal rule?
Q3. Critically examine the religious policy of sufism in India?
Q4. An alyze the character of various Silsila has order in sufism.
Q5. Discuss the historical context to the rise of socio -religious
movem ents based on Bhakti from the 9thto the 14thcenturies in
India.
Q6. Describe the contributions of Bhakti saint’s to Indian society and
culture.
munotes.in
Page 107
107Unit -11
AKBAR’S DIN -I-ILAHI AND SYNCRETISM
Unit structure :
11.0 Objective
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Syncretism in Medieval India:
11.3 Akbar’s Din-i-ilahi :
11.4 Summary
11.5 Additional Readings
11.5 Questions for Self Study
11.0 OBJECTIVE
To unde rstand Akbar’s Din -i-Ilahi and its importance.
To study the concept of syncretism of Akbar’s religious policy.
To understand Akbar’s religious rationalism policy and its
significance.
11.1 INTRODUCTION
Akbar was born and brought up in comparatively l iberal
surroundings. His father was a Mughal Sunni, his mother Persian Shia,
and he first saw the light and lived for about a month in the house of
Hindu Chief. Akbar’s most notable teacher, Abdul Latif, who was so
liberal in his religious views as to be d ubbed a Sunni in the Shia country
of Persia and a Shia in the Sunni ridden northern India, taught him the
principle of Suleh -i-kul (universal peace) which Akbar never forgot. Thus
heredity and environment combined to influence Akbar’s religious policy
in the direction of liberalism. Then, a true rationalist, Akbar carried on his
investigation into the truth scientific spirit.
Dissatisfied with tradition and authority, Akbar prescribed human
reason as the sole basis of religion and extended complete relig ious
toleration to every creed in the empire. In his anxiety to do away with
religious discord in the empire he made an attempt to bring out a synthesis
of all the various religions known to him, and styled it Tawahid -i-Ilahi or
Divine monotheism. It was n ot a religion but a socio -religious order or
brotherhood, designed to cement diverse communities in the land.munotes.in
Page 108
10811.2SYNCRETISM IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
To understand the religious scenario in Medieval India which is
our period of study, one needs to understa nd the term ‘syncretism’. What
is Syncretism? The dictionary meaning of the term Syncretism is –‘the
amalgamation or attempted amalgamation of different religions, cultures,
or schools of thought’. In order to understand the religious movements and
uphea vals that took place in the country during the medieval period, one
must go beyond this dictionary meaning and attempt to analyse the
concept of syncretism.
According to Rasheeduddin Khan, the Indian civilisation has been
profoundly affected by two fundam ental traditions:
The Indo -Aryan cultural stream that provided the Vedic philosophy
The Indo -Muslim strand of culture based on the intertwining of 'bhakti
marg' and Islamic Sufism.
Further he quotes in his work, Composite Culture of India and
National Integration -"It is not surprising, therefore, to realise that the
composite culture in India originated in an environment of reconciliation,
rather than refutation, co -operation rather than confrontation, co -existence
rather than mutual annihilation of the politically dominant Islamic
strands". Thus, Khan attempts to strongly refute the history advanced by
the orthodox scholars who view the medieval period in India as being
marked by religious intolerance and communal wars between the Hindus
and Musli ms.
According to Gaborieau, the cult of saints has been one of the
religious steps which has promoted Hindu -Muslim syncretism in India.
The extensive spread of Sufism in fact became one of the important
mechanisms of ensuring communal harmony b etween the Hindus and the
Muslims.
This developed and nurtured syncretic trend continued to thrive
even during the Mughal rule. Both Babur and Humayun had broad visions
and inclination to support both Islam and Hinduism. This gets revealed in
Babur’s advi ce to Humayun on his deathbed –“ O son, the kingdom of
India is full of different religions. Praised be God who bestowed upon you
its sovereignty. It is incumbent upon you to erase all the religious
prejudices from the tablet of your heart and to administ er justice
accordingly to the ways of every religion. By doing so, you can capture
the hearts of the people and strengthen the bonds of loyalty. Do not ruin
the temples and shrines of any community, which follows the laws of
government. The cause of Islam can be promoted by the weapon of
beneficence than by the sword of tyranny.” Further, one sees that his
successor Humayun sincerely followed this advice of his father. However,
owing to their short rule, not many positive steps could be initiated to
furthe r develop and enhance this religious syncretism.munotes.in
Page 109
109It was Humayun’s son, Akbar who could take decisive steps in this
direction. Akbar’s most decisive steps in this direction were: removal of
theJizya tax -it was a pilgrim tax only for the Hindus -immedi ately after
assuming power. He had also passed a law treating both Hindus and
Muslims in the same manner. Moreover, the Hindu epics like, Ramayan,
Mahabharat and the Vedic literature were translated into Persian at the
insistence of the Emperor for the con venience of Muslim readers. The
religious syncretism that reached at its apex during Akbar’s rulecontinued
even during the rule of hi successors. To cite a significant example -Shah
Jahan’s eldest son, Dara Shikoh translated the Hindu theological texts l ike
Upanishads, Bhagwat Gita and Yoga Vashishtha into Persian. He also
wrote a book,
Majmaul -Bahrain ('The Meeting Place of Two Oceans') which is
actually a comparative study of Hindu and Muslim mystic philosophy.
As mentioned by M. Mohiuddin in his article, 'The Elements of
Composite Culture’ , the recent research also helps to dismissthe wrong
notions harboured by the common masses about Islam in India,
particularly with reference to Aurangzeb. To quote Mohiuddin, "Modem
research has revealed a surprising fact that even Aurangzeb granted jagirs
to a large number of temples. Again, the wars between Muslim and Hindu
rulers have been represented as religious wars, conveniently ignoring that
the armies of Muslim rulers contained a large number of Hindu soldiers
and vice versa".
In Western India, the syncretic tradition has had not only been
wide -spread but also deeply ingrained. The dargah of Khwaja Muinuddin
Hasan Chisti of Ajmer in Rajasthan is perhaps the most famous shrine of
western India. Kh waja Muinuddin Chisti's main effort had always been to
promote harmony between Hindus and Muslims, to combat caste
inequalities and fight other social evils. One realises that his preachings
had also made a profound impact on the course of bhakti movement in the
coming later years. It is upheld that Emperor Akbar was a staunch
supporter of Chisti's preachings. In Studies In Islamic Culture In The
Indian Sub -Continent, Aziz Ahmed points out that the Husaini brahmins
represented the most outstanding example of high caste syncretic
borrowing from Islam and transforming them at will. He writes that the
Husaini brahmins considered Khwaja Muinuddin Chisti as a titular
divinity. They honoured Mohammad as one of the Hindu avtars, fasted
like Muslims during the Ramz an and also buried their dead. They wore
brahminical caste -marks on forehead but accepted alms from the Muslims
alone.
Sumita Paul in her article, 'Where Muslims Perform Diwali, Puja'
points out that in some villages close to Ajmer, the Hindu -Muslim divi de
makes no sense. The Muslims celebrate all the Hindu festivals and the
Hindus eat 'halal' meat and bury their dead. In most Muslim homes,
Diwali is celebrated with 'a full -fledged Laxmi puja just as Id or Shabe -
Barat. People of both the faith equally vis it temples and mosques. Themunotes.in
Page 110
110Muslim women also often insist on 'phera' -seven rounds around the fire -
like the Hindus, during the marriage. The Khojas reveal a direct syncretic
borrowing from Hinduism. The Khojas yet continue to observe Ekadasi,
Diwali, H oli, etc. They were not sure to which religion they belonged and
it was later the English court which declared them to be Shias of Islamic
branch. The Khojas drew many parallel between Hinduism and Islam.
The Bohra Muslims also have a number of customs li ke the Hindus such
as the Hindu law of inheritance, the practice of charging interest on loans
and the celebration of Diwali as the New Year day in their business lives.
Many of the Hindu superstitions have pervaded their households. Many of
the taboos for the pregnant women were borrowed from the Hindus, such
as fasting during lunar dclipse, and taboo of wearing new clothes or the
use of 'henna' to avert the evil eye.
InSaints, Goddesses And Kings: Muslims and Christians in South
Indian Societ y 1700 -1900, Susan Bayly provides Madurai ,which has a
long association with Sikandar tradition, as an illustration of Hindu -
Muslim syncretism. The dargah tradition in south India reveals a close
relationship with the Hindu traditions. The dargah of pir Hazarat Hamid
Shah Awliya is one such famous syncretic shrine.
However, one needs to know that the Hindu -Muslim intermingling
has been more deeply entrenched in North India. Despite the communal
strife between the two communities over long perio ds, ties of friendship
and tolerance have never been unknown in this region. The shrine of
Nizamuddin Auliya in Delhi is perhaps the most famous syncretic shrine
after the shrine of Muinuddin Chisti in Ajmer. Thus, one realises that
Syncretism is a very wi de and significant aspect to be studied to draw a
true picture of the religious scenario and conditions of the Medieval India.
Check your Progress :
1)Define the syncretism in religion.
11.3 AKBAR’S DIN-I-ILAHI :
When we talk of ‘Din -i-ilahi’or ‘Tauhid -i-ilahi’, as it was also
called as, the very name of Akbar –the greatest of the Mughal Emperors,
comes up. Akbar was very closely associated with the Din -i-ilahi. In fact,
he was the one who propounded it. The period of Akbar’s reign (1556 –
1605) is regarded as one of the most significant periods in Indian history
especially in terms of mutual religious interaction. History tells us that
Akbar was not just a great military conqueror, an efficient administratormunotes.in
Page 111
111but also a tolerant and liberal r uler. His religious views changed with the
passing period of time and owing to the influences of various factors.
Akbar’s religious policy of harmony, reconciliation and synthesis
among all the religions did not develop all of a sudden. His religious view s
or policies thus, went through a process of slow evaluation and affected by
internal and external factors. Like firstly, there was the influence of
heredity. His father. Humayun –the second Mughal Emperor, was a sunni
whereas his mother, Hamida Banu Beg um was a Persian shia. Akbar was
born, as it is well -known in history, in the house of a Hindu ruler, the Rana
of Amarkot. Further as we see, his marriage with the Rajput princesses
and contact with Hinduism also made an influence on his mind.
Meanwhile, t he Bhakti movement had created a new atmosphere in India.
As a result of this, many great rulers in various parts of the country had
adopted a liberal policy and attitude. Also, we see their attempt of setting
up communal harmony between the Hindus and Mus lims from the
beginning of 15thcentury. So, the ideas and the principles of the Bhakti
movement as well as contact with Sufism obviously exercised tremendous
influence on Akbar’s mindset. So, owing to all such factors, Akbar’s
religious policies were dire cted towards liberalism. Some of Akbar’s
religious policies included the putting an end to the forcible conversion of
the prisoners of war in 1562, abolition of Pilgrimage tax in 1563 as well as
Jizya tax in 1564.
He built IbadatKhana (House of Worship) in 1575 at Fatehpur
Sikri, wherein the religious discussions were held with many distinguished
persons of all sects and religions including Christianity. The purpose of
conducting these religious discussions as well as debates was for a better
understandin g and evaluation of the deep truth in religion. He invited the
Christian priests from Goa. The first Jesuit mission from Goa arrived at
Fatehpur Sikri in February 1580 and consisted of Father Rudolf
Aquvaviva who was an Italian, Antony Monserrate –a Spani ard, and
Francis Henriquez who was a Persian convert. Akbar greatly revered the
copy of Bible brought by these priests and held prolonged discussions
with them. He adopted many practices of the Zoroastrians such as sun
worship, fire worship etc. and introd uced the Persian festival of Nauroz.
Moreover, he regarded Adi -Granth -the religious book of the Sikhs, as
‘worthy of reverence.’
Akbar did not like the interference and the authority of the ulemas. He
was against their unrestricted interference i n political affairs of the state.
Therefore, on Shaikh Mubarak’s suggestion, Akbar decided to become the
supreme authority over religion as well. A document was drafted in such a
manner that Akbar became the supreme arbiter in the civil as well as
eccelesi astical matters. This document came to be known as the
Infallibility Decree. By this decree, the leading ulema transferred to Akbar
their authority in spiritual affairs. The Infallibility Decree made Akbar
‘Imam -i-adil’, which means –the supreme arbiter i n the spiritual matters.munotes.in
Page 112
112Din-i-ilahi is difficult to be defined because no exact definition of
this faith and its principles were ever laid. It was really undefined as it was
not a new religion but summing up of the old. But we can definitely say
that it was the result of Akbar’s attempt to establish a national religion that
would be common to all, by weaving together the sublime principles of
various religions.
Akbar’s liberalism gets more highly reflected in his
pronouncement of Din -i-ilahi in 1582. It propounded Sulh-i-kul(universal
brotherhood). Sulh -i-kulmeant universal brotherhood or simply religious
toleration. Abu’l Fazl describes the ideal of sulh -i-kul as the cornerstone
of enlightened rule. In sulh -i-kul, all the religions and schools of thoug ht
had freedom of expression. But just like freedom comes with restrictions
similarly, this freedom of expression that the principle of sulh -i-kul talks
about, comes with the condition that they did not undermine the authority
of the state or engage in con stant conflicts. This ideal was implemented
through the state policies. During this period, we see that the nobility
under the Mughals had composite structure. There were Iranis, Turanis,
Afghans, Rajputs, Deccanis and so on who were a part of the nobility .A l l
of them were given positions and were awarded based on their service,
merit and loyalty to the Emperor. Akbar strongly believed in this principle
of sulh -i-kul which is reflected through his two acts:
1.Instructing the officers of the state to follow the percept of sulh -i-kul
in administration
2.Making this percept one of the basic tenets of Din -i-ilahi
In order to be the member of this new faith of Din -i-ilahi, an
initiation ceremony was prescribed. Abul Fazl described the initiation and
sever al ceremonies of Din -i-ilahi in his work Ain-i-Akbari. The initiation
ceremony took place on Sunday and the no vice (or the one desiring to be
admitted as the member of Din -i-ilahi) with his turban in his hands, puts
his head on the feet of His Majesty (th e Emperor) who would then raise
him by touch on his shoulders. He would the turban of the novice back on
his head and give him the ‘shast’ (his own portrait) upon which would be
engraved these words /the phrase –“Allah -o-Akbar”, meaning, ‘God is
Great.’
After initiating in Din -i-ilahi as its member, now all these members
of the new faith had to follow certain practices. They had to follow the
custom of greeting each other with the words –Allah -o-Akbar andJalle
Jalal Hu. For instance, if one greets the other member by Allah -o-Akbar
then, the other would respond by saying Jalle Jalal Hu . The motive behind
this was to keep in mind and remember God in mind at every time and to
remind them to evaluate on the origin of their existence. The Emperor also
ordered that instead of dinner usually given in the memory of a man after
his death, each member should prepare a dinner during his lifetime. It was
believed that by this he was accepting the inevitable truth that is death and
would thus bring about his libe ration from this materialistic world.munotes.in
Page 113
113The members of Din -i-ilahi had to abstain from meat as far as
possible and did not dine with or use the utensils of the butchers,
fishermen and bird -catchers. They did not marry old women or minor
girls. They had to practice charity. There were four grades of followers of
Din-i-ilahi. These four grades were based on their readiness to sacrifice to
the Emperor the following four things –
Property (mas)
Life (jan)
Honour (namus)
Religion (din)
A pers on who pledged to sacrifice only one of these four things
then he possessed one degree, if he sacrifices two of these four things then
he would possess two grades or degrees and so on. Thus, these grades or
degrees symbolised the degrees of devotion to Ak bar who assumed the
role of the spiritual guide of the members of Din -i-ilahi.
However, we see that this new faith of Din -i-ilahi did not have
large number of followers. Perhaps, as V.D Mahajan points out, this was
partly due to the fact that Akbar did not become a missionary to enforce
this faith of Din -i-ilahi. He refrained from being fanatic and believed that
this faith should be accepted by the people on their own. It was like
perhaps Akbar wanted or rather, desired to appeal to the inner f eelings of
the people. According to J.L Mehta, “Din -i-ilahi was a social, religious
association of the like -minded intellectuals who had transcended the
barriers of their orthodox religious beliefs and practices.”
Therefore, Akbar never forced a nyone to adopt this faith despite the
fact that it was not difficult for him to coerce people into adopting Din -i-
ilahi. The result was that there were only eighteen members of the Din -i-
ilahi among whom the most important were Abul Fazl, his brother Faize e,
their father Shaikh Mubarak and Raja Birbal. Unfortunately, Din -i-ilahi
did not survive after Akbar’s death. The generally accepted reason behind
this is that Akbar tried to establish a new faith or a kind of new religion
just like he founded and carved out an empire. But he forgot that religions
are never made. Their elements are not borrowed and pieced together. The
great founders of the religions followed today had never meant to establish
their respective religions. They had sought to impart their o wn realization
and knowledge about truth, God and mysteries of life. Their followers
were the ones who formed themselves into distinct groups and thus, the
great religions of old were born.
Yet Akbar’s intent in pronouncing the Din -i-ilahi ought to be
appreciated for it showcased his intense desire to bring about unity and
understanding among people belonging to different religions and cultures.
So by doing this, Akbar wanted to establish a truly national, secular and
welfare state in the country . Inspite of its short duration, Din -i-ilahi stands
out for it was a brilliant combination of the fundamental principles of all
religions. Akbar had been convinced that all the religions were but
different paths leading to the same goal. Din -i-ilahi was di fferent in themunotes.in
Page 114
114sense, it had neither been inspired by revelation nor was based on any
well-defined philosophy. Moreover, it had no priests and no Holy
Scriptures. As Jesuit author Bartoli mentions, “Din -i-ilahi was a new
religion, compounded out of various elements, taken partly from the
Quran of Muhammad, partly from the scriptures of the Brahmins and to a
certain extent, as far as suited his purpose, from the Gospel of Christ.”
The tenets enjoined in Din -i-ilahi were nothing else but ethical reform s
as well as social reforms. For instance,
Sparing of animal life
Permitting re -marriage of widows
Prohibition of child marriage
Prohibiting marriage among close relations
Banning forced sati
Recommending monogamy
Enforcing chastity
Controlling gambling a nd drinking by restricting the sale of drink.
Many historians and scholars, both Indian and European, have had
studied and expressed their opinions regarding the new faith of Din -i-ilahi
founded by the Mughal Emperor Akbar. To give certain examples; S. R
Sharma, Dr. Ishwari Prasad, S.M Zaffar, Lane Poole, Vincent Smith and
so on. Vincent Smith –the famous British historian, criticised this faith,
Din-i-ilahi with these words -“The Divine Faith was a monument of
Akbar’s folly, not of his wisdom.” It is b elieved that Vincent Smith and
some other European writers have had misunderstood Akbar’s religious
policy. They had relied their findings based on the study of the narratives
of the contemporary orthodox writers such as Badauni.
Badauni had criticised A kbar and his religious policy. He had
described the emperor’s regulations as ‘silly’. He also mentioned Akbar
had ceased to be a Muslim. His Infallibility Decree attempted to take away
from the theologians their right to persecute others for their religiou s
views. Perhaps his ideas were too advanced in his time. The fact that Din -
i-ilahi just had eighteen followers during the lifetime of Akbar testifies to
Akbar’s policy of toleration. According to S. R Sharma -“The Din -i-ilahi
was the crowning expression o f the Emperor’s national idealism.”
Check your Progress :
1)Comment on the Din -i-Ilahi as ethical or social reforms.munotes.in
Page 115
11511.4 SUMMARY
Thus, one can conclude that irrespective of its drawbacks as well
as advantages, Din -i-ilahi or Tauhid -i-ilahi as it was also known as, had
truly set up an example that inspite of social, political and religious
differences, people could meet on a common platform and unite for God
and the King, that is, symbolising the spiritual and temporal activities.
11.5ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)A.L. Shrivastava, The Mughal Empire (1526 -1803 A.D.), Shiva Lal
Agarawala & Company, 1960.
2)S.M. Jaffar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb, S.M.
Sadiq Khan (Publisher) Peshawar, 1936.
3)Ishwari Prasad, A short history of Muslim Rule in India, The Indian
Press Ltd. Allahabad
11.6QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
1)Write a detailed note on the Akbar’s Din -i-Ilahi.
2)Explain the Akbar’s religious rationalism policy and its significance.
3)Comment on Akbar’s Din -i-Ilahi and S yncretism.
munotes.in
Page 116
116Module -IV
Unit -12
EXPERIMENTS IN REVENUE
ADMINISTRATION
Unit structure :
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Revenue administr ation under the Delhi Sultanate
12.3 Revenue Administ ration under Vijayanagar Empire
12.4 Revenue A dministration und er the Mughals
12.5 Summary
12.6Additional Readings
12.7Questions for Self Study
12.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit, you will be able to :
To explain the various experiments in revenue administration.
To describe the administration of rev enue during medieval period.
To acquaint to students with the new initiatives taken by rulers in
Medieval period and various measures initiated for the transformation
of land revenue Administration in the Medieval period.
12.1 INTRODUCTION
When we di scuss about revenue administration in Medieval India,
land revenue was the prime source of income of the both sultanate and
Mughal Empire as well as Maratha Empire State used to collect land
revenue to express ELS authority over the people, whom it governe d and
to meet the requirements of the state. In this context, land revenue refers to
the revenue levied on land for its use and the produce. Various
experiments in revenue administration had been implemented in medieval
period in order to increase income o f states. Thus, assessment and
collection of land revenue were the most important activities of the
governments during this period.munotes.in
Page 117
11712.2 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE
DELHI SULTANATE
During the Sultanate period, the revenue administration was not
much well organised. The fiscal resources of the state were also very
limited for the state’s authority extended over the limited territory in North
and East of India.
Land revenue was the chief source of income for the state as
agriculture was the main o ccupation of the people. However, there was no
fixed share which the cultivator had to pay to the state. The share to be
paid was determined by the different Sultans and ranged from 1/10 to 1/2.
Alauddin Khilji not just wanted to bring efficiency in the revenue
administration but also wanted to make fundamental changes in order to
increase his revenue collection to the maximum. Hence, he brought about
a lot of measures that resulted in the transformation of the revenue
regulations of the Sultanate. He ord ered the resump tion of all landed
grants which the nobles held as Inam (reward) or waqf (gifts) and turned
them into crown (khalisa) lands.
All the lands were measured and after ascertaining their produce
the state’s share was fixed at 53 per cent. The s hare of the state was rather
high and was unprecedented. The peasants had, in addition, to pay certain
other taxes and found themselves in dire straits. According to Barani, the
Hindus who had the monopoly of agriculture were greatly impoverished to
an ext ent that there was no sign of gold or silver left in their houses and
the wives of muqaddams used to seek jobs in the houses of Mussalmans,
work there and receive wages. He also withdrew all the privileges enjoyed
by the Hindu muqaddams, khuts and chaudhar is for generations. Even
they had to pay the land revenue, house as well as grazing taxes.
Apart from increasing state’s share in land revenue Alaud din Khilji
took drastic steps to eradicate corruption prevail ing in the revenue
department. He increased t he salaries of the Patwaris, but inflicted heavy
punishment on them if they resorted to corrupt practices.
In the central regions of the empire, the land revenue was assessed
on the basis of the measurement and the share of the government had been
fixed at half of the total produce. Previously, the land revenue could be
paid both in cash and kind. With the introduction of market regulations,
Alauddin Khilji chose to prefer the payment of land revenue in kind.
Moreover, the peasants had to pay the house tax and the grazing taxes.
The hindus had to pay jiziya. As per Barani’s accounts, the grazing tax
was levied on all cattle heads going to the village commons. Ferishta
however, points out that a person having two pairs of oxen, two buffaloes,
two cows and ten goats were exempted from the grazing tax. Those who
owned more than this minimum number had to pay the grazing tax.munotes.in
Page 118
118Though the revenue administration organised by Alaud din Khilji
continued to prevail under his successors, the stringency of Alaul din’s
revenue policy and administration got softened during the rule of Ghiyas -
ud-Din Tughlaq. As a result, it lost its efficiency. He found the state share
of 50 per cent of the land revenue much harsh and inconvenient and so,
fixed the state share a t one -tenth of the total produce. During his times
many barren and ruined lands were also brought under cultivation and
much attention was given to the welfare of the peasants.
His successor, Muhammad bin Tughluq also introduced some
important reforms in the revenue administration. He was very keen to
improve the revenue administration of the Sultanate. As soon as he
ascended the throne, he first ordered the compilation of a detailed register
of income and expenditure of all the provinces under the Delhi S ultanate.
The governors of these provinces were asked to send to the centre all the
relevant records for the compilation of the register. This was undertaken
with the intent of introducing a uniform standard of land revenue as well
as to ensure that no vil lage remained unassessed. To recover the dues and
arrears, a separate department called as diwan -i-mustakhriz was
established.
Though his experiment in revenue reforms that is, increasing the
taxation of Doab, failed disastrously, one needs to understand that he had
cogent and justified reasons for this. One of the exemplary things done by
Muhammad Bin Tughlaq was the establishment of the department of
agriculture (Diwan -i-Kohi). This department made efforts to bring more
and more lands under cultivation and different crops were sown in
rotation. Yet we find that this experiment failed greatly. The scheme was
abandoned after three years. The reasons cited for the failure inspite of all
the efforts were: poor quality of land chosen for the experiment,
corru ption prevalent among the officials and the indifference of the
cultivators etc. also the historians point out that this scheme was given up
in haste.
During the year 1329 -1330, Muhammad Bin Tughluq introduced
the currency reforms. He had embarked on a new experiment in coinage,
that is, the issue of token currency. Barani mentions that to meet the
demands of the ever -increasing military expenses, the sultan ordered the
copper and brass tokens to be treated as legal tender in all monetary
transactions ju st like gold and silver coins. The other reasons behind this
novel experiment were that the treasury had been drained due to wars and
rebellions and also by costly experiments. The consequences of the
experiment in token currency was disastrous. The sultan failed to take
precautionary measures against the counterfeit coins with which the
market was flooded. According to Barani, the house of every Hindu was
turned into an unauthorised mint.
The farmers paid their revenue in token currency. The common
people paid their taxes through the token currency and hoarded silver and
gold coins. The foreign merchants used the token currency to purchase themunotes.in
Page 119
119Indian commodities, but refused to accept them while selling their goods.
This resulted in economic chaos. Trade w as paralysed and government
incurred heavy losses.
Firuz Shah Tughlaq, who succeeded Muhammad Bin Tughlaq,
found the revenue system in complete chaos and people suffering due to
extrac tion and famine. The new sultan was a true friend of the peasants.
Their debts, resulting from the exactions of Muhammad Bin Tughluq were
cancelled. Land revenue was fixed after a proper assessment, the land
revenue got lowered. He further abolished more than two frivolous,
unlawful and unjust taxes, which were collected by his predecessors. He
considered them to be not in accordance with the Sharia`t . He made
changes in the existing practices and customs in order to bring them into
conformity with the sacred law. Therefore, he strictly realised the jiziya
tax from the non -Muslims.
As he was a devout Muslim, Firuz Shah charged six taxes. These
were Kharaj or land tax from non -Muslims. Its rate varied from one -fifth
to one -half of the produce. Ushr –one-tenth of the produce charged from
the Muslim cultivators, Khams –one-fifth of the booty that was captured
in war, Tarkat -heirless property, Zakat –two percent tax on property
realised from the Muslims to be spent for specific religious purpose only
and jiziya –a poll tax payable by the non -Muslims. Later, with the
approva l of the ulema, the sultan imposed the irrigation tax as well on
those cultivators who made use of the water supplied by the state canals,
the rate being one -tenth of produce of the irrigated area.
The Sultan took special measure to promote tr ade and commerce.
He withdrew the internal duties and artificial barriers on the movement of
the commodities from one province to another. He paid great attention to
the improvement of the revenue administration. Those who were illegally
deprived of their lands, were asked to file their claims in the courts of law.
He reduced state’s share of land revenue.He provided ‘taqavi’ loans to the
cultivators and provided greater facilities for irrigation. He is credited with
having got dug four canals which were so urce of perennial irrigation. He
also in creased the salaries of the revenue officers so that they may not
exploit the poor peasants.
The result of these steps was steady improvement of agriculture
and commerce, general prosperity of the people and increa se in the
revenue of the state. The necessities of life became cheaper. In the words
of Afif –
“The homes of the people were replete with grains, property,
horses and furniture; everyone had plenty of gold and silver; no woman
was without her ornaments an d no house without good beds and diwans.
Wealth abounded and comforts were general”.
This revenue system adopted by Firuz Shah Tughlaq continued to
operate under the later Sultans of Delhi.munotes.in
Page 120
120Check your Progress :
1)Explain the revenue experiments during Khilji dynsty.
2)Write an essay on revenue administration of Tughala dynasty.
12.3 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION UNDER
VIJAYANAGAR EMPIRE:
Under the Vijayanagar Empire, the land revenue was the main
source of income for the state. Apart from the land revenue, the other
sources of the income of the state included tributes as well as gifts from
the vassals and provincial governors especially during the festival of
Mahanavami , custom duties, taxes on various professions, houses, markets
andlicenses etc. To add to this, the flourishing seaports brought in huge
wealth for the state. This made the trade and commerce (both sea and
inland) an important source of income for the state.
Payment of the taxes could be in both cash and ki nd. The land
revenue was collected on the basis of the assessment fixed after carefully
surveying the land. Based on the productivity, the land was classified into
three categories, which are as follows –wetland, dry land, orchards and
woods. Fernao Nuniz –the Portuguese traveller who spent three years in
the Vijayanagar Empire, notes that the peasants had to pay nine -tenths of
their produce to their lords. They in turn, paid one -half to the king. A
special department was established to supervise the admi nistration of the
land revenue. It was called as athavane. There were lot of taxes imposed
but the most unpopular one was the marriage tax imposed throughout the
empire. This tax was later abolished at the instance of Saluva Timma.
It has been p ointed out that the fiscal system of this empire proved
to be unfavourable for the peasantry. As per some clear evidences, the
peasants did suffer much and mostly migrated to other places owing to the
oppression of the fief -holders and some of the official s. Rulers such as
Krishnadevaraya attempted to improve the condition of the peasants. But
during the reign of the weak rulers, the exploitation of the nobles and
others continued without restraint. As per the records, two treasuries, a
smaller one for day -to-day remittances and withdrawals as well as a larger
one to deposit huge amounts and valuable gifts received from the vassal
kings and mandalesvaras controlled the revenue of the state.munotes.in
Page 121
121Check your Progress :
1)Comment on the revenue administrati on under Vijaynagar Empire.
12.4 REVENUE ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE
MUGHALS:
The revenue administration under the first two Mughal rulers –
Babur and Humayun -continued to operate as it was during the rule of the
Delhi Sultans. Babur, being the f ounder, was very much engrossed in
various wars to sustain his dynasty and therefore, could not devote much
time to revenue affairs. His successor, Humayun also could not give much
attention to revenue matters since he himself faced lot of troubles after
succeeding Babur to the throne and spent most of his life in exile.
The credit for introducing the country to excellent land revenue
system must go to Sher Shah Sur who sat on the throne of Delhi after
Humayun and before Akbar. The revenue reforms have le ft a lasting
impression on the administration of Sher Shah. These reforms became the
basis of the future land revenue system in India, especially under Akbar.
Having administered his father’s jagir for a long time and then as a de
facto ruler of Bihar, She r Shah knew the working of the land revenue
system at all levels. With the help of the capable team of administrators,
Sher Shah made the entire revenue system more efficient. In introducing
the revenue reforms, Sher Shah had two main objectives:
1. To im prove the conditions of the peasants.
2. To increase and stabilise the revenue of the state.
Sher Shah insisted measurement of the land as the basis of the
assessment throughout the empire. The produce of the land was no longer
to be taxed on g uesswork or by dividing the crops in the field or threshing
floors. After the measurement of the land under cultivation, assessment of
the revenue was made and the settlement was made directly with the
cultivator. Following the measurement of the land, it was classified into
the following three categories –good, middling and bad. The average of
these three was taken in order to determine the land produce. The state
demand was fixed at one -fourth or one -thirds of the average produce.
This meant that the sh are of the state was fixed at one -fourth or at one -
third of the gross produce. The land revenue could be paid by the
cultivator both in cash and kind. The rights of the peasants were duly
recognised and the liabilities of each one of them were clearly defi ned in
thekabuliyat -which was the deed of agreement, which the state used to
take from him as well as the patta –which meant the title deed, that wasmunotes.in
Page 122
122given to the farmer. Each village had a patwari (that is, a village
accountant) who used to maintain a register of tenant holdings. In the
crown land ( Khalsa ), rent was collected by salaried government officials
with the assistance of the patwari and the mukadam.
After sowing the crops, the peasant knew how much he had to pay to
the state as land r evenue. No revenue official was permitted to charge
anything extra to the peasant other than the prescribed land revenue. In
order to meet any kind of emergency situation such as famine, or any other
natural calamities, a surcharge of two and a half seers of grains per bigha
of land was collected from each peasant.
The revenue settlement system that was introduced by Sher Shah in
most of his empire was ryotwari . Under this system, the state kept direct
relations with the peasants for the assessmen t and collection of the land
revenue. However, this system could not be implemented in Multan,
Malwa and Rajasthan where the jagirdari system continued to exist. The
measures introduced by Sher Shah succeeded in improving the condition
of the peasants to a great extent. The income of the state also increased to
a considerable limit. He took care to see that the welfare of the peasants
was promoted. He used to say, “The cultivators are blameless, they submit
to those in power and if I oppress them, they will abandon their villages
and the country would be ruined and deserted and it will be a long time
before it again becomes prosperous”. Sher Shah thus, gave priority to the
welfare of the peasants and so during the times of calamity, either reduced
or remitte d the revenue. Though the revenue officials were ordered to be
lenient during the time of assessment, the taxes were to be collected with
severity.
So, it would not be wrong to say that Sher Shah was the first ruler of
Hindustan who introduced fa r-reaching revenue reforms, which were
beneficial to the state as well as the people. Akbar based his revenue
organisation on the principles laid down by Sher Shah and introduced
certain innovations to improve on that system. Hence, we find that after
securing and consolidating the empire, Akbar (who succeeded Humayun
to the Mughal throne) paid attention to the revenue administration. He
greatly admired the revenue reforms of Sher Shah and attempted to
improvise them. Abul Fazal’s Ain—i-Akbari describes in depth the
revenue administration of Akbar. On his accession, Akbar had followed
Sher Shah’s system by which the cultivated area was measured and a
central schedule was drawn up. It fixed crop -wise due of the peasant on
the basis of the productivity of the land. Based on this schedule, a central
schedule of prices was drawn up. Akbar discovered that this fixing of a
central schedule had some limitation. One was that it resulted in delay and
also it caused hardships to the farmers. The farmer ended parting w ith the
more produce because the prices fixed were generally prevailing in the
imperial court, which were higher than in the countryside.
Akbar introduced several experiments in revenue administration. In
this task, he was ably assisted by men li ke Muzaffar Khan, Itimad Khanmunotes.in
Page 123
123and Raja Todar Mal. He was interested in maintaining direct relations with
the cultivators. It was difficult to introduce uniform system throughout the
empire due to practical problems such as the nature of crops and the
fertility of the land. Therefore, Akbar revised Sher Shah’s system. In
1560, Akbar had made the first experiment by appointing Khwaja Abdul
Majid Khan as Wazir for improving revenue administration. He decided to
collect the revenue in cash and fixed a higher am ount, which the farmers
were not able to pay, and so were dissatisfied. In 1563, Akbar appointed
Itimad Khan as Diwan in charge of khalisa lands. He separated khalisa
land from jagir lands. He divided khalisa lands in revenue divisions, each
giving a reven ue of one crore of daams annually. The officer of each
division came to be known as the krori .
In 1564, Muzaffar Khan was appointed Diwan -i-kulalongwith
Raja Todar Mal. He introduced revenue reforms. Qanungos in various
areas were asked to se nd revenue statistics of their respective areas to the
Wizarat where revenue rates would be fixed based on the statistics
supplied to it. In 1569, he introduced the annual assessment. As the
qanungo was familiar with local conditions, he was ordered to rep ort on
the actual produce, local prices, sale and the condition of the cultivation.
The annual assessment had its own defect as it led to the hardships for
both the peasants and the state.
After the conquest of Gujarat in 1573, Akbar chose Raja Todar Mal
to introduce revenue reforms in that province. Todar Mal undertook
regular survey of land and assessment was made with the reference to the
area and the quality of land. The jagirs were converted into crown lands.
The whole empire, as it had existed th en, was divided into 182 parganas.
The yield of each paragana was one crore daams that was equivalent to
two and a half lakhs of rupees a year. To put into effect the revenue
reforms, Akbar appointed Todar Mal as the Diwan and Khwaja Shah
Mansur as his dep uty. Todar Mal led down the basis of the land revenue
administration for the empire. The three major steps taken by Raja Todar
Mal were as follows:
The measurement of land by which a systematic survey of land was
undertaken. Previously, the land was measu red with a hempen rope,
which used to contract or expand according to the amount of moisture
in the air. This hempen rope was replaced by jarib or bamboos joined
together by iron rings which remained at constant lengths.
After measuring the land, the cla ssification of land was done on the
basis of the continuity of the cultivation. To determine the state’s share
of produce, the land was divided into four categories which are as
follows: Polaj, Parauti, Chachar and Banjar. Polaj was the land that
was alwa ys under cultivation. Parauti was the second category of land
that had to be left fallow for one or two years to regain its fertility
whereas Chachar was the third category of land which was left out of
cultivation for three or four years in order to regai ni t sf e r t i l i t y .T h e
fourth category, Banjar, was the barren land. The state’s share ofmunotes.in
Page 124
124produce was decided on the basis of the fertility of the soil as well as
the produce of the last ten years. The polaj and parauti lands were
further classified into goo d, middling and bad. The average of the
three were taken and then the assessment was fixed. Cultivation of
banjar land was encouraged.
Only the areas under actual cultivation were measures and then
assessed. The state’s share was one -third of the average produce, but
then it varied as per the productivity of land and method of
assessment. Different rates existed for different crops.
Under this revenue system of Raja Todar Mal, the government and
the farmers were spared lot of suspense. The farmer got awar e of how
much he would pay. On payment, the farmer would get a receipt. A record
of all collections, holdings and liabilities was kept. Each cultivator was
given a patta or a title deed and was required to sign a kabuliyat or a deed
of agreement. These doc uments contained specifications of the plots of
land in the possession of the cultivator, area of plots and the revenue that
he had to pay. The collector sent a record of collections to the treasury.
The accounts were kept in the Persian language.
There w ere several systems of revenue collection such as Dashala
system, Zabti system, Ghallabaksha system and Nasaq system. These
have been described as follows:
The Dashala (ten -year settlement) system was introduced in provinces
like Bihar, Malwa, Allahabad, Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Awadh and parts
of Multan. Under this system, the average produce of different crops
and the average prices that prevailed over the last years were
calculated and the state’s share was fixed at one -thirds of the average
produce.
Unde r the Zabti system that prevailed in the subahs of Bihar, Multan,
Allahabad, Ajmer, Agra, Delhi and parts of Gujarat, the revenue
officer called Bitikchi would find out the area of each crop in each
holdingand then applied the prescribed rates and calculat ed the
revenue due from the cultivators.
The Ghallabaksha system was the oldest and most common revenue
collection system wherein the produce was divided between the state
and the cultivator in fixed proportions. It was in force in Kashmir,
Qandahar andparts of Sindh and Multan.
The Nasaq or Kankut System as it was also called, prevailed in
Bengal, Gujarat and Kathiawar. Herein, the appraisers first roughly
estimated the produce of a field on the basis of the actual inspection on
the spot and one third of the estimate was fixed as the state’s share.munotes.in
Page 125
125Akbar’s revenue system had been ryotwari. The actual cultivators
of the land were made responsible for the annual payment of the fixed
revenue. Patwaris as well as Mukadams were not the state officer s but the
state recognised their services, assessed and collected the revenue and also
maintained records with their help. In return, they were paid a part of
revenue. The Amil was the revenue collector who was assisted by the
bitikchi, the fotahdar and th e qanungo. As we observer during the later
part of Akbar’s rule, qanungos were accepted as the state officials and
were paid salaries by the state. Over the amils were the amalguzars. They
in turn, worked under the provincial diwans who themselves function ed
under the central diwan, that is, the Wazir. Akbar was deeply interested in
the improvement and extension of cultivation. He directed the amil to act
as the father to the peasants. He was asked to advance money to the
peasants by way of loans for purcha sing the seeds, implements, animals
and so on in times of need and to recover them in easy instalments.
During the reign of Akbar, the peasants were not burdened with
heavy taxes. He collected the traditional one -thirds of the produce as land
revenue from the peasants. Under the Dashala system, the peasants had to
pay fixed revenue for ten years. If they could produce more by their
efforts, they were free to get its advantages. Besides, all jagirdari land was
also under the control of the state of ficials. Thus, there were now no
middlemen like the jagirdars or the landlords to exploit the peasants. So,
the revenue system under Akbar was beneficial for both the state and the
peasants. It led to the increased production and that helped in the growth
of trade and industry. Because of this reason, though Akbar engaged
himself constantly in aggressive warfares, his treasury always remained
full. Therefore, Vincent Smith considered Akbar’s revenue system as an
admirable one.
However, one needs t o understand that the state under the Mughal
rule did impose other taxes apart from the land revenue. Thus, besides the
regular land revenue, the other taxes and fees were levied on the peasants
in order to increase the income of the state. These were know na sabwabs.
These included -duties on the sale of produce, fees on the sale of
immovable property, perquisites taken by the officers for their own sake as
well as fees or commissions taken for the state, licence -tax for carrying
out certain trades, force d subscriptions, imposts on Hindus that included
taxes on bathing in the Ganges and for carrying the bones of the dead
Hindus for immersing in the Ganges; etc. Although Aurangzeb abolished
some of the abwabs, he added some other abwabs for the sake of
increasing the income of the state. The jiziya tax –the poll tax which was
levied on the non -Muslims, had been abolished by Akbar. This same jiziya
tax was revived by Aurangzeb.
The zamindars played an important role in the revenue
administration during the Mughal rule. They were responsible for
maintaining law and order in their areas. However, they were not the
government officers like the amalguzars but were the petty landholders in
the village. Some were even the descendants of the old ruling familiesmunotes.in
Page 126
126holding on to their ancestral land. The zamindars cultivated the lands that
they had owned. They also enjoyed the hereditary right of collecting the
land revenue from a number of villages. Yet it is upheld that the zamindar
did not own all the lan ds which came under his zamindari, meaning that he
cannot as per his will evict any peasant who actually cultivated the land so
long he pays the land revenue. In the Bengal province, the zamindars used
to pay a fixed amount of revenue to the state. Whateve r was left was kept
by the zamindar as his income. Where the amount the peasant had to pay
to the state was fixed, there the zamindars used to impose a separate cess
for the sake of their own benefits. Therefore, the harassment of the
peasants done by the zamindars made the latter an ‘exploiting class.’
The zamindars used to maintain their own troops as well. They lived
in forts or garhis which became eventually their status symbol. So long as
they remitted revenue regularly to the imperial tre asury, they were left free
to manage their affairs. These zamindars had considerable local influence
as well as power and so, the imperial government could not ignore them.
During the rule of Akbar, cash salary was paid to the government
officials, especially the mansabdars. However, this changed after Akbar.
This system was modified by Akbar’s successors. Now the Mughal
officials did receive their salary, not in cash though, but in revenue
yielding land that would be assigned to them. This ass ignment was known
as jagir and the assignee was called as jagirdar. A mansabdar used to
receive a jagir according to his status and rank. His income was obtained
from his jagir. The wizarat made evaluations of all the assignments.
The jagirdars were the state officials and were liable for transfer.
They used to be transferred every few years so that they should not try at
all to develop vested interests in a particular region. But the jagirdars did
not do much for the welfare of the people resid ing in their jagirs. Besides,
the imperial administration had no regular control over the jagirs. During
the rule of the later Mughals, this jagirdari system became hereditary
which worsened the situation.
During the rule of Jahangir, one finds gr adual decline in the
agriculture as well as revenue. The jagirdars had freedom in the
management of their lands. Usually these jagirdars oppressed the
peasantry. Revenue from Khalsa lands also declined progressively. Shah
Jahan tried to better this deterio rating condition of his peasants. He
attempted to bring more land under cultivation. The system of granting
jagirs to mansabdars in lieu of cash salary continued. During the reign of
Aurangzeb, the crisis in agriculture became worse. The state could not
evict the peasants and had to keep them busy in cultivation. The officers
and jagirdars tyrannized the peasants. During the reign of the later
Mughals, the revenue administration begun to decline, this affected the
revenue collection and the imperial finance s were in a deteriorating
condition.munotes.in
Page 127
127At the outset, one must note thatthe land revenue system that had
been adopted by Akbar has been well appreciated by scholars. As per the
testimony of Abul Fazl, the land revenue system of Akbar was very
efficient and the peasants were quite happy. Since the demand of the state
was fixed, there remained little scope for extracting more from the
peasants. Moreover, the land revenue was often remitted during droughts
or excessive rains. This land revenue system c ontinued throughout the
Mughal period with either little or no change.
Apart from the land revenue which was the chief source of income,
there were other taxes to supplement the state’s income -tolls, customs,
mints, presents which the king rec eived from the governors, ministers and
jagirdars on very important occasions, indemnities from the defeated
rulers. Thus, the revenue administration during the medieval period
foresaw many changes. Most of the collected revenue was spent on wars
and on pe rsonal luxuries of the rulers. The most prominent example that
can be given here is of Aurangzeb. He spent huge amounts from the
overflowing treasury he had inherited from his father on Deccan wars and
at the end, left an almost depleted treasury for his s uccessors.
Check your Progress :
1)Explain the concept of Dashala, Zabti, Gallabaksha System of revenue
administration during Mughal period.
12.5 SUMMARY
As we discussed about revenue administration, land revenue was
the prime source of income of the medieval period. The King’s share was
defined, as one -twelfth / one -eighth / one -fourth of the land revenue. This
usually depended on rulers. Apart of the land revenue there were other
taxes to supplements the state’s income -tolls, customs, mint, presents
which the king received from the governors, ministers and Jagirdars on the
various important occasions.
Thus, the revenue administration during the medieval period
foresaw many changes. Most of the collected revenue spent on wars and
personal luxuries of the rulers.
12.6 ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)A.L. Shrivastava, The Mughal Empire (1526 -1803 A.D.) Shiva Lal
Agarawala & Company, 1960.munotes.in
Page 128
1282)Satish Chandra, Medieval India (From Sultanate to the Mughals) Part
II, Har -Anand Publication,
3)Satish Chandra, History of Medieval India (800 -1700), Orient Black
Swan, Hyderabad, 2007.
4)Puri B.N., History of Indian Administration, Vol. II Medieval Period,
Bhartiy Vidya Bhavan, Bombay.
5)Habib Irfan, The Agrarian System Mughal India 1556 -1707, Oxf ord
University Press, 1944.
12.7QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
1)Give an account of the revenue administration during sultanate period.
2)Comment on Raja Todarmal’s bondobast and system of revenue
collection.
3)Describe the revenue administration system of Maratha and
Vijaynagar Empire.
4)Discuss on the various experiments in revenue administration in
Medieval India with special reference to land revenue system.
munotes.in
Page 129
129Unit -13
INDUSTRIES, CRAFTS AND
URBANISATION:
INDIAN OCEAN TRADE NETWORKS
Unit structure :
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Various industries in Medieval India
13.2.1 Textiles Industry
13.2.2 Woollen Industry
13.2.3 Metal -work Industry
13.2.4 Paper Industry
13.2.5 The Ship building Industry
13.2.6 Leather Industry
13.2.7 Stone and Brick Industry
13.2.8 Other Minor Industries
13.3 Crafts and Urbanization
13.4 Indian Ocean trade Networks
13.5 Trade and Commerce
13.6Additional R eadings
13.7Questions for Self Study
13.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you should be able to explain
Importance of various industries in the Medieval India.
Role of crafts and industry in the trade operations.
Indian Ocean Trade Networks and its importance.
The principle trade routes and means of communication.
13.1 INTRODUCTION
When Ibn Battuta arrived in Delhi in fourteenth century, the Indian
subcontinent was already a part of the global network of communication
stretching fro m China in the east to north -west Africa as well as Europe in
the west. He found the then Indian cities full of exciting opportunities
especially for those who had the required skills, determination and
resources. He points out how the cities were densely populated andmunotes.in
Page 130
130prosperous, thereby hinting at the level of urbanisation and the conditions
of trade and commerce during this period. Ibn Battuta mentions in his
account the description of the cities, particularly of Delhi and Daulatabad.
Most of the cities had crowded streets and there were bright and
colourful markets (bazaars) that were stacked with a wide range of goods.
The Indian subcontinent had well consolidated with inter -Asian networks
of trade and commerce, with Indian manufactures b eing very much in
demand both in South -East and West Asia. This fetched huge profits for
the artisan and merchants. The articles or commodities that had been in
great demand include Indian textiles, particularly the cotton cloth, fine
muslin, silk, brocade s and satin. We do find evidences of various rulers
promoting in different ways to trade and commerce. To encourage the
merchants, special measures were undertaken. Almost all the trade routes
had been well -supplied with inns and rest -houses. Ibn Battuta’s account
also reveals about how efficient was the postal system which becomes
evident from the fact that the merchants could not only send information
and remit credit across long distances, but also to dispatch goods that were
required at very short notic e.
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the rural society
was clearly characterised by considerable social and economic
differentiation. This meant that at one end were the big zamindars
enjoying superior rights and privileges where as at the other end, there
were the ‘untouchable’ landless labourers. Between these ends, there was
the big peasant who made use of the hired labours and involved in the
producing the commodities. On the other hand, it was the smaller peasants
who could ha rdly produce for their subsistence. It is believed that during
the seventeenth century, about 15% of the population used to reside in
towns which was regarded, on average, to be higher than the proportion of
urban population in Western Europe during the sa me period. Regarding
the different kinds of towns that existed, Bernier does mention about
trading towns, port -towns, sacred centres, manufacturing towns,
pilgrimage towns and so on. Their existence is actually an index of the
prosperity of merchant commun ities as well as professional classes. The
other urban groups included the professional classes like physicians,
teachers, lawyers, painters, architects, musicians, calligraphers etc.
Hindus did occupy an important role not just in domestic as well as
foreign trade. Yet one needs to note that the khurasani (foreign Muslim
merchants) also had a large share in it. The rulers of certain coastal
kingdoms of the Deccan provided the foreign merchants certain extra -
territorial rights as well as special concessio ns in realisation of the heavy
taxes that they used to pay to the state treasury.
The imported commodities included mainly the luxurious items for
the upper classes and supply of all kinds of horses and mules which were
in deficiency in the country. The exports included food -grains, medicinal
herbs, spices, sugar and cloth. Cotton cloth and other textiles were the
important items of export to Southeast Asia and East Africa. It has beenmunotes.in
Page 131
131put forth that during this period, some of the countries around the Pe rsian
Gulf depended on the Indian subcontinent for the entire food supply.
Textiles, which were the special exported items, were sent particularly to
Southeast Asia and east Africa, some had even reached Europe. Arabs
carried these articles to the Red Sea and from there to Damascus and
Alexandria. From there they were distributed to the Mediterranean
countries as well as beyond.
Though the Indian textile industry is very old, the variety of cloth
produced was limited. The Muslims introduced fine varieti es of textiles.
Bengal was the main centre of this industry and later we find the
emergence of Gujarat as a competitor to Bengal in this aspect. Next in line
were the industries related to metal work, sugar -manufacturing and paper -
making, although the latt er was a minor industry. These industries were
mainly privately -owned. However, the government equipped as well as
managed the large -scale karkhanas or factories for supplying its
requirements. The royal karkhanas at Delhi sometimes used to employ
around f our thousand weavers for silk alone.
India was connected through sea routes to the Europe, China and
other countries in the Pacific Ocean. Through land routes, she was
connected to Central Asia, Afghanistan, Persia, Tibet and Bhutan. During
the Sultanate period, trade was booming and many foreign traders settled
in the country, thus giving a cosmopolitan atmosphere to her cities.
Money lending also used to take place and the wealthy bankers
were engaged in this sector. Surprisingly, the political condit ions were
unstable on most accounts, yet the trade with India was regarded as a safe
sector owing to the high level of integrity in the country, as recounted by
the traders and travellers of the period. India was a significant exporter
and the traders from all over the world cam to trade gold for a variety of
merchandise, which included agricultural goods, textiles, herbs and more.
Moreover, India was an important of food to many countries in the Persian
Gulf. Currency started to assume some degree of usage and weightage and
coins were being minted as well as issued during the Sultanate period.
These coins got circulated throughout the towns in Northern India. Food
and goods were generally found cheap in the Doab area, though the prices
during this period va ried greatly depending upon a variety of factors, such
as shortage or instability. As per the records of the foreign travellers, the
prices of the commodities were generally low.
The testimonies of different foreign travellers highlight the sam e
fact that Vijayanagar Empire was rich and prosperous. Agriculture was in
good and flourishing condition. The rulers took keen interest in the
promotion of agriculture through the implementation of various irrigation
projects. There were various industri es that supplemented the agricultural
wealth. Some examples of the most important industries of the time
include textile, mining, perfumery and metallurgy. Trade and industry
were well -organised by the guilds.munotes.in
Page 132
132According to AbdurRazaq –the Persia n ambassador, the
Vijaynagar empire had in possession around three hundred seaports. Some
of the chief seaports included Honnavar, Bhatkal, Mangalore, Calicut,
Cochin, Quilon, Kaval, Negapatam, St. Thome and Pulicat. Foreign trade
was looked by the Portugu ese, Indians and Arabs. Most importantly, the
Vijayanagar empire had good trade and commercial relations with the
Malaya archipelago, islands in the Indian ocean, Burma, Persia, China,
Abyssinia, South Africa and Portugal. The empire mainly exported articl es
such as cloth, rice, iron, sugar, saltpetre and spices. The articles imported
in the empire were copper, coral, mercury, China silk, velvet, horses and
elephants. Eduardo Barboza –the Portuguese traveller who visited
Vijayanagar in the year 1516, suppo rts the information provided by the
earlier travellers. He has praised the city of Vijayanagar in the following
words wherein we also get information about its commerce: “The city was
of a great extent, highly populous and the seat of an active commerce in
the country -diamonds, rubies from Pegu, silk of China and Alexandria
and cinnabar, camphor, musk, pepper and sandal from Malabar.”
The political tensions between the Vijayanagara kingdom and its
neighbours had its impact on trade. Since warfare depend ed on effective
cavalry, the import of horses from Arabia as well as Central Asia became
very significant for these rival kingdoms of the medieval Southern India.
Vijayanagara was also known for its markets dealing in spices, textiles and
precious stones. It has been noted that trade was often regarded as a status
symbol for such cities that had wealthy population who greatly demanded
high-valued exotic goods, particularly jewellery and precious stones. The
revenue derived from state contributed significant ly in the prosperity of
that state.
When Sher Shah ascended the throne of Delhi after Humayun and
before Akbar, he gave great encouragement to trade and commerce. He
abolished all the duties charged on the merchandise at different places
within his empir e and directed his officials to collect the taxes only at two
places –one at the frontier when the commodity was being imported, and
second, at the place of its sale. Goods that came from West and Central
Asia paid the customs at the Indus. It was not jus t enough to encourage
trade and commerce, what is more required is to maintain and later
improvise the conditions enabling more flourishing trade and commerce,
thereby bringing prosperity to the kingdom. Sher Shah introduced certain
measures to improve the trade and commerce such as protection of traders
on roads, efficient police system, issue of good coins, construction of
roads and sarais, protection to the property of traders, instruction to
officers to look after the interests of traders and so on.
13.2 VARIOUS INDUSTRIES IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
The Medieval India had a large self -supporting economy. The
Muslim conquests did not much affect the industry, trade and commerce
of the country. No large -scale industries were developed during thismunotes.in
Page 133
133perio d. We find that most of the industries were localised. Some of the
important village industries that had flourished during the medieval period
are as follows –cotton processing, spinning and weaving, sugar and gur
manufacturing, extraction of oil from oil -seeds, manufacture of indigo,
pottery and leather -work, production of agricultural implements, war
weapons, utensils, bronze, silver and copper statues of gods and goddesses
and the smith’s craft in gold, silver, bronze, copper as well as many alloys
andso on.
13.2.1 Textiles Industry :
Textiles was the largest and also the most popular industry in
medieval India. Moreover, it was spread all over the country. The cotton
textiles were manufactured in both cottage industries and large -scale
industries. The main centres of the cotton textile industry were Bengal,
Gujarat, Orissa and Malwa. Surat, Cambay, Patna, Burhanpur, Delhi,
Agra, Sonargaon, Benaras, Devgiri, Lahore, Thatta and Multan were some
of the towns and cities that were famous for the varieti es of clothes. The
cotton cloth was of such fine quality that they were in great demand in
foreign countries. Besides, there were much finer varieties of cloth that
were woven but those were specially for the royalty and the aristocratic
class. Bengal and Gujarat occupied a prime position when it came to the
manufacture and the export of textile goods. The reasons for this include –
availability of cotton in the neighbourhood, seacoast with the harbour
facility as well as the traditional commercial relatio ns with the foreign
countries. Gujarat’s contribution can be best understood from the
statements made regarding Cambay. Cambay contributed about half of the
total textile exports of India. It had a number of skilled craftsmen. Also,
the Cambay cloth had ri ch and extensive market in Western Europe, South
Africa and South Asia.
Travellers of this period give vivid descriptions of the textiles
woven in the country. For instance, Amir Khusro describes the muslin as
the ‘Bengal cloth’ with an extrem ely fine texture; the Chinese traveller Ma
Huan found several varieties of cloths in Bengal and mentions about the
existence of mulberry trees and silkworms in Bengal; etc. The cotton
weaving industryalso supported certain subsidiary industries such as
dyeing, calico printing in some areas and a variety of cloth -printing
technique known as bandhani (a speciality of Rajasthan).
Abul Fazal, in his Ain-i-Akbari talks about the cotton fabrics of
Khandesh. During Akbar’s rule, fine cloth of great varietie s was produced
at places like Varanasi, Agra, Malwa and Gujarat. There were four
industrial belts of the manufacture of cotton which were near the outlets to
the sea. These industrial belts were:
1.The Indus plain
2.The coastal region along the Gulf of Cambay as far south as Dabhol
3.The Coromandel Coast
4.Bengalmunotes.in
Page 134
134The important centres of silk manufacture were Qasim Bazaar,
Malda, Murshidabad, Patna and Benaras. Surprisingly, silk was not
produced in Gujarat but still the silk -weaving industry flourished there.
The silk of Cambay was very much in demand since the rule of the Delhi
Sultans. During the rule of the Mughals, it was the silk of Ahmedabad that
enjoyed a high reputation. Silk weaving industry were at Lahore, Agra and
Fatehpur Sikri. Silk was lar gely used among the members of the
aristocratic class.
13.2.2 Woollen Industry :
The woollen industry had been confined to a small belt of territory
that included Rajasthan, Lahore, Kabul, Kashmir, Agra, Fatehpur Sikri,
Amritsar, Patna, Jaunpur and Burh anpur. Different types of blankets,
shawls and other woollen garments were manufactured in Kashmir. The
shawls of Kashmir known for their softness and their warmth. These
shawls were woven from the mountain goats’ fleece imported from
Ladakh and Tibet. Fat ehpur Sikri was famous for its fine carpets. The
Carpet weaving industry flourished at Agra and Lahore.
13.2.3 Metal -work Industry :
Metal -work based industry had made considerable progress in
ancient India. The Mehrauli pillar near Delhi, the use of iron beams in the
temples in various parts of the country and the iron mages indicate that
iron industry flourished in the ancient times. During the rule of the Delhi
Sultans, the metal work industry continued as before. Iron was used for the
manufacture of various types of defensive as well as offensive weapons
such as swords, guns, cannons, shields and armours. Iron was also used
extensively for building houses, palaces and forts, for making utensils and
various types of agricultural and domest ic implements. It was one of the
main metals used in the manufacture of crucibles, in the building of ships
and boats. Lahore, Multan, Mewar, Gujarat and Golconda were chief
centers of manufacture of iron and steel articles. Brass and copper were
among the large -scale industries. These metals were used for
manufacturing utensils, ornaments of lower -class people, manufacturing
guns and cannonsas well as minting coins. Benaras had been famous for
the manufacture of both copper and brass metalwares. Besides, D elhi and
Lucknow were also known for their copper and brass metal works.
Ornaments made of gold and silver were in wide use especially among the
richer classes. Bronze ornaments were also in vogue. Ornaments were also
decorated with excellent inlay work. B enaras, Delhi, Gujarat and Agra
were famous for their beautiful inlaid ornaments. This industry acquired
great height during the reigns of Akbar and Shah Jahan.
13.2.4 Paper Industry :
Amir Khusro refers to the manufacture of paper called shami or
Syrian paper in plain and silk varieties. Ma Huan ,The Chinese traveller
who had visited Bengal, made a reference of the manufacture of white
glossy paper from the bark of a tree. Nicolo Conti refers to the use of
paper in Gujarat. The various manuscripts and ot her documents which
have come down from the medieval period confirm the existence of papermunotes.in
Page 135
135industry during the medieval period. Under the Mughals, the paper
industry made further progress. It was concentrated in Sialkot, Kashmir,
Delhi, Gaya, Ahmedabad, Ra jgir, Patna and other places. Special quality
of paper was manufactured at Shahzadpur near Allahabad.
13.2.5 The Shipbuilding Industry :
The Shipbuilding industry was well -developed during the Mughal
period. Large sea -going ships were built on an extensive scale both on the
eastern and western coasts. Surat was an important centre od ship industry
as good type of timber was available in its vicinity. A large number of
boats operated by the Mallah caste were constructed throughout the
country. The Indian shipbuilding industry was so much advanced that the
Portuguese had some of their best ships built in India. The heaviest
passenger ships of that period, that is 1000 –1500 tons were used for Haj
traffic in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
13.2.6 Leather Industry :
Talking about the leather industry of this period, it also saw
considerable development. There was general demand for various types of
leather goods, for example, saddles, scabbards for swords, book -covers,
shoes or water co ntainers. In Bengal, sugar was packed in leather parcels
for export. In Gujarat, gold and silver embroidered leather mats of such
beauty were manufactured that they won admiration of the Italian
traveller, Marco Polo.
13.2.7 Stone and Brick Industry :
The Indian artisans and masons displayed great skill in stone and
brick work. They not only con structed some of the outstanding buildings
of Hindustan, but also displayed their skill by constructing a number of
buildings in Kabul, Ghazni and Samarkand.
Thestate accorded special patronage to the masons and craftsmen.
Ala-ud-Din Khilji is said to have employed 70,000 workers for the
construction of the state buildings. Babur also speaks highly of the skill of
the Indian workmen and takes pride in claiming th at he engaged 680
stone cutters in the construction of his buildings at Agra.
The Dilwara temples at Mount Abu and the buildings of
Chittorgarh in Rajasthan are also a testimony of the brilliant skill of the
Indian craftsmen in stone brick -work. The perio d also witnessed the
introduction of the use of enameled tiles and bricks, which continued to
grow in the subsequent centuries.
13.2.8Other Minor Industries :
There were lot of minor industries that had been in existence in
medieval India. Besides carpentry and pottery, a large number of minor
industries were devoted to the manufacture of decorative articles. For
instance, coral work was done in Gujarat and Bengal, ivory carving, gold
embroidery and imitation jewellery were carried out in various p arts of
India. Perfumes and scented oils, stone and wood work, mats and basketmunotes.in
Page 136
136making etc. were some other minor industries that flourished in different
parts of the country during the medieval period.
It is important to note down that the indust rial production during the
medieval period was entirely based on handicrafts. The instruments used
for the manufacture of various commodities were simple. The cattle were
used as the chief source of power. There is however, no evidence to show
that the win d or water power was used as sources of power. However,
hydraulic turbines were used to drive grinding mills. Individual craftsmen
worked on their products in their own homes. The rural artisans like
weavers, oilmen, smiths, carpenters and potters generall y bartered their
services. In the case of the cities, the artisans generally sold their finished
products for cash in the open markets. In such industries as shipbuilding,
mining and construction of forts, palaces, bridges etc. large number of
skilled and unskilled labourers was employed.
Check your Progress :
1)Describe the various industries during medieval period.
13.3 URBANISATION IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
Urbanisation in the medieval period of Indian history was
connected with the growth of re gional kingdoms and an expansion of
Indian Ocean trade. Macro level changes took place which produced new
patterns of interaction. Agrahara system of land grants by the royalty
created a new class of land holders which was a new socio -economic
formation ba sed on land grants. There was a substantial change in the
material milieu from the earlier period as a result of these land grants.
Expansion of agrarian economy could be perceived along with state
formation and expansion of state societies in the peripher y. Villages were
neither isolates nor undifferentiated, and were connected with the apex or
supra -local political centres through administrative tiers at locality levels.
Agrarian economy gave fillip to non -agrarian sector thereby leading to a
process of u rbanisation. Thus early medieval urbanisation could be
characterised by changes in the agrarian economy, greater complexities in
the political sphere and an expanding Indian Ocean trade network.
However to locate the urban centres and then to explain their growth
remain a vexed problem and sifting through the vast epigraphic and other
types of textual data and looking for a pura, nagara or pattana, different
terms denoting urban centres, would be a preliminary way of approaching
the problem.munotes.in
Page 137
137The Arab conqu est of Sindh and Punjab (712 -13 CE) followed by
the Ghazni and the Ghorid invasions, resulting in the establishment of the
Turkish Sultanate, drastically modified the traditional institutions. The
introduction of new politico -cultural institutions notably shaped and
influenced the existing traditional fabric of the subcontinent. At the
intenrational scenario by 11th century there began shifts in Arab assaults
towards Persia and the Persian Gulf Thus during 8 -12th centuries while
Persian Gulf was the dominan t route, with Venice being at the centre
stage, the Red Sea lagged behind. With the Turkish and the Mongol
attacks and unsettling of the Caliphate the Red Sea route through Egypt
emerged prominent. Al -Fustat (Cairo) and Alexandria assumed
importance, while Egypt and Syria became the core distribution centres.
Cairo war now catching up with the eastern ports of Calicut and Aden, a
trading link that thus far was primarily confined to the western coast via
Persian Gulf. Red Sea added eastcoast link via Malacca , which was soon
to occupy the centre stage in China -India eastern trade. These encounters
and developments greatly facilitated and accelerated the international
trade, intunr enriching the hinterlands resulting in high degree of
monetisation and urbanisat ion in the subcontinent.
The resurgence of a variety of urban centres visible in the 9 -10th
centuries continued during the Sultanate period albeit at a much greater
pace. Delhi Sultans brought a large part of the subcontinent under their
sway. The peace f ollowing the establishment of the Turkish power helped
traders and cratfsmen. The introduction of new techniques and tools led to
the emergence of new crafts which got further accelerated by the
'liberation of cratfsmen' who were shackled by the jati restr ictions. This
'liberation' contributed to craft mobility what Mohammad Habib has
termed an 'urban revolution'. New towns emerged and the existing ones
were modified. Further, since the new ruling elite was largely city based;
the large share of revenue res ources from the rural areas were mobilised to
the cities to meet the requirements of their armed retainers and large
establishments. The luxurious lifestyle of the elites/nobility and their other
needs accompanied with an increased demand for various commo dities
which in turn steered the emergence of new crafts as well as expansion of
the existing ones. Moreover, state's insistence on revenue returns in cash
further speeded the monetization process that facilitated the spurt in
markets across the subcontine nt in the fourteenth century.
The Turkish conquest also radically altered the physical cityscape.
The sovereigns, the royalty and the nobility belonged to a different faith -
Islam. Their requirements for worship were different resulting in mosques
and to mbs to the cityscape. The new architectural forms, arch and dome
and the introduction of good cementing material changed the skylines of
the city, thus drastically transforming the cityscape. The Mongol invasions
further unsettled the political scenario in Central Asia and Iran resulting in
the emigration of the Muslim literati to the Indian subcontinent. Soon
north Indian cities acquired a cosmopolitan character. This process
continued even af ter the decline of the Sultanate. The cities flourished
across v arious regions. The new urban centres like Jaunpur, Gaur/Pandua,munotes.in
Page 138
138Mandu, Bidar, Gulbarga, Ahmadabad emerged in the f ifteenth century. In
the peninsular India medieval urbanism took a different trajectory. Here
temples and ceremonial complexes were 'institut ionalised' and townships
emerged around them. The awesome fascinating city of Vijayanagara,
situated in a dramatic rocky terrain with its splendid ruins and the
quintessential Sultanate city Delhi which represented the signet cities of
the peninsular India .
Check your Progress :
1)Write a note on development of urbanisation in medieval period.
13.4 INDIAN OCEAN TRADE NETWORKS IN
MEDIEVAL INDIA
Indian Ocean Trade has been a key factor in East –West exchanges
throughout history. Long -distance trade in dhows and proas made it a
dynamic zone of interaction between peoples, cultures, and civilizations
stretching from Southeast to East and South East Africa and East
Mediterranean in the West in prehistoric and early historic periods. Cities
and sta tes on the Indian Ocean rim focused on both the sea and the land.
During the Muslim period, in which the Muslims had dominated
the trade across the Indian Ocean, the Gujaratis were bringing spices from
the Moluccas as well as silk from China, in exchange for manufactured
items such as textiles, and then selling them to the Egyptians and Arabs.
Calicut was the center of Indian pepper exports to the Red Sea and Europe
at this time with Egyptian and Arab traders being particularly active.
Arabic missionaries and merchants began to spread Islam along the
western shores of the Indian Ocean from the 8th century, if not earlier. A
Swahili stone mosque dating to the 8th -15th centuries have been found in
Shanga, Kenya. Trade across the Indian Ocean gradually introd uced
Arabic script and rice as a staple in Eastern Africa. Muslim merchants
traded an estimated 1000 African slaves annually between 800 and 1700, a
number that grew to c. 4000 during the 18th century, and 3700 during the
period 1800 -1870. Slave trade also occurred in the eastern Indian Ocean
before the Dutch settled there around 1600 but the volume of this trade is
unknown.
In Madagascar, merchants and slave traders from the Middle East
(Shirazi Persians, Omani Arabs, Arabized Jews, accompanied by Bantus
from southeast Africa) and from Asia (Gujaratis, Malays, Javanese, Bugis)
were sometimes integrated within the indigenous Malagasy clans Newmunotes.in
Page 139
139waves of Austronesian migrants arrived in Madagascar at this time leaving
behind a lasting cultural and genetic leg acy.
The first half of the sixteenth century was a period of the
dominance of gold in the Indian Ocean trade, and the 'river of gold' which
lfowed through the Red Sea brought to the Indian Ocean markets a
multitude of gold coins (ashrafis, sultanis and Ye meni dinars), all
modelled on the Venetian ducat which itself came in large quantities.
African gold too was brought to Gujarat from both Cairo and the Indian
Ocean ports of Malindi and Sofala. In a report of 1525, the Red Sea
commander of the Ottoman flee t, Sulaiman Rais, mentioned th atfifty to
sixty ships from India called at the port of Aden every yea rand brought
revenue to the customs which was estimated at 200, 000 sultanis (a
Mamluk gold coin of 3.43 grains) per annum.
Check your Progress :
1)Assess the Indian ocean trade in networks in medieval India.
13.5 TRADE AND COMMERCE IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
Regarding the trade and commerce during the Mughal rule, it was
well-developed. Though the bulk of marketable commodities, both
agricultural a nd non -agricultural, were absorbed by the local demands, the
needs of the town population had to be met largely from the country
around them. The sale of the products was well -organised. There were
periodical markets also known as ‘peth’ or ‘haat’. In the large towns and
the cities, the main business was done through regular shops in the
markets or mandis. The purchase and sale of all kinds of cattle usually
took place in the cattle fairs that were occasionally organised.
There was great volume of internal trade during this period. The
foreign travellers like Barboza, Paes, Nicolo Conti and others provided
great deal of information regarding the inland trade of India. In the course
of his travels within India, Ibn Battuta came across the cities with large
markets during the first half of the fourteenth century. The inland trade
was facilitated by the system of excellent roads in existence at that time.
But the conception of road in the medieval period was very much different
than what is perceived today. Mos t roads seem to have been only in the
form of tracks with rows of trees on both the sides. One of the important
features of all roads was the existence of sarais at short intervals with
wells or small tanks which provided shelter and water for the travelle rs as
well as the animals. There was the great road which extended from Delhi
to Daulatabad for a distance of forty days journey. This road continued tomunotes.in
Page 140
140Telangana and onwards to Madura at a distance of six months journey on
foot.
In the beginning of t he sixteenth century, from the inland town of
Limodara in Gujarat, carnelian beads were carried in large quantities to the
great seaport of Cambay to be exported to Europe and East Africa. Copper
imported at the port of Dabhol in large quantities was carri ed to the
interior. The seaport of Rander in Gujarat was the largest centre of trade in
that region for the products of Malacca and China.
There were big marts in existence in many towns and cities and
this proved to be an important factor in the large -scale commercial
business and internal trade. The capital -Delhi and the provinces such as
Multan, Lahore, Jaunpur, the pilgrimage centres such as Ajmer,
Allahabad, Benaras, Puri as well as the towns on the highways that
included Agra, Patna, Ahmedabad, B urhanpur and Thatta, the ports on
both the east and the west coasts of India played crucial role as the
important centres for trade and commerce.
Having blessed with a lengthy coastline, India foresaw flourishing
coastal trade. The important ports on the west coast included Cambay,
Diu, Surat, Goa, Calicut, Cochin and Quilon. From the detailed narrative
of Ibn Battuta and Barboza, one learns that the western coast of India had
large number of seaports with excellent harbours and extensive trade.
It was the Malabari merchants who monopolised the trade between
Gujarat and Malabar. The coastal trade of the Deccan ports seems to have
been shared by both Gujarati and the Malabari merchants . In case of the
Coromandel coast, the trade of the South -eastern coastal region and the
Vijayanagara kingdom was carried on largely by the Hindu and Muslim
merchants from the cities of Malabar. The Muslim ships visited Pulicat in
large numbers which was a great market for Burmese rubies and musk.
The internal trade was of three types during the Mughal rule, that
is-inland, coastal and riverine trade. However, the merchants gave much
preference to coastal trade for it was considered much ea sier, much safer
and far more profitable to trade by sea than by land. In the coastal trade,
there was danger and threats from pirates. But this problem had been
limited to only certain areas. During the Mughal period, the riverine trade
was carried throug h the four main river systems:
1.The Indus and its tributaries
2.The Ganges and its tributaries
3.Tapi system
4.Bengal Delta system
A number of towns on these rivers acted as commercial and
trading centres. A special class of merchants having the necessa ry capital
and enterprise controlled large -scale internal trade. Under the caste
system, the mercantile community belonged to the Vaishya caste. The
Multanis and the Gujarati banias were the most important businessmunotes.in
Page 141
141communities of Northern and Western India . Though the Hindu merchants
had dominance over the internal trade, the foreign Muslim merchants
known as khurasanis were also engaged in trade all over the country.
In addition to the regular business communities which carried on
the entire t rade, certain other categories of people were also dependent on
the trade, such as the brokers, agents, shahus and the mahajans also
dependent on trade for their livelihood. The brokers charged commission
from the sellers and the purchasers. They usually t ried to raise the prices
of the commodities. The shahusamd mahajans were moneylenders and
acted as native bankers. They advanced loans against hundis and also lent
money on high interest rates.
Transportation and Communication :
The contemporary Indian so urces and accounts of the foreign
travellers give references to the various modes of transport used in the
internal trade. The usual means of transport included packed -oxen, bullock
cats, horse, mules, camels or elephants. Ships large, medium and small
were used for the coastal trade and boats of various types and sizes were in
use for the riverine trade. The traders and merchants had to pay transit,
dues while commodities were transported from one part of the country to
the other. In ports, frontier towns and big trading centres, all goods sent
out or in transit had to pay two and a half percent of the value of goods as
tax. Aurangzeb raised this duty to five percent for the Hindus. Besides the
traders were required to pay the tolls and cesses imposed by di fferent local
authorities controlling the routes.
India developed and maintained commercial relations with five
important regions –the Red Sea, the east African coast, the Malaya
archipelago, China and some countries in Pacific. The direct sea -routes
that connected India with the West was chiefly two –the Persian Gulf
route and the Red Sea route. Through the Persian Gulf route, the
merchandise was carried overland through Iraq to the Mediterranean coast.
On the other hand, the merchandise through the Re d Sea route was
transported through Egypt to the Mediterranean ports. Later the Venetian
and Italian merchants distribute these goods all over the Western Europe.
Ormuz was the grand emporium of trade through the Persian Gulf route
whereas Aden and Jeddah were the two great emporia of trade by the Red
Sea route. Ibn Battuta mentions how Ormuz was the entrepot of Hind and
Sind. Aden was at that time the port of call for India’s great ships arriving
there from Cambay, Thana, Quilon, Mangalore, Honnavar, Calic ut and
others. In India, Malabar was the great clearinghouse of the merchandise
from the east and the west across the Indian Ocean.
The travellers like Ibn Battuta, Barboza, Bernier and Abul Fazal
mentions in depth about India’s foreign trade during thi s period both
through sea and land. Barboza points out that India’s trade with East
Africa had been fostered by a chain of Arab settlements on the African
coast such as those of Zeila, Mogadishu, Mombaza and Kilwa. In the early
part of the fourteenth centu ry, the Chinese ships to the three Malabar portsmunotes.in
Page 142
142of Ely, Calicut and Quilon undertook the regular voyages. Malacca grew
as a great international port of Southeast Asia in the fifteenth century.
Ships visited it from Pegu, Bengal, Pulicat, Coromandel, Malab ar and
Gujarat. No wonder, Barboza described Malacca as the richest seaport
with the greatest number of wholesale merchants and the largest volume
of shipping trade in the whole world.
India exported variety of commodities such as food -grains,
textiles , spices, oil seeds, sugar, aromatic wood etc. Textiles and spices
from India were in greater demand especially in Europe. The muslin was
exported to Persia, Arabia and Egypt. Silk that was manufactured mainly
at Surat, Benaras, Bengal and Ahmedabad were e xported mainly to
Europe. Spices were another important commodity of India especially in
Europe. Pepper was the most sought -after commodity. Other minor spices
that were exported included cardamom, ginger, turmeric and various
drugs. Gum -lac, pearls and di amonds were also exported. The travellers
make a note that the trade and commerce developed greatly under Akbar
and Jahangir.
India during this period also imported certain articles which
included gold, silver, mercury, lead and not to forget, good quali ty horses.
In fact, horses were the most important articles of import as they were in
much demand amongst the ruling classes of the medieval period. From
China, porcelain and silk were also imported. Gold and silver were
imported in huge quantities from th e foreign countries. As noted by the
French traveller Bernier, India used to import commodities like dried and
fresh fruits, amber, rough rubies etc. in large quantities from Central Asia
and Afghanistan. From the Himalayan states and Tibet, musk, China -
wood, jade, fine wool, gold, copper, lead and such articles were imported.
One can make a rough estimate from the available accounts and
observations made by the different foreign travellers that the balance of
trade on the whole was much favourable to India. Though the volume of
trade was considerably small during the period of the Delhi Sultanate, it
witnessed a great increase during the Mughal period. The Mughal rulers
encouraged trading with the European countries. Moreover, a number of
European companies were permitted to establish their factories on the
coasts of India.
The Muslim dominance in India’s overseas trade got seriously
challenged by the Portuguese in the 16thcentury. Their authority and
monopoly in trade was further challenged by the Dutch and English. This
makes one realise that during the Mughal period, the Muslims,
Portuguese, Dutch and English competed for the control over the sea -
borne trade of India.munotes.in
Page 143
143Check your Progress :
1)Write an essay on trade and commerce durin g medieval period.
2)Comment on the transportation and communication system during
medieval India.
13.5REFERENCE BOOKS
1)Upinder Singla, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India : From
the Stone Age to the 12thCentury, Pearson Educat ion.
2)Describe the developments of various industries period.
13.6QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
1)Discuss in detail about industrial development and Trade in Medeival
period.
munotes.in
Page 144
144Unit -14
MONETARY AND BANKING SYSTEM
Unit structure :
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Monetary System in Medieval India
14.2.1 Monetary system in Sultanate period
14.2.2 Monetary system in Mughal period
14.2.3 Exchange value of coins
14.2. 4Monetary system in Vijay Nagar Empire
14.3 Monetary in circulation in Medieval India
14.4 Banking System in Medieval India
14.5 Summary
14.6 Additional Readings
14.7Questions for Self Study
14.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit you should be a ble to explain :
Various coins and their circulation in Economic activities.
To describe the coin and monetary system in Medieval India.
To understand banking system and their activities in Medieval India.
Understand the classification of currency in Me dieval India.
14.1 INTRODUCTION
After the establishment of sultanate of Delhi, there were a series of
dynasties who ruled different regions of India. With the changing
administrations, currency and coinage of Medieval India also evolved to
depict the magnificant art, literature and architecture from this flourishing
era : Medieval India coinage saw a phase of experimentation under the
regime of Muhammad B.N. Tughalak, who introduced the concept of
currency. Exceeding in numbers by a fair margin as comp ared to his
predecessor, he inscribed his character and activities to produce gold coins
in abundance.
14.2 MONETARY SYSTEM IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
The medieval monetary economies, coins were the lifeblood of
exchange and commerce. The use of metallic money served to overcomemunotes.in
Page 145
145the restrictions of barter transactions. To ensure continuity in economic
exchange, a system of credit was devised in developed market economies
by allowing claims to money to be used for making payments. Such a
system of credit wherein payments could be deferred or money could be
transferred from one sector to another, brought about an expansion in the
existing volume of currency and, at the same time, an increase in its
velocity of circulation. When the banking instruments like bills of
exchange, letters of credit etc. were used in place of currency, the volume
of money increased automatically, while the deposits and money -loans
facilitated the circulation of currency among the individuals. The close
coexistence of metallic money, credit and banking instruments is widely
discussed by historians and economists and there is a lively debate over
the exact nature of his relationship in the event of a change in money
supply. In an argument, credit was considered as a substitute for actual
mone y that was capable of performing specific acts of exchange on its
own. However, the monetarists put forth the argument that credit is only a
supplementary means of payment for the reason that the medieval
transactions were structurally tied to settlement i n specie.
To understand the relationship between money, credit and banking
instruments in the Mughal Empire , one needs to examine the evolution of
a monetized network of exchange. The term ‘banking’ is used here for any
form of a regular, usually r ecorded, business of accepting deposits and
advancing loans (out of the funds made available by those deposits),
carried on by individuals or firms.
After a prolonged period of monetary contraction, following a
decline in the exchange network and commerce under the phase of 'Indian
Feudalism', a gradual reorganisation of the monetary economy took place
in the century preceding the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate.
Although the bureaucracy and soldiery of the early Sultans were paid in
revenue assignmen ts (iqta), firm evidence of money payment in taxation
only comes with the reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296 -1 3 16). 2 The
establishment of a multi -metallic currency system (gold, silver, billon and
copper) and the reliance of the ruling class on money -lender s (sarrafs),
who were paid in drafts (qabz -ha) drawn on the revenues against their
loans, also shows signs of the increasing use of money 3 Subsequently, the
collection of land revenue in money, growing urbanisation and handicraft
production, and a rise in inland and overseas commerce were reflected in
enlarged currency output till at least the middle of the fourteenth century.4
A contraction in precious metal coinage started soon after, which
continued with growing severity throughout the fifteenth century .E v e n
though the early Mughals revived the coining of silver in the second
quarter of the sixteenth century, albeit on a modest scale and designed
much on the Central Asian rather than the Indian standard, billon and
copper coins continued to be struck an d remained the predominant media
of exchange .
The above overview points to a configuration of a set of factors,
both internal and external, in shaping the medieval Indian economy. Thusmunotes.in
Page 146
146far, economic historians have placed much more emphasis on the former.
The object of the present paper is to provide an evaluation of the flow of
precious metals to the Sultanates of Delhi and Gujarat along the major
trade routes in order to suggest that changes within their respective
circulating media often coincided with external variations in international
trade and the pattern of bullion flows from Europe to the Islamic East and
the Indian subcontinent.
14.2.1 MONETARY SYSTEM IN SULTANTE PERIOD
An important source of the supply of precious metals to India was
the Levant ine trade, which passed eastern commodities to Europe in
exchange for gold and silver since Roman times 5 Egypt, a prominent
entire pot in the Levantine circuit, was a major centre for such exchanges.
The town of Qus in upper Egypt was described in the twe lfth century as a
city of fine markets frequented by merchants from Yemen and India.6
Indian merchandise came from Yemen to the Red Sea port of Ayzab in
Indian and Yemeni merchant ships and was brought in caravans to Qus.7
The traffic was so voluminous tha t Ibn Jubayr described, as a
characteristic feature of this route, loads of spices abandoned by the
sickness of camels.8 Later, with the Karimi merchants of Egypt
controlling the mercantile traffic from Yemen, Indian ships mostly called
at the port of Aden , though Ayzab still retained its importance for Indian
merchandise brought to the African coast.9 In order to reach the Arab side
of the Red Sea, merchants travelled from Cairo both by land and sea and
reached Aden either directly by Tor (on the southern tip of the Sinai
peninsula) or via Jiddah. The annual pilgrimage caravan from Damascus
brought merchants to both Mecca and Aden to run a parallel land trade
alongside the maritime route.
When the Delhi Sultanate was established in the thirteenth century,
Indian overseas trade with the Red Sea and Levant was already an
established feature of the economic life of this region. Significantly, this
was also an era of expansion in silver coinage in most of the regions lying
to the west with which India was tradi ng. The successive production of
silver from the Central European mines which started with Goslar (10th
and 11thcenturies) and Freiberg (12thand 13thcenturies), and ended with
Kutna Hora in Bohemia in the late 13th century, precipitated a flow of
silver within Europe, both westwards and eastwards.10 The latter stream,
more significant for our investigation, ended up in Italy, which also
acquired much of the north -western silver at the fairs of Champagne. 11 It
has been suggested that the revival of late Ayyubid and Mamluk silver
coinage owed much to the export of silver to Egypt against a reverse
remittance of gold caused by a moving bi -metallic ratio (metals flowing to
the areas of high price).12 However, the exchange of precious metals for
eastern merc handise still remained an important aspect of international
trade conducted through the Levantine ent ire pots. The Italian merchants
who had established factories (fanadiq) at Alexandria and Aleppo
exchanged silver, and gold from the late thirteenth centur y not only for the
products of the Levant (Syrian cotton, for example) but also spices and
other goods which came from India and further east.munotes.in
Page 147
147The intermediate region of Il -Khanid Iran obtained much of its
silver from Central Asian mines and those of Easte rn Anatolia -Greater
Armenia. Ashtor, contesting Watson's explanation of precious metal
exchange driven by bi -metallic arbitrage, attributed the revival of silver
coinage in Syria and Iraq in the thirteenth century to the westward
movement of Central Asian silver as a result of the military spending of
the Mongols.15 Besides, European silver was carried to northern Iran by
Armenian and Italian merchants who were trading under Mongol over
lordship along the caravan highway linking Trebizond with Tabriz.16 In
addition, the dirham struck by the Mongols of the Golden Horde ('asper')
found its way to Tabriz in some quantity.17 The immense increase in the
circulation of silver under the Il -Khans can be gauged from a change in
the bi -metallic ratio, from 1 :6 in the first half of the thirteenth century to
1:12 under Ghazan Khan.18 The rise of Tabriz as a political and
commercial centre of eminence after the fall of Baghdad, was supported
by the prolific mint output of this city.19 Marco Folo, who was travelling
throu gh Iran on his return journey to Europe, described the city as an
important centre of trade with India in the late thirteenth century.20 It is
quite likely that Indian and Iranian merchants were active on this route
which linked Persian Gulf ports to north ern Iran. A key feature of Ghazan
Khan's financial restructuring of Iran was his partnership with the Bohra
merchants of Qais who handled the trade in bullion and merchandise in the
Indian Ocean. Another merchant group at Hurmuz became prominent
under the later Il -Khanids, but the Bohras too continued to trade between
India and Iran.
The Il -khanid historians, Wassaf, while describing the
characteristic features of India (wasf i hind) in the early fourteenth
century, marvelled at the Indian exports of spice s, perfumes, indigo (nil)
and other products which were traded against gold and silver (zar o sim)
and other merchandises and rarities.22 He also added that this stock of
precious metals acquired through trade was never exported out of the
country.23 Moder n researches, based on the elite consumption of foreign
products, have shown that there was an outflow of both gold and silver
from India to import horses and Levantine textiles.24 But there can be
little doubt that India's overall trade balances were favo urable enough to
strike the attention of contemporary observers.
The trade between India and Iran on the land route from Tabriz and
via the Persian Gulf had become so prosperous that the Italian merchants
decided to establish a direct link with India and China using Tabriz as
their headquarters.25 Venetian documents reveal that, in an attempt to
explore opportunities for regular trade, the merchants of Venice travelled
to Delhi to sell their goods to Muhammad Tughlaq.26 The interest shown
by the Genoese, w ith the advantage of having their own ships in the Indian
Ocean, in diverting the India trade from the Red Sea to the Persian Gulf
with the help of the Il -Khans underscores the traditional rivalry between
the two Mediterranean republics and shows the exten t of competition in
this trading zone.munotes.in
Page 148
148Such evidence, albeit indirect, can be adduced to suggest that the
production of precious metal coins in the Delhi Sultanate came to rely
sufficiently on bullion supplied through trade with Central Asia, Iran, the
Levantine region and Europe. The reference to indigo in the account of
Wassaf facilitates the identification of at least one important item of
export from the inland markets of Gujarat and possibly Agra, and we have
evidence of both indigo and cotton textile s reaching the Ottoman city of
Bursa in the late fifteenth century via the Red Sea.28 Also, a part of the
bullion reaching South India and the Deccan was brought to Delhi in raids
conducted by Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad Tughlaq. In addition,
silver was b rought to the core areas of the Sultanate from tribute -paying
Bengal, which itself received it from Yunnan.
It may not simply be a coincidence that, with a solitary exception,
the dates of all the coins found in the Broach hoard fall between 1260 -
1382 A. D., a period which we know from tentual and numismatic
evidence to be the most flourishing in terms of the usage of metallic
money. An analysis of the composition of the hoard can also explain, by
pointing to the source of gold imports, the relative rise in the gold coinage
of the Delhi Sultanate from the late thirteenth century.32 Even though the
Broach hoard has not been catalogued in full, particularly the holdings in
silver, it is possible to link the trade, pattern and composition of the
precious meta ls carried to Gujarat with the monetary systems of both the
exporting and importing countries. One thing which immediately strikes
us is the predominance of gold (in terms of its value) in the total holdings.
Altogether 448 gold coins have been reported as against 1200 in silver.
Out of these 448 coins, 367 are reported to have belonged to the Bahri
Mamluk Sultans of Egypt (more than 70 percent), and a numismatic
description of 313 coins is provided by Codrington.
The period subsequent to the interment of the Broach hoard was
marked by a fall in the silver currency of the Delhi Sultanate, and gold
followed suit very quickly. Successive attempts were made by monetary
authorities to reduce the weight of the silver tanka as well as to replace it
with a billon coin. The debasement of silver coinage culminated in the
much derided policy of Muhammad Tughlaq to establish a fiduciary
currency -a copper coin with the legal value of a silver tanka. Billon and
copper coins started dominating the market from the reign of Firuz
Tughlaq, and by the turn of the fourteenth century precious metal coinage
had practically disappeared from northern India. A point was reached
under the Lodi Sultans (1 45 1 -1 526) when the streak of silver left in the
coin earned it the designa tion tanka i siyah (black tanka), while the pre -
existing pure silver coin needed to be qualified as tanka i nuqra (silver
tanka).
Since the Lodis never struck coins in either silver or gold,41 all
references to the tanka in the literature contemporaneous with to their
reign belong to the billon variety which also circulated under the specific
names of the Lodi Sultans ( tanka i bahluli and tanka i sikandari). Abul
Fazl describes the coinage of Sikandar Lodi as one of copper (misin naqd)munotes.in
Page 149
149blended with silver (nuqra amez), and the assay results of tanka i sikandari
point to an average silver content of 7 to 8 grains.
14.2.2 MONETARY SYSTEM IN MUGHAL INDIA
Under the Mughals, the currency system was very well organised.
A high level of purity of metals was also achieved. The Mughal currency
system may be termed as trimetallic. Coins were of three metals, viz,
copper, silver and gold. However, the silver coin was the base of the Fiscal
and Monetary System Currency.
The silver coin has a long pre Mughal history. It was used during
Delhi Sultanate for long as tanka. Sher Shah for the first time standardized
the silver coin. It was called rupaya and had a weight of 178 grains (troy)
(troy weight is a British system of weight used for gold, silver and jewels
in which 1 pound = 12 ounces = 5760 grans). For minting purposes, an
alloy was added which was kept below 4 percent of the weight of the coin.
Akbar continued the rupaya as the basic currency with more or less the
same weight. Under Aurangzeb the weight of the rup aya was increased to
180 grains (troy). The silver rupaya was the main coin used for business
and revenue transactions.
The Mughals issued a gold coin called ashrafi or mahr. It weighed
169 grains (troy). This coin was not commonly used in commercial
transactions. It was mainly used for hoarding purposes and also for giving
in gift. The most common coin used for small transactions was the copper
dam which weighed around 323 grains. The weight of the copper dam was
reduced by one third during Aurangzeb's re ign presumably because of the
shortage of copper. Further, for very petty transactions Kawadis (see -
shells) were used in coastal areas. These were brought mainly from the
Maldive islands. Around 2500 kauris equaled a rupaya.
Apart from the silver rupaya o ther types of coins were also used.
The most important of these were mahmudis, a long standing silver coin
of Gujarat. Even after the establishment of the Mughal rule in Gujarat it
continued to be minted and used in Gujarat for commercial transaction.
14.2.3 EXCHANGE VALUE OF COINS
The exchange value of gold, silver and copper coins kept
fluctuating depending on the supply of these metals in the market. The
silver value of gold kept fluctuating throughout the Mughal period,
ranging from 10 to 14 rupaya for one gold coin. As for copper coin, taking
1595 as the base year, Irfan Habib shows that by the early 1660s it rose to
2.5 times, but by 1700 it came down to the double and again by 1750 it
reached the level of the 1660s.
For transaction purposes during A kbar's period, 40 copper dams
were considered equal to one rupaya. After his death, as the rate of copper
appreciated sharply, this ratio could not be maintained. Since all the land
revenue assessment and calculations were done in dams. it becamemunotes.in
Page 150
150necessary to use it as notional fractional units of rupaya. Silver coins of
small fractions called ma were also used. It was one -sixteenth of a rupee.
In the above account, we have not gone into the details of the
complexities and the debates among historians abou t the Mughal currency
system. We have only tried to present before you in a simplified manner
the basic features of Mughal coinage.
14.2.4 MONETARY SYSTEM IN VIJAYNAGAR EMPIRE
In the Viyaynagar Empire, a gold coin called hun or pagoda was
used. After the disintegration of Vijaynagar, its circulation continued in
the kingdoms of Bijapur and Golkunda. In many Deccan kingdoms, an
alloy of copper and silver called tanka was in use. After the expansion of
the Mughals in Deccan a number of mints were established in that region
to produce Mughal silver coins.
Check your Progress :
1)Explain the monetary system in medieval India.
14.3 MONETARY IN CIRCULATION IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
Within the monetized sector of the Mughal empire one can identif y
two broad streams of exchange: one largely local in nature and the other
linked to long -distance trade and foreign markets. At the lowest level, the
village community obtained its weekly supplies of goods from the nearest
qasba, made cash payments to its functionaries which included the money -
changers (sarrafs), and to the state in the form of revenue. The money
supply of the village was from the sale of its agrarian products in the
qasbas and the nearby towns through the rural merchants such as banias
and mahajans, as well as through the banjaras or itinerant traders who
were responsible for bringing the cash back to the countryside. Villages
situated near trade routes developed their own markets for specific
commodities.
The other stream of exc hange extended from the countryside to the
urban entre pots for the seasonal supplies of export goods. Those major
commodities such as textiles, indigo, saltpetre and sugar that generated
trade surplus were produced and then processed in villages. Later th ey
were fed into the market chains which led to export. This network of
exchange involved peasants and manufacturers at the local level and
merchants, brokers, bankers, transporters and a host of other people at
multiple intermediate stages. It appears tha t the specialization which grew
in the rural hinterland in response to the export demand and the internalmunotes.in
Page 151
151demand for food and craft products indicated the greater orientation of the
village and intermediate economies towards the monetized exchange than
that has been acknowledged so far.
The urban centres and entre pots of the Mughal empire were
immersed far more deeply in the circuit of monetary exchange. Here, the
concentration of the military -bureaucracy, mercantile classes and artisans
created a perma nent demand for food supplies, craft goods and services.
The transformation of foreign gold and silver into Mughal money was
done at the mint but it was largely mediated through an organized bullion
market dominated by the sarrafs who also acted as bullion merchants,
bankers and insurers. The Mughals did have an open coinage system and
yet there existed the practice of assigning fixed days to the merchant -
suppliers which often clashed with the timetable set up by them to make
investments in the hinterland m arkets and to keep commodities ready for
shipment during the right season. Apart from dealing in currency, the
sarrafs also organized commercial credit and their position as deposit
bankers and discounters of bills of exchange i .e.hundi, enabled them not
only to provide merchants with cash that they immediately required, but
also the facility to transfer funds from one place to another on payment of
a small commission.
In the first stage of development of the Mughal monetary system,
this moneta ry system symbolized a continuation of the billion -copper
regime of the late Delhi Sultans. Later, we find that the Mughal rulers did
adopt the trimetallic currency of Sher Shah but then it lacked the apparatus
as well as the resources to bring about a per manent change in the pattern
of economic exchange and usage of money. A massive surge in the
imports of Spanish -American silver and its distribution by the Portuguese
along with the political unification of trade routes that stretched from the
Levant to th e Indian Ocean, signalled a new era of international
commercial exchange. The coastal and caravan cities of the Mughal
empire had become the prime beneficiaries of these changes when the
political and commercial links between the entre pots and the hinterl and
were deepening and a new fiscal and monetary structure was evolving.
The monetary structure that emerged after around three decades of
intense administrative and market changes had set a benchmark in the
entire monetary history of the Mughal empire which meant that a uniform
and standardised currency system in place of the old regime of the billion -
copper. The domain of petty transactions was dominated by the use of
fractional pieces of silver rupee (anna) and the copper currencies. At the
level of exchange where the prices needed to be expressed in units lower
than the copper coin, metallic currency was supplemented by the cowrie
shells in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and bitter almonds in Gujarat. Imported
respectively from Iran and Maldives, the cowries and the bitter almonds
were more abundantly available at the coast but were in greater demand in
the hinterland. The movement of goods and the reciprocal flow of money
in the reverse direction was supported by an organised system of credit
within this Mughal monetary system. The money loans which were givenmunotes.in
Page 152
152to the commodity merchants were the most popular form of the finance
commerce. A standard way for merchants of the Mughal empire to
calculate profit and loss was to deduct the interest paid on t he loans from
the proceeds of commodity sales. The probable reason put forth for the
popularity of money -loans was the accessibility of a market that would be
free from theological restrictions, where the obligation for payment of
debts and bills was gover ned by customary laws enforced in local courts.
The demand for money and freedom to charge interest on the loans
provided a firm foundation to the business of money lending as well as
banking. In the commercial centres, the sarrafs took a leading position in
financing commodity trade by advancing short and long -term loans
depending on the seasons and of course, the circumstances of borrowing.
The network of loan transactions which brought together merchants,
moneylenders and intermediaries well described by the French traveller ,
Roques in the following terms:
“If a merchant, for example, is going to make a purchase at some
place, he will not undertake his journey empty -handed. He will either
carry or send some money or bill of exchange (hundi) to give the b roker
an advance for his purchases. The first, whose money is spent on
purchases, is his security for the broker to obtain more loans who would
be happy at the lack of money in order to deal with the saraf and conceal
his dishonest dealings under his wings . The saraf, seeing that the
merchandise has already been bought will happily lend him about as much
money as can be raised, the only condition being that the buyer can do
nothing to it unless he is satisfied….. Moreover, as the broker receives this
money in small amounts at a time and uses it in the same way, he accounts
to the saraf for the interest on a day by day basis and includes this interest
in the principal which he counts as running from the date of the first loan
that he took out”.
Roques’ account is a good illustration of the link between
commerce and credit and also of the role of the ‘sarrafs’ in financing
commodity trade. In big cities like Surat and Agra, the dominance of
sarrafs could be explained by the presence of the mint -and-bullion market,
which was the main centre of their business activities. In case of
townships and villages, even in big towns where the line that separated
commerce and money lending was thin, it was the mahajans andsahukars
who financed commercial an d consumption loans as well as offered
banking facilties to a diverse clientele. The Mahajan was basically a grain
merchant who also got engaged in lending money at interest on a regular
basis to peasants and the members of the upper rural strata. It was f or this
reason, that he was often classified differently from an ordinary merchant
in the contemporary documents. The petty mahajans are also portrayed in
our sources as modest pawnbrokers trafficking in the goods of insolvent
debtors. The mahajans combine d financial assistance to the agrarian
communities to raise crops or pay tax with loans advanced to mansabdars
against the tax yields.munotes.in
Page 153
153Check your Progress :
1)Comment on the monetary in circulation in medieval India.
14.4 BANKING SYSTEM IN MEDIEVAL INDIA
The expansion in commodity exchange and a concomitant rise in
the demand for money exerted pressure on the resources available for
credit. Given the complex nature of credit cycle and the diverse portfolios
of the Mughal moneylenders, it is difficult to determine the volume as
well as the composition of the various types of the capital flowing into his
coffer. An unknown and self -generating portion of this capital was indeed
made up of profit earned from interest and ploughed back into the reserve
funds. The capital which originated outside the money market also
constituted a regular source of running, money lending and banking
operations. The device that attracted the idle balances towards the sarrafs ,
mahajans andsahukars was deposit ban king. There were two essential
ways in which the Mughal bankers accepted cash deposits –hundi (short
term time deposits that were accepted against the bills of exchange) and
demand deposits taken from individuals, merchant class as well as state
officials . The classic description of direct deposit payable on demand
comes from Agra where the entire amount deposited by diverse creditors
was suddenly withdrawn probably, as a result of some immediate demand
for cash. The difference between rates paid on deposi ts and loans,
mentioned separately, constituted the profit of the bankers.
In addition to individual capital, the cash reserves of the state
were also put on deposit with the sarrafs. In 1623 when Prince Khurram
ordered “his treasure” to be transported to Mandu, the sarrafs of
Ahmedabad were asked to make the remittance that caused ‘the great
scarcity of money’ in the city. Had the ‘treasure’ already been in cash -
hoard and now put with the sarrafs for the transmission through the bills of
exchange to Man du, it should have caused a superfluity, not scarcity of
money at Ahmedabad. It appears that the ‘treasure’ had been previously
deposited with the sarrafs to be lent out by them at interest and now that it
had to be transferred to Mandu, the sarrafs at Ahm edabad were compelled
to recall their loans, thereby causing a scarcity of money available for
credit.
The Mahajans too accepted deposits from both merchants and state
officials and the re are numerous references of such transactions in the
news reports sent from Rajasthan. The Mughal revenue collectors, instead
of depositing cash with the treasury, often lent it out to the mahajans for
personal gain, a practice that had been deemed fraud ulent by the state. Inmunotes.in
Page 154
154one such incident, the three revenue officials i .e.amin, karori and
fotahdar were found falsifying the revenue records so as to earn interest
from the money held with the mahajans. These deposits combined with the
mahajan’s own capi tal, obtained through commodity trade, to finance their
banking operations.
The second important source of banking capital was short -term
time deposits which the sarrafs and the mahajans received by issuing a
bills of exchange ie hundi –the species of commercial papers in Mughal
India which functioned simultaneously as a mode of money transfer from
one place to another. To avoid the risks involved of transportation, the
merchants used to deposit the cash with a banker in exchange for a hundi.
It almost paralleled the travellers’ cheque of modern times if the deliverer
himself happened to be the payee and carried the hundi to the destination.
The English and the Dutch were two of the sever al merchant -groups
trading in India who remitted money through hundis in order to supply
capital to their areas of investments.
The remittance of the state’s resources to the central exchequer
and from the latter to the treasuries throughout the empire was also
affected through hundis drawn by the sarrafs. The hundis facilitated the
remittance of sums as small as Rs. 50 in the case of John of Julfa and as
big as Rs. 3 lakhs sent by the Governor of Patna to Agra or, in another
instance, sent by Akbar to the Deccan. However, though the sarrafs were
able to combine resources to handle the remittance of the large sums of
money, such efforts were limited and the state often had to arrange th e
transportation of its treasures to distant provinces under the armed escot. It
can be seen that the incoming streams of cash into the bankers’ books, one
from the investors in direct deposits and the other from merchants and
travellers through hundis wer e matched by an outflow of loans advanced
against debt contracts. In same way, as merchants advanced credit by
buying bankers’ bills to make cash remittances, the bankers too accepted
hundis drawn by credit -worthy clients. This was done out of two
consider ations. First, to offer short -term loans and transfer their own
funds. Second, which is more important to make payments on behalf of an
individual who already had an account with them. In this case, the flow of
credit was reversed from the one witnessed in the first type of hundi.
Instances of merchants drawing such hundis to obtain loans are too
numerous to be cited and though the preference for credit bills, which
required no prior capital holding and were redeemed usually after the sale
of commodities mu st have been greater among merchants, the two types of
hundis effectively performed the same function: the exchange of cash for
credit fromone person and place to another.
When this hundi bore the statement that promised payment of a
specified sum on demand to a person within or after a stipulated period of
time, the conversion of credit into cash was regulated by the details
mentioned therein. However, if the hundi was made payable to the bearer
then the conversion of credit into cash was free d from the time and space
constraint. The buyer could use this bill to either make payment, satisfymunotes.in
Page 155
155his debts or receive cash from the drawee. This form of credit, emerging
out of the negotiability of the bill, endowed it with a purely monetary
function an d contributed directly towards increasing the volume of money
in circulation. While the money deposited for the bill was lent out by the
banker, claims against it were used simultaneously to settle other
transactions.
The terms of negotiability of such hundis, protecting the rights of
the buyer in the event of non -payment, were brought up in a case in which
a renegade Mughal prince left some of his debt floating in the market.
Each hundi was bought and sold at a price known as the ‘exchange
rate’. The exchange rate was determined by a variety of factors, such as
usances of the bill and the demand for credit. But the significant factor
was the cash -balance position of the places involved in th e bill traffic. A
comparison of the rates current at Surat, Ahmedabad and Agra
demonstrated the monetary basis of the bills of exchange. The reason for
this was that Surat was an entry -point for foreign bullion and merchants
required remittances to be made for their inland investments. Agra, on the
other hand, was a primary market for commodities requiring ready money
for investments. Delivering money at Surat and collecting it in Agra,
therefore, meant that the merchants had to pay in the form of discount on
bills they had bought. Ahmedabad had lost its coveted position to Surat as
a market for bullion and a mint town and its supply of fresh currency had
gone down substantially in the seventeenth century. The bankers of
Ahmedabad were thus using the bill traffic to transport the money from
Surat and remit it to Agra and other towns on favourable terms.
With the demand for each type of bill guided principally by the
nature of commercial links, this meant the accumulation of money at one
end and its growing demand at the other end. In order to ensure a smooth
functioning of this kind of network, the bankers had to strike a balance
between the credit they received and the credit they gave at any one place
while issuing and discounting bills. As the network w as widespread, they
had to also keep a constant cash -flow in order to maintain an overall
balance. This was achieved partly by altering the exchange rates to induce
the merchants to buy or sell bills and partly by transporting the money
physically to their agencies through couriers, if at all it was in gold, or by
carts, if large quantities of silver were required to be delivered.
\
The inter -regional structure of the rates of interest divides t he
highly commercialised regions of the Mughal Empire into two groups –
Surat, Ahmadabad and Agra fall under one uniform group whereas Bengal
and Golconda constituted the latter. Yet, one needs to note that the rate of
interest in the second group was high er compared to the first one. A close
look at the movement of rates over time reveals two things that
immediately strike our attention: the long -term stability in the rates and a
fall some time towards the middle of the seventeenth century. In the
commerci al correspondence of the European merchants trading in Indiamunotes.in
Page 156
156we get many examples of money driving the course of interest rates in the
short run.
The money supply was the main determinant of the interest rate in
the face of fixed demand for credit. The o ther determinant was the
absolute demand for credit linked to the rate of profit. In the pre -industrial
economies, this meant buying cheap and selling dear and the greater the
rate of commercial profit was, the higher was the demand for credit and
the inte rest rate. Even during this period there have been lot of instances of
the merchants taking advantage of the opportunities created by short -term
fluctuations in the prices.
Thus, one realise s that both monetary and real factors were
operative in the market economy of the Mughal period and exercised a
dialectical influence over the cost of borrowing. In the long term, it was
the sustained dominance of one over the other which would have
determ ined the course of movement of the interest rates in the seventeenth
century. If we assume that the reason for the fall in interest rates was an
increase in money supply, regarding which we have substantial qualitative
as well as quantitative evidences, th is could have only come through an
increased accumulation of banking capital in the form of deposits as well
as profits generated from other portfolios.
The bankers exclusively handled the business of money -changing,
both local and foreign, and also held a near -monopoly of buying and
minting foreign bullion. This monopoly got strengthened especially in the
second half of the seventeenth century by the creation of a class of sarrafs
holdi ng exclusive rights for supplying bullion to the mint. In the
meantime, an expansion in the volume of the bill traffic ensured a
substantial increase in the absolute level of bankers’ profits. They also
sold marine and inland insurance and collected premiu ms and high interest
rates from respondentia loans for offering protection to goods and capital
in transit as well as to the credit transactions.
At the regional level, interest rates in Bengal remained higher than
those at Gujarat and Agra. If we accept that monetary factors lay behind
the movement of interest rates, one possible explanation could be the
lower level of money supply in Bengal vis -à-vis its demand relative to
Gujar at and Agra. The amount of bullion which made its way to Bengal by
direct foreign experts was comparatively smaller, and much of what it
received came from Delhi, Agra and Patna. But the specie which Bengal
received from these regions was partly held by th e bankers who issued
bills of exchange to transfer merchants’ funds. At the same time, there was
a reverse remittance of Bengal’s money to Agra, Delhi and Gujarat in the
form of the surplus revenue of the province and up -country remittances of
the Mughal n obles and non -resident merchants. Some of this money was
remitted from the hundis and some of it was transported physically.
Bengal’s economic and administrative relationship with the rest of the
empire, it would seem on balance that the pressure on Bengal ’s monetary
stock was greater than either Agra or Gujarat, and the situation that wasmunotes.in
Page 157
157described in an early eighteenth -century source may be considered as
typical of the provincial -monetary economy.
If these shortages in the capital were linked in any way to the
high rates of interest, then one can perhaps also explain the fall in the
second half of the seventeenth century. In this period, the influx of the
European bullion to Bengal had incr eased dramatically and there must
have been a simultaneous increase in the volume of commerce. The
benefit of the increase in trade was shared largely by the mercantile
classes, but more particularly by the money -changers and the bankers
whose profit rose substantially with the transaction in money and credit. If
this had been true for Bengal, which had developed money and credit
market, then the trend in its interest rates could be linked, without any
significant change in the credit structure, to the same broader movement
which influenced the market of Gujarat and Agra.
The case of Coromandel is interesting not only because it was a
different currency zone but also because the issue of tribute seems to have
had an opposite effect on the interest rates, b esides producing a dual
impact on the monetary system of Golconda. The rates on the Coromandel
coast and in Golconda in general were also high and there was a fall in the
1640s, a rise thereafter and the second fall in the 1670s. Golconda had a
gold-based monetary system and the limited quantity of silver that it
received from overseas commerce was mainly used to pay for goods
imported from the rupee areas of the Mughal empire.
In 1635, Shah Jahan led a campaign against the Deccan
kingdoms. The outcome of this was the establishment of a tributary
relationship between Golconda and the Mughal empire. The terms of the
treaty signed between the two states included, among the other things, the
payment of an annual tribute and striking of rupees in the name of the
Mughal emperor. By the 1660s, the need to remit the tribute in rupees and
the establishment of a silver mint at Golconda begun to encourage silver
circulation in the region. The introd uction of the rupee into the economy
of Golconda ha also proved beneficial to the silver importers who were
able not only to obtain the coins locally but also use it in payment for the
purchase of export goods. At the same time, the tribute also triggered a
triangular bimetallic traffic in bill and money between Golconda,
Aurangabad, the Mughal capital of the Deccan and Gujarat. The
Coromandel bankers lent huge sums in gold obtained from the state to the
European factors and received payments in silver at S urat which was
eventually transferred to Aurangabad to settle Golconda’s obligations.
This established a direct relationship between the supply of silver at Surat
and the volume of credit at Coromandel at the same time, the state of
Golconda to contain the expansion of a competing currency in its coastal
areas.
If the incorporation of Golconda’s monetary economy into the
larger network of silver movement commenced soon after 1635, it can
offer some explanation as to why interest rates were relatively higher inmunotes.in
Page 158
158the province before the 1640s and declined thereafter. The expansion in
silver circulation, both in Gujarat and Golconda, allowed the total money
supply to expand even when there was no substantial increase in the
absolute level of gold money.
On the basis of an analysis of the temporal and inter -regional
movement of interest rates, a case has been made out for a downward drift
in the cost of borrowing resulting from an expansion in money supply in
the seventeenth century Indian economy. The first case is illustrative of
the point that if the volume of credit and banking fluctuated within an
acceptable range following a cha nge in specie supply, it could not expand
beyond the permissible limit. The second case demonstrates the extent to
which the volume of both currency and credit was susceptible to the
increases and losses imposed by foreign trade. The two sets of evidence
that we have indicate that the paucity of money created an immediate
deflationary effect on commodity prices and a fall in sales and profits. At
the same time, the tightness of money was deepened by a contraction of
credit and the capital available to finan ce the commerce.
The seventeenth century brought considerable progress in the
techniques of transferring capital and making payments. The function of
credit instruments was to make the existing money to circulate more
efficiently and take its place when it was not physically present.
Moreover, the scope and size of banking activities was also defined by the
volume of the metallic money. When the circulation of money reached at a
point where it exceeded the demand for the commercial capital, the
interest r ates fell. The lowering of the cost credit greatly helped
commercial investment and further broadened the parameters of
monetized exchange.
Check your Progress :
1)Examine the banking system in medieval India.
14.6 SUMMARY
In this chapte r we discussed the monetary and banking system in
medieval India. Delhi sultanate and Mughals had a developed system of
metallic currency. The rulers were dotted with mints issuing coins of gold,
silver and copper. A Hundi is a financial instrument that de veloped in
medieval Indian banking system for use in trade and credit transactions.
There are also records of Indian bankers issueing of exchange on foreign
countries. Overtime, many changes took place in monetary and banking
system in medieval India. Busi ness organisation and practices also variedmunotes.in
Page 159
159with this changes over time and across regions. Banking system not only
benefited the manufactures or traders by facilitating trade but they also
helped those merchants with additional funds who were looking expa nsion
and development.
14.7ADDITIONAL READINGS
1)Goron, Stan and J.P. Goenka, The coins of Indian sultanates, New
Delhi, 2001.
2)Irgan Habib, The Agrarian system of Mughal India (1556 -1707),
Bombay, 1963.
3)Raychaudhari, T and Irfan Habib, eds. Th e Cambridge Economic
History of India, 1200 -1700 Vol. I. (UP. 1982)
4)Chaudhari, K.N. Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean. New
Delhi : Munshiram Manoharlal, 1985.
5)Chandra, S. Eassay on Medieval Indian History, New Delhi : OUP,
2003.
6)John F. Richards, ed. The Imperial System of Mughal India, Oxford
University Press, Delhi, 1987.
14.8QUESTIONS FOR SELF STUDY
1)Discuss the monetary system and its importance under the sultanate
period.
2)Give an account of monetary system prevalent under Mughal empire.
3)Examine the banking system in the Medieval India.
4)Explain the silver and copper coins minted during the period of the
Marathas.
munotes.in
Page 160
160M.A. HISTORY
Semester I Evaluation Pattern
Internal Evaluation (40) + Semester End Examination (60) = 100
The Internal Evaluation for the Master of Arts (M.A.) History Sem I and
Sem II (CBSGS) that is 40 Marks, shall be further distribute d as follows -
20 Marks for internal Written Test and 20 Marks for written Assignment.
The Internal Evaluation of 40 Marks will be conducted by the respective
Course Teachers.
Internal Evaluation -40 Marks
Internal Written Test 20
Written Assignment 20
Semester End Examination -60 Marks will be as follows, Time Duration
Two Hours. Question Paper Pattern for M.A. History Semester I End
Examination and Semester II End Examination.
N.B.
a) Attempt all questions
b) All questions carry equal marks
SEMESTER -I SEMESTER -II
Q.1 Based on Module I
ORBased on Module I
OR
Q.1 Based on Module I Based on Module I
Q.2 Based on Module II
ORBased on Module II
OR
Q.2 Based on Module II Based on Module II
Q.3 Based on Module III
ORBased on Module III
OR
Q.3 Based on Module III Based on Module III
Q.4 Based on Module IV
ORBased on Module IV
OR
Q.4 Based on Module IV Based on Module IV
munotes.in